THE CULTS

OF

THE GREEK STATES

BY

LEWIS RICHARD FARNELL

D.LITT., M.A., F.A.S. FELLOW AND TUTOR OF EXETER COLLEGE UNIVERSITY LECTURER IN CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE IMPERIAL GERMAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE

IN FIVE

VOLUMES
Ill

VOL.

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1907

Bi-

f:
h

HENRY FROWDE,

M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

LONDON, EDINBURGH

NEW YORK AND TORONTO

PREFACE
IN offering to the public two more volumes on the

Greek world, I must express my regrets that the interval between their appearance and that of the first two has been so long. I may plead for indulgence on the grounds that multifarious
state-religion of the

upon me, and that have had to preparing I have myself for the completion of my task. gained this at least from the long delay, that I have been
official
I

duties have borne heavily

leisure
I

have devoted what

able to profit by the many works and monographs of Continental and English scholars relating directly or indirectly to the subject, to reconsider many questions

and to form more mature opinions on many important The results of the researches and discoveries points.
throughout the

decade bearing on the history of religion have given us the opportunity, if we choose
last

to avail ourselves of
logical

method

in its
;

of improving the anthropo application to the problems of

it,

and the great discoveries in comparative religion Crete have thrown new light on certain questions that arise in the study of the classical polytheism. Every
year also enriches the record with new material, from newly discovered inscriptions and other monuments.

At the same

time, therefore, the complete exposition

IV

PREFACE
full
;

and the
difficult

discussion of the facts becomes increasingly

it is

and

in fact easier to

compose an Encyclo

paedia of Greek religion, than to write a continuous of it to which the literary treatise on even that portion
leaving the out of private sects and private religious speculation Lest I should overwhelm account, is properly limited.
history

of the public

cults

of Greece,

myself and my readers with a mass of antiquarian detail, I have tried to keep always in view the relation
of the facts to the salient phenomena that interest the comparative student but I cannot hope to have been
;

have omitted nothing These volumes that may seem to others essential. will be found to contain more ethnologic discussion
uniformly successful in this or to

than the former

for

found

it

impossible to assign,
its

for instance, to the cult of

Poseidon

proper place
I

in the Hellenic

system without raising the ethnologic

source and diffusion.

question

of

its

have had
certain

occasionally

to

combat

in

these

chapters

anthropologic theories which appear to me to have been crudely applied to various phenomena of cult.

This does not imply a depreciation of the value of wide anthropological study to the student of Hellenism
;

on the contrary,

appreciate

its

importance more

But its application to the higher highly than ever. facts of our religious history might be combined with

more caution and more special knowledge than has always been shown hitherto.
In spite of the hopes in which many years ago I too light-heartedly embarked on the task, the end of the
fifth completion. volume, which the liberality of the Clarendon Press

fourth

volume does not see

its

PREFACE
has allowed me,
will,
I

be issued next year and will contain an account of the worships of Hermes, end the Dionysos, and the minor cults. This will treatise but I can scarcely hope that even the five
trust,
;

volumes

will

comprise the

full

account of

all

that their

title implies.

chapter on hero-worship, one of the most intricate and important in the history of Greek

The

religion, for
will

have already collected the material, probably have to be reserved for a separate
which
I

work.

LEWIS
EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD.
October,

R.

FARNELL.

1906.

CONTENTS OF VOL.
CHAPTER
I.

Ill

PAGE 1-28
Importance of the earth-goddess in Greek religion, 1-2 ; wide prevalence of the cult, not always in anthropomorphic form, 2-4 ; Homeric view of Ge, 4-6 Hesiod, Homeric Hymn, and the dramatists, 6, cults of
;

Dodona, Thebes, Delphi, Ge Evpvarfpvos, Delphic divination of Ge, her relations with Python, 7-10; prophetic shrines at Aigai and Patrai, 11-12; Ge-Themis, 12-15; Ge-cult in Attica, 15-17; Kovporpfyos, 17-18; Aglauros and human sacrifice in cult of the

Mykonos, Attica, and in Attic Anthesteria, 23-26; Ge-Pandora, 25-26; Ge in Elis, 28 (cf. n); repre sentations in art assist the anthropomorphic concept, but her personality somewhat faint in Hellenic religion, 27-28.

Ge

earth-goddess, 19-22

as goddess of the under-world in

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

...
II.
.

307-311

CHAPTER
DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

29-213
%

Meaning of the name Demeter/ 29-30 connexion of Demeter with Ge shown by epithets such as Xa/iw?; Avr)<riSwpa Kapiro<p6pos X6ovia, 30-31 with Rhea-Cybele, 31-32 Demeter more than a mere corn-goddess, 32 Demeter X\6rj, 33, 34 Demeter a corn-goddess, yet not identified with
;

the corn-sheaf, nor evolved from

;

it,

34-37

cult-epithets referring to the

corn-goddess, 37-38 agrarian ritual, XAoem, TIpoxapiOTrjpia., KaAayucua, the Trporjpoaia and the Hellenic dirapxai ^Kipocpopia, 38-42 42-44 the Haloa, ra /cavd, the rite of the na\a6o<:, 45, 48 Demeter X6ovia and
; ; ;

Demeter the Black at Phigaleia and Thelpusa, significance of the horse-headed type, Thelpusan worship derived from Boeotia, totemistic theory, 50-62 Demeter Aovaia, 63-64 other chthonian cults of Demeter in Boeotia,
;

the ritual of the X06vta, 48-50

Demeter Erinys

at

peyapov

Elis, Paros, Knidos, Kyzikos, Syracuse, 64-65 ; significance of the term in Demeter s worship, 65-68 ; ethnic and political titles, IleXaayis,

Uavaxaid,

Af*(piKTvovis, Opa-yvptos, 68-69 in Boeotia, Attica, Delos, 69-72 ; Demeter

meaning of Axatd or Axcuct and the Delphic Amphictyony,

;
<dis-

72-74

her political importance in Syracuse, 74 ; OjUoAwia, 75 Demeter and the 0e<r/)0o/>ta, 75-112 ; does QfffpoQopos = the

viii

CONTENTS
PAGE
or the goddess of marriage ? 75-7 7 penscr of law the name of the festival, derived from Qtffnotyopos or
QefffjuKpopial
;

Is

Qeffpotyopia,

0eo>to<opos

from

The former view probably

legifera

interpreting Qeafjicxpopos as

reasons against or as designating the marriageright,

77~7^

>

Demeter goddess, the ritual supports neither interpretation, 78-81 a goddess of childbirth, but not specially concerned with marriage; no celebration of human marriage, for men were univer the fff*o<p6pia
;

sally excluded

from it, 83-85 examination of the Attic ritual, 85-97 meaning of the dvoSos and nd0o8os, 88-89 main object of the ritual to promote agrarian and human fecundity, pi/jirjais only a subordinate ? human sacrifice once a part of the ritual, 93-94 element in it, 91-92 Ka\\ijfVia, 94-96 Vfffpocpopia at Syracuse, Demeter Mvffia N?7<7Teta, at Pellene, 99 Thesmophoria ? at Rome, 101 vegetation-ritual often marked by sexual licence, in the Thesmophoria this was merely alffxpo; ;

new interpretation suggested for 06oy*o<opos, 105-106; exclusive privileges of women in Thesmophoria. Skirra, Haloa, Kalamaia, Jevons explanation that it arose because women were the first agricul
\oyia, 103-104;
turists doubtful,
is the matriarchal hypothesis of any probable explanation is that women have the stronger vegetation-magic, 111-112 the earth-goddess pluralized, Auxesia and Damia, 113; Demeter-Kore, diffusion of Kore-worship, less wide

106-109; nor

value

here,

109-110;

than Demeter

a corn-maiden, 114-116 Kore as name s, Kore more than of independent divinity not attested till seventh century, much more frequent in cult than that of Persephone, 118; Kore, probably pre;

Hesiodic, might have arisen from Persephone-Kore or Demeter-Kore, 119-122 ; chthonian cults of Kore at Argos, Mantinea, Tralles, 122-124;

efoyapia and Hades worship at Acharaka, 125; political importance of Kore, 125-126; Eleusinian mysteries, 126-198; importance and meaning of difficulty of the study, sources of evidence, 128-129;
fjLvffTTjpiov,

129-132

the

mystic

cults as old as the open, chthonian

;

become mystic, 132-133 original deities of the Eleusinian mysteries Demeter and Kore with Plouton a subordinate figure, signifi cance of 6 6e6s and rj Bed, these no nameless divinities, but euphemistic names of Plouton and Persephone, 135-138 the meaning of Daeira, 138-140; Foucart s Egyptian theory of the origin of the Eleusinia, some
cults tend to
;

the Eleusinia, perhaps purely agrarian at first, objections to it, 140-143 came early to have eschatologic value, 143 Eubouleus, 144-145 Tri; ; ;

ptolemos, 145-146 lacchos, probably an Attic form of youthful Dionysos, place of Dionysos and Orphic influences at Eleusis, the original goddesses never displaced, 146-153; mysteries open to the whole Hellenic world
;

by the time of the Homeric hymn,

153, 155; state-organization, panHellenic propaganda, relation of Eleusis to Athens, 156-158 Eumolpidai, Kerykes, dadouchos, the Lykohierophant and hierophantides, 158-161
; ;

as Trafy, 161-164 date of mysteries, irpopprjais, conditions midai, u order of ceremonies of admission, 165-168 ; Lesser Mysteries, 169-171 of Greater Mysteries, 171-173 ; the service in the Telesterion, a passionl<m
d(f>
>

play, subject probably included the Abduction, probably a ifpos ydfios,

possibly a mystic birth; criticism of authorities, 173-179; ? spectacular representations of Paradise and Inferno, no elaborate machinery possible,

CONTENTS
179-182;
exegesis,

ix

PAGE
what were the
;

185-190 ? 191-192 Foucart s theory considered, that the hierophant taught magic formulae by which the soul might avoid the dangers of hell, 192-193 ;
;

182-185? the Upos \6yos and moral teaching or moral influence of the mysteries,
lepd shown,

sacramental communion, Jevons theory, 194-197 ; the fascination of the Eleusinia explicable without such a theory, 197 offshoots of Eleusinian worship in other parts of Greece, Kore the Saviour in Attica and
;

Demeter Etevffivia in Ionia, Arcadia, Alexandria, Boeotia, Laconia, mysteries of Andania influenced by Eleusis, 199-202 theories concerning meaning of EA-eutrma, probable meaning the god
elsewhere, 198-199
;

dess of Eleusis,
in Messenia,

202-205 Demeter KtSapm, 205 mysteries of Andania 205-210; mysteries of Megalopolis, Lykosura, Mantinea,
;
;

210-212

religious

power of the Eleusinian

II

faith, 212, 213.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

311-376
III.

CHAPTER
CULT-MONUMENTS OF DEMETER-KORE
;

....
i

214-258

Traces of theriomorphic and aniconic art very faint, earliest agalmata no resemblance to a corn -fetich, 214-216 Kore arising from earth on coin of Lampsakos, consecration of corn on Apulian vase, 216-217 emblems
of Demeter in earliest
associated with her,

217-219; sacrificial and other animals 219-221; monuments of Demeter and Persephone
art,
;

with chthonian significance, Anodos of Kore, association with chthonian Dionysos and with Plouton, 221-228 emblems of life and death blended in
Cyzicene coin alluding to Thesmophoria, 228-230 ; Demeter Kourotrophos and Thesmophoros, 231-232 ; coin-illustration of her political character somewhat scanty, 232-234 monuments the
art,
;

illustrating

Attic-Eleusinian monu Thesmophoria, 234-235 marble-relief from tomb of gens Statilia ments, vase of Hieron, 236 with initiation of Heracles and * Katharsis, 237-240 vase showing scene
mysteries, 234-258
;

of sacrament, 240-241 pinax of Nannion with KfpxvoQopta does not prove presence of Dionysos in lesser mysteries, 241-245 ; pelike in St. Petersburg and Pourtales vase, 245-249 hydria from Cumae, 249-251
; ;
;

vases supposed to illustrate the mystic drama, a theory very improbable a priori, Tyskiewickz vase, 251-252 vases supposed to show a mystic
;

birth of holy infant, interpretation very doubtful, 253-257 ; Greek art not likely to reveal the Eleusinian secret, but bears witness to the

elevating and refining character of the faith, 257-258.

CHAPTER
IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE
The
ideal of
.

IV.
.
. .

259-278

Demeter a creation of Attic

art,

vase of Hieron, bust from

Tanagra, relief from Eleusis of transitional period, 259-261 ; monuments of Pheidian style, ?on Parthenon, 261-262; great relief from Eleusis in Central Museum of Athens, 263-264; other reliefs of best
fifth-century

x
art derived

CONTENTS
PAGE
; fifth-century coins more important as illustrations of the ideal than the sculpture, especially the Syracusan, 269-272; at beginning of fourth century distinct type for Demeter

from some cult-group Pheidian style at Copenhagen, 268

at

Eleusis,

264-267

free statue of

emerges, coins of Lesbos, Lampsakos, Kyzikos, 272-273; Kore on fourth -century coins, 273-274; works of Praxiteles, Katagusa, remains note on of fourth-century sculpture, 274-277 ; Cnidian Demeter, 277
;

the Lakrateides relief, 278-279.

CHAPTER
CULTS OF HADES-PLOUTON

......
; ;

V.

280-288

Various names of the nether god, Homeric name Aidrjs not found in cult Hades probably a special except at Elis, reasons for this fact, 280-282 Hellenic product, developed from Zeus, 282-286 art-monuments, 286-288.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTERS

II I-

V
VI.

376-378

CHAPTER
Diffusion
of
;

CULTS OF THE MOTHER OF THE GODS AND RHEA-CYBELE

cult

289-306

289-290

who

of the WeyaXr) Wrjrrjp or Qewv Wr]Tr)p in Greece, was the Meya\r] MTJTTJP ? not Gaia nor Demeter nor a

nameless divinity, but probably in the earliest times the Cretan goddess, no proof later separation in cult of Rhea from the Great Mother
of original distinction, 291-294 chief cult-centres of the Great Mother show Cretan associations, recent discoveries in Crete of the snake-goddess
;

and the lion-goddess, 294-296

character
of the

Rhea perhaps an Eteo-Cretan name,

early Cretan cult, 297 ; Cretan Rhea and Phrygian Cybele belong to same ethnic stratum and have many characteristics in common, 298-299 ; outlines of the Phrygian ritual and cult-ideas,

300-302

sketch of

its

diffusion in Hellas,

302-304

its

value for the

history of European religion, 304-305 ; appendix, question considered whether the idea of a virgin-mother is found in pre-Christian Mediterranean
religion,

305-306.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER VI

...

379~393

LIST OF PLATES IN VOL.

PLATE
I.

Ill

Lysimachides
Lakrateides

relief.

II.

relief.

III. (a) Eleusinian terracotta of

(b}

Demeter, of Pappades Apulian vase with corn-offerings.

riding on a bull.

type.

IV.

(a)

Gem in St. Petersburg, Demeter () Terracotta from Kamarina.

Terracotta relief from Lokri
PI out on.

V.

Epizephyrii,

Persephone,

and

VI. (a) Anodos of Kore on vase of Naples. (b} Anodos of Kore on vase of Dresden.
VII.
Relief from Chrysapha, in Berlin, world.

god and goddess of lower

VIII. (a) British Museum cylix with Plouton and Persephone. (&) Relief from Gythion in Laconia, Demeter, and Kore.

IX.

Terracotta bust from Thebes.

X. XI.

Mask

of Persephone from Tanagra.

Wall-painting from Nola in Berlin.

in British

XII. (a) Terracotta from Cyprus

Museum,

Qtal
0e<rfj.o<t>6poi.

() Demeter
XIII.

0co-/io0o/>o?

seated on the ground, Eleusinian

relief.

Vase of Hieron

in British

Museum.

XIV.

Relief found in wall of Eleusis, with the goddesses Athena and

Demos
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
(a)
(b)

(?).

Marble vase from tomb of the gens Statilia at Rome. Naples vase showing administration of sacrament.
Pinax of Nannion with
initiation scenes.

Vase from Cumae

in the

Hermitage of

St.

Petersburg.

Pelike from Kertsch with initiation of Heracles.

XIX.

Pourtales vase with initiation of Heracles and Dioscuri.

XX.
XXI.
(a)
(//)

Tyskiewickz vase from Capua, meeting of Kore and Dionysos.

Reverse of the pelike from Kertsch.
goddesses with infant.

Hydria

in Constantinople, Eleusinian

Xll

LIST OF PLATES
XXII.
XXIII.

PLATE

Mask

of

Demeter from Tanagra,

British

Museum.

Marble

relief

from Eleusis, Demeter enthroned, Kore standing,

transitional style.

XXIV.

Demeter on the Parthenon

Large Eleusinian
Triptolemos.
(a) Relief relief at

frieze.

XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.

Athens, with Demeter, Kore, and

(^) Relief

showing the two goddesses from Rhamnus at Munich.

in

Acropolis

Museum.

(a) Sacrificial relief in

(//)

Louvre (from original). Relief from Ploutonion at Eleusis, Triptolemos enthroned.

statue of

Marble

Demeter

in

Jacobsen Collection, Copenhagen.

of Demeter (from
Graecia, Ashmolean

XXIX.

(a) Terracotta in Louvre, fifth-century type

original).
li)

Terracotta head of Persephone from

Magna

Museum.

XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
f

Marble

statuette of

Kore from Budrun,

British

Museum.

Cnidian Demeter, British Museum.

a) Volci vase in British

Museum, with

figure of Plouton, white-

haired.
(/>)

Vase of Xenocles, Hades with averted head.

Cretan goddess as MTJTJIP Opfia.
Attic relief in Berlin with representation of the Mtyd\rj

XXXIII.

XXXIV.
COIN PLATE.

THE CULTS OF THE GREEK STATES

CHAPTER
CULT OF GE
(References, p. 307.)

THE higher cults of Greece, so far as they have been examined, present us with divine personalities too complex and concrete to allow us to regard them merely as the personifications of special departments of nature or of human And this will be found true also of the greater number life. that still remain to be studied. Yet the deities, each and all,
which we
physical

are closely concerned with the exercise of certain functions may call physical as being those upon which the

life of man and nature depend. Various practices of primitive vegetation-ritual and a medley of vegetation-myths tend to attach themselves to most of the divinities, whether

the goddess or god arose in the first instance from the soil, the And we have noticed how vividly the traits sea, or the sky. of an earth-goddess are apt to appear in the features, as

presented in cult and legend, of such personages as Artemis, Aphrodite, and even Athena and Hera. In fact, in regard to

the two former, the belief is often borne upon us that we are dealing with highly developed and specialized forms of the
primitive earth-goddess. And the worship of the earth is a most important fact to bear in mind as forming a back ground to much of the bright drama of Greek religion. Nevertheless, in the cults just mentioned, the physical germ, if we can successfully discover it, does not by any means

wholly explain the

spiritual personalities that

emerge.

Bearing

proper concrete names not mere appellatives they possess the indefinite expansiveness of ethical individuals.
FARNELL.
Ill

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

This judgement applies also to Demeter, the great goddess, whose cult is of the highest importance for the anthropology of Hellenic worship, for the study of primitive ritual and custom as well as of the higher social and religious life. But it applies with a difference, because the physical nature in
this case penetrates the divine personality

relation of

more deeply, the Demeter to the earth-goddess being so close that

at times they

may appear interchangeable terms. the fact, chapter on the cults of Demeter, one of the most difficult in the whole investigation, should be prefaced
In

by an examination of the more transparent cult-figure of Gaia. The records abundantly prove that the worship of the earth, conceived in some way as animate or personal was an ab
,

original possession of all the Hellenic tribes

of other

Aryan and non-Aryan

.

races,

and the study both ancient and modern,

;

impels us to regard it as a universal fact in human religion in Nor is there any of the religious certain stages of human life a with which we can sympathize man of primitive conceptions
so readily as this. For the latent secretion of this most ancient belief
is

in

our

own

veins

it
;

is

imagination it affection with which

a strong part of the texture of our poetic is the source and the measure of the warm

we

attach ourselves to external nature.

But what

is

for us often

mere metaphor, or

at

most a semi

conscious instinctive pulsation, was for the period of Homer, and before him and for many centuries after him, a clearly

discerned and vital idea around which grew a living religion. In his poems 1 4 the earth is often regarded as animate and
"

divine
is

the sacrifice of a black lamb

is

offered to her,

thrice invoked in the formula of the oath.

and she Such invocation

Vide summary
earth-mother in
1904,

a For the prevalence of the earth-cult vide Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, 2. p. 262 ; Golther, Handbuch der ger-

of an earth-goddess. of the cults of the

Archiv
p.

f.

