Motivation Dornyei

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Motivation in second and foreign language learning
Zoltn Drnyei
Language Teaching / Volume 31 / Issue 03 / July 1998, pp 117 - 135
DOI: 10.1017/S026144480001315X, Published online: 12 June 2009
Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S026144480001315X
How to cite this article:
Zoltn Drnyei (1998). Motivation in second and foreign language learning. Language Teaching, 31, pp 117-135
doi:10.1017/S026144480001315X
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Survey article
Zoltan Dornyei Thames Valley University, London
Introduction
Motivation has been widely accepted by both teach-
ers and researchers as one of the key factors that influ-
ence the rate and success of second/foreign language
(L2) learning. Motivation provides the primary impe-
tus to initiate learning the L2 and later the driving
force to sustain the long and often tedious learning
process; indeed, all the other factors involved in L2
acquisition presuppose motivation to some extent.
Without sufficient motivation, even individuals with
the most remarkable abilities cannot accomplish
long-term goals, and neither are appropriate curricula
and good teaching enough on their own to ensure
student achievement. On the other hand, high moti-
vation can make up for considerable deficiencies both
in one's language aptitude and learning conditions. In
their seminal work, Gardner and Lambert (1972)
emphasise that, although language aptitude accounts
for a considerable proportion of individual variability
in language learning achievement, motivational fac-
tors can override the aptitude effect. In certain lan-
guage environments, as Gardner and Lambert point
out, where the social setting demands it (e.g. when
the LI is a local vernacular and the L2 is the national
language), many people seem to master an L2, regard-
less of their aptitude differences.
Because of the central importance attached to it
by practitioners and researchers alike, L2 motivation
has been the target of a great deal of research during
the past decades. Until the 1990s this research had
been largely dominated by a social psychological
approach inspired by the influential work of Robert
Gardner, Wallace Lambert, Richard Clement and
their Canadian associates (notably Peter Maclntyre
and Kim Noels) (for reviews, see Gardner, 1985;
Gardner & Clement, 1990; Gardner & Maclntyre,
1993a).The 1990s brought a marked shift in thought
on L2 motivation as a number of researchers in vari-
ous parts of the world attempted to reopen the
Zoltan Dornyei is a Research Fellow at the School of
English Language Education, Thames Valley University,
London. Until recently he was Associate Professor of
Applied Linguistics at Eotvos University, Budapest, where
he was also Director of Studies of the Language Pedagogy
PhD programme. He has published widely on various
aspects of second language acquisition and teaching, and he
is also the co-author of three language teaching resource
books and a research monograph on classroom dynamics.
research agenda in order to shed new light on the
subject.This renewed interest has lead to a flourish of
both empirical research and theorising on motiva-
tion; while this is a welcome phenomenon, the
broadening of the theoretical scope has also led to
the adoption of a range of new scientific terms and
concepts (often taken over from mainstream motiva-
tional psychology) without sufficient discussion of
their interrelationship, thus giving L2 motivation an
aura of eclecticism and confusion.
In view of these new developments there appears
to be a need for taking stock of what we have and
where we are going in motivation research. In 1993,
Language Teaching published a comprehensive review
article on L2 motivation by Robert Gardner and
Peter Maclntyre, but the considerable recent devel-
opments warrant a follow-up to this summary.
The current paper takes up the review of L2 motiva-
tion research where Gardner and Maclntyre (1993a)
left off, by focusing on three issues that seem to be
central to understanding the present situation: (1)
What is motivation? (2) What are the current moti-
vational paradigms? Where have they 'come from'?
And how do they relate to the established results in
L2 motivation research? (3) What are the educational
implications of L2 motivation research?
A general assumption underlying this overview is
the belief that L2 motivation is a complex, multi-
faceted construct, and that the diverse approaches
highlight different aspects of this complexity. Thus,
they do not necessarily conflict, but rather can
enrich our understandingboth from a theoretical
and a practical point of view-provided they are
properly integrated.
1. What is motivation?
Although 'motivation' is a term frequently used in
both educational and research contexts, it is rather
surprising how little agreement there is in the litera-
ture with regard to the exact meaning of this con-
cept. Researchers seem to agree that motivation is
responsible for determining human behaviour by
energising it and giving it direction, but the great
variety of accounts put forward in the literature of
how this happens may surprise even the seasoned
researcher. This diversity is, of course, no accident; as
Dornyei (1996a) points out, motivation theories in
general seek to explain no less than the fundamental
question of why humans behave as they do, and
therefore it would be naive to assume any simple and
Lang.Teach. 31,117-135. Printed in the United Kingdom 1998 Cambridge University Press 117
straightforward answer; indeed, every different psy-
chological perspective on human behaviour is associ-
ated with a different theory of motivation and, thus,
in general psychology it is not the lack but rather the
abundance of motivation theories which confuses
the scene.
Furthermore, motivation to learn an L2 presents a
particularly complex and unique situation even
within motivational psychology, due to the multifac-
eted nature and roles of language itself. Language is
at the same time: (a) a communication coding system that
can be taught as a school subject; (b) an integral part of
the individual's identity involved in almost all mental
activities; and also (c) the most important channel of
social organisation embedded in the culture of the
community where it is used. Therefore, the motiva-
tional basis of language attainment is not directly
comparable to that of the mastery of other subject
matters in that knowing an L2 also involves the
development of some sort of 'L2 identity' and the
incorporation of elements from the L2 culture (cf.
Gardner, 1985); thus, in addition to the environmen-
tal and cognitive factors normally associated with
learning in current educational psychology, L2 moti-
vation also contains featured personality and social
dimensions.
In sum, L2 motivation is necessarily a multi-
faceted construct, and describing its nature and its
core features requires particular care. Unfortunately,
it is common to find a limited or superficial repre-
sentation of motivation in the L2 literature, for
example, when the results of a few questionnaire
items are equated with 'motivation'. It also happens
that researchers take the concept of motivation for
granted and refer to it without specifying in what
sense they use the term: as affect? cognition? moti-
vated behaviour? a personality trait? some kind of a
process? mental energy? inner force or power? attitu-
dinal complex? set of beliefs? stimulus appraisal?
behavioural response to stimuli? directional choice?
abstraction? latent, aggregated concept? or simply the
score of motivation tests? Because there simply does
not exist an absolute, straightforward and unequivo-
cal concept of'motivation', the current overview will
start with the discussion of the basic issue of what
motivation is, looking at various conceptualisations
in mainstream psychology.
Motivation as a process
In a recent comprehensive volume on motivation in
education, Pintrich and Schunk (1996) draw atten-
tion to a fundamental shift that has occurred in the
field of motivation during the last two decades,
namely the increasing tendency of motivational psy-
chologists to incorporate cognitive concepts and
variables in their theories. As Pintrich and Schunk
(1996: v) conclude,'Explanations of behaviour have
moved away from stimuli and reinforcement contin-
118
gencies and instead emphasise learners' constructive
interpretations of events and the role that their
beliefs, cognitions, affects, and values play in achieve-
ment situations'. Motivation is no longer seen as a
reflection of certain inner forces such as instincts,
volition, will, and psychical energy; neither is it
viewed in strictly behavioural terms as a function of
stimuli and reinforcement. Rather, current cognitive
approaches place the focus on the individual's
thoughts and beliefs (and recently also emotions) that
are transformed into action. Thus, in Pintrich and
Schunk's view, motivation involves various mental
processes that lead to the initiation and maintenance
of action; as they define it, 'Motivation is the process
whereby goal-directed activity is instigated and sus-
tained' (1996: 4). From this process-oriented per-
spective, the main disagreements in motivation
research concern what mental processes are involved
in motivation, how these operate and affect learning
and achievement, and by what means they can be
enhanced and sustained at an optimal level.
Although this process-oriented view of motiva-
tion is convincing in many respects, we must note
that it is at odds with the traditional usage of 'motiva-
tion' in everyday parlance, where 'motivation' is usu-
ally understood as a fairly static mental or emotional
state (e.g. 'his motivation was so strong that nothing
could discourage him'), or as a goal ('my main moti-
vation to become a doctor is to be able to help peo-
ple') but not as a process. Drawing on action control
theory (e.g. Heckhausen, 1991; Kuhl, 1987, 1992),
Dornyei (1998) attempted to achieve a synthesis of
the static and dynamic conceptions of motivation by
defining it as a 'process whereby a certain amount of
instigation force arises, initiates action, and persists as
long as no other force comes into play to weaken it
and thereby terminate action, or until the planned
outcome has been reached'.
