CULTURE AND NONVERBAL BEHAVIOR

Defining Culture
Over the history of time, people have had to solve a host of distinct social
problems in order to adapt and thus achieve reproductive success, including
negotiating complex status hierarchies, forming successful work and social groups,
attracting mates, fighting off potential rivals of food and sexual partners, giving
birth and raising children, and battling nature (Buss, 1991, 21!" #niversal
biological imperatives are associated with a universal set of psychological problems
that people need to solve in order to survive$ thus, all individuals and groups of
individuals must create ways to deal with these universal problems" %he ways that
each group develops then become their culture"
&n my view, culture is the product of the interaction between universal
biological needs and functions, universal social problems created to address those
needs, and the contexts in which people live" 'ulture is created as people adapt to
their environments in order to survive, and it results from the process of
individuals( attempts to adapt to their contexts in addressing the universal social
problems and biological needs" )lthough many different definitions of culture exist
(e"g", Berry, *oortinga, +egall, , -asen, 1992$ .ahoda, 19/0$ 1roeber ,1luckholn,
1923$ 4inton, 1932$ 5ohner, 19/0$ %riandis, 1962!, & define culture as a shared
system of socially transmitted behavior that describes, defines, and guides peoples
ways of life, communicated from one generation to the next.
Authors Note: & thank 7ari8a -re9gic, -evon 7c'abe, and .oanna +chug for their aid in
conducting the literature review$ +eung :ee ;oo for her comments on a previous version of this
chapter$ and +anae <akagawa, )ndres Olide, and )kiko %erao for their aid in the functioning of
my laboratory"
Because people must deal with the same set of iolo!ical "eeds a"d fu"ctio"s a"d u"i#e$sal
social p$olems% it is #e$& possile a"d i" ma"& cases #e$& li'el& that the wa&s i" which the& a$e
add$essed a$e the same( That is% u"i#e$sal iolo!ical "eeds a"d social p$olems ca" lead to simila$
solutio"s ac$oss cultu$es% especiall& o#e$ time i" ou$ e#olutio"a$& histo$&( Thus% ma"& aspects of
ou$ me"tal p$ocesses a"d eha#io$s ca" e co"side$ed u"i#e$sal( )o$ e*ample% all huma"s appea$
to ha#e some de!$ee of specific fea$s% such as to s"a'es% spide$s% hei!hts% a"d da$'"ess% ecause
these t&pes of fea$s ha#e led i" ou$ e#olutio"a$& histo$& to !$eate$ p$oailit& of su$#i#al
+,eli!ma" - Ha!e$% ./012( As well% people ha#e a te"de"c& to pe$cei#e thei$ ow" i"!$oup as het3
e$o!e"eous% full& $eco!"i4i"! the i"di#idual diffe$e"ces that e*ist i" that !$oup% whe$eas the&
pe$cei#e othe$ !$oups as mo$e homo!e"eous% assumi"! less di#e$sit& withi" the !$oup +Li"#ille -
5o"es% ./678 T$ia"dis% 9cCus'e$% - Hui% .//72( :eople also seem to ha#e a "atu$al p$ocli#it& to
fea$s of st$a"!e$s a"d out!$oup meme$s% which ma& e a u"i#e$sal asis fo$ eth"oce"t$ism%
p$e;udice% a!!$essio"% a"d e#e" wa$ +Buss% 177.8 see also Do#idio - collea!ues% this #olume2(
Othe$ u"i#e$sal p$ocesses% such as i"cest a#oida"ce% facial e*p$essio"s of emotio"% di#isio" of
lao$ & se*% $e#e"!e a"d $etaliatio"% mate selectio" a"d se*ual ;ealous&% self3e"ha"ceme"t% a"d
pe$so"alit& ca" e t$aced to the co$e aspect of a u"i#e$sal huma" "atu$e ased o" iolo!ical
impe$ati#es a"d u"i#e$sal social p$olems of adaptatio" a"d li#i"!(
But ma"& me"tal a"d eha#io$al p$ocesses a$e also cultu$e3specific( Diffe$e"t cultu$es de#elop
diffe$e"t wa&s of deali"! with the iolo!ical impe$ati#es a"d u"i#e$sal social p$olems ased o"
thei$ co"te*ts( La"!ua!e is a" e*ample of a #e$& cultu$e3specific eha#io$( Each cultu$e has its
ow" la"!ua!e% with its ow" #ocaula$&% s&"ta*% !$amma$% pho"olo!&% a"d p$a!matics +Ba$"lu"d
- A$a'i% ./6<8 Ba$"lu"d - =oshio'a% .//78 Che"% .//<8 >ud&'u"st - 9od&% 177.8 ?im et al(%
.//@8 9i"ami - 9cCae% .//<8 Nomu$a - Ba$"lu"d% ./6A2( The "eed to ha#e la"!ua!e ma& e
a pa"cultu$al u"i#e$sal p$olem8 a"d ha#i"! a la"!ua!e ma& e a u"i#e$sal solutio" to this
p$olem( But the specific wa& i" which each cultu$e sol#es this p$olemBthat is% de#elops its
ow" la"!ua!eBis diffe$e"t i" e#e$& cultu$e(
The Role of Culture in the Nonverbal Communication Process
)s with verbal communication, culture influences nonverbal behaviors in profound ways"
By far the largest research literature on this topic is related to facial expressions of emotion,
which & review later in this chapter" &n this section, & highlight briefly the role of culture on other
types of nonverbal behaviors before turning to the larger discussion of culture and emotional
expressions"
Culture and Gestures.