Religionswissensch.
I

manischen Mythologic^ p. 454; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology pp. 22, 88. Cf. Dorsey, Study of Sioux C^^lts (Annual Report Bureau Ethn. Smithsonian Inst.
>

io,&c.,byDieterich.

My own chapter

was written before

had the advantage

of reading his monograph, which is the fullest general anthropological account of this worship that has yet appeared.

In Babylonian religion 1899, p. 476). Ischtar exercised many of the functions

i]

CULT OF GE

is

earliest

very significant, for we may regard it as belonging to the worship of Gaia: nor is it confined to the classical
.

peoples, but modern parallels may be quoted from existing a Given the animistic races of more backward development

view of nature, and

the belief in the

human

or divine forces,

omnipresence of super the oath-taker would wish to place

himself in contact with one of these, as the pledge of his truth Now the earth-spirit or the and as the avenger of perjury. animate earth would naturally be one of the most frequently

invoked of such witnesses, for she is always near at hand and could not be escaped from. With her would be often coupled for the same reasons such powers as the sky and the sun.
although on any solemn occasion the Greek could swear by each and any of his divinities, and, in fact,

And,

in

fact,

invoke his whole Pantheon for some public and weighty pledge, yet the most current formula of the public oath, when a treaty was to be ratified, or an alliance cemented, was the
b invocation of Zeus, Helios, and Ge the earliest forms of oath-taking was
.

And

doubtless one of

some kind of primitive

communion, whereby both parties place themselves in sacred contact with some divine force. Thus, in Mexico, the oath formula invoked the Sun and our Lady Earth, and was
*

c accompanied by the form of the sacramental eating of earth d Among the people of the African Gold Coast the person

who wishes to swear by a divinity usually takes something to eat or drink which appertains to the deity, who is then being prepared to visit a breach of faith with punishment
:

supposed to be in the food and drink, he will make the man s 6 The offer to swear over body swell if he commits perjury the Sacrament has occasionally occurred in Christian com
.

no sacramental communion, or the establishment of a human and divine contact, in the

munities.
again, there need be
Vide Anthrop.Journ. 1902, p. 464. They are also invoked as witnesses of solemn private transactions, such as emancipation of slaves, R. 10.
b
c a

Or

the Cold Coast, p. 196; for instances of

the sacramental

form of oath-taking
211.

videChantepiedelaSaussaye,^/z^V?//Jgeschichte^
e I, p.

Sahagun
Vide
Ellis,

(Jourdanet

et

Simeon,

p. 195).
d

The same Num. v. 27.

idea

is

found in

LXX,

Tsi-speaking Peoples of

B 2

GREEK RELIGION
be such as
{

[CHAP.

ceremony of the
formula

may

the oath, but only a mimetic act of ritual as I do to this beast or this stone or
:

This is allied piece of metal, so may God do to me, if. the other form still like to sympathetic magic, but implies the presence of some conscious divinity or demoniac power while
. .
;

no such implication in the simplest animistic form of May this crumb oath-taking which is a kind of ordeal choke me if This slight digression is relevant to the question we start with how does Homer conceive of Gaia ? The question is not so simple as it seems. It is evident that he sometimes regarded her from the same point of view as the later culti vated Greek or the modern civilized man, as a great physical
there
is
f
:

entity,

living in
life

some

sense, but

with such a

as

man s.

On

not personal nor fraught the other hand, in the ritualistic

is

passages quoted from his

;

poems above, she

and we may divine power them merely the vague and formless conception of the whole earth as animate and conscious. There may have been in Greece, as elsewhere, some period of fluid animism that had
to

evidently a real doubt whether there underlies

not yet deposited those concrete personalities of divinities, whom the world of nature with its phenomena serves
*
:

environment the merely as a residence, a shell, or Arcadian worship of thunder, pure and simple, may be an

amorphous form of religious consciousness. But Homer s imagination works in a mould so precise and anthropomorphic that we must believe the Gaia to whom his warriors sacrificed and whom they invoked in their oaths to have been something more than a mere potency, a vague and inchoate perception of early animistic belief. But is she for him the clearly defined and anthropomor
instance of that

phic personality that later developed art?

was.

we
ritual

find

in

He nowhere makes
of sacrifice

the beautiful type of the it appear that she

No

doubt the

and the ceremony of

anthropomorphic process, but in them The selves they do not reveal it as perfected and complete *.
oath-taking assist the
*

Vide Schrader, Real-Lexikon,

s.v.

Eid\ he does not

believe that the invo-

cation of personal deities in the oathceremony is Indo-Germanic ; but that

i]

CULT OF GE
a

ITerpco^a, an erection of and sacrifice existed in Greece, as elsewhere, before the deity assumed clear human shape and character. The

Arcadians at Pheneus swore by their

;

stones

ritual,

as

Homer

narrates

it,

does not decisively answer the

The black lamb is promised to Gaia, important question. and she would be supposed to receive its blood that was shed
upon the earth
sacrifice was,
;

but

we

are not told

what the manner of the

but only that Priam took the bodies of the Some kind of sacrament, whereby the victims back to Troy.
warriors are placed in religious rapport with divine powers, is probably implied in the ritualistic act of cutting off the hair

from the heads of the animals and giving a lock of it to each But such an act by no means shows of the chiefs to hold b that Gaia was realized by the imagination in form as concrete and personal as Zeus and Athena. In the ceremony of the oath taken by Agamemnon, the boar is the animal sacrificed, and in the later history of Greek ritual we find him the peculiar victim of the earth-deities and the chthonian powers
.

not said to have been offered; but when the oath has been sworn over him, he is slain and cast into the

but here he

is

perhaps as a mimetic acting of the curse. In the instances just examined, Gaia is invoked in company with Zeus, Helios, the Rivers, and the Erinyes and we cannot
sea,
;

say that all the figures in this group are palpable and concrete

forms of anthropomorphic religion still less could we say this of the trinity in the Odyssey, Gaia, Ouranos, and Styx, which Calypso invokes in her oath to Odysseus.
;

Nor does Homer anywhere

kind of personal activity. be operative in some way in avenging the broken oath, but
the primitive Aryan oath was taken over some object which we should call in-

expressly ascribe to Gaia any She must have been supposed to

animate, but was supposed to work out a curse on the perjured, such as the stone
in the

haps to the same kind ; vide Demeter, R. 205 . a Vide Demeter, R. 235.
//. 3. 273-275. It is noteworthy that Antilochus is asked by Menelaos to touch his horses and swear by Poseidon

Roman

oath (Polyb.

3. 2 5, 6),

the

ring and the ship s board in the Norse oath. The oath administered by the

that he
23.

was innocent of
;

evil intent, //.

wife of the king-archon to the Gerarai at Athens, fv KO.VOIS (? = over the sacred
bread-baskets), belonged originally per-

584

we may suppose

that

by touch-

ing the horses he puts himself into com-

munion with Poseidon Hippios.

6
those to

GREEK RELIGION
whom
this function is specially attached

[CHAP.

the

two

punish below the earth the ghosts of the perjured after are Hades and Persephone, forms more concrete than death

who

And it is these two, not Gaia, whom Altheia calls upon Gaia. to avenge her against her own son, while many a time she smote the all-nourishing earth with her hands a
*

In fact, where Gaia in Homer is animistically conceived, and not purely a material body, we may interpret her rather
as the impalpable earth-spirit than as a goddess in the Hellenic sense. She is not a creative principle in his theory of the

cosmos, nor a potent agency in human affairs. But Homer cannot always be taken as the exponent of average con

temporary
character.

religion.

In the Hesiodic

poems she has

far

more

She

assists in the evolution

in the struggles

vitality and personal of the divine world

and plays a part

is

of the divine dynasties. She of to a even the nurse Zeus, according legend which seems
5
,

to have reached Hesiod from Crete

and which harmonized

with a prevailing popular conception, soon to be examined, of

Ge Kovpor/xK^oj. The conception

of her

is

more glowing and

.

vivid

still in

the

G fragment of an Homeric hymn as the spouse of Ouranos, the

rhapsodist sings of her Mother of the Gods, as the

The

all-nourishing power that supports all life in the air and water and on the earth, the deity through whose bounty men s homes are blessed with children and rich stock, and at the
close

Demeter
his
soul.

he proffers the same prayer to her as the poet made to at the end of the Demeter-hymn, that in return for
will

song she

Part of this

grant him plenteous store to gladden his may be rhapsodical and conventional
;
:

but probably he came nearer to the popular feeling than did Homer in this matter nevertheless the rational materialistic
idea glimmers through 1*. As regards the dramatists T ~ 9 there are a few passages in Aeschylus and Euripides that illustrate the popular view of
,

Ge 7

in the
*
//. 9.

Persae piacular offerings are recommended to

same may be
said of the

Ge

Much

568. the

well-known

lines of

Solon Ga .

i]

CULT OF GE
;

and Ge, Hermes, and the King spirits of the departed of the shades are invoked as holy powers of the world below, and are prayed to send up the spirit of Darius for his people s

and the

guidance.

memnon

(1.

In the Choephoroe Electra, in her prayer to Aga 148), includes her with other powers as an avenger

of wrong. The oath which Medea dictates to Aegeus is in the name of the broad floor of earth, and the sun my father s
father/

But other passages

are,

perhaps, of more importance

as a clue to the true feelings of the poets.

The

beautiful frag

ment of the Danaides, concerning the sacred marriage of heaven and earth, expresses in figurative phrase what a great modern poet might feel and express Ouranos and Gaia are not cult-figures here, but names of natural processes and cosmic powers, which the poet exults to contemplate the
:

divine
is

personage directing the genial processes of creation not Gaia, but Aphrodite. The striking passage preserved
is

from the Chrysippus of Euripides

full

of

new

pantheistic
:

and partly materialistic, partly scientific, conceptions the divine Aether is addressed as the parent-source of men and
gods, but the earth receiving the moist drops of warm rain bears the race of mortals, brings forth food and the tribes of beasts wherefore rightly she has been deemed the All-mother ;
*
:

and the creatures made of earth pass back into earth again. The well-known lines of Sophocles in the Antigone referring
,

to the tilling of the ground,

Earth, the supreme divinity, the immortal and unwearied one, he wears away/ reveal a curious

mixture of the popular personal religion and the modern materialistic idea. But the latter never wholly triumphed and in the latter days of paganism Plutarch can still say u the name of Ge is dear and precious to every Hellene, and it is our tradition to honour her like The any other god.
1

says Porphyry, is the common household hearth of gods and men, and as we recline upon her we should all sing in her praise and love her as our nurse and mother 11 / It remains to examine the actual cults, which the literature sometimes follows, sometimes transcends. The catalogue of local worships of which record remains is scanty, and only
earth,

some of them

are worth special

comment.

The

tones of

GREEK RELIGION
*

[CHAP.

a very old religion are heard in the Dodonaean liturgy,

:

men

Zeus was and is and will be, tioned in the chapter on Zeus hail great Zeus: earth brings forth fruits, wherefore call on mother earth a may assume that at Dodona a primitive
.

We

worship of the earth-goddess was at one time associated with the Aryan sky-god. Whether it survived till the time of

we cannot say. Elsewhere in North Greece the Gala has left but very few traces. We hear of her temple on the shore at Byzantium, which suggests that it existed at Megara before the departure of the colonists 12 In Aetolia an interesting formula has been preserved in an
Pausanias
cult of
.

relating to the enfranchisement of a slave: the master takes Zeus, Earth, and the Sun to witness that she is made free and equal to the citizens in accordance with the laws At Thebes 15 a fifth-century inscription, of the Aetolians 10
inscription
.

according to a convincing restoration, attests the existence of a temple of Fata Ma/ccupa TeXecro-^opoy, and the titles designate
her as the goddess of abundance who ripens the crops b only other cult-epithet that marked her character as the
.

The
fruit-

bearing goddess

is

KapiroQopos,

by which she was honoured

at

although, wherever her cult survived at all, we should this expect aspect of her to have been the most salient. But there were other important ideas that naturally adhered to the

Cyzicos

27

The

earth-power, whether male or female, in Greek imagination. earth is the abode of the dead, therefore the earth-deity has power over the ghostly world the shapes of dreams, that
:

often foreshadowed the future, were supposed to ascend from the world below, therefore the earth-deity might acquire an oracular function, especially through the process of incubation,

which the consultant slept in a holy shrine with his ear upon the ground. That such conceptions attached to Gaia is shown by the records of her cults at Delphi, Athens, and Aegae.
in
*

Vide Zeus, R. i5 k

my

ffibbert

natural,

and could be
the

illustrated

Lectures, p. 199: a Lithuanian prayer to God and the earth, followed by a sacrament, recalls the Dodonaean for-

examples:

instances

by other quoted by

Mr. Bayfield, Class. Rev. 1901, p. 447, are not sufficient to prove that the word
could only mean authoritative/ a term too vague and insignificant to be of use
as a cult-title.

mula,

vide

Frazer,

Golden Bough
of
T(\r<p6pos

2
,

vol. 2, p. 319.

This

meaning

is

i]

CULT OF GE

recently discovered inscription speaks of a temple of Ge at 14 and we are told by Plutarch (Apollo, R. 114) that Delphi her temple at Delphi stood on the south of Apollo s near the
;

water of Castalia, and

referring to

it

may

be that Mnaseas of Patrae was

Delphic inscriptions, when he mentioned the itpbv Evpva-Tfpvov u Certainly the broadis a most Ge ; it had already one for bosomed designation apt a occurred to Hesiod or was derived by him from contemporary cult and it was actually given her in her worship at the
this, in his collection of
.
,

Achaean Aegae 21
Delphic
cult
;

These are the only records of the later but a number of well-attested legends shed a light
.

on the pre-Apolline period in the history of the oracle, when the earth-goddess was in possession of the sacred spot. The priestess in the Eumenides proffered her first prayers to Gaia the first prophetess, who was the earliest occupant of the oracle, and who bequeathed her supremacy to her daughter Themis b And Euripides preserves the interesting myth
.

that the earth, jealous for her daughter s sake of Apollo s usur pation, sent up dreams for the guidance of mortal men in their
cities,

and thus thwarted the Apolline method of divination: whereupon the young god appealed to Zeus, who forbade

henceforth the dream-oracle at Delphi. The story illustrates the conflict between two different periods and processes of Delphic /zcuTt/oj, and this point will be noted later in the

chapter on Apollo. It accords with the history of the oracle that Pausanias has preserved d which he derived from a poem attributed to Musaeos the earliest oracular powers at Delphi
, :

were Ge and Poseidon, Ge s inheritance afterwards passing to Themis. This account was alluded to by Apollodorus 6 and other writers, and we can regard it as accepted in the main by
the Greek world.
also can accept it. It is confirmed by certain features in the ritual of the later Delphic divination, and also by the story of Python. In the account of Apollo s

As

regards Gaia,

we

victory given in the

*

Homeric hymn f the Delphian snake

,

is

T/ieof. 117.
b
c

d
e
f

Apollo, R. 112.
Apollo, R. 113.

Apollo, R. 118. Apollo, R. 116.

Ad Apoll.

300.

io

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

feminine, as we should expect the incarnation of the earthbut it appears that in an early fragment of goddess to be Delphic oracular verse Python was represented as a robber
;

of Parnassus, slain by Apollo, yet possessing in some sense a sacred character, as the god had to be purified from the stain
of his slaughter by Cretan men Hyginus has preserved the before that the of legend days Apollo, Python was wont to oracles on Parnassus we hear also that his bones were give
1

b and that placed in a cauldron and guarded in the Pythion kind some of worship or religious drama was performed in his honour down to late times. And Plutarch informs us that
,

a funeral ode, set to the flute, was composed to commemorate him by the younger Olympus. can understand and

We

interpret these curious records, serpent was the familiar animal,

,

when we remember

that the

sometimes the actual embodi d ment, of the earth-deity and was often regarded as the incar nation of the departed spirit, and as a sacred and mystic animal in Greek religion. It was not only at Delphi that the snake was associated with a chthonian system of prophecy in the shrine of Trophonios at Lebadea there was a prophetic snake that had to be propitiated with offerings of honey cakes 6 and it is very probable that Ge herself was one of the aborigi nal powers of the Trophonion, and only became supplanted by her young double the nymph Hercyna, whose badge is the snake f unique system of divination by means of sacred
:

serpents survived in Epirus,

if

we may

trust a narrative in
.

The same Aelian, which cannot have been wholly baseless g animal was found in some of the shrines of Asclepios, where a medical divination was practised by means of incubation, and the tame serpent was supposed to creep by night to the sleeper and whisper remedies into his ear. It seems, then, that Aelian was justified in his statement, 48101; rjv T&V bpaKovrcw /ecu ^ pavh and that we may venture to believe that the famous riK7J story of Apollo and Python reflects a very important event in
,

b
c

Apollo, R. in. Apollo, R. 115. Apollo, R. 115;

Cf. Herod.
I.
cf. ib.

e
f

Apollo, R. 115.

26 4e .

78

TeA/7<rff&s

...

Vide Demeter, R. 42 b Vide Apollo, R. 190. Nat. An. II. 16.

-yovT6s fyiv fivcu 7775

i]

CULT OF GE

the religious history of Delphi, and not, as used to be supposed, a meteoric conflict of storm, thunder-cloud, and sunshine. It was rare to find Gaia prophesying in her own person.

There was a tradition, which Pausanias records, that she had once possessed a prophetic seat at Olympia, near her altar of No doubt her worship goes ashes that was called 6 Tatojback to very primitive times in that region, as the fact of the
.

altar bearing the

of the deity suggests an early stage of a and she may have been associ religious thought and ritual ated with Zeus at Olympia as at Dodona, for in both places he
;

name

bore the oracular character that was so rarely attached to him. The prophetic power belonged also to Ge Evpvortpros of

and the epithet alone would suggest an original From the Delphic and the Achaean cult 14 between affinity Pausanias and Pliny we gather an interesting record of the method of divination at Aegae the former does not connect

Aegae

21

the shrine with prophecy, but declares that the image of the earth-goddess was very ancient, and that the ministration was
in the hands of a woman, upon whom a severe rule of chastity was imposed b if there were several candidates for the office, their fitness was tested by a draught of bull s blood. Pliny supplements the account and makes it more intelligible, telling us that the priestess drank a draught of bull s blood
:

before she descended into the cave to prophesy. Now the bull is one of the animals specially sacred to the earth-deity and to

the divinities of agriculture ; and as ecstatic divination always implied demoniac or divine possession, the aspirant to this
supernatural power could attain to the necessary communion with the deity by eating the flesh and drinking the blood of the animal of sacrifice. have an exact parallel in the

We

Cf. the

altar

ayvias,

and Apollo

necessary, and that this

was relaxed

in

Ayvtcvs: this partial identification of the altar and the god may descend from
the period of pillar- worship, the pillar being at once the altar and the temporary

favour of elderly married women or widows ; we find elsewhere in Greece

the same relaxation of an older and more
ascetic rule,
it

of the divinity. b If she was not a maid, she must never have had intercourse with more

home

and for the same motive was thought better to ensure chastity
:

on her office than to demand chastity previous to her

after the priestess entered
investiture,

than one man.

We may

believe that

according to the older rule a virgin was

12

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAK

worship of Apollo Pythios at Argos: the priestess there also was inspired by a drink of bull s blood. We may naturally
conjecture that the same ritual was once a part of the worship of the prophetic earth-mother at Delphi, and that it was taken

by Apollo and brought thence to Argos. But Pausanias account is probably true as well. The draught may have worked not merely as a means of inspira tion, but as a test for deciding between competitors for the
over
priesthood for the magic liquor might be supposed to pro duce dangerous or at least tell-tale results in those who in respect of chastity or for some other reason were unfit for the
;

sacred

office.

Finally,

we may

Trjs fjLavTflov

at Patrae

suspect the existence in early times of a -2 where a statue of the earth-goddess

,

stood in the sacred grove of Demeter, by the side of images of the mother and the daughter a. Outside was a sacred well

where a curious water-divination was practised

of prognosticating the course of maladies.

for the

purpose
let

mirror was

down

until the
*

rim touched the surface of the water: after

to the goddess, the consultant gazed into the mirror and saw the form of his sick friend as one either dead or living. This ceremony was, no doubt, older than the organized Greek polytheism, and belongs to a water-magic that is connected with sacred wells, and has been universal in Europe. But it seems likely that at Patrae the ritual became consecrated to
sacrifice

the earth-goddess or earth-spirit, and may have been after wards taken over by her younger sister Demeter. Similarly, in the Plutonium at Acharaca, near Tralles, we hear of a system of incubation for the healing of diseases connected
specially

with the cult of the chthonian powers b It was through her prophetic character that Ge acquired the cult- appellative 0/ius, which was attached to her at Athens 16 c and, unless the old legends deceive us, at Delphi also. That
.
,

this

was intended to designate her as a goddess of righteous

is
:

ness in general
figure of Gaia

very improbable for it is not likely that the always half materialistic, could be the centre
;

Demeter, R. 258.