Conceptualisations of motivation in
mainstream psychological research
In earlier papers (Dornyei, 1994a, 1994b), I have
argued that in psychology there have been two dis-
tinct traditions of explaining human behaviour:
motivational psychologists tended to look for the
motors of human behaviour in the individual rather
than in the social being, focusing primarily on inter-
nal factors (e.g. drive, arousal, cognitive self-
appraisal); in contrast, social psychologists tended to
see action as the function of the social context and
the interpersonal/intergroup relational patterns, as
measured by means of the individual's social atti-
tudes. The relevant literature in both areas is exten-
sive and therefore the current overview will need to
be restricted to what I consider to be the most
important current conceptualisations. First I will
briefly cover the most influential social psychological
approach, the theory of reasoned action and its exten-
sion, the theory of planned behaviour, then describe
three important approaches in motivational psychol-
ogy: expectancy-value theories, goal theories, and self-
determination theory. It needs to be noted at this point
that during the last few years the gap between social
psychological and motivational psychological
approaches to understanding human behaviour has
decreased as a growing number of motivational stud-
ies have tried to incorporate a social dimension (see,
for example, Green, 1995; Maehr & Pintrich, 1995;
Urdan & Maehr, 1995;Weiner, 1994); this tendency
is in line with the recent growth of the more general
field of'social cognition', in which cognitive con-
cepts are integrated into traditional social psycholog-
ical models.
Ajzen's theories on the directive influence of
attitudes on behaviour
In social psychology a key tenet is the assumption
that attitudes exert a directive influence on behav-
iour since someone's attitude towards a target influ-
ences the overall pattern of the person's responses to
the target. Two theories in particular detailing how
this process takes place have become well-known,
the theory of reasoned action by Ajzen and Fishbein
(1980) and its extension, the theory of planned behav-
iour, put forward by Ajzen (1988). According to the
first, the chief determinant of action is a person's
intention to perform the particular behaviour, which
is a function of two basic factors, the 'attitude
towards the behaviour' and the 'subjective norm',
the latter referring to the person's perception of the
social pressures put on him/her to perform the
behaviour in question. If there is a conflict between
the two determinants, the relative importance of atti-
tudinal and normative considerations determines the
final intention. The theory of planned behaviour
extends this model by adding a further modifying
component to it, 'perceived behavioural control',
which refers to the perceived ease or difficulty
of performing the behaviour (e.g. perceptions of
required resources and potential impediments or
obstacles). Behavioural performance can then be pre-
dicted from people's intentions to perform the
behaviour in question and from their perceptions of
control over the behaviour. In situations where a
person has complete control over behaviour, inten-
tion alone is sufficient to explain action, as described
by the theory of reasoned action (for a review of
empirical studies testing these models, see Ajzen,
1996; for a good critique, see Eagly & Chaiken,
1993).
Expectancy-value theories
In motivational psychology the most influential con-
ceptualisations during the last four decades have
tended to adopt an expectancy-value framework,
beginning with Atkinson's classic achievement moti-
vation theory (e.g. Atkinson & Raynor, 1974) and
subsequently further developed in various guises by a
number of researchers (for a review, see Pintrich &
Schunk, 1996; Wigfidd, 1994). According to the
main principles of expectancy-value theories, moti-
vation to perform various tasks is the product of two
key factors: the individual's expectancy of success in a
given task and the value the individual attaches to
success in that task. The greater the perceived likeli-
hood of goal-attainment and the greater the incen-
tive value of the goal, the higher the degree of the
individual's positive motivation. Conversely, it is
unlikely that effort will be invested in a task if either
factor is missing, that is, if the individual is convinced
that he/she cannot succeed no matter how hard
he/she tries or if the task does not lead to valued
outcomes. Underlying expectancy-value theories-
similarly to most cognitive theoriesis the belief that
humans are innately active learners with an inborn
curiosity and an urge to get to know their environ-
ment and meet challenges, and therefore the main
issue in expectancy-value theories is not what moti-
vates learners but rather what directs and shapes their
inherent motivation.
Expectancy of success
How does an individual develop his/her expectancy
for success^ Researchers emphasise various different
factors that form the individual's cognitive processes;
from an educational point of view, the most impor-
tant aspects include processing past experiences
{attribution theory), judging one's own abilities and
competence {self-efficacy theory), and attempting to
maintain one's self-esteem {self-worth theory).
Attributional processes are one of the most important
influences on the formation of students' expectan-
cies, and their investigation was the dominant model
in research on student motivation in the 1980s. The
guiding principle in attribution theory is the
assumption that the way humans explain their own
past successes and failures will significantly affect
their future achievement behaviour. For example,
failure that is ascribed to stable and uncontrollable
factors such as low ability decreases the expectation
of future success more than failure that is ascribed to
controllable factors such as effort (Weiner, 1979).
Self-efficacy theory refers to people's judgement of
their capabilities to carry out certain specific tasks,
and, accordingly, their sense of efficacy will deter-
mine their choice of the activities attempted, as well
as the level of their aspirations, the amount of effort
exerted, and the persistence displayed. As Bandura
(1993) summarises, people with a low sense of self-
efficacy in a given domain perceive difficult tasks as
personal threats; they dwell on their own personal
deficiencies and the obstacles they encounter rather
than concentrating on how to perform the task
119
successfully. Consequently, they easily lose faith in
their capabilities and are likely to give up. In contrast,
a strong sense of self-efficacy enhances people's
achievement behaviour by helping them to approach
threatening situations with confidence, to maintain a
task- rather than self-diagnostic focus during task-
involvement, and to heighten and sustain effort in
the face of failure. It is important to note that self-
efficacy beliefs are only indirecdy related to actual
competence and abilities as they are the product of a
complex process of self-persuasion that is based on
cognitive processing of diverse sources (e.g. other
people's opinions, feedback, evaluation, encourage-
ment or reinforcement; past experiences and train-
ing; observing peers; information about appropriate
task strategies).
According to Covington's (1992) self-worth theory
of achievement motivation, the highest human pri-
ority is the need for self-acceptance and therefore 'in
reality, the dynamics of school achievement largely
reflect attempts to aggrandise and protect self-
perceptions of ability' (Covington & Roberts, 1994:
161). It follows from this that the basic need for
self-worth generates a number of unique patterns of
motivational beliefs and behaviours in school set-
tings. For example, in the case of successes, individu-
als may play down or hide the amount of effort they
have invested in a task in order to make others think
that they simply have high ability. A common face-
saving strategy is to strive for unattainable goals that
literally invite failure, but ' "failure with honour"
because so few others can be expected to succeed
against these odds' (Covington, 1992:74).Alternatively,
students may engage in self-handicapping patterns of
behaviour, such as putting off preparation for an
exam until the last minute: if they then underachieve
in the exam, they have a self-protecting excuse
(lack of time rather than ability), whereas successful
test-performance underlies their high ability.
Value
The second component of expectancy-value theo-
ries, value, has been labelled in a number of ways by
various psychologists: valence, incentive value, attain-
ment value, task value, achievement task value, etc. As
Eccles and Wigfield (1995) point out, until recently
most theorists using the expectancy-value model
have focused on the expectancy component, while
paying little attention to defining or measuring the
value component. In an attempt to fill this hiatus,
Eccles and Wigfield have developed a comprehensive
model of task values, defining them in terms of four
components: attainment value (or importance), intrinsic
value (or interest), extrinsic utility value, and cost.
The first three value types are attracting character-
istics, making up the positive valence of the task.
Attainment value refers to the subjective importance
of doing well on a task with reference to one's basic
120
personal values and needs. Intrinsic interest value is
the enjoyment or pleasure that task engagement
brings about, whereas extrinsic utility value refers to
the usefulness of the task in reaching future goals.
The fourth value type, cost, constitutes the negative
valence of a task, involving factors such as expended
effort and time, and emotional costs (e.g. anxiety, fear
of failure). The overall achievement value of a task,
then, will be made up of the interplay of these four
components, and this value is believed to determine
the strength or intensity of the behaviour.
Goal theories
A great deal of early research on general human
motivation focused on basic human needs, the most
important such paradigm being Maslow's (1970)
hierarchy of needs, which distinguished five classes of
needs: physiological, safety, love, esteem, and self-
actualisation. In current research the concept of a
'need' has been replaced by the more specific con-
struct of a 'goal', which is seen as the 'engine' to fire
the action and provide the direction in which to act.
Thus, in goal theories the cognitive perceptions of
goal properties are seen as the basis of motivational
processes. During the past decade two goal-theories
have become particularly influential, goal-setting
theory and^oa/ orientation theory.
Locke and Latham's goal-setting theory (e.g. Locke,
1996; Locke & Latham, 1994) asserts that human
action is caused by purpose, and for action to take
place, goals have to be set and pursued by choice.