%he study of culture and gestures has its roots in the study by -avid =fron (Boas , =fron, 1932$
=fron, 1901!, who examined the gestures of +icilian and 4ithuanian .ewish immigrants in <ew
;ork 'ity" =fron found that there were distinct gestures among traditional .ews and &talians but
that the traditional gestures disappeared as people were more assimilated into the larger )merican
culture" %his work was followed initially by that of =kman and his colleagues (=kman, 1962$
>riesen, =kman, , ?allbott, 1969!, who documented cultural differences in emblematic gestures
between .apanese, )mericans, and <ew @uineans" 7orris and his colleagues (7orris, 'ollett,
7arsh, , O(+haughnessy, 19/! have also well documented many cultural differences in
gestures" %he )merican )AO1 sign, for example, is an obscene gesture in many cultures of
=urope, having sexual implications"
*lacing both hands at the side of one(s head and pointing upward with the forefingers signals one
is angry in some cultures$ in others, however, it means that one wants sex"
Culture and Gaze.
5esearch on humans and nonhuman primates has shown that ga9e is associated with
dominance, power, or aggression (>ehr , =xline, 19/6! and affiliation and nurturance ()rgyle ,
'ook, 1962!" >ehr and =xline suggested that the affiliative aspects of ga9ing begin in infancy, as
infants attend to adults as their source of care and protection" 'ultures create rules concerning
ga9ing and visual attention, however, because both aggression and affiliation are behavioral
tendencies that are important for group stability and maintenance" 'rossAcultural research has
documented differences in these rules" )rabs, for example, have been found to ga9e much longer
and more directly at their partners than do )mericans (:all, 1923$ ?atson , @raves, 1922!"
?atson (196!, who classified 3 countries as either a BcontactC culture (those that facilitated
physical touch or contact during interaction! or a BnoncontactC culture, found that contact cultures
engaged in more ga9ing and had more direct orientations when interacting with others, less
interpersonal distance, and more touching" ?ithin the #nited +tates, there are also differences in
ga9e and visual behavior between different ethnic groups (=xline, .ones, , 7aciorowski, 1966$
4a>rance , 7ayo, 1962!"
Culture and Interpersonal Space.
:all (1922, 1963! specified four different levels of interpersonal space use depending on social
relationship typeD intimate, personal, social, and public" ?hereas people of all cultures seem to
make these distinctions, they differ in the spaces they attribute to them" )rab males, for example,
tend to sit closer to each other than )merican males, with more direct, confrontational types of
body orientations (?atson , @raves, 1922!" %hey also were found to use greater eye contact and
to speak in louder voices" )rabs, at least in the past, learned to interact with others at distances
close enough to feel the other person(s breath (:all, 1923!" >urthermore, 4atin )mericans tend to
interact more closely than do students of =uropean backgrounds (>orston , 4arson, 192/!, and
&ndonesians tend to sit closer than )ustralians (<oes8irwan, 1966, 196/!" &talians interact more
closely than either @ermans or )mericans (+huter, 1966!, and 'olombians were found to interact
at closer distances than did 'osta 5icans (+huter, 1962!"
Culture and Other Nonverbal Behaviors.