>

Vide Demeter, R. 124.

CULT OF GE

13

around which such high ethical ideas could cluster. We know of a more special use of tfe /xiy, as applied to the oracular a and it is in this sense that we should interpret the response cult-title of Ge-Themis at Delphi and Athens, and we thus
:

understand
the
I

why

the altar of Themis at Olympia stood near to

Taios

have already suggested b that Themis, as a personality in Greek religion, was originally an emanation from Ge; and here may be a fitting place to develop and substantiate
a theory which does not seem to have been systematically examined, still less definitely accepted or rejected hitherto.

One reason for accepting it is the improbability of the only other conceivable theory, that Themis began her religious career as the mere personification of the abstract idea of
righteousness.

Such

early in the religious

personified abstractions are doubtless thought of the Greeks as of other races.

But the

careful study of these in

Greek

cult

and

literature

leads to the conviction that only those became prominent and of a certain vitality in the popular religion which had emanated
originally

from concrete personal

deities

as Peitho

emanated

from Aphrodite, Nike from Athena, Nemesis if the view maintained in a former chapter be correct from some Attic Now Themis, in the earliest divinity akin to the earth-goddess.
literature, is

in the Titanic

a very concrete figure, a living and active power and Olympian world. In the p re- Homeric days,

of personi fying righteousness but it would be against all analogy that they should attach to her such very palpable and personal myths. And many of these bring her into close connexion
;

we may admit, the Hellenes may have been capable

with Gaia: thus, according to Hesiod, the infant Zeus was entrusted to the nurture of Gaia, but, according to Musaeos, 35 and this affinity between the two goddesses is to Themis
*

clearly revealed in the Delphic legend,

dogma
*
BffjiiffTcs.

with Aeschylus
16.

c
.

and was an accepted Reference has already been made d

ffvfJiirpo^rjTfveiv

Horn. Od.

Horn.

Hymn.

403 Aibs fiCfaXoio Apoll. 394

0/Soj
2,

aiov.
n. b.

b
c

Cults, vol.

p.

495

Oefuaras Qotflov Air6\\cuvos, cf. Apollo, R. 182* ; Plut. De Herod. Mai. p. 860

Prom. V.
Cults, ib.

209.

TOV 06oO

fj.a.VT(iav

TTJS

\ffoncvrjs

14

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

to the local legend of Boucheta in Epirus, which discloses an ancient cult-figure of Themis Tauropolos, the goddess riding

on a

bull,

the sacrificial animal of Gaia, and

we

are reminded

of the bull-riding Europa, who was in all probability a CretanBoeotian form of the earth-goddess. Again, the union of Zeus and Ge was an ancient myth that gradually faded, and the

name

of

Ge was

displaced

by others
of Ichnae,

in the story

the marriage
a by Hesiod
,

Themis was a and the Thessalian town

of Zeus and

living belief perpetuated

whence 0/xts derived an ancient cult-title Ixuawj that occurs in one of the Homeric hymns, explained its own name by the legend of Zeus amorous pursuit of Themis. We must suppose that the people imagined him pursuing a real corporeal goddess, and not the abstract :ja a The union of Zeus and Themis is idea of righteousness probably a later equivalent of the marriage of Zeus and Earth.
.

This explanation of the goddess of Ichnae as a disguised form of the oracular Gaia, the spouse of Zeus, will be further corro borated, if we can trust a doubtful gloss in Hesychius, who
speaks of a pavrelov at Ichnae occupied by Apollo, and can believe on the strength of this that Themis was the original 33 a We have other proof of the goddess of the oracle there
.

ancient cult of

Themis

or

Themissta

in

Thessaly

33 d
,

and

it
,

33 f 3a e is probable that in this region, as in Thebes , Tanagra 1G g the worship derived sustenance from some idea and Athens
,

more personal and concrete than the bare

Finally, the theory that
*

personification.

is

being maintained

mysterious phrase of Clemens Alexandrinus,

.

may explain the who speaks of the

mystic symbols of Themis, marjoram, the lamp, the sword, The passage suggests that there the pudenda muliebria 34

were mysteries or opyia. somewhere in the worship of Themis, and these might be found, as we shall see, in the Gaia-cults, but could not possibly be attached to Dike, A6i/cia, or other
*

impalpable personifications. And the symbols themselves are the sword, possibly the lamp, might be the badge of the mere goddess of righteousness but it is only by supposing that the Themis of these unknown mysteries was
significant
:

something more concrete than

a

this,

and was

allied to

an earth-

Theog. 901.

i]

CULT OF GE

15

divinity of fertilizing function that we could hope to explain I am assuming that the the opiyavov and the Krets ywaiKeios a
.

Christian Father
If this view
is

not talking at random. correct, the ancient oracular cult of

is
:

Ge-Themis

acquires a special importance for it will have given rise to the worship of a higher ethical goddess, who, having broken the shell and escaped the limitations of Gaia, could take on

the more universal character of a goddess of righteousness, the common term O^LS having always meant more than the mere
righteous decision of the oracle. Returning now to other localities of the Gaia-cult, we can The ritual and believe that it was aboriginal in Attica 10 .

popular superstitious practices are sufficient proof. In gather ing a certain medicinal herb, a careful Athenian would put into the hole a honeyed cake as an expiatory offering to Ge, a sacrificial gift of common use in her ritual and in the search
;

to her as the guardian In the of wealth. private marriage ceremonies she may possibly have once had a place b for Proclus tells us that the ancient Attic Oea-fjioC prescribed a preliminary sacrifice before the
for
;

hidden treasure, a

man would pray

wedding to Ouranos and Ge. But as the former figure belongs merely to myth, and neither to Attic or any other Hellenic
cult, we may believe that the neo-Platonist, in accordance with a certain characteristic tendency, has misnamed the powers and that the real sacrifice before marriage, of which we have other evidence c , was to Zeus and Hera, whom Greek theory,
;

as

we have seen, sometimes identified with Ge. Nor in the public Attic ritual was Ge forgotten, though
in

nowhere prominent, save

a

the local cult of Phlye

1G d
,

of which

The use of the same symbol in the Thesmophoria of Demeter is well attested, p. 89.
b

In the Vedic marriage-ritual the earth-

goddess does not clearly appear, but Varuna, the heaven -god, is among those
to

In Latin marriage-ritual the recogis

whom

sacrifice is

made

vide Hille-

nition of Tellus

attested

Servius,

Aen.

4.

166:

by Vergil and quidam sane

;
:

brandt, Vedische Opfer, &c., p. 68 ; but the idea of the marriage of earth and

etiam Tellurem praeesse nuptiis tradunt

nam

nuptiarum invocatur cui etiam virgines, vel cum ire ad domum

in auspiciis

heaven in spring appears in some parts of India, Frazer, Golden Bough *) I,

p. 223.
c

mariti coeperint, vel iam ibi positae, diversis no minibus vel ritu sacrificant.

Vide Hera, R. i7

-q

16

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

we have
tells

a very interesting but doubtful record. Pausanias us that the men of this deme had raised altars to Dionysos
1

the flower-god, certain nymphs called lo-^TjwSe?, and to Ge, Nowhere else is this whom they called the great goddess. emphatic appellative attached to her, but is the usual designa
tion of the
like other

Q&V

MTJTTJ/),

a more developed form of Gaia who,

kindred goddesses,

may

have superimposed herself

upon the latter s more primitive cult. The Phlyan cult was if a certain passage in Hippooriginal in another respect also,
which he appears to have drawn from Plutarch, has a for it seems to attest been rightly interpreted and emended at existed that a solemn orgy or mystery Phlye in honour of than the mysteries to be older claimed which the great goddess, 16d and some such primitive fact may have left its of Eleusis impress on the genealogical account that Pausanias gives us of the foundation of the opyia of the MeyaAat Beat, Demeter and Kore, at Andania by Kaukon, the son of Phlyus, who was the
lytus, in
:

son of

Ge b

All that

we can conclude with some

at
;

security

is

that there

was a very ancient mystery-worship

Phlye conse

Ge in her own name nor need this surprise us, for we hear of them nowhere else, mysteries in her honour though in vogue that were afterwards covered by the been have may name of Demeter. What may be the explanation or the
crated to
credibility of the concluding statement in Hippolytus, that there was a chamber or colonnade at Phlye, of which the walls

were covered with mystic paintings the pursuit, for instance, of a dog-headed woman by a hoary ithy phallic man with wings remains an unsolved riddle. The other district in Attica where we have trace of a Gaiacult, which we may believe to have been ancient, is the Mara-

Two inscriptions prove that at some thonian Tetrapolis 16 e time in the early winter a black he-goat was sacrificed to the
.

earth-goddess in the acres, and again in Elaphebolion a prega

Vide Welck. Griech.

Gotterl.

I,

Meya\at

0u

at

Phlye as well as An-

Demeter, R. 246. Welcker seems to build too much on the passage in Pausanias, when he concludes from it
that

p. 322, note. b Vide

dania, and that these were the earth-

goddess Tr) and Koprj her daughter ; Ge, under this name, is never the mother
of Koprj.

there

was a mystery-worship of

i]

CULT OF GE
f
//az>retoi>.

17

Ge near the The latter designation is as her that ancient association with suggesting interesting, divination was remembered in this place. In Athens also, amidst the multitude of the stronger and more attractive per
nant cow to
sonalities of religion, her

worship was able to survive.

The

inscription found on the Acropolis, speaking of the institution of some service in honour of Ge Karpophoros 16 k in accor

dance with the oracle/ appears to point to the time of Hadrian. It has been connected, though on slight evidence, with the
that Pausanias describes as dedicated there, repre earth can imagine senting imploring Zeus to send rain. the beautiful form of the mother-goddess emerging raising her

monument

We

and her hands to heaven, as we see her on vases in the gigantomachy and on the Tergamene frieze, where she is pleading for her children. The oracle to which the inscription
face
refers
is

probably Delphi, which, at

its

remembered

this late period, for affection the early earth-goddess.

still

In the ancient myth, and probably in ancient religion, she was both a giver of fruits and a nourisher of children. But the only cult-title that attests the latter idea, which springs so a is Kovporpo ^o?, and there is some naturally from the former and about doubt this designation. Usener and controversy other writers have regarded Koi>porpo (o9, whom we find on the Athenian Acropolis and on the Tetrapolis 16 a at Samos and possibly Eretria, as a personage who was originally Kouporpo and nothing more, a functional the nurturer of children an known only by appellative, and not by any proper deity an to earlier system of Sonder-Gotter/ and name, belonging who were less anthropomorphic and less individualized than
, ,

(/>o9,

the later evolved deities of the polytheism b The validity of the whole theory will be examined in the concluding chapter of this work. All that need be said here in regard to
.

KovpoTpocfros religion she

is is

known by

that certainly in the earlier records of Attic this appellative alone. Her shrine on
all

the Acropolis was the KovpoTpotyiov, and in

a

the

known

Instances of association of
2
,

human
:

fertility

and the earth are very numerous

Mannhardt, Baumkttltus, b Vide Hero-cults, vol.

p. 303.
5,

R. 337.

vide Frazer, Golden

FARNELL.
Ill

Bough

2, p.

109

i8
earlier

GREEK RELIGION
inscriptions

[CHAP.

is simply *H Kovporpotyos: the one has where she as Trj Koi;porpo appears quoted by Rangabe*, we or and its cannot check accuracy assign its disappeared,

she

(/>o?,

The first authority that attests the latter double title Pausanias, who mentions as on the south-west terrace of the Acropolis the double shrine of Ge Kofporpo^o? and
date.
is

Demeter

XXorj,

the verdurous

goddess.

The
;

later lexico

graphers and scholiasts, who are fond of such speculations, lc a apply the title to various divine personages but Suidas pronounces in favour of Ge and adds that Erichthonios was to this goddess on the Acropolis, the first who sacrificed as a thank-offering for his nurture, and ordained that before every other sacrifice a preliminary offering should always be consecrated to her only he leaves us in doubt whether by this goddess he means Ge or Ge Kovporpo^oy. We can
:

accept his statement with some reserve concerning the pre liminary sacrifice to the earth-goddess on the Acropolis as part of an ancient ritual but he is no authority for the view
;

that in

the

any ancient liturgy she was explicitly identified with In the inscriptions from the nurturer of children.
;

is explicitly distinguished from the latter who Athenian records is identified with Demeter, but never with Ge. But all this comes only to prove that the Athenian worshipper, when praying to Kourotrophos, was not necessarily aware that he was praying to the earth-mother it in no way proves that the two were not originally identical, and that the nurturer of children/ regarded as a separate person, was not merely an emanation from Ge, born in con sequence of the shedding of an appellative, a most common

Tetrapolis she

in

two

late

this hypothesis we of her cult, and why the importance Athenian ephebi offered sacrifice to her b and why she was afterwards identified with Demeter. Pausanias statement,

phenomenon

in

Greek

religion

On

shall best understand the

then,
a

may

only contain the rediscovery of an ancient fact

has two epithets, or two disappear through variety of names, b Athena, R. 35 .
c

c
.

A deity that

and the identity of individuality tends to

descriptive designations, may easily be split into two apparently separate deities
in

any

liturgical
ritual the

formula

for in semi-

magical

name

is all- important,

see chapter

For further discussion of the subject on Hero-cults, vol. 5.

i]

CULT OF GE
Reasons somewhat similar have been given

19
for the interpreta

tion of the personage known in Attic ritual name Aglauros as another form of Ge a
.

and myth by the

Pandora, whose

real nature is clear, the

affinity with solemn oath that the

Her

ephebi take

in

her

and to cherish

to guard the boundaries of the land agriculture, seem to reveal her as the great

name

earth-goddess rather than as a mere local nymph. And on this supposition, that it was once the national cult of a divinity pre-eminent in the early religion of Attica, it is more natural
that her worship should have travelled to Salamis in Cyprus, where the Attic associations are manifest. In her ritual in

the latter island, we have important evidence of an early custom of human sacrifice the victim was brought up by the ephebi, and after he had thrice run round the altar he was speared by the priest in later days, the rite was consecrated to Diomed, and was finally suppressed in the time of the later Greek kings of Cyprus. The mere fact of human sacrifice throws no light on the personality of Aglauros for we find traces of it in Greek hero-cult as well as in the higher religion. But believing her to be the earth-goddess, we should expect, on the general analogies of European and non-European
:

custom, to find in legend or ritual a reminiscence that the vast accumulation human victim was once offered to her.

of evidence, too solid in bulk to overthrow en masse, collected by Mannhardt and the present generation of anthropological scholars from all quarters of the globe, establishes the preva
lent

connexion of human

sacrifice
.

with harvest-ritual and the

b It is sufficient to mention worship of vegetation deities here a few typical instances from various parts of the world In Egypt, to assist our consideration of the Cypriote rite.

men were offered in the dog-days at the grave of the Osiris, earth-deity, their bodies were burned and their ashes scattered to the winds Among the Tshi-speaking
red-haired
.

Vide Athena, R. 2 25 Demeter, R. 109; discussion of the question in

i

Bough"

vol. 2, pp. 238-248.

Cf.

Mann73,

vol. i, pp. 288, 289 further references are given in Hero-cults, R. 30, Dionysos, Geogr. Reg. s.v. Attica.
;

hardt, Baumkttltus, pp. 358-361. c Plut. Dt hid. et Osir. c.

quoting from Manetho, does not mention the red hair, but says that the victims

Vide

especially

Frazer,

Golden

were called

Tvtyuviot.

it is

Diodorus who

C 2

20

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

peoples of the Gold Coast a human victim was sacrificed at the yam-harvest, and some of the blood was poured into the hole

whence the new

yam was

taken

a
.

The Khonds

in

India

sacrificed a slave to the earth-goddess with mysteries and drunken orgies it was a good sign of plentiful rain if he wept copiously his flesh was afterwards torn in pieces and scattered
;
;

Finally, the Mexican custom may be mentioned of calling by names that designated the spirits of vegetation the five human victims who were offered to the

over

the

fields

was eaten by the worshippers c Now in these and similar ceremonies the moving idea need But whether not, and probably was not, always the same.
mountain-gods and whose
flesh
.

the

human
d
,

victim

is

expiation incarnation of the deity so that his flesh has a sacred value Avhether eaten sacramentally or scattered over the land, or

or whether he

offered to the earth-power by way of is regarded as in some sort the

rite belongs rather to the domain of savage sympathetic magic, one thing is at least clear the sacrifice assists the fertility of the land, according to the belief of the
:

whether the horrid

worshipper.

important to bear in mind that the Greek record such sacrifices is rarely, if ever, so clear and explicit concerning that we can at once assign them their place in a universal
it

But

is

system of vegetation-ritual. The fantastic and often cruel ceremonies connected with ploughing, sowing, and reaping, almost universal in primitive agricultural society, are not often
that red-haired

completes the account, i. 88, stating men were once offered by

the kings at the grave of Osiris
;

Macpherson, Memorials of service

and

in India, p. 113; Mannhardt, Baumfind the same kiiltus, p. 356 note.

We

both agree that red was the colour of Typhon. Dr. Frazer, Golden Botigh, 2,
142, 255, interprets these victims as the incarnations of the vegetation -spirit, their red hair symbolizing the ripe corn,

idea in Mexico that

it

was a good omen

shed tears
et

for rain if the child-victim

abundantly (Sahagun, Jourdan.

pp. 57, 58).
c

Sim.

but this
Osiris,

spirit,

on

his

own
;

theory,

was

and these victims are apparently

Sahagun, op. cit. p. 71. For examples of ceremonies that are obviously merely piacular before
d

identified with

Typhon

the red hair

agricultural

operations
,

vide

Frazer,

as naturally refer to the fiery heat of the sun.

may
a

Golden Bough 2 vol. 3, pp. 323, 324, and cf. the Attic irporjpoffta noticed
below, p. 42.

Ellis,

Tshi-spcaking peoples of Gold

Coast, p. 230.

i]

CULT OF GE

21

soil.

presented to us in recognizable simplicity on ancient Greek have to resort to the constructive interpretation,

We

scientific perhaps,

but

still

and of incompletely recorded

conjectural, of incomplete legends ritual that is often overlaid with

the deposit of later religious thought. Cypriote sacrifice is a case in point.

is

The problem

of the

agree that and we the are naturally inclined earth-goddess, Aglauros to suppose that the human victim at Salamis was offered for But he was not offered by husbandmen, agrarian purposes.

We may

but escorted by the ephebi, the young warriors of the

;

com

munity and we are only told that his body was wholly consumed on the pyre. Perhaps his ashes were once strewn over the field, as the ashes of Solon were said to have been scattered over the Attic Salamis, and those of Phalanthos over the forum of Tarentum a to fertilize the land or to plant Or in Aglauros worship an a guardian-spirit within it. ancient agrarian ceremony may have been transformed into
,

a piacular vicarious offering for the sins of the community. We are thus left to conjecture, and the theory is tentative
only.
Similarly,

we may

venture to explain the legend of the

self-sacrifice of the

Athenian Aglauros, who casts herself down

the precipice of the Acropolis to save her country in time of of a primitive custom of casting peril, as the misinterpretation an effigy of the vegetation-deity down a steep place or into

the water.

But the only

basis for

this

conjecture

is

the

personality of Aglauros herself happened elsewhere.

and the
this

fact that

such things

These primitive ceremonies and

were connected
with the
life

barbarous magic that

soil are rarely pre sented to us transparently in Greek legend or record, because owing to the tend of Greek imagination and civilization the agrarian ritual tends to become political and civil, the

of the

agrarian legend is translated into higher mythology, and takes on a political, often an epic, colouring b Only here and there
.

Vide Hero-cults,

vol. 5,

R. 306, and

Kzilte,

p.

215 note, marks the same

Plut. Solon, 32.

b

Mannhardt, Antike Wald- nnd Feld-

transformation in the agrarian myths of Semitic and Teutonic races.