There are two particularly important areas where
goals may differ, the degree of their specificity and
difficulty. Locke and Kristof (1996) report on meta-
analyses of over 400 studies, which show unambigu-
ously that goals that are both specific and difficult
lead to higher performance than do vague goals or
goals that are specific but easy. Another important
attribute of goals is their 'intensity', and goal com-
mitment in particular. Goal-setting theory is com-
patible with expectancy-value theories in that
commitment is seen to be enhanced when people
believe that achieving the goal is possible (cf.
expectancy) and important (cf. task values).
There are four mechanisms by which goals affect
performance: (a) they direct attention and effort
towards goal-relevant activities at the expense of
actions that are not relevant; (b) they regulate effort
expenditure in that people adjust their effort to the
difficulty level required by the task; (c) they encour-
age persistence until the goal is accomplished; (d)
they promote the search for relevant action plans or
task strategies. It is important to note that goals are
not only outcomes to shoot for but also standards by
which to evaluate one's performance. Thus, in the
case of long-lasting, continuous activities such as lan-
guage learning where there is only a rather distal goal
of task completion (i.e. mastering the L2), the setting
of proximal subgoals (e.g. taking tests, passing exams,
satisfying learning contracts) may have a powerful
motivating function in that they mark progress and
provide immediate incentive and feedback. Attainable
subgoals can also serve as an important vehicle in the
development of the students' self-efficacy.
Goal orientation theory was specifically developed to
explain children's learning and performance in
school settings. Currently it is probably the most
active area of research on student motivation in class-
rooms (Pintrich & Schunk, 1996). As Ames (1992)
summarises, the theory highlights two contrasting
achievement goal constructs, or orientations, that
students can adopt towards their academic work:
they can follow a mastery orientation and pursue mas-
tery goals (also labelled as task-involvement or learn-
ing goals) with the focus on learning the content; or
they can follow a performance orientation in pursuit of
performance goals (or ego-involvement goals) with
the focus on demonstrating ability, getting good
grades, or outdoing other students.Thus, mastery and
performance goals represent different success criteria
and different reasons for engaging in achievement
activity. Central to a mastery goal is the belief that
effort will lead to success and the emphasis is on
one's own improvement and growth. In contrast, a
performance orientation views learning only as a
way to achieve a goal and the accompanying public
recognition. Ames argues that mastery goals are su-
perior to performance goals in that they are associated
with a preference for challenging work, an intrinsic
interest in learning activities, and positive attitudes
towards learning.
Self-determination theory
One of the most general and well-known distinctions
in motivation theories is that of intrinsic versus extrinsic
motivation-as Vallerand (1997) reports, the paradigm
has been explored in over 800 publications to date.
The first type of motivation deals with behaviour
performed for its own sake, in order to experience
pleasure and satisfaction such as the joy of doing a
particular activity or satisfying one's curiosity. The
second involves performing a behaviour as a means to
an end, that is, to receive some extrinsic reward (e.g.
good grades) or to avoid punishment.
Although intrinsic motivation has typically been
seen as a unidimensional construct,Vallerand and his
colleagues (see Vallerand, 1997) have recently posited
the existence of three subtypes: intrinsic motivation
(a) to learn (engaging in an activity for the pleasure
and satisfaction of understanding something new, sat-
isfying one's curiosity and exploring the world); (b)
towards achievement (engaging in an activity for the
satisfaction of surpassing oneself, coping with chal-
lenges and accomplishing or creating something);
and (c) to experience stimulation (engaging in an activi-
ty to experience pleasant sensations).
Extrinsic motivation has traditionally been seen as
something that can undermine intrinsic motivation;
several studies have confirmed that students will lose
their natural intrinsic interest in an activity if they
have to do it to meet some extrinsic requirement (as
is often the case with compulsory reading at school).
However, research has shown that under certain cir-
cumstances-if they are sufficiently self-determined and
internalised-extrinsic rewards can be combined with,
or can even lead to, intrinsic motivation. The self-
determination theory was introduced by Deci and
Ryan (1985) as an elaboration of the intrinsic/,
extrinsic paradigm. According to Deci and Ryan, the
need for autonomy is an innate human need, referring
to the desire to be self-initiating and self-regulating of
one's actions. Therefore self-determination, that is,
engaging in an activity 'with a full sense of wanting,
choosing, and personal endorsement' (Deci, 1992:
44), is seen as a prerequisite for any behaviour to be
intrinsically rewarding. This view is shared by many
other researchers, and Paris and Turner's (1994) asser-
tion well expresses the current Zeitgeist: 'The essence
of motivated action is the ability to choose among
alternative courses of action, or at least, to choose to
expend varying degrees of effort for a particular pur-
pose'(1994:222).
In the light of self-determination theory, extrinsic
motivation is no longer regarded as an antagonistic
counterpart of intrinsic motivation but has been
divided into four types along a continuum between
self-determined and controlled forms of motivation
(Deci, Vallerand, Pelletier & Ryan, 1991). External
ht2.psregulation refers to the least self-determined
form of extrinsic motivation, coming entirely from
external sources such as rewards or threats (e.g.
teacher's praise or parental confrontation). Introjected
regulation involves externally imposed rules that the
student accepts as norms he/she should follow in
order not to feel guilty. Identified regulation occurs
when the person engages in an activity because
he/she highly values and identifies with the behav-
iour, and sees its usefulness.The most developmental-
ly advanced form of extrinsic motivation is integrated
regulation, which involves choiceful behaviour that is
fully assimilated with the individual's other values,
needs and identity (e.g. people deciding to learn a
language which is necessary for them to be able to
pursue their hobbies or interests).
2. Motivation to learn a second/foreign
language
Having surveyed the most influential mainstream psy-
chological constructs of motivation, let us now turn to
research focusing on motivation to learn second/
foreign languages. Judging by the numerous articles
that have come out in the 1990s, we may conclude
that this decade has brought about a revival of inter-
est in L2 motivation. A significant proportion of the
121
published works are characterised by some sort of
'paradigm seeking', that is, making attempts to
extend the scope of existing motivational constructs
by either setting up or importing new paradigms in
the hope of better explaining the particular contexts
analysed. Some of these studies also contain compre-
hensive reviews of the literature with the explicit
purpose of surveying the available constructs in vari-
ous branches of psychology in order to be able to
select the most adequate paradigms for describing L2
motivation (e.g. Crookes & Schmidt, 1991; Dornyei,
1994a; Fotos, 1994; Oxford & Shearin, 1994, 1996;
Schmidt, Boraie and Kassabgy, 1996; Skehan, 1989,
1991; Williams & Burden, 1993, 1997). A second
group of studies are less concerned with motivation
per se but rather are descriptive in nature, examining
the learners' motivational patterns in a given socio-
cultural or educational environment. The following
overview will begin by summarising the first group,
that is, the theoretical contributions (models and
approaches) to conceptualising L2 motivation.
Robert Gardner's social psychological approach
As mentioned in the introduction, the original
impetus in L2 motivation research came from social
psychology. This is understandable since learning the
language of another community simply cannot be
separated from the learners' social dispositions
towards the speech community in question. The
starting point in Gardner's theory is, therefore,
that 'students' attitudes towards the specific language
group are bound to influence how successful
they will be in incorporating aspects of that lan-
guage' (Gardner, 1985: 6). This means that, unlike
several other school subjects, a foreign language
is not a socially neutral field. In Williams's words
(1994:77):
There is no question that learning a foreign language is differ-
ent to learning other subjects.This is mainly because of the social
nature of such a venture. Language, after all, belongs to a person's
whole social being: it is part of one's identity, and is used to
convey this identity to other people. The learning of a foreign
language involves far more than simply learning skills, or a sys-
tem of rules, or a grammar; it involves an alteration in self-image,
the adoption of new social and cultural behaviours and ways of
being, and therefore has a significant impact on the social nature
of the learner.
We must not forget that most nations in the world
are multicultural and that the majority of people in
the world speak at least one second language, which
underscores the importance of the social dimension
of L2 motivation.
Gardner (1985: 10) defines L2 motivation as 'the
extent to which an individual works or strives to
learn the language because of a desire to do so and
the satisfaction experienced in this activity'; more
specifically, motivation is conceptualised to subsume
three components, motivational intensity, desire to learn
122
the language, and an attitude towards the act of learning
the language. Thus, according to Gardner's theory,
'motivation' refers to a kind of central mental
'engine' or 'energy-centre' that subsumes effort,
want/will (cognition), and task-enjoyment (affect).
Gardner argues that these three components belong
together because the truly motivated individual dis-
plays all three; as he contends,'My feeling is that such
a mixture is necessary to adequately capture what is
meant by motivation' (Gardner, 1995: 100), and 'it is
the total configuration that will eventuate in second
language achievement' (Gardner, 1985:169).