Other studies have documented cultural differences in other nonverbal behaviors as well, such as
in the semantic meanings attributed to body postures (1udoh , 7atsumoto, 19/E$ 7atsumoto ,
1udoh, 19/6! and vocal characteristics and hand and arm movements (Fri8 , ?inkel, 1991,
1992!" 'ollectively, the evidence provides more than ample support for the contention that culture
plays a large role in molding our nonverbal behaviors, which comprise an important part of the
communication process" %he largest research literature in the area of culture and nonverbal
behavior, however, concerns facial expressions of emotion" &n the next section, & review the most
relevant research in this area of study, illustrating the universal and cultureAspecific aspects of
both the encoding and decoding of facial expressions of emotion"
Culture and Facial Expressions of Emotion
THE UNIVES!"IT# O$ $!CI!" E%&ESSIONS
Guestions concerning the universality of facial expression find their roots in 'harles
-arwin(s work" -arwin(s thesis, summari9ed in The Expression of Emotion in an and Animals,
suggested that emotions and their expressions had evolved across species, were evolutionarily
adaptive, biologically innate, and universal across all human and even nonhuman primates"
)ccording to -arwin (1/62H199/!, humans, regardless of race or culture, possess the ability to
express emotions in exactly the same ways, primarily through their faces" Between the time of
-arwin(s original writing and the 192s, however, only seven studies attempted to test the
universality of facial expression" %hese studies were flawed methodologically in a number of
ways, so that uneIuivocal data speaking to the issue of the possible universality of emotional
expression did not emerge at that time (=kman, >riesen, , =llsworth, 1962!"
&t was not until the midA192s when psychologist +ylvan %omkins, a pioneer in modern
studies of human emotion, 8oined forces independently with *aul =kman and 'arroll &9ard to
conduct the first of what have become known today as the Buniversality studies"C %hese
researchers obtained 8udgments of faces thought to express emotions panculturally and
demonstrated that all cultures agreed on the emotions portrayed in the expressions, providing the
first evidence for their universality (=kman, 1962, 1963$ =kman , >riesen, 1961$ =kman,
+orenson, , >riesen, 1929$ &9ard, 1961!" 'ollectively, these findings demonstrated the existence
of six universal expressionsJanger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surpriseJas 8udges
from around the world agreed on what emotion was portrayed in the faces"
;et the 8udgment studies were not the only evidence that came to bear on the Iuestion of
emotion universality" +ome of the most important findings related to universality were from
=kman(s (1962! crossAcultural study of expressions that occurred spontaneously in reaction to
emotionAeliciting films" &n that study, )merican and .apanese participants viewed a neutral and
highly stressful film (comprised of four separate clips!, while their facial behaviors were recorded
throughout the entire experiment" =kman coded the last 3 minutes of facial behavior videotaped
during the neutral films and the entire 3 minutes of the last stress film clip" %he coding identified
facial muscle configurations associated with the six emotions mentioned previously$ all
corresponded to the facial expressions portrayed in the stimuli used in their 8udgment studies
(=kman, 1962$ =kman et al", 1929, 1962!" 5esearch following =kman(s original study described
above and using )merican, .apanese, @erman, 'anadian, and >rench participants has continued
to mount convincing evidence for the universality of facial expressions of emotion (see %able
12"1!" 'onsiderable evidence documenting and converging in their support of the
universality of facial expressions of emotion has come from studies with different
bases than those following =kman (1962!" >or instance, studies have shown that the
universal facial expressions of emotion occur in congenitally blind individuals
('harlesworth , 1reut9er, 1963!" 5esearch on nonhuman primates has also
demonstrated that the expressions that are universal to humans also occur in
animals, and that animals have many different yet stable signals of emotion
('hevalierA+kolnikoff, 1963$ @een, 1992$ :auser, 1993$ +nowdon, 23!"
4ikewise, the emotions portrayed in the universal facial expressions correspond to
emotion taxonomies in different languages around the world (5omney, Boyd,
7oore, Batchelder, , Bra9ill, 1992$ 5omney, 7oore, , 5usch, 1996$ +haver,
7urdaya, , >raley, 21$ +haver, ?u, , +chwart9, 1992!"
%here is also crossAcultural similarity in the physiological responses to emotion
when these facial expressions are used as markers, in both the autonomic nervous
system and brain activity (-avidson, 23$ =kman, 4evenson, , >riesen, 19/3$
4evenson, =kman, , >riesen, 199$ 4evenson, =kman, :eider, , >riesen, 1992$
%sai , 4evenson, 1996!" %his similarity exists in people of as widely divergent
cultures as the #nited +tates and the 7inangkabau of ?est +umatra, &ndonesia" &n
addition, there is universality in the antecedents that bring about emotion (+cherer,
1996a, 1996b!"