22
in

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP,

such stories as those about Charila, Erigdne, Eunostos, the simple life of the peasant and his quaint thought gleam
through.

must be content to say, then, that we may faintly an early agricultural significance in the Aglaurossacrifice at Athens and Salamis. A barbarous practice belonging to the same range of ideas as those with which we have been dealing seems clearly revealed in a story that Pausanias tells
discern

We

leading man of this city consulted the Delphic oracle with the question how he should find water he was advised to slay the first person he met on in his land
us about Haliartos
.
:

his return

he met his own son

first

and immediately stabbed

the youth ran about still living, and wherever the blood Here seems magic dripped down, the earth sent up water.

him

and a

ritual

consecrated to the earth-spirit that strikingly

reminds us of the practice recorded of the Khonds. Finally, the legend preserved by Euripides in the Heracleidae* of

Macaria s self-immolation to Kore, the oracle having pronounced that the gods demanded the life of a maiden, may have arisen, as the Aglauros-story, from a real ritual practice in the cult of
the earth-goddess. May a similar original fact have engendered the ghastly Argive story, narrated by Parthenios (c. 13) concerning Klymenos the well-known name of the chthonian

god

and

his incestuous love for his

revenged herself
there
is

by cooking Apart from these indications of

his

own

daughter Harpalyce, son at a sacrifice ?

who

half- forgotten savagery,

:

Greece were offered to her as to other divinities, the victims being generally of a dark colour, and their blood probably shed into a p66pov, as was the case in the offerings to the dead wine was doubtless sometimes poured out to her as to the ghosts, sometimes
nothing animals as well as cereals and
fruits
:

specially striking in the Ge-ritual of

perhaps by special ordinance withheld, as we hear that only vrifyaKia were consecrated to the daughters of Cecrops, those

humanized forms of the earth-goddess c So far, the cults, legends, and practices we have been con.

Apollo, R. 137.

For Ge-ritual vide R.

7,

16 b

h
,

2 r,

Demeter, R. 114.

23.

i]

CULT OF GE

23

sidering belonged to the Earth of agriculture and vegetation.

But Gaia had another and a darker aspect, being worshipped Mykonos, and probably once at Delphi in associa The ritual at tion with the dead and the ghostly realm. 23 is recorded in an inscription Seven black lambs Mykonos were offered to Zeus X0oVio? and Trj XOovia, and the epithets allude to the lower regions, and here perhaps to a marital The relationship between their male and female deities. been void of to have or taboo any ceremony appears ghostly terrors, for the worshipper was bidden to feast probably at the place of worship off the sacrificed animals and this implies a religious communion.
at Athens,
.

Fuller information

is

given us about the chthonian ritual at

in

Athens.

Ge was remembered

two

state services that

were

consecrated to the worship, or to the memory at least, of the dead. The Tevea-La, or the solemn ritual of the yivt\ or clans,

which took place in early autumn on clans brought offerings to the and on the same day a sacrifice was graves of their kinsmen, performed to the earth. The celebration, which was naturally mournful, was also called z/eKvo-ia, and the offerings may have consisted of x oat/ libations, and &pcua, fruits and flowers a these may have been intended for the dead primarily, but
festival

was an All Souls

the
fifth

of Boedromion,

when the

perhaps for the earth-goddess as well

for

Cicero

tells

us

that in the Attic burial ceremonies, the ground, immediately after the inhumation, was expiated with fruits that it might

be returned to the uses of the living 16 or as we might say, that the taboo might be removed from it b
,

more important was the part played by the earthand the view has been goddess in the Attic Anthesteria recently taken and skilfully maintained by Miss Harrison, that
Still
;

a
s.

R,

7, 1

Hero-cults, R, 21 (Hesych.

veKvata.
b

v. TfVfaia).

The vt^aia
probably

R.

137

were

Artemis, distinct, a

Dieterich,

Archiv f.

Religions-

private ritual of the family. thorities are somewhat vague.

The

au-

wissensch., 1904, pp. 40-41, interprets the passage differently, believing that

phrase may Attic practice at

glosses

lus

Aeschybe derived from the the reveaia, and the

the ground was strewn with seeds so that by this sort of sympathetic magic

should

of Hesychius suggest that we connect the wpaia with the

the return of the departed soul to light in a second birth might be secured,

24

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

the Dionysiac character of this celebration was a later usurpa tion upon an older mournful festival consecrated to Gaia and

The whole question of the Anthesteria will be the ghosts a in discussed the chapter on Dionysos. It is enough to note here that Gaia maintained her part in it down to the latest
.

period.

For Pausanias tells us 16 b that the sanctuary of Ge Olympia at Athens, which stood within the re/xeros of Zeus Olympics and borrowed its cult-title from the god, stood near a chasm in the earth, which legend connected with the sub
b

s deluge and that every year cakes of and were we may conclude thrown down into it barley honey that this was an offering to the earth-goddess, for we hear of similar offerings being made to her on other occasions ]6 h

sidence of Deukalion

Again, the author of the Etymologicum Magnum speaks of the Ybpotyopia as a mournful celebration at Athens held in

honour of those who perished

Plutarch informs us that such

in

Deukalion

observances

and deluge took place in

;

Athens

in the

to the calends of

month of Anthesterion at a date corresponding March finally, the scholiast on Aristophanes,

;

quoting from Theopompos, asserts that the Xvrpoi, as the last day of the Anthesteria festival was called, took its name from
the x^ TP aL
t

or dishes of olla podrida

(TraixiTrep/jua)

that were
.

offered to the victims of the deluge on that day Putting these indications together we can conclude that the TSpo^o/na was at least associated with the Anthesteria, when we know

that the ghosts were specially entertained, two of the three days of that festival being aiiofypabes or ominous on their

account.

It

is

recognition

is

true that in this three days solemnity, Gaia s merely that ritualistic act of throwing the

barley-cakes into the chasm. But the feeling of her association with it must have been strong for we can only explain the intrusion of the deluge-story, which half spoils the true sig;

Hell.Journ. 1900, p. 99. This epithet is nowhere else found

;)

from Polemon)
;

a connexion between

the
c

earth-goddess

and Poseidon was

to the

unless the goddess called

OAv/iffta at

fairly

common.
124,

whose temple was close to the whence the sacred cup dedicated to the sea-deities was taken, is to be interSyracuse,
altar

Anthesteria
vol. 5.

For these and other references vide Dionysos, R.

preted as

Ge

(vide Athen. 462 C, quoting

i]

CULT OF GE
of an

25
intended to

nificance

All Souls
if

celebration

memorate dead kinsmen, Olympia was an ancient

we suppose

that the rejueyos of

com Ge

much
itself.

central point for the performance of of the ceremony, and that to the chasm in this place an

aetiological

myth
it

And

ceremony

the

Hermes

XtfoVios,

of the deluge had accidentally attached appears that in the chthonian part of the nether earth-goddess was connected with the god of the lower world
.

have to regard Ge as the dominant goddess of the whole festival, if we accept the theory concerning the It rests partly on the Ilifloiyia put forth by Miss Harrison. And this equation is identification of Pandora with Ge.
generally accepted and not open to dispute. 16 g the name itself graphers were aware of it
:

We should even

The
is

lexico

transparent,

and Anesidora,

she

who

sends up gifts/ a
:

still

more obvious

epithet of Earth, appears as a variant form on a well-known vase in the British Museum the line of Aristophanes pre
scribing a preliminary sacrifice to Pandora is paralleled by the statement in Suidas that old Attic ritual demanded a pre liminary sacrifice to Ge. And even in quite late times the
identification

was recognized.
:

The man who

consulted Apol-

lonius of

Tyana concerning

prayer to

Ge

the finding of a treasure made the philosopher led him out to a lucky spot

and prayed himself to Pandora before returning to the city. And early Greek art proved itself half-conscious of the identity of the two figures a fifth-century vase, recently published by Prof. Gardner b , in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford shows us the form of Pandora arising from the earth exactly as Ge
;

And the herself arises in certain mythic representations. comparison of the Pandora scenes with that small group of vases which show a large female head emerging from the
ground, while male figures, often satyrs, stand over it with hammers in the act of striking, suggests, as Miss Harrison has
well pointed out, a primitive ritualistic practice of evoking the
a

Cf. the combination of Trj

in the

Kdroxos

and Hermes Kdroxos

formulae of

538 (Athens), 539, vide Hermes, R. 19 both inscriptions very illiterate,

b

the dirae, private incantations by which one cursed one s enemy C. I. Gr. i
: .

HelLJoiwn. 1901,

p. I, PI. i.

26
earth-spirit

GREEK RELIGION
.

[CHAP.

3 To the evidence by hammering on the ground she has collected may be added the interesting parallel of a Christian myth preserved in an Armenian MS., in the

Bodleian, narrating that Christ descended from heaven with a golden hammer, and smiting on the earth evoked the Virgin

Church

b
.

This natural

affinity
life

of death and the

important passage in near the rock stood the temple of the Semnae, its vicinity whom he identifies with the Erinyes, and in it were dedicated
:

between Ge and the shadowy powers is further illustrated by an Pausanias concerning the Areopagus and
after death

statues of Pluto,

Hermes (who was frequently worshipped as he adds that those who were the nether god), and ,Ge 16b acquitted by the verdict of the court were wont to offer
:

sacrifice in this temple.

We may

offering or

as a piacular service

intended

interpret this as a thankto wipe off the

miasma of the

homicide-trial.

Of other local worships there is nothing clear to record. We may suppose that the cult at the Elean Olympia belongs to an ancient era 20 and that Ge there also had certain
,

chthonian associations.

For Elis in old times was haunted by the presence of Hades, and KAv/meros, another name for the c god of the lower world, was a heroic figure there Does all this cult reveal a completely anthropomorphic We cannot affirm this absolutely in all cases. Such figure?
.

epithets as EvpiWcpros and EvptoTra (if the latter were ever attached to Ge as it was to Demeter) betray the consciousness of the material fact blending with and partly blurring the

human

conception.
20

and vegetative functions have clearly evoked the full anthropomorphic idea a better proof is perhaps the institution of games in her honour which we
Neither need her oracular
:

have reason to believe existed in Attica 1G * if nowhere else. And no doubt her personality would tend to become more
Hell. Journ. 1900, pp. 106, 107 her view of these vases appears to me more probable than that put forth by
:

Agathangelos Greek Text, ed. La:

garde, from Bodleian MenologionArmen. b I owe this reference to the c. 3, fol. 7

Prof. Furtwangler, 1891, p. 116.

Jahrbuch

d.

d.

/.

kindness of
c

my

friend,

Mr. Conybeare.

Vide Hades, R.

21.

i]

CULT OF GE
by her frequent
association with

27

clearly defined

many

of the

human-divine personages of Greek polytheism. Moreover, Hellenic art in dealing with the figure of Gaia was naturally obliged to invest her with the full human form her presence was required for two and only two mythic representations,
:

the birth of Erichthonios and the battle of the giants with the gods, and for these the perfected art invented a type of full

matronly form, luxuriant beauty with sometimes the added charm of pathetic expression. There is less reality and no cultsignificance in the later Hellenistic personifications of Earth,
in the figure on the interesting Carthaginian relief, for instance, where she appears with children on her lap and cattle around

her, majestically seated in the

fire
first

midst of figures that personify

and water a

It is

impossible to say

how

early was the

The earliest certain personal representation of Ge. is to us the Melian terracotta instance that has come down b The goddess emerging from the earth and the ham relief
.

may be a very old art-type, in fact must be as old Hesiod s Theogony^ if it gave rise to his perverted version but the rising goddess was probably of the Pandora story And not called Ge, but Pandora or sometimes Persephone c we want to know when Gaia was made human and personal
merers
as
;
.

under her

own name,

not

under any cne

of

her

many

doubles and disguises. Again the type of Kourotrophos, the goddess holding children in her arms, goes back to 1 but this does not attest the prehistoric Mycenaean times
,

personification of Gaia herself, for we do not and can scarcely hope to know the personal name of that prehistoric goddess. No doubt the agency of art did assist the anthropo
this process,

morphic development, but we cannot date its influence in and the personal godhead of Ge still seems to And the reason of have remained in the embryonic stage. and it is name was was difficult for the this that her Ge, higher mythology and the higher anthropomorphic religion
a

Baumeister, Denkmaler, Fig. 621.

from the earth

is

illustrated

by

its

Roscher

Lexikon, vol.

i,

p. 1577,

Fig. b.

appearance on a Greco-Buddhist relief, vide Buddhist Art in India, Griinwedel,

transl. d

The long continuance and prevalence of this type of the goddess emerging

by Gibson,

p. 99, PI. 51.

Archaeol. Anzeig. 1901, p. 130.

28

GREEK RELIGION
Therefore this

to attach itself to so materialistic a name. cult has scarcely a point of contact with the
life

of the race.

Her

oracles usually pass to

:

more advanced another Themis

:

breaks away from her

the early legal system of

trials

for

homicide, upon which society so much depended, finds its religious support in the cult of the dead or of the Erinyes, Apollo or Athena, while Ge remains far in the background.
It seems that she must disguise herself under other names, that did not so immediately betray the material fact, in order As Pandora she could to develop into active personality.

become the bright centre of a human myth as Aglauros she could die for her country as Themis she could become the
: :

goddess of abstract justice

and, though only a half-formed personality herself, she probably gave birth to many of the most robust creations of polytheism. Rhea-Cybele had
:

a great religious career.

But the brightest of

all

Gaia

emanations

is

Demeter.

CHAPTER

II

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

(References, p. 311.)

THE worship to which this chapter is devoted is one of the most important and fascinating in the whole Hellenic religion. In the study of it we seem to have a picture revealed to us in outline of the early agrarian life, of the social usages on which the family was based, and also of the highest religious aspira The folk-lorist and the student of primi tions of the people. tive anthropology can gather much from it; and it also contributes largely to our knowledge of the more advanced
religious

thought

in

Europe.

bright and
it is

attractive, there

connected at

many

primitive element in it is scarcely a touch of savagery, and points with the higher life of the state.
is

The

The mythology

of the cult enthralled the Hellenic imagination and inspired some of the noblest forms of art, and it appeals to the modern spirit with its unique motives of tenderness and
pathos, with the very

human type

of the loving and bereaved

mother.

The attempt
partly successful

to explain the
:

name Demeter has been only

little

part of the word means

doubt but that the latter and this is a fact of some mother/ it shows that the name and the worship is for importance, a heritage of the Aryan population, and its universality in
there can be

Greece gives evidence against the theory that the presence of the female divinity betrays the non- Aryan stock. The Greek cult may be regarded as merely a local development of the European worship of the corn-mother or earth-mother. The meaning of the prefix AT] is uncertain the old view that it was
:

a dialect-variant for earth, so that the compound signified

earth-mother,
is

Perhaps Mannhardt
*

etymological ly unsound and improbable. a that the first part of the word s theory
,

Myth. Forschnng,
2,

p.

292;
169
;

vide
cf.

Mag. s.v.

AT/O;

Arjal irpotrayopevovTat VTTO

Frazer, Golden Bough,

p.

Et.

ruv Kprjrwv

at

3o
is

GREEK RELIGION
akin to the Cretan Arjat

[CHAP.

barley, a
in

same stem as that which appears more consideration.

word formed from the ea and feca, deserves

earth- mother or corn-mother sums up most of the myth and most of the cult of Demeter. And the evidence makes it clear that her individuality was
all events, either
4

At

term,

rooted in the primitive and less developed personality of Gaia; the ancients themselves discovered the fact or had remembered
it
l
.

And some of the titles of the two divinities,

cult, coincide,

both

in poetic

parlance and in actual

nature.

or reveal the identity of

Demeter was worshipped as Xa^vvr] 2 at Olympia, and the name was associated with the legend of the descent of Hades we can scarcely doubt that it is a derivative from the
;

stem that appears in x a Mt, and designates the goddess of the ground. The cult must have been ancient and of high prestige,
for the priestess

who

administered

it

was given

special prece

dence at the Olympian games, and viewed them seated on an

altar as a semi-divine personage
:

the ministrant here doubtless

embodied the

we

deity, a conception of the sacerdotal office which can trace in the earlier days of Hellas, but which tended to

fade in the later period. The name EupwTra, better known as the name of the Cretan form of the earth-goddess, was applied

Demeter at Lebadea 3 where Pausanias records the temple of Demeter Evp^irt] in the grove of Trophonios, and informs us that those who wished to descend into his grave and con sult his oracle must offer a preliminary sacrifice to her and other divinities, and that the local legend regarded her as the nurse of Trophonios. The spot was full of chthonian associa tions, a great centre of the worship of the nether powers, and the legend throw s a sidelight upon the belief which we must regard as very early in some relation between an earthgoddess and an earth-god, for as such Trophonios must be With such an epithet of the earth as the broadinterpreted.
to
,

faced

one we

may compare

the Sanskrit
.

name

Prthivi,

the

broad one, of the earth-goddess 8 Another illustration from Boeotia of the affinity between Demeter and Europa is the
worship of Demeter TavpoiroXos at Copae
a

12
.

Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,

p. 88.

ii]

DEMETER AND KO&E-PERSEPHONE

The same
original nature of
*

31

transparent

epithet

Demeter appears again in the EtpvoSeta/ which was attached to her,

.

3 And the according to Hesychius, in her cult at Skarpheia epithets which have been noted as occurring in the cult or legend of Gaia, A^o-iScopa, KapTrotyopos, Kovporpotyos, X0oi>ia,

will

be found to be appellatives of Demeter

also.

Of the juxtaposition of the two divinities in actual worship we have only two recorded instances, at Athens 5 and Patrae 6
,

but the brighter and more developed cult may often have suppressed the simpler and allowed no memory of it to
survive.

We may note
cation of

also, in this

connexion, the occasional

identifi

Demeter with the earth-goddess of Crete and Asia Minor, Rhea-Cybele, the divinity of orgiastic and violent rites, whose character stood in marked contrast to that of her
Hellenic counterpart
7
.

Melanippides
this point
is

may have

been thinking
:

of

Rhea when he
explicit

called

Demeter the

mother of the gods.

Euripides in the Helena the mountain-ranging mother of the gods with fleet limb sped o er the wooded brakes, the flow of river waters and loud-

But most

on

yearning for her vanished daughter of the poet goes on to tell us that the tym panum, the badge of the Asiatic worship, was used to console Demeter in her bereavement. That Euripides should have
resounding sea-wave,
in

name unspoken.

And

identified

two

divinities,

widely to such

different,
fleoKpcujia

whose ritual and legend were so need not surprise us. He was rather given he had a conviction that Demeter was the
:

earth-goddess, and presumably he, like others, held the same opinion about Rhea and in both cases he was probably right. And there seems to have been some brazen musical instrument

the mysteries of Demeter, of which the ritualistic was to summon back Persephone, and perhaps at the same time to give warning to the uninitiated a and the sound may have seemed to Euripides something like the wilder

used

in

function

This minstrelsy of the Cybele rites. of Pindar s epithet x a ^ K KP OTOS f

a

may be
r

the explanation

tne

brazen-sounding
to

Mr. Cook,
15,

in Hell.

p.

accepts O.

Gruppe

Journ. 1902, s view that

the

gong was sounded

ward

off

chthonian powers.

32

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

Demeter. One or two illustrations from actual cult-records can be offered of this religious synthesis. In the Despoinaworship at Akakesion in Arcadia, the MeyaArj Mrjrrip appears in some association with Despoina and Demeter. And the
worship at Mykalessos, where the temple of Demeter Mu/caATjcrwas supposed to be closed every night and opened by the
<na

Idaean Heracles, one of the Dactyli, may point to some popular correlation of Demeter to Rhea. Similarly, we hear of the statue of Heracles, diminutive as the Idaean Dactyli were imagined to be, placed near her statue at Megalopolis. Finally, we have a fifth-century inscription from Amorgos,
in

which Demeter is styled ope??/ the mountain-goddess, an epithet which we must suppose she has borrowed from RheaCybele
7
.

As

earth-goddess,

the corn-field.

Demeter has functions that range beyond She could be worshipped as the giver of all
fruits,

vegetation and
narcissus
at
at

to
35
;

whom

the myrtle, the briony, the

find

were sacred
2r>

and thus we
.

such

titles
30
,

as

the

Phlye 13 Megarian Nisaea

,

Kap-notyopos in

many places The last appellative

MoXois

explained by Pausanias as designating the goddess of sheep, but we must interpret it rather in relation to the apple-orchard 8
,

and in the same way must translate the invocation in Callimachus hymn 14 Feed our cattle, bring us apples, the For it is worth observing that corn-stalk, and the harvest. Demeter has far less to do with the pastoral life than with the
,

none of her appellatives suggest the 10 and it is not certain that she former, except perhaps evySoo-ta was ever styled thus and though she might be worshipped here and there, in Attica and Laconia, as the goddess of wells
cultivation of the soil
: ,

and springs n they concern the

,

tiller as

much as

Her

usual sacrificial animals are the bull and

the shepherd. cow and the pig:

the former kind belong as much to agriculture as to pasturage, and Demeter, like other divinities that had relations with the
the pig is the victim earth, was worshipped as TavpoiroXos On specially consecrated to the powers of the lower world.
:

Ahrens has shown that HOL\OV

is

Doric

for apple, never for sheep,

Dor. Dial.

145, 153.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

a
.

33

is not mentioned among her sacri b and animals, very rarely a sheep or ram was of XAo cult that Demeter or Ei/xA-oo?, An important whose shrine on the south-west terrace on the Athenian Acro

the other hand, the goat

ficial

r/

polis

was

for long the only habitation of the

9
.

goddess

in the

original city
Tpofyos.