One particular strength of Gardner's theory is that
it has originated from, and was extensively tested by
empirical research, and, indeed, one can clearly feel
the assessment-oriented nature of his conceptualisa-
tion. In line with the saying 'The proof of the pud-
ding is in the eating', the proof of motivation is in
displaying it in action-hence the importance of the
'desire' measure, which directly taps into the individ-
ual's wish to perform the action; and, even more
directly, the 'motivational intensity' measure that
explicitly focuses on motivated behaviour.
At first sight, the attitude component may seem
out of place because task-enjoyment is not always
associated with strong motivation (i.e. we can be
committed to carrying something out whilst gritting
our teeth; note, however, that Gardner, 1985, talks
only about the "truly motivated individual' display-
ing all three motivational components, and someone
gritting his/her teeth may not qualify for this). The
rationale for including this attitude component,
however, does not necessarily lie in the 'pleasure'
aspect; rather, I see it as a reflection of the social psy-
chological foundation of Gardner's approach. As
described above, social psychologists assume a direc-
tive influence of attitudes on behaviour, and, as Ajzen
and Fishbein (1977) argue, the more direct the cor-
respondence between the attitudinal and behavioural
targets, the higher the correlation between attitude
and action. In other words, attitudes correlate most
strongly with behaviour 'when they are assessed at
the same level of generality and specificity as the
behavioural criterion' (Ajzen, 1996: 385), that is,
when we assess attitudes towards something which is
in close relationship with the behaviour we are inter-
ested in (e.g. attitude towards blood donation and the
actual act of donating blood). This means that we can
expect the highest assessment accuracy when the
attitudinal target is the action itself, in our case, lan-
guage learning. Indeed, Gardner's attitude compo-
nent focuses on the very 'act of learning the
language', thus ensuring high predictive capacity.
The motivation 'engine' made up of effort, will
and attitude can be switched on by a number of
motivational stimuli such as a test to be taken or an
involving instructional task, but Gardner (1985:169)
states that 'the source of the motivating impetus is
relatively unimportant provided that motivation is
aroused'. We need to comprehend this basic tenet of
Gardner's theory in order to understand his objec-
tion to the common misinterpretation of his theory
as merely consisting of a dichotomy of integrative
and instrumental motivation. 'Motivation' in
Gardner's theory does not contain any integrative or
instrumental elements. There does exist an integra-
tive/instrumental dichotomy in Gardner's model but
this is at the orientation (i.e. goal) level, and as such, is
not part of the core motivation component; rather,
the two orientations function merely as motivational
antecedents that help to arouse motivation and direct
it towards a set of goals, either with a strong interper-
sonal quality (integrative) or a strong practical quality
(instrumental).
Gardner's motivation theory has three particularly
well developed areas: (a) the construct of the integra-
tive motive; (b) the Attitude /Motivation Test Battery
(AMTB), which, apart from being a frequently used
standardised instrument with well documented psy-
chometric properties, also offers a comprehensive list
of motivational factors that have been found to affect
learning achievement significantly in past empirical
studies (including classroom-specific factors such as
the appraisal of the teacher and the course); and (c)
the socio-educational model, which is a general learning
model that integrates motivation as a cornerstone.
These were all described in detail in the 1993 prede-
cessor of this paper (Gardner & Maclntyre, 1993a)
and will therefore not be discussed here. There is,
however, one issue that should be addressed, namely
the common misconception that Gardners theory
concerns only the social dimension of L2 motiva-
tion. While the emphasis of this dimension is certain-
ly a featured element in Gardner's approach, he and
his associates have carried out extensive empirical
research on a number of motivational determinants
not tied to the social milieu, such as pedagogical fac-
tors (e.g. the effects of the classroom environment,
instructional techniques and attitudes towards the
language teacher and course), language anxiety and
parental influence (for reviews, see Gardner, 1985;
Gardner & Maclntyre, 1993a). Furthermore, the
importance attached to the learning situation in
Gardner's model is underscored by the fact that
the 'Attitudes towards the Learning Situation' are
seen as one of the key constituents of the integrative
motive.
For further analyses of the integrative/instrumental
dichotomy and discussions of the integrative motive,
see Dornyei (1994a, 1994b), Gardner (1996),
Gardner and Maclntyre (1991), and Gardner and
Tremblay (1994a, 1994b). For a detailed statistical
analysis of the construct and predictive validity of the
AMTB, see Gardner and Maclntyre (1993b). For a
recent study investigating an extended version of the
socio-educational model (also including variables
such as learning strategy use and field indepen-
dence), see Gardner, Tremblay and Masgoret (1997)
and Gardner (1996). For an interesting study adapt-
ing the socio-educational model to the study of
statistics, see Lalonde and Gardner (1993).
Richard CI6ment's concept of linguistic self-
confidence
Although no real expectancy-value model has been
proposed in L2 motivation research, several compo-
nents of the expectancy-value theory have been
incorporated into L2 constructs (e.g. attributions by
Dornyei, 1990, and Skehan, 1989; self-efficacy by
Ehrman, 1996; attributions and valence by Tremblay
& Gardner, 1995). Over the last two decades,
Richard Clement and his colleagues have conducted
a series of empirical studies examining the interrela-
tionship between social contextual variables (includ-
ing ethnolinguistic vitality), attitudinal/motivational
factors, self-confidence and L2 acquisition/accultur-
ation processes (Clement, 1980; Clement, Dornyei &
Noels, 1994; Clement, Gardner & Smythe, 1977;
Clement & Kruidenier, 1985; Labrie and Clement,
1986; Noels & Clement, 1996; Noels, Pon &
Clement, 1996). These are, from our perspective,
particularly important in that the linguistic self-confi-
dence construct they conceptualised bears many simi-
larities to self-efficacy theory discussed above.
Self-confidence in general refers to the belief that
a person has the ability to produce results, accom-
plish goals or perform tasks competently. It appears
to be akin to self-efficacy, but is used in a more gen-
eral sense (i.e. self-efficacy is always task-specific).
Linguistic self-confidence was first introduced in the
L2 literature by Clement et al. (1977), and can be
described as 'self-perceptions of communicative
competence and concomitant low levels of anxiety
in using the second language' (Noels et al. 1996:248).
The concept was originally used to describe a pow-
erful mediating process in multi-ethnic settings that
affects a person's motivation to learn and use the lan-
guage of the other speech community. Clement and
his associates provided evidence that, in contexts
where different language communities live together,
the quality and quantity of the contact between the
members will be a major motivational factor, deter-
mining future desire for intercultural communica-
tion and the extent of identification with the L2
group. Thus, linguistic self-confidence in Clement's
view is primarily a socially defined construct
(although it also has a cognitive component, the
perceived L2 proficiency). Recently, Clement et al.
(1994) have extended the applicability of the
self-confidence construct by showing that it is also a
significant motivational subsystem in foreign lan-
guage learning situations, in which there is little
direct contact with members of the L2 community
but considerable indirect contact with the L2 culture
through the media, for example, as is the case with
world languages such as English.
123
Self-determination theory in L2 research
Because of the widespread influence of Deci and
Ryan's (1985) theory on intrinsic/extrinsic motiva-
tion and self-determination in mainstream psycholo-
gy, several attempts have been made in L2 research to
incorporate some of the elements of the theory in
order to better understand L2 motivation. Douglas
Brown (1981,1990,1994) has been one of the main
proponents of emphasising the importance of intrin-
sic motivation in the L2 classroom. He argues that
traditional school settings cultivate extrinsic motiva-
tion, which, over the long haul, 'focuses students too
exclusively on the material or monetary rewards of
an education rather than instilling an appreciation for
creativity and for satisfying some of the more basic
drives for knowledge and exploration' (Brown, 1994:
40). In contrast,'an intrinsically oriented school can
begin to transfer itself into a more positive, affirming
environment [...] The result: an appreciation of love,
intimacy, and respect for the wisdom of age' (Brown,
1994: 41). The same book also offers a number of
strategies on how to achieve such an optimal state.
Another aspect of self-determination theory that
has been applied to the L2 field has been the empha-
sis on fostering learner autonomy in L2 classrooms in
order to increase the learners' motivation. This
emphasis is relatively new; however, a number of
recent reviews and discussions (e.g. Benson &Voller,
1997; Dickinson, 1995; Ehrman & Dornyei, 1998;
Ushioda, 1996b) provide evidence that L2 motiva-
tion and learner autonomy go hand in hand, that is,
'enhanced motivation is conditional on learners
taking responsibility for their own learning [...] and
perceiving that their learning successes and failures
are to be attributed to their own efforts and strategies
rather than to factors outside their control'
(Dickinson, 1995:173-4).These self-regulatory con-
ditions are characteristics of learner autonomy, and
thus, as Ushioda (1996b: 2) explicitly states,
'Autonomous language learners are by definition
motivated learners'.