Table 12.1 ,tudies E*ami"i"! ,po"ta"eous )acial E*p$essio"s of Emotio"
Measurement Citation Participants Eliciting Stimuli System
Emotions
a
Rose"e$! - E'ma"% .//C
Ruch% .//<
Ruch% .//A
)$a"'% E'ma"% - )$iese"% .//A% ,tud& .
>osseli"% ?i$ouac% - Do$e%.//<% ,tud& .
E'ma"% 9atsumoto% - )$iese"% .//0
Be$e"aum - Oltma""s% .//1
Ell!$i"!% ./6@
Helle$ - Ha&"al% .//C
?elt"e$% 9offitt% - ,touthame$3Loee$% .//< Ame$ica" u"i#e$sit& stude"ts
>e$ma" u"i#e$sit& stude"ts
>e$ma" u"i#e$sit& stude"ts
Ame$ica" u"i#e$sit& stude"ts
Acto$s f$om the Co"se$#ato$& of D$amatic A$ts i" Dueec
Dep$essed i"patie"ts
>e$ma" schi4oph$e"ic a"d
ps&chosomatic patie"ts% a"d
health& co"t$ols
>e$ma" dep$essed
patie"ts
)$e"ch dep$essed
patie"ts
Ame$ica" adolesce"ts with
eha#io$ p$olems Videos
selected fo$ thei$ ailit& to
elicit p$ima$il& dis!ust a"d
seco"da$il& fea$
,lides of ;o'es a"d ca$too"s
,lides of ;o'es a"d ca$too"s
)ilms desi!"ed to elicit #a$ious
emotio"s
Acto$s we$e as'ed to i"te$p$et 1
of 1C sce"a$ios desi!"ed to
elicit happi"ess% fea$% a"!e$%
su$p$ise% sad"ess% a"d dis!ust
I"ta'e a"d discha$!e
i"te$#iews
E"!a!i"! i" a political
co"#e$satio" with a pa$t"e$ the&
had "e#e$ met efo$e
I"te$#iews
I"te$#iews with the patie"tEs
ps&chiat$ists
Admi"ist$atio" of the
FI,C3R )AC,
)AC,
)AC,
)AC,
)AC,
)AC, a"d E9)AC,
E9)AC,
)AC,
)AC, a"d E9)AC,
E9)AC, Dis!ust% sad"ess% fea$% happi"ess% co"tempt% a"d a"!e$
Happi"ess
Happi"ess
Happi"ess
Happi"ess% fea$% a"!e$% su$p$ise% sad"ess% a"d dis!ust
Happi"ess% co"tempt% a"!e$% dis!ust% fea$% a"d sad"ess
Co"tempt% dis!ust% a"!e$% sad"ess% fea$% su$p$ise% a"d happi"ess
Happi"ess
Co"tempt
A"!e$% fea$% a"d sad"ess
(Continued)
Table 12.1 +Co"ti"ued2
Citation Participants Eliciting
Stimuli
Ches"e& et
al(%
Ame$ica" ,t$uctu$ed
.//7 sala$ied i"te$#iew
emplo&ees i" desi!"ed to
ma"a!e$ial assess T&pe A
positio"s at a" eha#io$
ae$ospace fi$m
Cam$as%
Oste$%
Ame$ica" a"d A$m $est$ai"t that
Campos% 5apa"ese i"fa"ts p$oduces dist$ess
9i&a'e% -
B$adshaw%
.//1
NOTEG )AC,% )acial actio" codi"! s&stem8 E9)AC,% emotio" facial actio" codi"! s&stem8 5AC)EE% 5apa"ese a"d Caucasia" facial e*p$essio"s
of emotio"s8 FI,C3R% Feschle$ I"telli!e"ce ,cale fo$ Child$e"BRe#ised(
a( Co$$espo"di"! to facial muscle co"fi!u$atio"s coded i" the face that match those i" 5AC)EE(
CU"TU!" 'I$$EENCES IN E%&ESSING E(OTION)
CU"TU!" 'IS&"!# U"ES
-espite the existence of universal facial expressions of emotion, people around the world
do express emotions differently" %he first evidence for cultural differences in expression was
>riesen(s (1962! study, in which the spontaneous expressions of )mericans and .apanese were
examined as they viewed highly stressful films in two conditions, first alone and then a second
time in the presence of an older, male experimenter" &n the first condition, the )merican and
.apanese participants were similar in their expressions of disgust, sadness, fear, and anger$ in the
second condition, however, cultural differences emerged" ?hereas the )mericans continued to
express their negative emotions, the .apanese were more likely to smile"
Other researchers have also examined cultural differences in emotional expression
()rgyle, :enderson, Bond, &i9uka, , 'ontarello, 19/2$ =delmann et al", 19/6$ @udykunst ,
<ishida, 19/0$ @udykunst , %ingA%oomey, 19//$ <oes8irwan, 196/$ ?axer, 19/E!" ) recent
study from my laboratory extended =kman and >riesen(s (=kman, 1962$ >riesen, 1962! original
findings" &n this study (7atsumoto , 1upperbusch, 21!, =uropean )merican females were
classified as either individualistic or collectivistic based on their responses to an individual
difference measure (7atsumoto, ?eissman, *reston, Brown, , 1upperbusch, 1996! and were
then videotaped unobtrusively as they watched films designed to elicit positive and negative emoA