And

this, too,

Therefore, though we of the earth-mother was primaeval in Athens and its vicinity, it is probable that Demeter herself did not belong to the primary

she had to share with Kovpomay believe that the worship

stratum of Athenian religion.

Polis
;

The

ancient goddess of the

,

was Athena and, as we have seen c much of the agri cultural myth and ritual, which elsewhere in Attica and generally in Greece was associated with Demeter, was in Athens consecrated to her. The cult of XAo as other Demeter cults, may have come to Athens after the incorporation of Eleusis in the Athenian state. We have proof of it at Coloin the Marathonian nus, Tetrapolis, where the appellative
?j,

occurs without the proper name Mykonos, and finally at Eleusis

a
18
,

common phenomenon

at

the worship. to reveal a glimpse of the pre-anthropomorphic period when the natural object itself might be conceived as animate and
divine, and the personal deity had not yet clearly emerged thus such religious perceptions as Demeter the Verdure or Zeus the Thunder on the one hand, and Demeter the Verdure* *

perhaps the parent city of claim Its chief on our attention is that it seems

giver or Zeus the Thunderer on the other, may be the products of widely different strata of religion. Again, the title XAo rj or E#xAooj might designate the goddess of young vegetation in

general or specially of corn the scholiast on Sophocles refers it to the verdure of the gardens, but probably it generally
;

But a dough effigy of a goat appears have been offered at Delos in the 91 Thesmophoria , and Prof. Newton found the bones of goats among relics of other animals in a deposit below the
to

goat, unless we take xP v ^ Kt Pcas to apply to the ox only this latter view, which
:

appears to me more probable, though the grammar is faulty,

is

Mommsen
far as I

s,

So

am aware

there

is

only one
(vide
s.v.

ground of the Cnidian temenos, Travels in the Levant, 2. p. 183; and the xP vff K Pca * ordered by TpiTToia an Athenian decree to the two Eleusinian goddesses lf must include the
&6apx<>s

monument showing a goat-sacrifice Monuments of Demeter, p. 220).

b

R.

9,

21,

60;

Geogr.

Reg.

Kalymnos.
c

Vol.

i.

pp. 290, 291.

FARNELL.

Ill

F>

34
signified the first

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

growth of the crops, cereals being more Thus or fruits to the early society. flowers than important a late oracle delivered from Delphi to Athens speaks of the
shrine of

Demeter XAo
first

?;

and Kore on the Acropolis as the

And the festival of corn-stalk grew. 18 Attic in the the XAouz at Eleusis year after the coming c and the the straw-festival/ the AA<Sa, threshing-festival,
place where the
,

was certainly a cereal celebration. At Athens the service of Demeter Chloe was held in early spring, when they first saw the green corn sprouting, and was accompanied at Eleusis the date was probably with mirth and gladness the same. At Mykonos we hear of her sacrifice occurring on the twelfth of Poseidon, and if this month was here, as in the Attic calendar, a winter month, we must regard the ritual as of the nature of an evocation, to summon the spring and to
KaActjueua,
1
:

of the persuade the winter to go, just as we may explain much winter service to Dionysos. The Athenian spring-sacrifice a must be distinguished, as Mommsen has pointed out, from
that later service of

Demeter Chloe, which, according

to Philo-

chorus, took place on the sixth of Thargelion. was never spring in Attica, the crops were
this date,

This month
ripening

by

and the harvest was near. Moreover, the sixth of Thargelion was a day of purification and of mortifica This sacrifice, therefore, unlike the former tion at Athens. of festival early spring, was probably one of atonement, joyous a propitiation of the goddess whose fruits were about to be from all parts of the world, gathered. We have now evidence

and other evidence from Attica

guarded by

itself,

of the harvest-process

being regarded as a dangerous act,

which must be rigidly

many prior piacular Whatever may have been the

ceremonies.

exact connotation of XAo rj

when it was first applied to her, there is no doubt that the idea of the corn-mother belonged to the earliest conception
of Demeter, and was always

by

far

important

in

myth and

cult.

We may

the most prominent and believe, in fact, that it

function that she was originally specially to fulfil this differentiated from the less cultured form of Gaia. The earliest

was

Heortologie, pp. 9, 36, 54.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

records,
,

35

literary

the Homeric and Hesiodic poems 15 only The only myth that recognize her as the corn-goddess. Hesiod narrates about her, besides her marriage with Zeus, is the story of her loving intercourse with lasion in the Cretan
corn-field, of

which Ploutos

is

the fruit;

and Dr. Frazer a

aptly compares the on the harvest-field.

to

German
In the

belief concerning the child born

Works and Days, the two deities whom the husbandman is advised to pray, when he first
*

begins the ploughing, are Zeus XOovios, the god of the soil and in order that the nether world, and Holy Demeter Demeter s holy grain when ripe may yield a heavy crop.
identified with the

In other parts of the world the corn-sheaf itself appears almost goddess of corn, the last sheaf for instance

the grandmother, or being sometimes called the mother, the maiden, and being dressed up and worshipped as such.
1

A trace of this

animistic conception, which probably in

many

places preceded the anthropomorphic, has been supposed to be discernible in ancient Greece. It may be lurking in the Tanagran story of Eunostos, which will be examined in a later

chapter

b
,

The phrase

but as regards Demeter the evidence is lacking. Arjjurjrepo? CLKTTI is quite consistent with the an

thropomorphic point of view. The line quoted by Plutarch from the harvest poem of a certain poet speaks of the
but the verse has not reapers cutting the limbs of Demeter the ring of antiquity, and it is more likely that the phrase is conscious metaphor, like Homer s impersonal use of Ares and
;

it is the survival of a materialisticwhich the deity and the thing were concept confused. Again, the word tovXo? has been taken by Usener c

Hephaestos, than that

in

religious

as proving that the primitive Greek, like his Aryan kinsfolk in early and late times, regarded the last sheaf of corn as

a corn-spirit, and his theory points to the of Demeter lovXco from the animate corn-sheaf, development v But !ouAo9. the careful examination of the texts does not
establish this
:

animate with

"lovXos

or oSAos seems originally to have been

common
&

noun, meaning not the last sheaf, but the sheafs

b

Golden Bough*, pp. 217, 218.

Vide Hero-cults,

vol. 5,

R. 328.

Gotternamen, pp. 282, 283.

36

GREEK RELIGION
;

[CHAP.

bound together, the corn-stack then to have been applied to the song which the reapers sang over the stacks finally, if we can trust Apollodorus, to a fictitious being, a hero, who was
;

evolved not from the corn-stack but from the song, as lalemos and possibly Linos were evolved from the dirge a There
.

were certainly corn-heroes or corn-spirits in early Greece, and the myth about them, as for instance about Eunostos, is natural harvest- folklore but none of them reveal themselves The dif Still less does Demeter. as animate corn-sheafs. y who is nowhere heard ference between a Demeter
;

!ot>Aos

is the difference between a lower and a Demeter and a higher stratum of religion separated by a period which we cannot measure. Athenaeus 9 informs us that according to Semos of Delos, on his treatise on paeans, the separate sheafs used to be called a/zaAcu, but when stacked together the whole

of

IouAa>

and Demeter was styled at and they call both the one time XAo rj, at another lovAw fruit and the reapers songs in honour of the goddess by the same name ovAot, touAot (also ATjjzrjrpooAoi, harvest-songs in Then follows what seems like a refrain honour of Demeter).
stack

was

called ouAoy or tovAo?,

of

some such song

stacks.

The
J

sometimes by was called

IouAo>

bring forth plenteous stacks, plenteous harvest song and the stack, then, were called the same name, and Demeter the stack-goddess but Demeter is not called the stack nor
;

doubt, as the husbandmen of nearly all parts of the world have been in the habit, at some time or other in the history of their race, of regarding the last sheaf
identified with
it.

No

the reaping as in some way divine, of addressing it in personal terms, and perhaps giving it some touch of human form, we can believe that the custom existed among ancestors
at

of the historic Greeks.

And what

people

ancestors were in

always likely that some late descendant Still it is strange will be found doing in some hole or corner. that there is no record left us in Greece of these fetiches of the
the habit of doing,
it is *

Suidas, Et.
iTfpl

Mag. Phot.
(v

s. v.

lovXoy

rds oJSds auras Ka\ovaiv,

&v
d</>

ai TUIV

Apollod.
I.

Q(o>v,

Miiller, F.

H. G.
Oprjvots
Siv KOI

p.

434.

(KaOairep

piv
a</>

Otpiarwv w5^i AvTitpaqs.} The reapers song in Theocritus may be intended as

idXtfJios, tv

Sf u/^voty Ioi/Aos,

a cultivated form of

15
an"loiA.o>

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

Nor
is

37

harvest-field, these

corn-maidens.

corn-grandmothers, or corn-mothers or Dr. Frazer s explanation a that classical

cient to disarm the force of the

writers ignored the uncouth habits of the country quite suffi argument from silence in this

For no one knows better than he the enthusiasm with case. which Pausanias collected the strangest relics of savagery from the Greek country side. Therefore Dr. Frazer s suggestion
passage that Demeter and Proserpine, those stately and beautiful figures of Greek mythology b were probably evolved from the primitive corn-fetiches of the field,

put forward

in a striking

lacks the one crucial point of evidence. Nor does he seem that to realize Demeter s whole character in worship sufficiently
^

cannot be entirely explained as developed from a primitive cult of a corn-mother. There is the shadowy personality of

an earth-goddess in the background, of larger dimensions than a corn-sheaf, which lends magnitude and grandeur to the

Demeter- religion.

The
The

titles that

are broadcast in the records of the

Greek

cults are sufficient

field,

testimony of the cereal functions of Demeter. the grain, and the farming operations are alike

under her surveillance, and she assumed appellatives from them all she was invoked as the goddess of the young corn 23 and the ripe, XAcfy, Ml/not 33 as Afrjcruz, the goddess of spelt
:

AS^ayia, EverTjpia abundance of food/ There

2iro>,

34

22

IjuaAis
is

she

who

surfeits
in

men

with

a boorish frankness
,

the epithets

22 she of the big loaf and A6r/0ayi a,, MeyaAaproj, McyaAo^afo? the big cake/ that tells us what the worship meant for the Sici The reapers hailed her as Ajucua 24 lian and Boeotian rustic. 25
AjmaAAo</>o

She stood by the threshing-floor as AAojay 238 or EuaAcoo-ta 28 perhaps she was supposed to lock the door of the granary in her festival of ETruAetSta 18 b and possibly that mill-goddess who was called Evvooros, the goddess who gives a good yield to the flour, and who watched the miller s dealings with the measure, was a faded Demeter whose proper name was lost c Some of her appellatives, that
pos
,

IouAa>.

probably alluded to the corn-field, savour of great antiquity,

a

Golden Bough

z
,

vol. 2. p. 217.
c

Op.

cit.

p. 216.

Hero-cults, vol. 5, R. 328.

38

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

preserving obsolete words of which the meaning was lost or obscured. can understand the Attic cult of OjuiTw a 31

We

we gather from Suidas that the word denoted meadow/

more use
is

the goddess was so-called because or food, or Demeter s fruits of

;

the statement

Callimachos employed the

by the scholiast on Nikander that word oymvai for sacrificial cakes

burned on the altars as offerings to the gods, especially to Demeter. But what does Ha^-nav^ 2 mean, or Axeipco or EArjyr/pu 27 ?

The

ancients explained the last term as alluding to the summer-heat which dries the corn and for the same reason she was called Kauoris, perhaps at Athens 3 and both in the neighbourhood and the city of Hermione 29
;

@/>^a<na,

The corn-myth Eleusinian dogma

priceless
arts

and the Atticsupports the corn-cult that Demeter had taught mankind the
;

agriculture, chiefly through her apostle Triptolemos, became generally accepted in later Greece, sup pressing other myths that attributed the progress to other local divinities or heroes. Only, as beans were tabooed at Eleusis, a separate hero had to be invented as patron of the
bean-field,

of

and we hear of a connexion with Demeter b

.

Kva/xtTT/y

ijpu>s

who

is

allowed no

turn to Attic records

we must again and again the Attic agrarian feasts which give us the most detailed and vivid picture of this side of her character. Nearly all the more important of these are
in general
;

For Demeter-worship

and

it

is

associated with Eleusis rather than Athens, for in the capital itself it was not Demeter but Athena and Apollo, as has been

partly shown in a former chapter, to whom the agrarian liturgy of the year was mainly consecrated. In arranging the Attic corn-festivals of Demeter, it is more

convenient to follow the months in their sequence in our year rather than the Athenian. The advent of spring was marked

by the XAo eta, or XAota, a feast perhaps of Eleusinian origin, which has been described above. There is no sure ground for identifying this with the TlpoyapLvrripia % which was another
a

Hesych.

s.

v. /tat/arty.

As has been done by Bloch, Roscher s

2.

Hero-cults, R. 338.

Lex.

p. 1325,

whose statement of the

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

39

At some early spring-ritual probably consecrated to Kore. time after the XAoeta we may place the KaAa/uata, as we have the right to suppose that the order in which the festivals are
mentioned
the

name

the Eleusinian inscription is chronological 18 suggests a religious ceremony for the strengthening
in
:

it

of the stalks to produce a good yield of straw. At Eleusis was conducted by the demarch, and the ritual included

a procession, probably round the fields. That it was specially consecrated to Demeter is proved by the inscription from the Peiraeus 750 which connects it with the Thesmophorion
,

and makes it appear that, like the Haloa and ThesmoThere is no phoria, it was specially a women s festival. special festival mentioned in the Attic calendar in honour of
there,

the corn-goddess occurring just before the harvest, such as was perhaps the DpoXoyta in Laconia a but the offering to Demeter XAo rj on the sixth of Thargelion answered the same
;

purpose

9
.

It is

somewhat surprising
:

Demeter

at all in the record of the 0apy?jAta, the

it

feast of the early harvest

no mention of Athenian to and belongs Apollo, secondarily

to find

to Artemis.

The part that was assigned to Demeter and Kore in the Skira or Skirophoria is one of the most intricate questions of Attic festival-lore. It has been partly discussed in the
b chapter on Athena and far more fully than would be here relevant in A. Mommsen s Feste der Stadt Athen c That the
,
.

summer Skirophoria took place on the twelfth of Skirophorion and the inscriptions published is well attested by the records
:

by Prott and Ziehen in their Leges Sacrae^ and one found at the Peiraeus 75q show that a festival was held in this same

month in the Tetrapolis and probably in the Peiraeus. The explanation offered of the word by Mommsen, that it means the ceremonious carrying of the o-Kippa, white earth/
or offerings laid in white earth, to be strewn over the land as manure just after the harvest, appears probable 6 and he
:

rightly rejects the scholiast s suggestion of

npoxaptffrripia
Pis

the white

um-

misleading

vide infra,

c d
e

USa

pp. 310, 313, 504-511. b P- 49, no. 26 , 11. 30, 31.

But vide infra, p. 48. Vide i. p. 292, with references.

may accept this Op. cit. p. 315. suggestion without admitting the other

We

40
brella.

GREEK RELIGION
The
from the

[CHAP.

clear

agrarian intention of the whole ceremony seems fact that the procession moved from the city
a/aorot,
.
1

But was a diversity of opinion among the ancient authorities as to the divinity to whom primarily the rite was consecrated. Opinions wavered between Athena Skiras on the one hand and Demeter with her daughter on the other. Mommsen inclines to the view that the festival came to Athens from a But he gives no convincing Megara as a Demeter-feast reason. That the procession moved to Skiron is evidence
,

to a place called Skiron, where one of the three lepot the annual ceremonious acts of ploughing took place 17

there

for this place is much nearer to Athens than to and the sacred ploughing which took place there and Eleusis, which was regarded as the most ancient institution of the three had no association with Eleusis or Demeter. And on the

against

it,

other hand,

Athena

agrarian goddess. It was she who had taught them the use of the plough, and the icpbs a/joro? that was performed VTTO TTO AIZ;, or beneath the old city was probably consecrated to her, in company perhaps with Zeus 17
as
*
.

we know their own

that the Athenians claimed priority for

She would then have a prior right to the Athenian Skirophoria, and as we find that it was her priestess who with the priests of Poseidon-Erechtheus and Helios (or rather Apollo) escorted the that were carried by the Eteobutadae, we may
2<ippa

naturally regard her as the aboriginal divinity of the rite b Nevertheless, perhaps owing to the growing influence of
.

Eleusinian worship, the mother -and daughter won their place in this festival, and at last the claim was advanced that it

Thus Clemens of Alexandria groups really belonged to them. the Thesmophoria and the Skirophoria together, as religious plays representing the myth of the Rape of Proserpine And the scholiast on Lucian goes so far as to declare that
.

the two were identical

75i
.

The

inscription from the Peiraeus

(which
is

jects

part of his theory that these were the obwhich were brought up out of the

not certain) he considers as

subterranean adyton by the

women

at the

proving that it was originally Demeter s. I do not see the cogency of this reason.
b
c

Thesmophoria, and that the 2/fi/)o</)o/)ta=

&(ano<j>6pia.

Athena, R. 27 a8 Athena, R. 27

aa
.

The

fact that

it

came from Megara

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

at least the 2/appa,

41

shows that here

also a
for
its

which we gather were here

;

summer festival, belonged

performance took place
of the Peiraeus,

entirely to the 0ecu tfeo-juo^opot

in or in

connexion with the

the chief performers, and no doubt they enacted the story of the mother s loss. Moreover, we are given to understand that the Suppa imposed
6cr}jLO(j)6pLov

women were

certain rules of purification

who took
in

part in

it,

the procession. charm, and was used for this purpose at Eleusis, being there placed by the 6a8ouxo? under the feet of those who desired
purification

and chastity upon the women a and that the Fleece of God was carried This was a most potent purification-

of temporary in the Thesmophoria, and such rules chastity is are not infrequent in ancient agrarian and harvest-ritual Mommsen is inclined to refer those passages elsewhere

from guilt found again

The

special

rule

that point to the presence of rather to an autumn

Demeter and Kore

in

in

the festival

Pyanepsion than to the summer 2/upo$o pta in Skirophorion. But it is hard to believe in the existence of the former at all, in spite of the authority
2fupo<>o />ia

quoted by Athenaeus

d
,

and

in spite

of the scholiast on Lucian.

The latter gives us some very valuable information about the Thesmophoria (which were held in Pyanepsion) and is evidently
drawing from a good source. But his opening statement that the Thesmophoria were actually the Skirophoria may be due merely to a confused conclusion of his own drawn from such passages as that in Clemens, where they are vaguely

The reason for being collocated but clearly not identified. find a one. can no instance of the is strong sceptical

We

same festival, designated by a special name such as Skirophoria and giving its name to one of the months, occurring twice
a

Phot.

s.

v. TpoirrjXis

ci/

5e rots

tival

being performed at the time of

-

Steipots XT/ (oprfj tfffOiov ffKupoSa

evfKa
*tA.o-

rov diTtxfffOai
X<>pos.

ktypoSioituv

o/s

the 2/cfpa, but the flax^^P10 was a ritual conducted by the ephebi, the 2/ ppa were a women s service nowhere else are the
:

b
c

R. 138. Vide Frazer Golden Botigh *,

vol. i, Zeus,
;

Vide

two
vol. 2,

connected

at

all.

Aristodemus

pp. 209-21
d

1.

error can be easily explained by the fact that the race of the Ephebi in the n<rx(popia

ApiaroSrinos Iv rpircu
*
:

trtpl

HivSapov,

was

to the

temple of Athena Skiras

vide Athena, R. 27 b
Ci<rX<><t>6pia

he speaks of the evidently an autnmn fes-

at Phaleron.

42

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

over in the calendar year. may find of course many has its own We but each special ritualistic name. Dionysia, And it is do not find two Thargelia or two Anthesteria.

We

two Skirophoria, undifferentiated by any distinguishing term, in two months removed by such an The weight of the evidence, interval as June and October.
hard to believe
in

including that of the inscriptions, the weightiest of all, obliges in summer. None of the ancient us to place the
2Kipo</>o/5ia

authorities

agree with Lucian s scholiast whose statement has something of a haphazard and parenthetical character

in connecting

them with the

@e<Tjuo(/)o/(Ha.

should naturally expect that the great Attic festival of Demeter would be in honour of harvest, and none of those examined hitherto appear to have had this purpose. Harvest
thanksgivings

We

may

have occurred

in

each Attic village, per

haps
lost.

at slightly varying times,

and the record may have been

;

may have come to be Demeter- mystery of Eleusis but as its agrarian character was overlaid with a profounder religious thought and faith, it will be reserved for discussion till the end of this chapter. Among the autumn ceremonies connected with this wor ship in Attica the one that we can feel the most confidence
national

The

harvest festival

considered

identical with the

about

is
:

the
it

16

irporjpoo-La

The meaning

of the

name

is

ap

parent points to a ritual or sacrifice that preceded the ploughing, performed in accordance with a natural primitive thought partly to appease the goddess for ploughing might

be regarded as a dangerous and violent intrusion into the

domain of the earth-deity

the coming harvest year.