The most explicit treatment of self-determination
theory in L2 contexts has been offered recently by
Kim Noels and her colleagues. Noels, Pelletier,
Clement and Vallerand (1997) argue that the self-
determination paradigm offers several advantages
over other motivational paradigms available in L2
research. First, it provides a comprehensive frame-
work within which a large number of L2 learning
orientations can be organised systematically. This is
an important point, particularly in the light of
reports that highlight the diversity of different goals
learners might pursue when learning an L2 (e.g.
Clement & Kruidenier, 1983; Coleman, 1995;
Oxford & Shearin, 1996). The self-determination
paradigm, as Noels et al. (1997) argue, is also useful in
that by offering a continuum of self-determination
along which the motives lie 'it suggests a process by
124
which motivational orientation may change'. By
applying various statistical procedures, the authors
also provided empirical evidence that the motiva-
tional complex of language learners could be validly
described using the intrinsic/extrinsic subtypes.
In a second study, Noels, Clement and Pelletier (in
press) examined the relationship between students'
intrinsic/extrinsic motivation and their language
teachers' communicative style, and found empirical
evidence for several meaningful links, for example,
that a democratic (autonomy-supporting) teaching
style fosters intrinsic motivation.
The 'educational' shift of the 1990s
Part of the revival of interest in L2 motivation in the
1990s was prompted by a large number of studies
that attempted to reopen the research agenda with a
'new wave' educational focus (e.g. Brown, 1990,
1994; Clement, Dornyei & Noels, 1994; Crookes &
Schmidt, 1991; Dornyei, 1994a, 1994b; Julkunen,
1989, 1993; Oxford & Shearin, 1994; Skehan, 1989,
1991; Ushioda, 1994, 1996a; Williams, 1994). This
new movement cannot be specifically tied to any
particular school or scholars because, as the above list
shows, a number of researchers in different parts of
the world appeared to come up with similar ideas at
around the same time. The most influential pioneer-
ing article in this vein is usually considered to be
Crookes and Schmidt (1991), and a good summary
of the various positions is provided by the 'Modern
Language Journal debate' (Dornyei, 1994a, 1994b;
Gardner & Tremblay, 1994a, 1994b; Oxford, 1994;
Oxford & Shearin, 1994).The reform papers shared
three underlying themes:
(a) There was a conscious effort to complement
the social psychological approach with a number of
concepts that were seen as central to mainstream
psychology but had not received significant attention
in L2 research. These attempts have sometimes been
seen as a 'counterreaction' to Gardner's work but, in
fact, a closer reading of the articles in question reveals
that none of the authors rejected the relevance of the
social dimension of L2 motivation. The general claim
was that in certain educational contexts this dimen-
sion may not be the only important one and may not
even be the most important one-a claim that does
not contradict Gardner's theory since the 'attitudes
towards the learning environment' (and towards the
teacher and the course in particular) have always
been regarded as a principal factor in Gardner's
approach and have been conceptualised as a key con-
stituent of the integrative motive (see before).
(b) Researchers were trying to conceptualise
motivation in such a way that it would have explana-
tory power with regard to specific language learning
tasks and behaviours and not just broad, whole-
community-level social tendencies. Thus, attempts
were made to conceptualise situation- or task-specific
motivation (for reviews, see Julkunen's 1989 pio-
neering study, and Dornyei's 1996a overview of the
emergence of a situation-specific focus in L2 moti-
vation research; for a theoretical discussion, see
Tremblay, Goldberg & Gardner's 1995 analysis of
trait vs. state motivation).We have seen that the focus
in Gardner's model has not been on elaborating on
the range of possible motivational antecedents but on
determining whether motivation has been aroused
and specifying the learning consequences of this
arousal. As a reaction to Gardner's conclusion that the
source of motivation is relatively unimportant pro-
vided motivation is aroused, Oxford and Shearin
(1994: 15) summarise well the rationale behind the
new approach:
While this conclusion might be true for researchers, quite
possibly the source of motivation is very important in a practical
sense to teachers who want to stimulate students' motivation.
Without knowing where the roots of motivation lie, how can
teachers water those roots?
(c) Related to the above point, the reform articles
expressed an explicit call for a more pragmatic,
education-centred approach to motivation research
which would be more relevant for classroom applica-
tion. The main focus shifted from social attitudes to
looking at classroom reality, and identifying and
analysing classroom-specific motives. As Crookes and
Schmidt (1991: 502) concluded in their article: 'In
brief, we seek to encourage a program of research
that will develop from, and be congruent with the
concept of motivation that teachers are convinced is
critical for SL [second language] success'.
Dornyei's (1994a) extended framework
In order to examine motivation in a context where
the social dimension might be less featured, Clement
et al. (1994) examined Hungarian EFL learners who
studied English in a school context without any sub-
stantial contact with members of the L2 community.
The analysis of the data pointed to the existence of a
tripartite motivation construct amongst these learn-
ers, consisting of integrativeness, linguistic self-confidence,
and the appraisal of the classroom environment. The
emergence of the first two components was not
unexpected and confirmed the validity of earlier
research findings also in a foreign language context.
The third, the classroom-specific component-which
subsumed the evaluation of the teacher and the
course (in a similar way to the AMTB) and also
included a novel element, the evaluation of the learn-
er group in terms of its cohesiveness-corresponded to
the 'attitudes towards the learning situation factor' in
Gardner's (1985) integrative motive construct, and
also provided empirical support for the validity of the
'pedagogical extension' of motivation research.
Taking the above tripartite framework as a basis,
the author developed a more general framework of
Table 1. Components of foreign language learning
motivation (Dornyei, 1994a: 280)
Language Level
Learner Level
Learning Situation Level
Course-Specific
Motivational Components
Teacher-Specific
Motivational Components
Integrative Motivational Subsystem
Instrumental Motivational Subsystem
Need for Achievement
Self-Confidence
* Language Use Anxiety
* Perceived L2 Competence
* Causal Attributions
* Self-Efficacy
Interest
Relevance
Expectancy
Satisfaction
Affiliative Motive
Authority Type
Direct Socialisation of Motivation
* Modelling
*Task Presentation
* Feedback
Group-Specific Goal-orientedness
Motivational Components Norm & Reward System
Group Cohesion
Classroom Goal Structure
L2 motivation (Dornyei, 1994a) that attempted to
synthesise various lines of research by offering an
extensive list of motivational components cate-
gorised into three main dimensions, the Language
Level, the Learner Level, and the Learning Situation
Level (see Table 1).
The most elaborate part of the framework is the
learning situation level, which is associated with situ-
ation-specific motives rooted in various aspects of
language learning in a classroom setting. Course-
specific motivational components are related to the syl-
labus, the teaching materials, the teaching method
and the learning tasks, and can be well described
within the framework of four motivational condi-
tions proposed by Keller (1983) and subsequently by
Crookes and Schmidt (1991): intrinsic interest; the rele-
vance of the instruction to the learner's personal
needs, values, or goals; expectancy of success; and
satisfaction in the outcome of an activity and the asso-
ciated intrinsic and extrinsic rewards. Teacher-
specific motivational components concern the teacher's
behaviour, personality and teaching style, and include
the affiliative motive to please the teacher, authority
type (authoritarian or democratic teaching style),
and direct socialisation of student motivation (modelling,
task presentation, and feedback). Finally, group-specific
motivational components are related to the group
dynamics of the learner group (for an overview, see
Dornyei and Malderez, 1997, in press; Ehrman and
Dornyei, 1998) and include goal-orientedness, the norm
and reward system and classroom goal structure (competi-
tive, cooperative or individualistic).
A detailed framework of this type is useful in
125
Table 2. Williams and Burden's (1997) framework of motivation in language learning
Internal factors External factors
Intrinsic interest of activity
arousal of curiosity
optimal degree of challenge
Perceived value of activity
personal relevance
anticipated value of outcomes
intrinsic value attributed to the activity
Sense of agency
locus of causality
locus of control RE process and outcomes
ability to set appropriate goals
Mastery
feelings of competence
awareness of developing skills and mastery in a chosen area
self-efficacy
Self-concept
realistic awareness of personal
strengths and weaknesses in skills required
personal definitions and judgements of success and failure
self-worth concern learned helplessness
Attitudes language learning in general
to the target language
to the target language community and culture
Other affective states
confidence
anxiey, fear
Developmental age and stage
Gender
Significant others
parents
teachers
peers
The nature of interaction with significant others
mediated learning experiences
the nature and amount of feedback
rewards
the nature and amount of appropriate praise
punishments, sanctions
The learning environment
comfort
resources
time of day, week, year
size of class and school
class and school ethos
The broader context
wider family networks
the local education system
conflicting interests
cultural norms
societal expectations and attitudes
emphasising the multidimensional nature of L2
motivation, pulling together a number of different
lines of research and providing an elaborate enough
specification of relevant motives for the purpose of
in-depth analysis of particular learning situations and
design of intervention techniques to enhance them.