tion, first alone and then in the presence of an experimenter" %hey selfArated their emotional
responses to both films in both conditions, and samples of their emotional expressions were
8udged by a separate group of decoders"
Both individualists and collectivists experienced the films as intended, and there was no
difference in their expressions when they were alone" ?ith the experimenter, however, the
collectivists attenuated their negative expressions and more often masked them with smiles" %his
finding is the same that =kman and >riesen (=kman, 1962$ >riesen, 1962! reported previously,
and the remarkable thing about this study is that the entire sample was of =uropean )merican
females who were classified based solely on their responses to a Iuestionnaire assessing
individualism and collectivism" %he collectivists also attenuated their expressions of positive
emotion when in the presence of the experimenter (=kman and >riesen(s studies did not test
positive emotions!$ thus, the effects of culture on expression were not limited to negative
emotions"
=kman and >riesen (1929! coined the term cultural display rules to account for cultural
differences in facial expressions of emotion" %hese are rules learned early in childhood that help
individuals manage and modify their emotional expressions depending on social circumstances"
=kman and >riesen used the concept to explain the )mericanK.apanese cultural differences in
expression they observed, suggesting that in the first condition of their experiment there was no
reason for display rules to modify expressions because the participants were alone and their
display rules were inoperative$ in the second condition display rules dictated that the .apanese
mask their negative emotions in the presence of the experimenter (=kman, 1962$ >riesen, 1962!"
)fter the original inception and documentation of display rules, published crossAcultural research
was dormant until 7atsumoto(s (199! study examining display rules in )mericans and .apanese"
*articipants saw faces portraying seven emotions and rated the appropriateness of each in eight
social situations involving people of varying intimacy and status" )mericans rated negative
emotions more appropriately than did the .apanese in ingroups, whereas the .apanese rated negaA
tive emotions more appropriately than )mericans in outgroups$ the .apanese also rated negative
emotions more appropriately than )mericans toward lower status individuals" 7atsumoto (1993!
used the same methodology to document differences in display rules among four ethnic groups
within the #nited +tates"
?hen the concept of display rules was proposed originally as a mechanism of expression
management, =kman and >riesen (1929, 196E! noted six ways in which expressions may be
managed when emotion is aroused" Of course, individuals can express emotions as they feel them
with no modification" But individuals can also amplify (exaggerate! or deamplify (minimi9e!
their expressions$ for instance, feelings of sadness may be intensified (amplification! at funerals
or minimi9ed (deamplification! at weddings" *eople can mask or conceal their emotions by
expressing something other than what they feel, as when nurses or physicians hide their emotions
when speaking with patients with terminal illness, or when employees in service industries (e"g",
flight attendants! interact with customers" &ndividuals may also learn to neutrali9e their
expressions, expressing nothing, such as when playing poker (poker face! and to Iualify their
feelings by expressing emotions in combination, such as when feelings of sadness are mixed with
a smile, with the smile commenting on the sadness, saying B&(ll be O1"C )ll these behavioral
responses have been found to occur when spontaneous expressive behaviors have been studied
('ole, 19/2$ =kman , 5osenberg, 199/!"