The ceremony then preceded

tells

partly to secure her favour for the

a
,

ploughing-season
if

it

also preceded the rising of Arcturos

Hesychius gloss be rightly read, which

us that the

7r/)07]poVta

was also called TrpoapnTovpLa a citation possibly from Clitodemus. These indications then suggest a date
September, somewhere
The morning

in

before the

middle.

And

this

accords with other evidence.

a

The

great mysteries that began

Vide Hes. Op. 556,

rising of Arcturos

was

in early Greece.

an important date for autumn field-work

609.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

fifteenth

43

on the
with

the

iTporipoa-ia

of Boedromion are chronologically connected 16 186 in the only Ephebi- inscriptions

,

not in such a
followed.

way as to prove which preceded and which Some connexion was probable for other reasons.

The scene of the irporjpoa-ia was Eleusis, probably the precincts of the temple of the two goddesses. gather this from one of the inscriptions, and from the passage at the beginning

We

of Euripides Supplices, where the scene is laid at Eleusis, and To sacrifice in behalf the Athenian queen, Aithra, speaks of the land s sowing, I chance to have left my palace and
:

where first the fruit of the corn above the earth. And ... I abide here by the holy altars of the two goddesses Kore and Demeter. Demeter was the chief goddess in this service, and she seems to have derived from it an appellative -nporipoo-ia. We further learn from an Eleusinian inscription that notice of the Feast of the TTporfpoa-La was given probably throughout the various demes of Attica by the Hierophantes and the Kerux, two of
to have
to this shrine,

come

was seen

bristling

the leading officials of the Eleusinian mysteries. And there is reason for believing that it preceded the latter and by a
short interval only. For the airapxat or first-fruits of corn which were sent to the Athenian state by its own citizens

and
deed

colonists
at

and other Greek communities, were probably

the

delivered
is

not told

time of the Great Mysteries. This in us in so many words. But they must

surely have been delivered at some great harvest festival of Demeter, occurring at a date which would give time to any

Greek
its

state in the Mediterranean world to send

in.

harvest was

And

for a

time they may concourse of strangers in Attica. All this points to the Great Mysteries, the only festival of Demeter occurring at
a convenient time and attracting a vast number of visitors. Now the legend about these a-nap^aL was that in some time
of drought

its quota after obeyed the call, as well have done, there would be a large

if

many

states

sacrifice irporjpocna to

the Delphic oracle had bidden the Athenians Deo in behalf of the whole of Greece
:

the ritual proved effective, and in gratitude the other Greek

states sent their offerings of first-fruits.

The

story,

which

44

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

afforded fertile soil for Athenian vanity to work on, and on which Isocrates preaches with much unction, may have been suggested by a misunderstanding of the word -npor\p6(ria
as
if
it

it

But

meant ploughing-sacrifice in behalf of somebody. could have had no vraisemblance unless the TrpoYip6<ri.a,

the Panhellenic benefit for which those airapxai were supposed

to be tokens of gratitude, had preceded the Great Mysteries, where we have reason to believe they were delivered a
.

As regards details of we hear of the offering

cereal offerings as well.

the ritual

we can gather but

little

of oxen, and there were probably And I would suggest that the pas

sage of the Stipplices gives us a clue leading to the belief that the chief ministration of the Trpor/poVm, as of the ^Kippa and
other agrarian services, was in the hands of women. b significance of this will be noted later
.

The

At some
17

time after the

TrpoTjpoVia

must have followed the

sacred ploughing
plain
a
.

This was

of the Eleusinian holy field, the Rarian the specially Eleusinian ritual, hallowed
been sometimes vitiated by the scholiasts having blunderingly connected it with the flpfffiwvTj, with which neither it nor

Dittenberger, in his new edition of the Sylloge, n. 628, p. 424, argues from the Eleusinian inscription (R. 16, Apollo,

R.

I57)>

that the

rrporjp6<rta
:

must have
on the

Demeter has anything

hardt
s

to

do.

Mann-

fallen in

Pyanepsion

after the inscrip

tion has referred to the irporjpuaia

fifth, it

then mentions, without any large lacuna, a sacrifice to Apollo Pythios of a goat on the seventh this, he main
:

Antike Wald- und Feld-Kulte, p. 239, is confused and mis The view I have taken of it leading. agrees in the main with Mommsen s in
account of
it,

tains,

must be the seventh of Pyanepsion,

the festival of the Pyanepsia took But as the seventh day of each

when
place.

Stadt A then, 192-196 : but he starts with the wrong assumption that the irpoijpoaia. were a bloodless sacrifice
his Feste d.

and that
C. /. A.
ii.

in spite of the inscription

month was

sacred to Apollo, a sacrifice on the seventh need not be a sacrifice

on the seventh of Pyanepsion. And we have reason to doubt whether an animalsacrifice

was permissible

at

the

Pya

weight than to a vague passage in Max. Tyr. c. 30, where I venture to think he has missed the true meaning the rhetorician
:

467 (vide R. 16) quotes, but to which he gives

which he
less

nepsia, nor has the latter any clear con nexion with Eleusis. The calendar

only contrasting the harmless life of the husbandman with the blood-stained
is

dates of line

and

line 7 in this mutilated

career of the soldier

inscription probably refer to the

:

same

he is not referring to the difference between a blood-offer

month but fragment B, which gives us the expenses of a Pyanepsion festival the Thesmophoria need not refer to
the same
b

Mommsen ing and a cereal sacrifice. is wrong also in his statement that the
irporjpotria

was never called an

The

as fragment A. accounts of the Trporjpoaia have

month

vide R. 16 (Eph. Arch. 1895, p. 99).

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

45

by local legend, and distinct from the corresponding and in some sense rival ceremony vno -Tro Aty, the Athenian Icpbs The antiquity of Demeter s worship on this small a/ooros. tract of Eleusinian tillage is shown by the record of her idol informe there, which according to Tertullian was a mere
lignum,

an agalma of the pre- Iconic, Mycenaean, or predays.

;

Mycenaean

All the produce was consecrated entirely to divine worship the corn was no doubt threshed on the sacred threshing-floor
of Triptolemos/ that

was adjacent and near an altar of the hero. unclean Nothing might defile the field. In the accounts of the stewards of the Eleusinian goddess we find the quaint
entry of the price paid for a pig that was offered by way of purification after a corpse had been found there, and of the fee paid to the man who removed the corpse. should naturally suppose the Haloa to have been an

We

autumn

festival

as the

name obviously

refers to the threshing

of the corn, and

we might

believe that

the sacred aAcos of

Triptolemos was the scene of some of the ceremonies. But the records of this as of other Attic festivals are somewhat
perplexing
18
.

What

is

clear

is

that the chief deities of the

Haloa were Demeter and Kore, though apparently Dionysos The central and Poseidon came to have their part in it. of the was and the festival Eleusis, place great Eleusinian
family of the Eumolpidae together with the have taken part in the organization of it a
.

Lykomidae may The demarch of

Eleusis assisted, and sacrificed and proffered prayers for the safety of the Boule and Demos, for the children and wives, the but no doubt Eleusis was friends and allies of Athens
;

responsible to the central

more important

commended

city for this as for all the other as we find the Athenian strategos liturgies, for offering the same sacrifices and making the

same prayer.

Yet apparently no male official, whether Eleusinian or Athenian, was allowed to perform the chief and essential sacrifice as we learn from Demosthenes that the
;

hierophant on one occasion was punished for doing so and thus usurping the privilege of the priestess of Demeter. Here
again

we
a

are struck with the predominance of

Vide Mommsen, op.
cit.

women

in

the

p.

368

the evidence

is

doubtful.

46

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

agrarian ritual of Attica. The scholiast on Lucian informs us that in this festival there was a reAer?}, a secret initiation of

women, at Eleusis the archons led them into the initiationroom, and having set them down at tables retired and waited without. The meal was probably some kind of sacrament, at
:

which certain
prevailed

foods,

fowl, sea-urchins,
:

such as pomegranates, apples, domestic were tabooed, and a certain licentiousness

women
that

hear of ir^ara in the form of phalli, and the indulged in ribaldry that may have been more or less

we

It appears from the speech against Neaera no animal-sacrifice was allowed at this feast. The then were cereals and fruits. As regards the time offerings

ceremonious.

of the year, we should hardly believe that originally the Haloa could have fallen later than October : the merry
it

making, the license, the games which we find associated with were natural indulgences at the threshing-time ; and certainly

primitive people cannot afford to wait over the autumn before they thresh. Yet the evidence is clear that the Haloa were held in the month of Poseideon, that is. in mid-winter. We

have a

definite statement to that effect from Philochorus, and the evidence of the Eleusinian inscriptions shows that it fell between the fifth and sixth prytany of the year. This might

to the time

agree with the words of Lucian s scholiast, who sets it down when men prune the vines and taste their storedwine for the first time but it belies Eustathios account of up
;

it,

who

calls

it

a harvest festival and

in

6a\v(ria

which we hear of

Kos 20

as a

who identifies it with the summer thanksgiving

feast for the corn.

We may

conclude that the Haloa at

Eleusis had for certain reasons been dislodged from its proper place in the year, perhaps as Mommsen suggests after the
intrusion of Dionysos, to bring
it

into line with the winter

Dionysia. the women and what

Whether there was a mystery play performed by

its

content was are matters on which

we

of course suppose that the reXer?? contained allusions to the myth of Proserpine and her under-world sojourn a
.

have no

real evidence.

We may

*
cit -

Mommsen s account of the Haloa, op. P- 3595 &c., appears to me in certain

important respects erroneous

lieves that the

he be-

Haloa was the

festival at

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

Another Attic Demeter-festival
lsa
:

47
the

feast of baskets/ ra Kava

is recorded, called the scholiast on Aeschines

who

preserves the record explains the name from the part played by the nav^fyopoi in the rite, the maidens who carried on their

Such heads certain offerings dedicated to the goddess. baskets usually contained fruits and flowers, and the ritual may have been part of a harvest thanksgiving. It is possible also that the name did not really designate a distinct festival
but a special act in the drama of the 0eo7xo<opta, of which a prominent feature was the procession of women bearing sacred objects on their heads.
hear of Kavqfyopoi in various worships, in the service of Dionysos, Artemis, and Athena for instance as the KCLVCL were used in very ancient Greek ritual for carrying the barley-meal 3 necessary for the animal-sacrifice , this may have been their
;

We

original function, and they need not have been specially Another Attic festival attached to the agricultural cults. of the same kind as the *am, but apparently distinct, was the Ka\a0o$ rite, which is described by the scholiast on Callima-

the KaAaflos, or basket of Demeter, being drawn in a car through the streets. Callimachus gives us an account

chus

23G

which theHellenic airapxai were threshed This and used in Eleusinian ritual. view rests on the statement of Eusta1S thius , which is in some points foolish and confused nor is it clear that the bishop was thinking of the Panhellenic
;

dough grown
state

effigy

ever of the size of the

full-

beast,

and would the Athenian

of ox or

have decreed that the dough effigy ram should be given golden
?

horns

And Mommsen
its

interpretation,

apart from

intrinsic improbabilities,

airapxai at all. Again, we are certain that the sacrifice at the Haloa was bloodless
:

appears to ignore the important contrast between airo ply rov n\dvov and rpirroiavSe
;

but

we

are bound, I think, to be-

for

on his view

all

the sacrifices

lieve that

the

ceremonies with which

are irt\avoi.
aird is

We may

also observe that

the airapxat. were consecrated included animal - sacrifice ior the famous in;

not the preposition used as a rule

:

in Attic to denote the material out of

18

scription

speaks

of

fioapxov

xpvffoKfp(ava.n<!L

the rpiTToiav four IfpffarfXea,

and I

prefer Foucart s and Dittenberger s interpretation of these phrases as de-

noting living animals (Bull. Corr. Hell.

4. 240 and 8. 204^ to Mommsen s suggestion (p. 361) that they only refer to dough effigies of animals. Was a

which a thing is made though we find and airov in Appian in the sacrifices the Cyzicene story about (Demeter, R. 128), which seems to show that the dough effigy would only be
TT^CLTTCIV

resorted to as a pis-aller by the state in a time of difficulty,

a

Horn. Od.

3.

442.

48

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

to the scholiast

of the same celebration in Alexandria, introduced according by Ptolemy from Athens, but here apparently

of a mystic character, the uninitiated being forbidden to raise their eyes from the ground as the sacred emblem was drawn

besides those mentioned, can be associated with any particular period in the agricul The Arcadian feast 19 of which the national tural character.
,

by four horses through the city. Very few festivals outside Attica,

was held after autumn ritual, regard instituted to secure the favour of the corn-goddess for the new It is more difficult to find the exact agricultural year. If the word is Laconian TrpoAoyta 21 of the interpretation
the

importance first sowing

is

attested
:

by the name ra
it,

A/3Ka6ia,

we may

then, as an

rightly recorded by Hesychius, we may suppose it to allude to the culling of the first-fruits as a preliminary harvest- sacrifice
;

but the ordinary usage of the verbal stem from which the word is formed does not bear this meaning out.

have now to deal with another group of Demeter-cults, those namely in which she figures less prominently as a cornmother, but rather as the great goddess of the lower world and the shadowy realm of the dead, betraying thus her original
identity with Gaia.
this

We

The
It

connexion

37
.

appellative XOovia should be noted in may occasionally have been attached to

effect

fertile

than to signify the goddess of the an ground epigram in the Anthology group with Pan and ATJO) X0emT/, and the petition Dionysos ing
;

Demeter with no more

as

we

find

follows praying that these deities

.

may give fair fleeces, good 33 But in the celebrated and wine, and an abundant crop certainly ancient religion of Hermione, where Demeter was
37 it worshipped as \6ovia appears to have had an associations, though agricultural significance was gloomier not lacking to the cult. The legend of the lower world and

specially

the worship of the powers of the dead were rife in Herrnione. Here was the descent into Hades, by which the souls could

pass so easily, that there was no need to place the passagemoney for the ferryman in the mouth of the corpse and here
;

Hades

carried off Proserpine.

name

in

His euphemistic and prevalent the locality was KAv/xeros, the god of renown, and

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

in

49

both

inscriptions

and legend we
;

with him.

The

native poet Lasos sung of

Klymenos Klymenos was Pluto himself. nias heard the god had been transformed
a local and ancestral hero
;

the spouse of

Demeter associated Demeter and Kore he must have been aware that But in the legend which Pausafind

here, as at Elis, into

for the story which he gives con cerning the foundation of the temple of Demeter Chthonia was to the effect that Klymenos, the son of Phoroneus, and his
sister

Chthonia were

its

founders.

We

can discern the real

Certain details of the

personalities through ritual are recorded that are of

this thin disguise.

some

interest.
;

The

festival

of

the XOovia was held yearly in the summer the procession was conducted by the priests of the other divinities and all the
state-officials

of the year, and was accompanied

by men and

The white robes wearing crowns of hyacinth. victim, which was a full-grown cow, and which according to

women

in

belief always voluntarily presented itself for sacrifice, was led by the officials into the sacred building, but was there left to

be immolated by three old women, all the men retiring and and these three were the only persons shutting them in alone
;

privileged to see the image.

This summer
bration.

festival

may

have been partly a harvest cele

But the hyacinth-crowns, as well as the mystery which shrouded the image, seem to point to the lower world, and the legends that grew up about the temple and were rife in the locality had the same associations. Finally, we notice and the privileged part played by the women prominent again
in this worship.

borrowed, Spartan religion We need not accept as Pausanias believed, from Hermione. his opinion, for this aspect of the goddess may have been as
,

Demeter XOovia

figures also in

38

indigenous

in

Laconia

as to

in

Hermione.

The chthonian

inheritance that

came

Demeter from Gaia explains the

Spartan ordinance, attributed to Lycurgus, that on the twelfth

day after a death the mourning should end with a sacrifice to Demeter 43 an inscription from Messoa groups the goddess
:

with Plouton and Persephone 44 we hear of a Megaron of Demeter

.

in

In the region of Tainaron the town of Kainepolis 4S ;

5o
the district
is

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

haunted by legends of the lower world % and perhaps the word ptyapov itself marks a chthonian cult, a question that will be discussed below. No local cult of Demeter is of more interest, both for Greek
ethnology and for the history of primitive religion, than those of Demeter the black at Phigaleia 40 and Demeter E/ouw?, the
,

angry

one,
;

at

Thelpusa

in

Arcadia

41
.

These are

sister-

worships the appellatives are connected in meaning, and the legends explaining them are identical in both the Arcadian
towns.

During her wanderings in search of her daughter, the had changed herself into a mare to avoid the pursuit goddess of Poseidon but the god assumed the form of a stallion and begat upon her the famous horse Areion and a daughter whose name might not be told to the uninitiated, but who was gener ally known in Arcadia, and especially at Lykosura, as Despoina.
;

Equally striking is the legend of a primitive cult -type that Pausanias gathered on his Arcadian travel the Phigaleians professed to remember that once upon a time their temple:

image was the statue of a goddess seated on a rock, having

in

other respects the form of a woman, but the head of a horse, with the forms of snake and other wild animals attached to
her head.

This sounds rather vague, but the description continues in very precise terms She was wearing a chiton that reached to her feet in one hand was a dolphin, in the other a dove they say she was called the black," because
:

"

The Phiga the raiment that the goddess assumed was black. leians explained the sombre colour and title as alluding both to the loss of her daughter and to her anger at Poseidon s
violence.

to

The statue belonged, according to the Phigaleians, the very earliest period of Demeter s worship: it was afterwards lost no one knew when and for a long time
the
cult

was
it.

punished by
establish

neglected altogether, till the people were dearth and warned by a Delphic oracle to re They thereupon applied to Onatas of Aegina to
*

carve them a statue, and he

by some drawing
*

made them one of bronze, guided or imitation of the old xoanon, but for the most part, as they say, inspired by a dream. But even this
Vide Poseidon,
vol.

cf. relief

from Gythion, Demeter-monuments,

p. 226.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

51

some of the

statue itself had disappeared before the time of Pausanias, and Phigaleians were uncertain whether it had ever

belonged to them.
these excerpts show, the whole account is exasperatingly vague, and at the same time curiously precise. The Phiga leians of the second century A. D. could give the traveller the

As

minutest details of a statue that had disappeared hundreds of years before, that after a long interval was replaced by the work of a great sculptor, this in its turn having disappeared

and been almost forgotten

if

We

we could

believe that there really

could only trust the account was some record or copy

of the theriomorphic xoanon surviving down to late times, or that Onatas statue was an accurate reproduction of it and was

well remembered.
belief.
;

There are difficulties in the way of either The chapter of Pausanias contains much that is doubt ful but when interpreted in the light of other and more secure evidence, we can glean from it facts of great importance for

the study of primitive Greek ethnology and religion. Whatever else is doubtful, we have clear traces here of a very ancient cult of Demeter as an earth-goddess of the dark under
world.
alludes to the

Her temple was a cavern, and the appellative MeAatm gloom of her abode*, having the same cult.

b significance as MeAatvi? or Mv\ia applied to Aphrodite or Leto The mystic allusion of the name is certainly not the original,

though

it

was

inevitable that the story of the loss of Proserpine

it, and this explanation would seem was for the author of the Homeric hymn to say that Demeter put a dark mourning robe around her Both M4\aiva and shoulders as a sign of her bereavement.

should be used to explain

as natural as
it

Epivvs

mark standing phases

as an mythopoeic faculty was sure to fasten upon them they are probably pre-mythic, or at least independent of any myth. The significance of the Thelpusan cult is to be considered in
a

Demeter

of the aboriginal character of earth-goddess, and although the Hellenic

Dr. Frazer

s different

explanation of
2.

the

257) as alluding to the blackness of the withered corn does not strike one as happy. In
p.

McAcuya {Golden Bough^

Phigaleian and Thelpusian cults Demeter belongs to a gloomier region

b

than the corn-field,

Aphrodite, R.

no

f
.