An example of the analysis is Dornyei (1997b),
which examines the motivational basis of coopera-
tive language learning; regarding the second point,
motivational enhancement, classroom strategies
based on the framework have been provided by
Dornyei (1994a) and Dornyei and Csizer (in press)
(see later for more detail).
Dornyei's list, however, lacks an indication of any
relationships between the components and therefore
cannot be seen as a motivation model proper; what is
more, the components listed are quite diverse in
nature and thus cannot be easily submitted to empir-
ical testing. The framework also lacks a goal compo-
nent and does not reflect sufficiently recent findings
in self-determination theory. Finally, the integrative/
instrumental motivational dichotomy at the language
level is obviously misleading in providing a simplifi-
cation of the intricate processes determining the
social dimension of L2 motivation.
Williams and Burden's (1997) extended
framework
Another comprehensive attempt to summarise the
motivational components that are relevant to L2
instruction has been recently made by Williams and
Burden (1997) as part of a larger overview of psy-
chology for language teachers. The authors are
among the few L2 motivation researchers who pro-
vide an elaborate definition of motivation (Williams
& Burden, 1997:120):
Motivation may be construed as a state of cognitive and emo-
tional arousal, which leads to a conscious decision to act, and
which gives rise to a period of sustained intellectual and/or
physical effort in order to attain a previously set goal (or goals).
Having discussed the inherent conflict of the static
and process-oriented conceptualisations of motiva-
tion earlier, we can appreciate the care with which
this definition has been formulated in order to
achieve a compromise.
After reviewing a wide range of relevant moti-
vational theories, Williams and Burden (1997) draw
them together in a highly detailed framework of
motivational factors (Table 2). This is similar to
Dornyei's (1994a) list in that it does not offer any
directional relationships between the listed items,
but some aspects of it (e.g. external, contextual
factors) represent the most detailed treatment of
the particular issue in the L2 literature. It is also
clear when looking at the framework that the
authors used primarily mainstream rather than L2
motivational theories as their sources, which places
their work very much in line with the 'paradigm-
seeking spirit' of the reform movements in the
1990s.
126
LANGUAGE ATTITUDES
- Attitudes toward
L2 speakers
- Integrative
orientation
- Interest in
foreign languages
- Attitude toward
the L2 course
- Attitudes toward
the L2 teacher
- Instrumental
orientation
FRENCH
LANGUAGE
DOMINANCE
/

t
GOAL
SALIENCE
- Goal specificity
- Goal frequency
VALENCE
- Desire to learn
L2
- Attitudes toward
learning L2
SELF-EFFICACY
- Performance
expectancy
- L2 use anxiety
- L2 class anxiety
ADAPTIVE
ATTRIBUTIONS
,
MOTIVATIONAL
BEHAVIOUR
- Attention
- Motivational
intensity
- Persistence
A
C
H
I
E
V
E
M
E
N
T
M O T I V A T I O N
Fig. 1 Tremblay and Gardners (1995) model of L2 motivation
Tremblayand Gardner's (1995) extended
model
In response to calls for the 'adoption of a wider
vision of motivation' (Tremblay & Gardner, 1995:
505), Tremblay and Gardner extended Gardner's
social psychological construct of L2 motivation by
incorporating into it new elements from expectan-
cy-value and goal theories. Figure 1 presents their
proposed extended model, which is fairly straightfor-
ward in suggesting a language attitudes -* motivational
behaviours achievement sequence.The novel element is
the inclusion of three mediating variables between
attitudes and behaviour: goal salience, valence and self-
efficacy.Thus, the model offers a synthesis of Gardner's
earlier, socially motivated construct and recent cog-
nitive motivational theories, and demonstrates that
additional variables can be incorporated into
Gardner's socio-educational model of L2 learning
without damaging its integrity.
In line with Gardner's past approach, the new
model has also been empirically tested, and in a
sample of 75 Canadian students learning French a
statistically adequate goodness of fit index was
demonstrated. The firm empirical grounding and the
theoretical clarity of the model make the Gardner
and Tremblay (1995) study a particularly important
data-based investigation, and one that will undoubt-
edly inspire further research.
Schumann's neurobiological model
During the last decade, John Schumann and his
colleagues have been pursuing a very novel line of
research by examining L2 acquisition from a neuro-
biological perspective (Jacobs & Schumann, 1992;
Pulvermiiller & Schumann, 1994; Schumann, 1990,
1994, 1998, in press). As a result, Schumann has
developed a model of sustained deep learning (as he
refers to long-term learning experiences such as
mastering an L2) based on a number of stimulus
appraisal processes. According to the model, the brain
evaluates the stimuli it receives and this leads to an
emotional response. Based on a comprehensive review
of the relevant literature, Schumann (1998) postulates
five dimensions along which stimulus appraisals are
made: novelty (degree of unexpectedness/familiarity),
pleasantness (attractiveness), goal/need significance
(whether the stimulus is instrumental in satisfying
needs or achieving goals), coping potential (whether
the individual expects to be able to cope with the
event), and self and social image (whether the event is
compatible with social norms and the individual's
self-concept).
The connections between this neurobiological
approach and other motivational constructs discussed
above are obvious, and Schumann (1998) convinc-
ingly demonstrates that L2 motivation 'consists of
various permutations and patterns of these stimulus
127
appraisal dimensions and, in fact, if one does an item
by item analysis of motivation questionnaires, the
items can quite readily be classified according to the
appraisal categories' (Schumann, in press). Thus,
Schumann's model is a reductionist one in the sense
that it collapses different concepts at the psychologi-
cal level into five appraisals at the neurobiological
level.
Further data-based motivational constructs
Besides the constructs presented above, there exist a
number of further conceptualisations of motivation
that are the result of submitting empirical data to
statistical analyses. One particularly important such
contribution is Schmidt et al. (1996), which presents
the analysis of a detailed motivation questionnaire
administered to over 1500 Egyptian learners of
English. Interestingly, when different statistical pro-
cedures were applied, different underlying constructs
emerged: by factor analysing the data, a matrix of
nine main factors emerged (see below for details),
while multi-dimensional scaling produced a more
parsimonious construct of three components that
were labelled as affect, goal-orientedness and
expectancy. The resemblance of this latter construct
to major psychological approaches is particularly
interesting, although we must note that in multi-
dimensional scaling the labelling of the scales is far
more ambiguous than the labelling of factors in fac-
tor analysis.
Schmidt et al. (1996) also conducted a comparative
analysis of their results with two other data-based
studies, Dornyei (1990) and Julkunen (1989).
Motivated by a similar goal to summarise different
conceptualisations, Dornyei (1996b) presented a syn-
thesis of 13 different constructs, which included all
the ones discussed above plus Laine's (1995) general
model of 'national language attitudes', which is a
unique socially-based model that uses a paradigm
different from Gardner and his associates' conceptu-
alisation. Table 3 presents the main motivational
dimensions underlying the various constructs.
Descriptive studies of motivation in particular
sociocultural contexts
Numerous studies have been written in the 1990s
with the purpose of describing the motivation of
language learners in specific sociocultural, ethnolin-
guistic and educational contexts. These descriptions
provide further evidence of the fact, pointed out by
many, that motivation is subject to considerable con-
textual variation.