5ecently, my colleagues and & created the -isplay 5ule )ssessment &nventory (-5)&!, in
which participants choose a behavioral response when they experience different emotions in
different social situations (7atsumoto, %akeuchi, )ndayani, 1ou9netsova, , 1rupp, 199/$
7atsumoto, 'hoi, :irayama, -omae, , ;amaguchi, 2E!" %he emotions were those that previA
ous research has shown to be universally expressed and recogni9edD anger, contempt, disgust,
fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise$ these were selected because universality served as a basis
by which to examine display rules initially and by which comparisons across cultures would be
meaningful" %o build internal consistency, a synonym for each emotion label was also included in
the initial -5)&Jhostility, defiance, aversion, worry, 8oy, gloom, and shock, respectivelyJ
resulting in a total of 10 emotions terms" *articipants are asked to consider what they would do if
they felt each emotion in four social situationsD with family members, close friends, colleagues,
and strangers" %hese categories were chosen because they represent a broad range of social
categories within which people interact, and because previous research has demonstrated
considerable variability in cultural values and attitudes across these social situations (Brewer ,
1ramer, 19/E$ %a8fel, 19/2!"
&n our first study using the -5)& (7atsumoto, %akeuchi, )ndayani, 1ou9netsova, ,
1rupp, 199/!, participants from the #nited +tates, .apan, +outh 1orea, and 5ussia completed the
-5)& along with an individualAlevel measure of individualismAcollectivism" Our results showed
that 5ussians exerted the highest control over their expressions, followed by +outh 1oreans and
.apanese$ )mericans had the lowest scores" +ignificant sex differences were also found, with
females exerting more control on anger, contempt, disgust, and across all emotions when with
family members, and males exerting more control on fear and surprise"
Our most recent study involving the -5)& (7atsumoto, ;oo, :irayama, , *etrova, 2E!
provided evidence for its internal and temporal reliability and for its content, convergent (with
measures of emotion regulation!, discriminant (correlations with personality controlling for emoA
tion regulation!, external, and concurrent predictive validity (with personality!" %he findings also
indicated that expression regulation occurs in the various ways discussed earlier, and not on a
simple expressionAsuppression dimension" )dditionally, there were consistent and predictable
cultural differences among )merican, 5ussian, and .apanese participants" >or instance,
)mericans and 5ussians both expressed anger and contempt more than .apanese" )mericans
expressed fear and disgust more than 5ussians, and )mericans expressed happiness more than did
5ussians and .apanese" %he .apanese participants deAamplified more than both the )mericans and
the 5ussians" )mericans amplified more than 5ussians on sadness and disgust, whereas .apanese
amplified surprise and fear more than 5ussians" .apanese Iualified sadness more than 5ussians,
but the 5ussians Iualified their happiness more than both .apanese and )mericans"
CU"TU!" IN$"UENCES ON *U'G(ENTS O$ E(OTION
)s discussed earlier, studies examining 8udgments of facial expressions were instrumental in
the original universality studies and have been replicated by many authors, and =lfenbein and
)mbady(s (22! metaanalysis of 8udgment studies of emotion (not limited to facial expressions!
demonstrated convincingly that people around the world recogni9e emotions at levels well above
chance accuracy" 5esearch of the last decade and a half has demonstrated that people of different
cultures are similar in other aspects of emotion 8udgment as well" >or example, there is
pancultural similarity in 8udgments of relative intensity among faces$ that is, when comparing
expressions, people of different countries agree on which is more strongly expressed (=kman et
al", 19/6$ 7atsumoto , =kman, 19/9!" %here is also evidence of pancultural agreement in the
association between perceived expression intensity and inferences about sub8ective experiences
(7atsumoto, 1asri, , 1ooken, 1999!" *eople of different cultures have also been found to agree
on the secondary emotions portrayed in an expression (Biehl et al", 1996$ =kman et al", 19/6$
7atsumoto , =kman, 19/9!, suggesting pancultural agreement in the multiple meanings derived
from universal faces" %his agreement may exist because of overlap in the semantics of the
emotion categories, antecedents and elicitors of emotion, or in the facial configurations
themselves"
%here are many cultural differences in emotion 8udgments as well" )lthough people of all cultures
recogni9e the universal faces at levels well beyond chance, they differ on the absolute level of
recognition (Biehl et al", 1996$ =lfenbein , )mbady, 22$ 7atsumoto, 19/9, 1992$ 7atsumoto
et al", 22!" &n an attempt to explain why cultures differ in emotion recognition rates, 7atsumoto
(19/9! compiled recognition accuracy data from 1E cultures reported in four studies, and