52

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

relation to the legend of Tilphossa in the

territory of the

Boeotian Haliartos. For here, too, the same strange story is told with scarcely a variation in the name here, too, Poseidon
:

assumes the form of a horse, and having intercourse with the Tilphossan Erinys, who must have been imagined in the shape
of a mare, begat the horse Areion. The ethnographic impor tance of this coincidence of myth has long been recognized. The older mythologic etymologists have found in it a brilliant

proof of the Vedic origins of Hellenic religion or religious legend, pointing to a similar love-story of Vivasvat and

Saranyu who, in equine shape, produced the Asvins, and insist ing on the literal equivalence of the names Saranyu and Epiz-vy.
According to more recent principles of etymology the equiva lence is impossible, though it is still accepted by sundry archaeo At least we need not now be seduced by it into logists. believing that the figure Saranyu, whether storm-cloud or
dawn-goddess, in any way explains Erinys or Demeter K. O. Muller s investigations, who was the first scientific writer on mythology to point out the Boeotian origin of the Arcadian His cult a are of more importance for the present purpose.
E/>iw;s. ,

ethnographical theory has been accepted, with modifications, and further developed by Immerwahr in his Kulte tmd then

My

dealing with the cults of Poseidon c for tracing out the threads that bind Arcadia with Boeotia and Thessaly. In the case of Tilphossa

Arkadiens*.

Further occasion

will

be found

in

and Thelpusa d we can scarcely doubt but that identity of cult, legend, and name proves identity, whole or partial, of race. It is possible, also, as K. O. Miiller supposed, that the same
tribal migration that

brought the worship to Thelpusa, planted the worship of Poseidon "ITTTTIO? and Demeter, together with the Semnae and the legend of Oedipus, at the Attic Colonus e .
f goes further and would bring Delphi into contact with this special stream of cult, where in a very early period Poseidon was joined in religious union with the eartha

And Immerwahr

Eumenides2 (Engl.
pp. 114, 115.

trans.), pp. 191,

town appears as Te A^oixra

e.g. 4. 77.
c

in

Polybius,
s.

195b
c

Vide Demeter, Geogr. Reg.

Kulte

v.

Poseidon, vol. 4. It is to be noted that the Arcadian

Attica.
f

nnd Myth. Arkad.

p. 195.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

53

may multiply the instances of this association of the water-god v/ith the goddess of earth, an association based on an idea so natural
may have arisen independently in many places, as we are told in the Oxyrhynchos papyrus that many people who sacrificed to Demeter made a preliminary offering
that
it

goddess whose local form was the snake.

We

indeed

main Hellenic rather than Poseidon with Zeus in Demeter a joining legend the to What is certainly peculiar Tilphossan and Thelthe union of the horse-god and pusan cult and legend is an equine goddess, called Erinys or Demeter-Erinys, and the
.

42 a to Acheloos, the representative river-god however, that the Arcadian differed from the

It

appears,

And the religious birth of the mysterious horse Areion. is to us here confronts the goddess. that explain problem
do not seem to have been always satisfactorily b How and in what sense did Demeter stated, come to be called Epwvs ? Was it due to some accidental
difficulties
still less

The

solved

contaminatio

of cults

common

occurrence

among

the

shifting tribes of

Greece

a Boeotian tribe bringing to Arcadia

a home-cult and legend of Erinys and Poseidon and attaching it in their new settlement to a Demeter-cult of prior establish
ment, just as Poseidon himself in Athens may have been conjoined with Erechtheus? At first sight this might appear
the natural suggestion, as
it

is

well

to bear in

mind that

a Demeter-Erinys

actually recorded of no other place save not of Thelpusa, Tilphossa, nor of any other Boeotian or Attic settlement, though Miiller has no difficulty in discovering her
is

Furthermore, where we have proof of a Demetercult in Boeotia, we have no trace of the presence of Erinys, and on Mount Tilphossion and in its neighbourhood, the
in these.

special

haunt of the

latter,

we
if

find

no mention

at all of

Demeter.
*

Nevertheless, even

the Tilphossan goddess only

Immerwahr only concerns himwith the
ethnographic
question.

Vide R. 40,41, 42%

s.v.

H9 a

Geogr.

cult.

Arcadia; Geogr. Reg. Poseidon-cults, s. v. Mantinea. b Miss Harrison s long article, DelReg. Demeter-cults,
phika,
in the Hell. Journ. 1899, with of which I agree, only touches slightly on the Thelpusan-Tilphossan

self

K. O. Mtiller s dissertation on the Eumenides is full of assumptions about

cults too faintly recorded to build

much

much

theory upon, e.g. p. 195.

54

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP,

acquired the name Demeter when she reached Arcadia, the conjunction of the two names was more than a local accident,

and was based on a community of divine nature. We shall not perceive this, if so long as we are possessed merely with
the later literary idea of the Epuwe?, the Furies of the Stage, powers of the moral retribution who pursued the guilty with

and scourge. Demeter was certainly never one of these. must revert in this question to the aboriginal conception of Epuws, and it is K. O. Miiller s merit to have first realized that she was not originally conceived as a shadowy and impalpable moral power, but was by the closest kinship related to concrete and real earth-goddesses, such as Demeter and Kore. We may go a step further than Miiller and regard Epiinfe as we have regarded Demeter, as a specialized form of a And many legends Gaia, but developed on different lines and cults attest her early association with Gaia and Demeter. When Althaea smites on the earth, in the Meleager story of
fire

We

the Iliad,

the Erinyes that hear according to the Attic by Sophocles, the aged Oedipus passed under the protection of the Erinyes, but Androtion followed another version that spoke of him as the suppliant of Demeter at
it

is

legend, as given

Colonus b and this

,

is

more

in accord with a Boeotian legend

that placed his grave in the temple of the latter goddess at Eteonos c If we can trust a phrase in Aeschylus, they fulfilled
.

in Attic religion the function of deities of

marriage and child

birth even as

moment to Arcadia, we find in the neighbourhood of Megalopolis, where the Eumenides were distinguished in cult and legend as the
.

Demeter did

And,

to return for a

black goddesses and white goddesses, a parallel to the Phigae leian cult of the Black Demeter
.

a It need hardly be pointed out that the statement in Pausanias intended to

b
c

Demeter, Geogr. Reg. s.v. Attica, Geogr. Reg. s. v. Boeotia.

:

explain Demeter Epivvs that the Areadians used the verb epivveiv as = to be
angry, in no way explains the original sense of Epivvs, and is a very shallow instance of a varepov irporepov in etymologizing
:

Eum. 835 but it is possible that Aeschylus is speaking of the Athenian Semnai, who may have been a different group from the Erinyes, vide infra, p. 113,.
note
e

c.

fpivvciv

being

morpho-

Paus.

8. 34, 3.

logically later form derived from ipivvt.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

These

55

facts have been often noted and sometimes appre But there are one or two others of which the significance does not seem to have been equally recognized, pointing to a gloss in Hesychius suggests that the same conclusion had who also, many of the attributes of an earthAphrodite character in certain cults and marked chthonian and a goddess a the known and another was by appellative Epivvs legends, and in Photius Hesychius concerning the very interesting gloss from we know Pausanias, were worshipped TTpai5ffccu, who, as on the same mountain in Boeotia, leads us to suspect that they sprang from the same source as their Tilphossan sister Erinys, that they also were moralized and shadowy forms of an

ciated.

The lexicographers inform us that aboriginal earth-spirit. the images of Yl pa&biKri represented only the head of the
goddess, and that her agalmata were therefore called Kt(}>a\ai it is possible that we have here an allusion to the well-known
:

type of the earth- goddess whose head is seen emerging from the ground b Finally, the fashion of excluding wine from the oblations of the Erinyes finds its parallel in the frequent local
.

rule prescribing

v^aXia or

sober
107
> >

offerings to
118
.

Demeter and

other kindred earth-powers It is clear, then, that the Tilphossan Epivvs, of whom a myth so grotesque and palpable was told, was no mere shadowy

106 a

world of moral half-abstractions, but a veritable Ge-Erinys, or a Demeter-Erinys, and may have actually borne this as her orthodox cult-title on Tilphossium. In that case the worshippers will have carried the legend and the cult
figure of a

and the title en bloc to their new home in Arcadia. Or there may have been a slight contaminatio, but it was a contaminatio of two goddesses recognized as most closely akin.

when the developed conception of the Erinyes as the avengers of crime had become popular, the Arcadians would naturally be tempted to interpret their Demeter Epivvs as the
Later,

angry or vindictive goddess. But that this was the original c for it is entirely alien to the significance is most improbable
;

Aphrodite, R.

no

vol. 2. p. 651.

It is possible also to interpret the

gloss in Hesychius as

meaning that the

apotropaeic heads of demoniac type like the Gorgoneium. Vide note a, p. 54.

with

n/xx(5t77 in Boeotia was associated

56
spirit

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

of the old Demeter-worship that she should have been stereotyped under this aspect in a special cult and the forms
;

of her image in the shrine of Thelpusa, the emblems in the hands being nothing more than the torch and a mystic casket,

only suggest the very prevalent conception of Demeter as a goddess of mystic worship and of the nether world. It is only if we regard the Tilphossan and the Thelpusan divinities
as originally identical, or at least of the closest kinship, that we can understand the same very peculiar legend attaching to

both.

must now consider the question of the horse-headed Demeter, of which the legend preserves a reminiscence in Arcadia and probably in Boeotia. The vagueness and uncer
tainty of the Phigaleian tradition concerning the very ancient

We

and vanished image has been noted above and is sufficiently obvious. Yet that some such type of the goddess once existed in Arcadia is probable enough on a priori grounds; the early
theriomorphic character of Arcadian religion has been noted by more than one writer, nor need we resort, as does M. Be"rard,
to the hypothesis of Oriental influences to explain
it
.

The

legends of Artemis-Callisto and Zeus-Lykaios are shadowed by it the human figures with animal heads carved in relief on
;

the marble peplos of them as divine or as

Demeter of Lycosura, whether we explain

;

men masquerading in the animal forms of b bear and that it survived till the divinities, testimony to it later Roman times has been recently shown by the discovery of some small terracotta figurines on the site of Lykosura,
representing goddesses with the heads of cows or sheep c Also, as regards the special type of the horse-headed Demeter,
.
11

Origine

des

cultes

arcadiens,

bird-legs,

His explanation that the horse was Demeter s sacred animal, whose head she was accustomed to wear as a sort of mask, until her human face
p. 120.

Phigaleia
p.
c

on the prehistoric gem of (Cook, Hell. Journ. 1894,

:

138, Fig. 18). Bull. Corr.Hdl. 1899, p. 635 the writer there remarks that they disprove

gradually disappeared, leaves the main question unexplained. Why should she

Mr. Cook
peplos
:

theory of the figures on the

this is

wear the horse

b

head

the latter

may

by no means obvious, for still be interpreted, as

Among others the forms of the horse and ass appear: cf. the two figures with human arms, horse s skins, and

Mr. Cook
in

suggests, as the forms of wor-

shippers dancing certain animal dances

honour of an animal-divinity.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

further indirect evidence.

57

we have some of it may be

a horse
s

A faint

reminiscence

preserved by the Phigaleian coin that shows head wrought as an ornament at the end on Demeter s
:

and somewhat stronger corroboration is afforded by the legend and representations of Medusa. There can be little doubt that this personage, who, by a degeneracy similar
necklace
to that which Erinys suffered,

became a mere goblin-form of

terror, originally one of the many forms of the earthgoddess herself, not distinguishable from Ge-Demeter or GeFor the history of religion, which never touched Erinys. Medusa, she is unimportant but she has her place in myth and art and, strange to say, at one point her place is by Demeter. For while in the Boeotian-Arcadian legend it is Demeter-Erinys who is the mother by the horse-god of the
:

was

famous horse Areion,

in

Hesiod
:

it is

same

deity begets Pegasos vase- representations of the

and

in

story

Medusa from whom the some of the very archaic of Perseus we find the
,

c dying Gorgon represented apparently with a horse s head and the representation of Pegasos springing up out of the severed neck of Medusa d might conceivably have arisen from the misunderstanding of a scene in which the horse-head of the monster was seen above the blade e And in connexion with
.

this

it

is

well to

remember

that there

was a vague record of

snakes attached to the head of the Phigaleian Demeter.

*

Pl.
b
c

Comm. Gardner, Num. T. xxii. (vide Coin PI.).

Theog. 278-281. Hell.Journ. 1884, PL
vase in the British
xliii.

Pans.

arose wholly from such a misunderstanding, but only the peculiar version that appears in the Theogony ; it does imply

Chal-

cklic

Museum found

that the art-type as represented by those vases was known in the Hesiodic period ;

in

Rhodes.

Perseus in flight pursued

by two Gorgons, behind them a horseheaded figure apparently falling to the

ground
iii,
:

and we can suppose that it was, for though those particular vases are later, yet the death of Medusa was a theme of
Hesiodic art. It is just possible that the vase-painters are attempting helpto reproduce Hesiod s lessly enough
story,

Gerhard, Trinkschalen,
of Perseus,
fallen

ii.

and

Medusa, with blood streaming out of her neck and horse s head above it cf. the horseheaded man in the Perseus scene on an
flight
:

and

if

so the vases are not evi;

Etruscan vase, Muller-Wieseler, i. 280. d e. g. vase in Brit. Mus., Man. d.

Inst. 1855,
e

dence for a primitive equine Medusa but it remains a priori probable that

Medusa, the mother of the horse, the

spouse of the horse-god, had something
of this shape,

Hell.Journ. 1884, p. 240. This suggestion need not imply that

;

ii

the story of

Medusa producing Pegasos

58

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP,

Assuming the reality of the type, we have now to consider what the horse would mean in this particular theriomorphic

Have we sufficient evidence for the assumption of a zoolatry pure and simple as a religion once active on Greek soil that has left its traces in the later reverential treatment of certain animals ? Many interesting facts have been gathered
cult.

by Mr. Cook in his article on Animal worship in the * Mycenaean age that seem to him to point to the prevalence of such a phase of belief in Mycenaean times. At the close oi this whole investigation into the Greek cults we may be able to form a judgement on the main question, after the particular facts have been estimated each in its Here it is proper place. the that must whether and in what only arise, special question the horse was ever as a sacred animal on degree regarded Greek soil, and if so what was the probable reason. That the horse or any other animal qua species was ever actually wor shipped by the Hellenes or the predecessors in the land, we
together
have, on the evidence, no right to maintain or reason to suspect. But a particular animal might become temporarily sacred as or for some being the temporary incarnation of the
deity,

As regards through some special act of ritual. incarnation, the only two divinities of the Hellenic Pantheon that are thus associated with the horse are Poseidon, whose cult as Hippios will be one of the chief themes of a later chapter,
occasion

and Demeter at Thelpusa and possibly Tilphossa equine form or affinity of the goddess appears
legend or
therefore
cult.
it

b
.

And

the

It

is,

then,

no other an isolated and sporadic fact, and

in
,

the harder to explain securely. Following the lines of Mannhardt and Dr. Frazer c we might be tempted to regard the animal as the embodiment of the corn-spirit, and therefore as the occasional incarnation of Demeter the cornis all

goddess.
*

This character

may have

attached to him in other

Hell.Journ. 1894.
b

I consider the cults of Athena Imria

Iinria,

totemism, to be of no value for such hypotheses. They may well be late,

quasi-epic, epithets, arising from secular use of the horse for the

and Hera

loc. cit. p. 1 45 , in order to

quoted by Mr. Cook, support a theory

the

of incarnation, and by

M. de

Visser,

De

purposes
281.

of war.
c

GraecortimDeisnonreferentibusspeciem lntmanam y pp. 160, 161, as a proof of

Frazer, Golden

Bough*,

2.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

59

parts of Europe, and the strange ritual connected with the October horse at Rome may be satisfactorily explained on a But the horse in Greece, being probably this hypothesis
.

never very

common, was never used

at all

for

agricultural

certainly haunted the fields purposes, and the corn-spirit, of Greece, would most probably assume other forms than this. And, what is more important to bear in mind, he was never
sacrificially offered to

who

tation,

any of the recognized divinities of vege whether of the wild or the tilth, but only to such powers

as Poseidon, the winds, possibly to Helios as the charioteer, b and such sacrifices were by no possibly to the departed hero
;

means common and are not all well-attested. In the Phigaleian sacrifice, which seems from the account in Pausanias to have been bloodless, the horse played no part at all and, as has been noted, Demeter in this special Arcadian cult does not
;

figure so clearly as a corn-deity, but appears rather as the great earth-goddess, giver of life and fruits, but giver also of death

and the

ruler of the

we

find again

in the characters

Astarte and

Isis.

shadowy world, a double conception which of Artemis and Aphrodite, In fact corn-legend and corn-ritual seem to

the horse altogether alone in Greece, though among other European nations he had his part in them. Another c the explanation is that which is favoured by Mr. Cook

have

left

horse was a chthonian beast and therefore devoted to the

chthonian goddess.
for

But the evidence appears too

slight

the theory.

another, may and other Aryans

Hellenic imagination, at one time or have found something uncanny about the animal,

The

may have

us that the ancient

felt the same Germans regarded him

for

Tacitus informs

as a prophetic beast,
;

and specially familiar with the divine world we gather from the Herodotean story about Darius that the Persians divined the future from his neighing, and Mr. Cook, quoting from the
dubious authority

De

Gubernatis,
is

asserts

that

in

Hindoo
d
.

mythology the
a

mouth
Roman
and

of hell

represented as a horse s head

Op. cit. Hell.Journ. 1894, p. 143: this not confirmed by those more expert Sanskrit mythology.
d
c

W.

Fowler, The

Festivals,

pp. 241-250.
b

is

Vide p. 60, note

c,

vol. 4 (Posei-

in

don-chapter).

60

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

The primitive Greek then may have conceived of his demons and goblins as having horse s tail, hoofs, or head such mon strous figures appear on the Mycenaean gems that Milchofer has called attention to, and may belong to a fantastic system of teratology rather than to cult a But so far there is nothing to show that the horse was regarded in Hellas as a symbol of the under-world and such mythic creations as the harpies,
;
.

may once have borrowed, the equine forms, have no obvious chthonian connexions. The
seileni, satyrs

that borrowed, or

crucial test

is

sacrifice

and consecration

and

it

is

a significant

fact against this

as far as

we

theory that this animal was never consecrated, know, to the powers of the lower world. Hades

may be called KAvroTrcoXos by Homer as the lord of famous horses; but most of the Olympians could claim the title equally well, and neither myth nor cult can be quoted to illustrate the
It has been supposed that the hero-reliefs, which the horse appears in proximity to the illustrious or glorified dead, afford a proof of the animal s chthonian character. But such reliefs do not date from any time earlier than the sixth century, and do not help us to explain such a prehistoric
.

Homeric epithet b

in

conundrum as the Phigaleian Demeter and, moreover, there are other and easier explanations of the presence of the horse on the funeral reliefs he may be a badge of rank, or his pre sence may be merely due to a reminiscence of a primitive fashion of burying his favourite with the warrior c
:
:

charger

But the animate or inanimate objects that may have been buried with the dead would not be chthonian in necessarily their own right, but would be offered as useful simply property
case, that the common repre sentation of the horse on these funeral reliefs might have come
cf. Anfdnge der Kitnst, p. 55 Cook, op. cit. p. 138; the evidence collected by Mr. Hogarth (Hell. Journ. The Zakro Sealings ) 1902, p. 76, makes strongly against the religious
: il

required equally by the spirit as course possible, in this particular

by the

living

man.

It is of

Journ.
c

genious but unconvincing article in Hell. Death and the 1898, p. i, Horse, vide Hades-cults, p. 283.

have only very faint indication of a custom of horse-sacrifice to the

departed hero in Greece, vide Philostr Heroic, p. 295 (Kayser 2, p. 150) and Pint. Vit. Pelop. 21.

We

explanation of the fantastic

demons of

Mycenaean
D

art.

interpretation of the epithet

Dr. Verrall suggests a very different in an in-

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

61

to invest the whole breed with a sort of funereal significance but there is no proof at all that this ever happened, and, if it
;

had, it would have been a later development, and useless for the solution of the problem we are discussing.

There is, perhaps, only one passage in Greek literature that could be fairly quoted in favour of the view that the horse might have once been regarded in Greece as an incarnation of
the vegetation-spirit or of the earth deity Pausanias a mentions a spot near Sparta called the grave- monument of the Horse,
:

and gives us the local legend that Tyndareus here stood over the severed limbs of a horse, and, having made the suitors
of Helen take the famous oath, buried the relics thus conse Is this tale, one may crated by the oath-ritual in the earth.
ask, a misunderstanding of such a rite as

Mannhardt

records

of Germany, namely, the burying of the vegetation-horse to secure fertility? Or was the horse here consecrated as a
specially appropriate animal to the powers of the lower world ? Unfortunately the fact is given us without setting or context,

and these explanations do not find Greek analogies. We have other instances of the oath-taking over horses c and it may be that the burying of the remains was only resorted to as a mode of disposing of dangerous and tabooed flesh.
;

However,
animal
of the
is

in

a similar ritual described

;

by Homer, the sacred

thrown into the sea and the name and the tale Grave of the Horse at Sparta remains still a somewhat
fact.

mysterious

regards the totemistic hypothesis, which has been d we must be very applied to the solution of the problem
,

As

cautious in admitting its value, where the only datum is an The latter practice may be isolated instance of zoolatry. It is sufficient to remark perfectly distinct from totemism.

here that none of the salient and distinctive features of totemism

are to be found at Phigaleia
:

claimed
a

affinity with the horse,

we hear nothing of a tribe who who named themselves after

b
c

the passage has not been 3. 20, 9 noticed in Mr. Cook s article, and Dr.
:

Frazer s commentary only remarks on the ritual of the oath-taking.