The most notable descriptions of learning con-
texts have concerned European environments: no
fewer than four European studies have been
conducted in the 1990s involving over 1,000 partici-
128
Table 3. Main motivational dimensions underlying 13
L2 motivation constructs (based on Dornyei. 1996b)
(1) Affective/integrative dimension
Integrative motive: Clement et al. (1994), Dornyei (1990,
1994a), Gardner (1985), Gardner's AMTBJulkunen (1989)
Affective motive: Schmidt et al. (1996: MDS)
Language attitudes: Laine (1995); Schmidt et al. (1996: FA),
Tremblay & Gardner (1995),Williams & Burden (1997)
Intrinsic motive /Attitudes toward L2 learning/Enjoyment/Interest:
AMTB, Dornyei (1990,1994a), Gardner (1985),Julkunen
(1989), Schmidt etal. (1996: FA), Schumann (1998),
Tremblay & Gardner (1995)*, Williams & Burden (1997)
(2) Instrumental/pragmatic dimension
AMTB, Dornyei (1990,1994a), Oxford & Shearin (1994),
Schmidt et al. (1996: FA), Schumann (1998),Tremblay &
Gardner (1995)*, Williams & Burden (1997)
(3) Macro-context-related dimension (multicultural/
intergroup/ethnolinguistic relations)
Laine (1995),Tremblay & Gardner (1995)
(4) Self-concept-related dimension (generalised/trait-like
personality factors)
Self-concept: Laine (1995), Schumann (1998),Williams &
Burden (1997)
Confidence /self-efficacy: Clement et al. (1994), Dornyei
(1994a), Schumann (1998),Tremblay & Gardner (1995),
Williams & Burden (1997)
Anxiety/inhibitions: AMTBJulkunen (1989), Laine (1995),
Oxford & Shearin (1994), Schmidt et al. (1996: FA),
Williams & Burden (1997)
Success /failure-related (attributional)factor.L)ornye\ (1990,
1994a),Julkunen (1989), Schmidt et al. (1996: FA, MDS),
Schumann (1998),Tremblay & Gardner (1995),Williams &
Burden (1997)
Expectancy: Oxford & Shearin (1994), Schmidt et al. (1996:
MDS)
Need for achievement: Dornyei (1990,1994a), Oxford &
Shearin (1994)
(5) Goal-related dimension
Oxford & Shearin (1994), Schmidt et al. (1996: MDS),
Schumann (1998),Tremblay & Gardner (1995),Williams &
Burden (1997)
(6) Educational context-related dimension (learning/
classroom/school environment)
Clement at al. (1994), Dornyei (1994a),Julkunen (1989),
Laine (1995),Williams & Burden (1997)
(7) Significant others-related dimension (parents, family,
friends)
AMTB, Williams & Burden (1997)
AMTB=Gardner's Attitude/Motivation Test Battery;
MDS=Multi-dimensional scaling; FA=Factor analysis
* Included as a subcomponent of a main factor
pants. In a particularly large-scale study including
over 25,000 participants and focusing on several
aspects of L2 learning, Coleman (1994, 1995, 1996)
investigated the L2 motivation of British university
students as compared to students in Ireland,
Germany, Italy, Portugal, Austria and France. The
reports of this project contain a wealth of data
describing the proficiency, background, attitudes and
motivations of the samples, and provide various
comparative analyses.
Dornyei, Nyilasi and Clement (1996) conducted a
national survey in Hungary examining over 4,700
8th grade school children in terms of their motiva-
tion to learn five different target languages: English,
German, French, Italian and Russian. One of the
many results obtained was that in this context
English was by far the most popular L2, followed by
German. In spite of the British English traditions in
the region, learners were mainly attracted to the
English language because of sociocultural aspects
associated with the US (see also Dornyei, 1997a, for
a review of motivation research conducted in
Hungary). Laine (1995) compared two officially
bilingual countries, Finland and Belgium, in terms of
the ethnic groups' (Finns and Swedo-Finns; Flemish
speakers of Dutch and Walloon speakers of French)
motivation to learn the other speech community's
language. The analysis of the data obtained from
1951 15-18-year-old learners sheds light on a num-
ber of important issues concerning the relationship
between ethnolinguistic vitality, language-attitudes
and L2 learning achievement both from the majority
and the minority groups' perspective. Kuhlemeier,
Bergh and Melse (1996) conducted a survey among
over 1100 Dutch learners of German and found that,
contrary to their expectations, attitudes towards
German did not prove to have a direct effect on the
learners' final course achievement. Another interesting
result of their study was that students who were taught
on a communicative course had more favourable atti-
tudes towards the course than those who followed a
grammatically oriented curriculum. Julkunen and
Borzova (1997) administered a detailed questionnaire
to 423 learners in two towns not too distant from each
other on either side of the Finnish-Russian border,
investigating the similarities and the differences in the
students' motivation to learn English. Finally, Jelena
Mihaljevic Djigunovic conducted a series of studies
(Mihaljevic, 1991; Djigunovic, 1996, in press) to
obtain a better understanding of the attitudinal and
motivational patterns of Croatian language learners.
Descriptive studies, although involving smaller
samples, were also conducted in other parts of the
world. Gardner,Tremblay and Castillo (1997) investi-
gated language learners in The Philippines by
reanalysing (via LISREL) data obtained in the 1960s.
Nocon (1995) examined the attitudes of American
university students on the US-Mexico border
towards learning Spanish in view of the very low sta-
tus they attached to the local Mexican population.
Dodick (1996) analysed American high school stu-
dents' motivation to learn French, and Wen (1997)
examined Asian and Asian-American students learn-
ing Chinese in the US. MacFarlane and Wesche
(1995) provided further evidence about the positive
experiences learners can gain in Canadian immer-
sion programmes; in their study, the attitudes of those
students who also had some extracurricular contact
with Francophones besides being exposed to French
in the programme showed particular improvement.
The unique ethnolinguistic setup of the Middle
East has inspired several studies. In an investigation of
the study of Arabic among Israeli high school stu-
dents, Kraemer (1993) successfully demonstrated that
Gardner's motivation model also works in environ-
ments that are considerably different from the
Canadian context where it originated. In a series of
studies, Abu-Rabia (1996a, 1996b) and Abu-Rabia
and Feuerverger (1996) analysed and compared three
different social contexts: Israeli Arab students learn-
ing Hebrew, Israeli Jewish students learning English,
and Canadian Arab students learning English. Two
further countries in the region have been subject to
investigation: Fahmy and Bilton (1992) provided a
socially sensitive description of university TEFL stu-
dents in Oman, and in a large-scale study already
described, Schmidt et al. (1996) looked into the
motivation and learning strategy use of adult
Egyptian learners of English.
Finally, the growing importance of learning
English in the Far East has also warranted a number
of motivational studies. Besides dealing with general
motivational issues, Fotos's (1994) overview (men-
tioned earlier) also gives a summary of the motiva-
tional disposition of Japanese language learners. In a
longitudinal study of Japanese school children,
Koizumi and Matsuo (1993) found that the partici-
pants' motivation dropped after the initial stage of
the learning process, and the study attempts to
explain this phenomenon. Nakata (1995a, 1995b)
highlighted an important individual difference vari-
able among Japanese learners, namely international
orientation, which involved a general cosmopolitan
outlook. Tachibana, Matsukawa and Zhong (1996)
provided a comparison of Japanese and Chinese high
school student's motivation to learn English.
Other issues investigated
In this last section I review a number of studies
which focused on important issues not covered in
earlier sections of this paper. Gender differences in
learner motivation are often reported in the litera-
ture, but two articles, by Julkunen (1994) and
Djigunovic (1993), have specifically focused on this
issue. In line with the 'educational shift', a number of
studies investigated the role of classroom-specific
variables in shaping learner motivation: Green (1993)
looked at the relationship of task enjoyment with
task effectiveness and Peacock (1997) examined the
effects of authentic teaching materials. Using instru-
ments originally developed by Gardner and his asso-
ciates, two studies (Djigunovic, 1994; Mihaljevic,
1992) analysed how the appraisal of the language
teacher and the course influenced Croatian learners'
motivation, producing similar findings to those
obtained in Canadian contexts (see Gardner, 1985).
In a recent study, Gardner, Masgoret and Tremblay
(1997) looked into the effects of parental influence
129
on motivation. Although in the 1980s Gardner
(1985) devoted a whole chapter to the topic in his
seminal book, and Colletta, Clement and Edwards
(1983) also provided a detailed analysis of the ques-
tion, this issue has been somewhat neglected during
the past decade relative to its paramount importance
in shaping learner motivation.
The interrelationship of motivation and learner
strategy use has received a great deal of attention in
educational psychology (e.g. Cor no, 1993; Garcia &
Pintrich, 1994; Pintrich & Garcia, 1994; Pressley, El-
Dinary, Marks, Brown & Stein, 1992), which is
understandable since the voluntary use of strategies
to facilitate one's own learning process presupposes a
great deal of commitment. Accordingly, there has
been an increasing amount of interest in the topic in
the L2 field as well; see, for example, Gardner (1991),
Gardner, Tremblay & Masgoret (1997), Maclntyre
and Noels (1996), Okada, Oxford and Abo (1996),
and Schmidt et al. (1996).