correlated them with :ofstede(s (19/! four cultural dimensions" &ndividualism was positively
correlated with recognition rates of negative emotions" )n independent metaAanalysis by
+chimmack (1992! also indicated that individualism predicted emotion recognition levels" %hese
findings may be related to the fact that individualism is also correlated positively with emotional
expression (7atsumoto , 1oopmann, 20!" &ndividualistic cultures may foster the free and
open expression of emotion, thereby promoting the more accurate 8udgment of emotion as well"
.ust as cultures have display rules that govern the management of emotional expression, they may
have Bcultural decoding rulesC that help manage the 8udgments of emotions in others"
%here are cultural differences in 8udgments of the intensity of expressions as well" =kman et
al"(s (19/6! study of 1 countries was the first to document such differences, with )sians rating
emotions at lower intensity than nonA)sians" )lthough this finding has been replicated a number
of times (Biehl et al", 1996$ 7atsumoto, 199, 1993!, more recent research indicated that the
cultural differences differ depending on whether observers rate the external display or the
presumed internal experience" 7atsumoto et al" (1999! tested this idea by comparing )merican
and .apanese 8udgments on both types of ratings and found that )mericans rated external display
more intensely than the .apanese, but that the .apanese rated internal experience more intensely
than )mericans" ?ithinAcountry analyses indicated no significant differences between the two
ratings for the .apanese$ the )mericans, however, rated external displays more intensely than they
rated sub8ective experience"
%hese findings were extended by 7atsumoto and colleagues (22! by having )merican and
.apanese observers rate expressions expressed at L, EL, 1L, and 12EL intensities" %he data
for the 1L and 12EL expressions replicated the previous findingsD )mericans rated external
display significantly higher than internal experience, whereas there were no differences for the
.apanese" )lso, there were no differences between external and internal ratings for either
)mericans or .apanese on L expressions, which were expected" On EL expressions, however,
the findings were intriguing" ?hereas there was no difference between external and internal
ratings for the )mericans, the .apanese rated internal experience higher than external display" ?e
interpreted these findings as suggesting that for weaker expressions, .apanese may assume that a
display rule is operating, and may thus infer more emotion being felt than is actually displayed"
?hen )mericans see a weak expression, however, there need not be any such assumption$ thus,
they interpret the same amount of emotion felt as expressed" >or strong expressions, .apanese
may assume that the context was such that the expression was 8ustified$ thus, they infer a level of
emotion felt that is commensurate with what is shown" ?hen )mericans see a strong expression,
however, they know that there is a display rule to exaggerate one(s feelings$ thus, they
compensate for this display rule by inferring less emotion felt"
One limitation of all the studies cited in this section was that, although the findings were
interpreted as occurring as a function of cultural display rules, none actually measured display
rules and linked them to the 8udgments" ) recent study from our laboratory, however, has closed
this loop" &n this study, )merican and .apanese participants completed the -5)& and viewed a
series of facial expressions of emotion portrayed at high and low intensities (7atsumoto, 'hoi, et
al", 2E!" %hey made three 8udgments for each faceD a categorical 8udgment of which emotion
was portrayed, and intensity ratings of the strength of the external display and the presumed
sub8ective experience of the expressor" )merican and .apanese 8udges thought that the expressors
of high intensity expressions displayed the emotions more strongly than they felt them" ?hen
8udging the low intensity expressions, )mericans and .apanese also rated the expressor(s internal
experience higher than they did the external display, but the effect was significantly larger for the
.apanese" )ll these differences were mediated by display rules as assessed by the -5)&,
suggesting that one(s own rules for expression management influences one(s 8udgments of expresA
sion management in others"
! &OSSIB"E INGOU& !'V!NT!GE IN ECOGNI+ING E(OTIONS,
One type of cultural difference in 8udgment that has recently received attention concerns the
possibility of an ingroup advantage in emotion recognition (=lfenbein , )mbady, 22!" %his is
defined as the tendency for members of a cultural group to be more accurate in recogni!ing the
emotions of members of their own cultural group than of other, relatively more disparate groups.
)lthough previous research testing this hypothesis (Boucher , 'arlson, 19/$ 1ilbride ,
;arc9ower, 19/3$ 7arkham , ?ang, 1992! provided mixed results, =lfenbein and her colleagues
have recently reported a number of studies in support of it (=lfenbein , )mbady, 22, 23a,
23b$ =lfenbein, 7andal, )mbady, , :ari9uka, 22!"