Finally, I would like to highlight two areas-group-
specific motivation and teacher motivation--that I consider
extremely important and which, I feel, have not been
given due attention in L2 research. Swezey, Meltzer,
and Salas (1994) point out that most theories of
motivation in mainstream psychology attempt to
explain motivational processes at the individual level,
even though action conducted within groups might
show motivational characteristics which stem from
the group as a social unit rather than from the indi-
vidual members. In response to this recognition, a
growing number of studies in social and educational
psychology have recently looked into group-specific
cognitive constructs (such as efficacy; e.g. Little &
Madigan, 1997; Silver & Bufanio, 1996; Stroebe,
Diehl & Abakoumkin 1996; Weldon & Weingart,
1993). In the L2 field, individual-level motives have
been traditionally supplemented by motives associat-
ed with the larger speech communities (cf. the social
psychological approach), but motivation associated
specifically with learner groups has been analysed
very little. Some exceptions are Dornyei's (1994a)
model of L2 motivation, which includes a set of
group-specific motivational components (see Table
1); Clement et a/.'s (1994) investigation into the rela-
tionship between learner motivation and group
cohesiveness; and Hotho-Jackson's (1995) analysis of
the role of the group context in the learners' tenden-
cy to give up their language studies.
The second issue to be highlighted, teacher moti-
vation, has been a largely uncharted area in the L2
field, an important exception being the work done
by Martha Pennington on work satisfaction, motiva-
tion and commitment in teaching English as a sec-
ond language (for a review, see Pennington, 1995). As
far as I am aware, no L2 study has explicitly linked
the level of teacher motivation with that of students,
and the topic of teacher motivation has also received
little attention in general educational psychology.
130
This is all the more surprising since the teacher's
level of enthusiasm and commitment is one of the
most important factors that affect the learners' moti-
vation to learn (see, for example, Dornyei and Csizer,
in press). Readers interested in this issue should refer
to a very recent edited volume by Bess (1997), in
which some of the most well-known motivational
psychologists analyse 'faculty motivation'.
3. Educational implications of L2
motivation research
With motivation being as important a factor in
learning success as argued earlier, teacher skills in
motivating learners should be seen as central to
teaching effectiveness. Although the educational-ori-
ented motivation articles in the 1990s typically con-
tained summaries of relevant classroom-specific
motives, these did not offer a sufficiently serviceable
guide to practitioners: they helped L2 teachers
understand what was going on motivationwise in
their classrooms, but the lists of motives themselves
were not readily applicable. What teachers usually
want to know is how they can intervene, that is, what
they can actually do to motivate their learners.
Although the above may sound self-evident, until
the mid-1990s there were absolutely no attempts in
the L2 literature to design motivational strategies for
classroom application. Recently, a number of publi-
cations have analysed and described motivational
techniques (e.g. Brown, 1994; Cranmer, 1996;
Dornyei, 1994a; Oxford & Shearin, 1994;Williams &
Burden, 1997), yet the amount of research devoted to
motivating learners has been rather meagre relative
to the total amount of research on L2 motivation.
The same tendency can be noted if we look at gen-
eral motivational psychology: far more research has
been conducted on identifying various motives and
validating motivational theories than on developing
techniques to increase motivation. As Good and
Brophy (1994: 212) summarise, 'motivation [in the
classroom] did not receive much scholarly attention
until recently, so that teachers were forced to rely on
unsystematic 'bag-of-tricks' approaches or on advice
coming from questionable theorising'.
There have, however, been some valuable excep-
tions to this generalisation; examples include Burden
(1995), Good and Brophy (1994), Jones and Jones
(1995), McCombs (1994), Raffini (1993, 1996); par-
ticularly noteworthy works in this vein are Brophy's
(1987) synthesis of research on motivational strate-
gies, the comprehensive overview of motivation in
education by Pintrich and Schunk (1996) already
mentioned, and a highly accessible summary of how
to motivate hard-to-reach students by McCombs
and Pope (1994), sponsored by the American
Psychological Association.
Reflecting on the potential usefulness of motiva-
tional strategies, Gardner and Tremblay (1994a)
Table 4. Ten Commandments for Motivating
Language Learners (Dornyei & Csizer, in press)
1. Set a personal example with your own behaviour.
2. Create a pleasant, relaxed atmosphere in the classroom.
3. Present the tasks properly.
4. Develop a good relationship with the learners.
5. Increase the learner's linguistic self-confidence.
6. Make the language classes interesting.
7. Promote learner autonomy.
8. Personalise the learning process.
9. Increase the learners' goal-orientedness.
10. Familiarise learners with the target language culture.
emphasise that intuitive appeal without empirical
evidence is not enough to justify strong claims in
favour of the use of such strategies from a scientific
point of view. They therefore recommend that such
strategies be considered hypotheses that could be
tested, and they also highlight possible pitfalls to
avoid in such research. Until very recently, I had been
aware of only one study (and even that is unpub-
lished), by Reilly (1994), that attempted to verify the
usefulness of L2 motivational strategies by means of
an experimental research design. Reilly's results indi-
cated that intrinsic goal orientation did indeed
increase in the experimental group that received
motivational treatment.
In response to Gardner and Tremblay's (1994a)
call, Dornyei and Csizer (in press) conducted a sur-
vey in which an extensive list of potentially useful
motivational strategies was evaluated in terms of
their classroom relevance by a sample of 200 practis-
ing teachers working in various teaching institutions.
The main purpose of the study was to draw up a set
of motivational macrostrategies to which teachers
could pay special attention when trying to imple-
ment a motivation-conscious teaching approach. The
need for such a concise list, as expressed by teachers
in various teacher-training courses, motivated
Dornyei's (1996c) earlier attempt to generate the
'Ten Commandments for Motivating Language
Learners', and the Dornyei and Csizer study was an
attempt to revise the original list by basing the 'com-
mandments' on empirical data concerning the beliefs
and practices of language teachers. The revised list is
presented in Table 4.
Conclusion
The main conclusion emerging from this overview
is that motivation is indeed a multifaceted rather
than a uniform factor and no available theory has yet
managed to represent it in its total complexity. This
implies that researchers need to be particularly care-
ful when conceptualising and assessing motivation
variables, and should be well aware of the fact that
the specific motivation measure or concept they are
focusing on is likely to represent only a segment of a
more intricate psychological construct. As Williams
(1994: 84) succinctly states: 'there is no room for
simplistic approaches to such complex issues as moti-
vation'.
Looking at the two main sections of this
articlethe brief summary of the most infuential atti-
tudinal/motivational approaches in mainstream psy-
chology and the overview of research on L2
motivation in the 1990sit is evident that, in their
effort to develop language-specific motivation con-
structs, the main approaches in the L2 field have
increasingly adopted concepts originally introduced
in related disciplines. Due to the standards set by
Gardner, Clement and their associates, L2 motivation
research has always been strong on empirical research,
and the 1990s have brought along a welcome tenden-
cy to incorporate contemporary theoretical concepts
into established L2-specific frameworks and models
an approach which is likely to remain a fertile ground
for future research. As a result, the main components
of the prevailing motivational approaches (expectan-
cy-value theories, goal theories and self-determina-
tion theory) have all been validated in certain L2
contexts, and it is hoped that future models of L2
motivation will demonstrate an increasingly elaborate
synthesis of the various constituents.
This overview has already presented a number of
potentially productive directions for future research.
Rather than reiterate these here, I would like to
highlight an area which I believe may present per-
haps the greatest challenge for L2 motivation
researchers: the analysis of the temporal organisation of
motivation, that is, drawing up a model that portrays
motivational processes as they happen in time.
Although mainstream psychological approaches have
included some time elements, for example when dis-
cussing past attributions of future goals (e.g Karniol
& Ross, 1996; Raynor & Roeder, 1987), I am not
aware of any studies that have analysed the interplay
of subsequent motivational patterns in sustained
learning activities such as the mastery of an L2.
Furthermore, a process-oriented perception of moti-
vation (as proposed at the beginning of this paper)
requires an explicit description of the various stages
of this process. Key components in such a process-
oriented representation might include planning,
intention-formulation, the appraisal of the situation
and the generation of concrete tasks, prioritising
between multiple tasks, the enactment of intentions,
and the evaluation of outcomes.The various stages of
the decision-making, action-implementation and
action-controlling process would also need to be
connected to a number of learner-internal and
external variables such as personality traits and
macro/micro-environmental factors (e.g. social
milieu or the affect of significant others).
Finally, a process-oriented conception of motiva-
tion also has important consequences for measure-
ment purposes. Different items tap into different
131
levels (for example the belief level or the intention
level) of the motivational process and it is no unam-
biguous task to decide which items can be simply
pooled to form a composite score and which should
be kept separate because they are associated with
mental activities and learning behaviours belonging
to different levels.
In sum, these are indeed exciting times in motiva-
tion research, with enough food for thought for both
researchers focusing on theoretical and measurement
issues and methodologists interested in classroom
implications and applications.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Richard Clement, Robert Gardner,
Peter MacIntyre.John Schumann and Sarah Thurrell
for their insightful comments and suggestions on an
earlier draft of this paper.
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