=lsewhere, & have suggested that studies must meet two methodological reIuirements to test
the ingroup hypothesis adeIuately (7atsumoto, 22!" >irst, studies should employ balanced
designs in which all 8udge cultures view expressions portrayed by members of all the other culA
tures in the study" +econd, because balanced studies include stimuli expressed by people of
multiple cultures, it is necessary to ensure that the stimuli are eIuivalent across the cultural
groups in terms of their physical signaling properties related to emotion" @iven both of these
concerns, 7atsumoto (22! concluded that =lfenbein and )mbady(s (22! original metaA
analysis could not support the ingroup hypothesis because they did not review the studies as to
whether or not they met these two reIuirements"
?hen balanced studies are examined as to whether or not they employed stimuli that were
eIuivalent in their physical signaling properties or not, the data are clearD )ll the studies reported
by =lfenbein and colleagues to date supporting the ingroup hypothesis have used stimuli that
were not eIuivalent across the cultural groups (=lfenbein , )mbady, 23a, 23b$ =lfenbein et
al", 22$ =lfenbein, 7andal, )mbady, :ari9uka, , 1umar, 20!" >urthermore, a close
examination of the balanced studies they reviewed in %able 0 of their original metaAanalysis
(=lfenbein , )mbady, 22! shows that only five studies provide evidence that the physical
signaling properties of the expressions used as stimuli were eIuivalent across the expressor
ethnicities ()lbas, 7c'luskey, , )lbas, 1962$ 1ilbride , ;arc9ower, 19/3$ 7c'luskey, )lbas,
<iemi, 'uevas, , >errer, 196E$ 7c'luskey , )lbas, 19/1$ 7ehta, ?ard, , +trongman, 1992!"
>our of these were associated with nonsignificant interaction "s that test the ingroup effect" %wo
involved studies of facial expressions (1ilbride , ;arc9ower, 19/3$ 7ehta et al", 1992!, and both
these involved facial action coding system (>)'+! coding of the facial muscles in the
expressions" %he >)'+ codes were eIuivalent but not exactly the same across the expressor
ethnicities as they are in the .apanese and 'aucasian facial expressions of emotion (.)'>==!,
thus allowing for minor cultural differences in the expressions to exist (perhaps, corresponding to
=lfenbein and )mbady(s, 22, 23a$ =lfenbein et al", 22, Bemotion dialectsC!"
?hen balanced studies employ expressions that are eIuivalent in their physical signaling
properties (the .)'>==!, there is no support for the ingroup hypothesis (7atsumoto, 22$
7atsumoto , 'hoi, 20!" %his is the case whether the expressions being 8udged are fullAface,
high intensity expressions, or low intensity expressions where signal clarity is weaker
(7atsumoto , 'hoi, 20!" >uture studies will need to isolate differences in expressions across
encoder cultures while holding constant nonmorphological features of the face that may
contribute to emotion signaling" %here are many aspects of the face that may contribute to
emotion signaling, including facial physiognomy, cosmetics, and hairstyle, in addition to the
actual expressions themselves (=kman, 1969$ 7atsumoto , 'hoi, 20!" 5esearch is yet to test
the possible contributory roles of these aspects of the face to emotion signaling, which is a
possible rich source of information in the future"
Conclusion
&n considering cultural influences on nonverbal behavior, it is first important t
orecogni9e the universal bases of those behaviors, and to reali9e that culture(s influence on
nonverbal behaviors occurs above and beyond the universal bases of those behaviors that we are
all born with" ?ith regard to emotion communication, we all start with the same base of
universal, pancultural expressions" ?e learn rules about how to modify and manage these expresA
sions based on social circumstance (cultural display rules!, and we learn rules about how to
manage our 8udgments of them (cultural decoding rules!" ?hereas we all recogni9e universal
emotions at levels well beyond chance, there are cultural influences on the absolute levels of
recognition accuracy and on 8udgments of external intensity and internal sub8ective experience"
7ost of our knowledge concerning culture and nonverbal behaviors comes from studies of
facial expressions of emotion" %he few crossAcultural studies on other nonverbal behaviors that do
exist suggest considerable cultural differences in these" ;et there may be universal aspects to
these other nonverbal behaviors that research has 8ust not yet uncovered" =xamples include the
raising of one or both arms in achievement or clapping as a sign of approval" >uture research will
not only continue to unravel the influence of culture on facial expressions but will also need to
delve into these other possibilities for other nonverbal behaviors"
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