Baumkultus, p. 411. Vide note in Poseidon-chapter, vol. 4. Vide Hell. Journ. 1894, op. cit.

ad

fin.

62

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

him, or adopted the horse-crest as a badge or as a basis for the organization of marriage, or who reverentially abstained from killing the horse or eating its flesh the Phigaleian
:

sacrifice

was

bloodless,

it

is

neither specifically totemistic nor

non-totemistic.

We have then to confess that the dimly remembered horseheaded Demeter at Phigaleia is a type that is not naturally explained by totemism nor by any known Greek symbolism of the under-world or of vegetation. We may then venture to believe that the explanation must be sought elsewhere. We can trace the Arcadian cult and legend to Boeotia and the North and in Northern Hellas, Poseidon the Horse-God b is specially prominent and was occasionally united with the It may be that Demeter, Erinys, or Medusa earth-goddess. merely took over an equine form temporarily from him in certain local legends and cults, this form being necessary so that they might become the mothers of his horse-progeny. Possibly Hesiod was aware of a horse-headed Medusa, and this type may have inspired his account of the birth of Pegasos and from Boeotia the type may have made its way into Chalcidic vase-painting. This hypothetical explanation of the Phigaleian cult as due to the accidental influence of a cult-combination seems to accord with the unique character
;
,

of the fact that Pausanias records

It

a
.

has been supposed that in the cults we have been examin ing, the gloomier and even the vindictive character of the goddess was expressly recognized, and that, on the other hand,
the Demeter Aovo-ta
the side of

goddess.
*

who was worshipped at Thelpusa by Demeter E/nws, was the pacified and reconciled The reasons for this view are that Me Aaiya is an
,

41

late inscription (R. I48 ) shows that at Amyclae the priestess TOIV dyiarraroiv Qfoiv was called their mDAos De
:

called bulls.

But there

is

no other trace

of an equine Demeter in Laconia, and Hesychius interprets waAos as treu/xi,

Visser,

De Graecorutn Deis non

speciem,

tibns

hunianam

referenp. 221, ex-

a speaking of the ITW\OI AfypoSirqs poetical use of irwXos as -napOtvos appears

:

plains the name as if the goddess were there also conceived to have the shape
01 their nature, just as at

of a horse, and their attendant partook Ephesos the

Greek tragedy, e. g. Eur. Hipp. 546 may have been a similar use of the word in Laconian dialect for the maiden
in
:

there

priestess,
b

ministers in the feast of Poseidon were

Vide Poseidon-chapter.

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

correct

63

epithet certainly connoting

interpretation of

darkness and gloom, and that

in his
Aova-Ca.

Pausanias must be supposed to have been

Epivvs

and

We

have seen reasons

for distrusting his etymological

opinion about Aova-ia

is

equally lax

explanation of Eptvtfe, and his the epithet was attached

:

to her, in his opinion, because, after Poseidon s violence, she purified herself and recovered peace of mind by bathing in the

popular etymology has been accepted without criticism by modern archaeologists, who have regarded Arj^Ti]p Aova-ia and M.\aiva as representing two opposite ideas a But the word may be more naturally explained as an ordinary local adjective, designating Demeter of Aovo-ot,
river

Ladon

and

this

a place where a city of some importance seems once to have stood in the vicinity of Kleitor in the north-east of Arcadia.

The mythopoeic

inevitable that Lousoi,

trend of the Greek temperament made it the Baths, the river Lousios, and the
*

goddess Lousia, should

;

story of purification at Lousoi were once used for ceremonies of lustration.

be explained by some religious and it is very possible that the waters

all

But

from the mere epithet Aouo-ia, we can conjecture very little the story told concerning early Arcadian religious thought
:

to Pausanias

may, however, justify the surmise that at some

;

yearly celebration the statue was washed in the river Ladon, or with water from the river for the ceremonious washing of
the images, to remove any pollution they might incur in the course of the year, is a well-known habit of Greek ritual b .

Similarly the Phigaleian story, explaining the appellation McAcuz/a, that the goddess clad herself in black as a token of

sorrow for her daughter s of Poseidon a story that

,

loss
is

and of anger

at the outrage

partly reflected in the Homeric to a custom, prevalent at Phigaleia and hymn, may point of perhaps elsewhere, draping the image of the goddess in

black raiment at certain seasons.

Although Hades-Plouton and Persephone are more promie.g. Milchofer, Anf tinge, p. 59; Miss Harrison, Hell. Jotirn. 1899, p. 211 ci.Immzr\\ahr,A ultetindMyth.Arkad.
:

s.

v.

b p.

Aovaot gives Aovffios as the adjective. Cf. the Plynteria at Athens, vol. i.
;

261
c

p.

321

cf.

Pans.

8. 18, 7.

Steph. Byz.

Pans.

Eur. Iph. Taur. 1040, 1041. 8. 42. 2 cf. R. 40.

:

64

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

nently the deities of the world of -death, yet the chthonian character of Demeter was recognized probably in most Greek communities, partly as an aboriginal aspect of her, partly from her close union with her daughter. Besides the evidence
tion with

from Arcadia already examined, we have proof of her associa Hades and Persephone at Tegea ll9 e In Elis the three are united in a common cult on the Acheron, the river of sorrow, a branch of the Alpheus, and on Mount Minthe
.

near Pylos a grove of Derneter overhung a r^evos of Hades 47 the Despoinae, the mistresses at Olympia 118 upon whose
:

upon that of the Eumenides at Colonus) no wine be poured, are rightly interpreted by Pausanias as the might mother and the daughter, each bearing the name that desig nated at Lykosura and Megalopolis 119 the queen of the We find her in Argolis united with Plouton lower world. and Kore under the title of Demeter Mva-Ca, which is pro
altar (as

bably

derived

from

mystic

ritual

253
.

At

Potniae, in

Boeotia,

we

hear of an underground megaron into which a

sucking-pig was thrown as an offering to Demeter and Kore, to miraculously reappear at a certain season of the year at Dodona and a Potnian inscription speaks of l a priest of
;

latter being the special name In all probability the nymph of the chthonian goddess 113 Herkuna, who belonged to the Lebadean cult of Trophonius,

Demeter and Persephone, the

.

with

its

dark and mysterious

42b

In Attica this aspect of Demeter Demeter-Persephone is sufficiently salient in the Thesmophoria and the Eleusinian
.

ritual,

was a

special

form of

mysteries, and the curious statement of Plutarch that at one time the buried dead in Attica were called Ar^rjrpetoi 43 shows, if we can trust it, a reminiscence of an earlier period when she

was recognized as one with the earth-goddess, and as the

Power

that ruled over the departed a Pursuing this cult across the sea, we find
.

it

at Paros,

where
the
s

the state-religion included Demeter Thesmophoros

*

among

On

the other

hand

it is

significant

Sparta.

May we suppose that Plutarch

that in Attica Demeter does not appear to have had any such part in the ritual

statement only referred to those who had been initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries
?

consecrated to the dead as she had at

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

50
;

65

0eot X0oVioi

and
a
,

Newton
cult

at

Cnidos

the private temenos excavated by there is unmistakable testimony that the

in
.

And the same was chthonian rather than agrarian 52 character must have attached to the national cult that had
from ancient days established itself on the Cnidian promontory and was associated with the name of the mythical founder The Triopia sacra were carried thence to Gela by Triops. its founder, who came from the island of Telos that lies off
{

the Triopian district of Cnidus, and his descendants retained down to the time of Herodotus their position as the iepofyavrai and a late offshoot of the worship was T&V yOoviav Ot&v
;

engrafted

by Herodes Atticus

at his Triopian

farm on the

Appian Way, where an inscription has been found mentioning the pillars dedicated to Demeter and Kore and the chthonian
52 130 At Kyzikos 128 we have an ancient testimony to gods the worship of the Despoinae, the name no doubt possessing here the same connotation as it had at Elis and in Arcadia for Kore the chief divinity of this state was not merely the
.

bright corn-maiden, but Queen Persephone herself, to whom the black cow was offered as a victim. Finally, at Syracuse, the worship of Demeter was interwoven with a ritual of the
Karaywyta, or the descent of her daughter, and with the legend

of

Hades

129
.

public cults of Greece agree with that Demeter which appears in many a of popular conception magic formula of execration whereby the wrong-doer or the

We see then that the

enemy
tomb

devoted to the infernal deities and her power might be invoked to protect a tomb, in such words as I commit this
is
:

to the guardianship of the nether divinities, to Plouton,

5

Demeter, Persephone, and the Erinyes V Before leaving the present subject, the question must here be considered whether the term //eyapor, which is frequently applied to the shrines of Demeter, always signifies a subter ranean chamber, and therefore attests the chthonian nature of
her worship.
perplexing.

The record of the use of the word is rather Homer and the Ionic epic, including the Homeric
in

hymns, employ the word

*

one sense only, a purely secular

,

Travels in the Levant

2, p.

199.

66
sense
:

GREEK RELIGION
ptyapov with

[CHAP.

them

is

the great hall of the palace, or

any large chamber, whether a living-room or a sleeping-room. It seems that Herodotus was the first author who gave the word a religious significance, and he appears to apply it indifferently to any temple, as a term quite synonymous with

vus

the shrine at Delphi

:

is

a jueyapoy, the temples in

Egypt

are p.tyapa there is no hint that Herodotus was conscious of any limitation of the word to a subterranean shrine. In later

Greek the religious significance is the only one that survived and we find a special application of it to an underground
;

sanctuary the earliest authority being Menander, who, accord ing to the gloss in Photius, called the place into which they deposited the sacred things of the mysteries a payapov*. He
:

probably alluding to the Attic Thesmophoria, in which pigs were thrown down as offerings into the secret chambers of the 75i And thus Hesychius goddesses that were called fji4yapa
is
.

underground dwellings among the many meanings b while Porphyry expressly distinguishes be tween the temples and altars of the Olympians and the c Now we hear of fioOpoi. and p.tyapa of the 0eot v-no\06vioi several ptyapa of Demeter in the Greek world on the Acro of the where connected the polis Megara, legend building with
of the

includes

word

the ancient

King Kar, Pausanias emphasizing the point

:
:

that

the temple was specially called TO Meyapov 49 near Tainaron 43 at Mantinea 24 Pausanias
.

at Kainepolis

is

our authority

had these shrines been subterranean caverns, we might have expected that the traveller with an eye so observant of any salient religious fact would not have passed this over. Yet the word is probably not an indifferent syno
for these, and,

nym of temple in his vocabulary he probably reproduces a special local designation, and it sometimes seems as if he applied it to a specially sacred enclosure, the shrine of a
:

mystic cult. Thus the megaron of Despoina at Lykosura of Demeter at Mantinea 249 were devoted to the performance
119
,

* o

Phot.

s.

v.

Mayapov

TO.

fivariKO, itpd

ov neyapov, tls KarariOfVTai OVTCJS

olicfjffds

KCU

fia.pa.0pa.

oliua Kal

oiKTjfM.
c

MfVai/5pos.
**

Antr. Nymph.

6.

Hesych.

s.

v. of

ptv ras

nl

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

67

of mysteries or to some ceremony of initiation ; and Pausanias mentions a megaron of Dionysos at Melangeia in Arcadia

we gather also from where certain opyia were celebrated a Aelian that the Holy of Holies in the Eleusinian temple, the chamber which none but the Hierophant might enter, was The only passage where Pausanias is called (jityapov 202m
;
.

clearly using the word in the special sense that Porphyry attaches to it is in his description of the strange rite at Potniai 113 and perhaps the Kovpi jTuv ptyapov which he men
,

tions in his account of

victims sacrificed to

Messene b was one of this kind for the them are spoken of as KadayicrfjLaTa, a word
;

peculiar to chthonian ritual.

At least then we cannot be sure that when the word is found applied to a shrine of Demeter a subterranean chamber
is

intended
;

Boeotian

the former alone would have

the only certain instances are the Attic and the been sufficient to

explain the special interpretation given by the lexicographer

and Porphyry. To sum up the etymological facts, we may assume that the Homeric use is the earliest the ntyapov was a secular hall or dwelling-place then, when temples were first erected, it was natural that they should sometimes be designated by the same word that was used for the chieftain s palace, just as in many early inscriptions the shrine is called O!KOS. But the came into vogue in place of jue yapor, and words iepov and
:

yeo>s

the latter survived in certain localities in the specialized sense of mystic shrine, and underground sanctuaries would be the

most mystic of all from their associations with the ghostly Or it may have been that these world, the world of taboo.
few mystic or chthonian shrines happened to belong to a very
old stratum of religion, and that peyapov in these localities happened to be the earliest word for temple, and survived with the cult down to later days. It is only by some such natural evolution or accident that a word that originally designated the civilized Aryan house or the most important part of it

should come to denote a sacred hole in the earth.

If the
*

original

sense of ^yapov
s. v.

is

fixed,

we have some
b
4. 31, 9.

Dionysos, Geogr. Reg.

MfXayytta.

F 2

68

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

material for dealing with the important question as to the have noticed the origin of the ancient city of Megara. record of the shrine of Demeter called Mcya/oor, on the

We

Acropolis, and the myth that associates its foundation with the oldest days of the settlement. Did the city then spring up around the temple, and did the temple give its name to

the whole city

states, as is

? Such was the origin of many of the Greek shown in many cases by the religious significance

of their names.

But the theory is here of doubtful propriety. to Mycenaean days and the evidence, so back Megara goes
:

far as

it

goes,

is

in favour of believing that in the

Mycenaean

era ^yapov was a secular

if

name

for the hall or palace.

And
well

a Mycenaean palace stood on this Acropolis, this have been the origin of the city s name.

may

was Demeter s cult that founded Megara, her civic interest and the value of her worship for Hellenic institutions, social and political, is suffi Ethnic and local titles are attached to her ciently attested. as to all Hellenic divinities, and some are of historic or of 53 ~ G2a One that might seem of great political importance value for ethnographic purposes is IlcXao-yis which she enjoyed in Argos 53 where her temple was said to have been founded by Pelasgos. But to conclude from this that her worship was
But
if

we

are not able to affirm that

it

therefore autochthonous in this district, or to build

theories concerning the

upon

it

any

or pre- Aryan origin of her cult would be probably fallacious. As Argolis was especially the land of Pelasgos, she might naturally acquire the title in any

Aryan

temple which was considered by the inhabitants as the oldest. And the legend itself, curiously enough, regards the goddess as having come to Argolis from without and the value of the
:

epithet for the question of antiquity or origin is

depreciated the obvious partisanship in some of the details of the myth which reveals a desire to rival Eleusis 232 Similarly, the

by

rite

Herodotean version of the Thesmophoria legend, that this was introduced into Greece by the daughters of Danaos, which might seem to point to Argolis as one of the earliest
centres of the worship, loses its importance from the obvious Egyptizing fallacy in the historian s statement. In fact the

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

69

great national and political divinity of ancient Argolis was a that Hera, who may have herself been styled IleAao-yts there
;

importance would be a justifiable conclusion from the Homeric poems, and this opinion would be confirmed by the local tradition which associated the

Demeter was of

far less

introduction of corn with the former and not with the latter

goddess

It is interesting in regard to this point to observe that in Argive cult Demeter was recognized as the corn.

54 an alien name goddess only under the title of Ai/Svo-o-a which is evidence of the importation of corn from Libya.
,

Again, the absence of any proof of the existence

of

in

Argolis

most ancient mystery of her Thesmophoria, be We accidental, or may have significance. worship, may cannot then safely conclude from the isolated mention of a Demeter ITeXao-yts that her cult belonged to the primitive religion which held together the earliest Argive political
the
the

community.
other ethnic titles of interest are Tlavaycu.a 59 and A/x^tKruom. The former is obviously of late formation, and marks the union of the Achaean league her temple at

Her only

Aegium

stood next to that of Zeus

Ojuayv/no?,

which com

memorated the mustering of the Greeks against Troy. In what way Demeter Tlavayaia was concerned with the consolida tion or the administration of the Confederacy, we do not know. She may have owed her imposing title to some almost accidental cause for she was not really one of the prominent divinities of the league. The oath was not taken in her in or her name nor does her form appear recognizably temple on its coins c Nor, finally, have we any right to identify her
; ;
.

mentioned by Pausanias in the same context, the goddess of salvation, whose temples were found at Aegium and Patrae, and in whose legend and ritual there is
with the
Soorrjpia,
is

who

d nothing that points to Demeter

The
*
b

epithet
12.

Axaia (or

Axaia) which belonged to her in

d

Hera, R.

Cf.

R.

59 with Pans.

7.

21,

Hera, R. 13*. See Imhoof-Blumer, Gardner, Ntim. Comm. Pans. p. 86, and Zeus, R. 27.
;

Cf. vol. 1. p. 181

Preller-Robert, Griech. Mythol. 2. p. 750, note 4 interpret ZcaTrjpia as Demeter

without criticism.

7o

GREEK RELIGION
probably
in

[CHA*.

vogue throughout the whole country or at in Athens, and in the Attic least at Thespiai and Tanagra 60 would be of greater historic significance if we could tetrapolis be sure it was to be interpreted as the Achaean goddess. For we might then regard the name as carrying us back
Boeotia
,

to the Thessalian

home of the Achaeans and to the preHomeric period. We have clear evidence of the importance of Demeter s worship in Thessaly at a very early date in the
cult in the

Callimachus preserves a legend of a Pelasgic Dotian plain and the place Hvpao-o?, mentioned in Homer and in Strabo s geographical record, derived its name And the cult of from a shrine and an epithet of Demeter a which will be noticed directly, is the Demeter Amphictyonis, No doubt, then, Demeter was an weightiest of all proofs.
Hellenic era
;
;
.

Achaean
national

divinity,

but that she was ever their paramount

divinity par excellence, is goddess, the Achaean And it is a the evidence. to all suspicious fact that opposed we do not find this title Axeuci in the districts that were

known

to have been settled by the Achaeans, but just in we have no reason to assume such a settlement. where places We may also object that Axata is not the normal feminine of

the ethnic adjective. It may be, then, that the lexicographers were right in interpreting it as the sorrowing one, and this is
c

really borne out by Plutarch s account of the Boeotian cult,, which, as he tells us, was an kopri] fKaxOi js, a festival of gloom

month that corresponded to the Attic Pyanepsion and he himself compares it no doubt rightly to the Attic Thesmophoria, a ritual which had no political significance, but which commemorated the tale of the Madre Dolorosa. It seems possible that the true form of the adjective is preserved in a Thespian inscription (of the early Roman period), where it appears as A^ea, and that this, the original word, was changed by obvious false analogy to A^ata and the uncertainty about the accent would be thus accounted for. The cult was brought
held in the
;
:

into
*

Attica

partly
s.

by the Gephyraioi

of Tanagra b

who,
is

Geogr. Reg.

v.

Thessaly.

a special mystery service of Demeter,

The

locality of this settlement of

the Gephyraioi,

who long maintained

a doubtful question, but the discovery of a small altar \vith a dedication to-

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

71

according to Herodotus, long maintained at Athens their and it is interesting to note that special religious services
;

Axata became identified in their new home with Demeter KovpoTp6(f)os as though there still lingered a consciousness that the former name alluded to her love of the child.
t

again, the false etymology which derived the title from and ?)xw interpreted it as the loud-sounding/ in allusion to the use of gongs and cymbals in the mimetic ritual repre

And

senting the search for

Kore 7 suggests
,

that the worship of

Axaia was intimately associated with the legend of the daughter s abduction, and had no specially political
character.

Demeter

On the other hand, the presence of the name in the Tetrapolis may be due to the Ionic migration, and may be regarded as
another link in the chain which attaches the lonians to Boeotia
as their original

home a

From

the Tetrapolis

it

may have

reached Delos, for

in the

account given by Semos of the Delian Thesmophoria, the worshippers are said to have carried the dough-effigy of
a goat
b

which was called

91

Axaiurj

name

seems to point to offering was consecrated

Demeter Axaia
;

as the goddess to

that certainly whom the

and the Delian

ritual of the

Thesmo

phoria probably contained, like the Attic, an element of The title seems to have travelled across to the sorrow.
Asiatic
shore,
for

at

Iconium we

have

traces

of Achaia

AeKct/xafo?,

the goddess with ten breasts, obviously a fusion

.

of the Ephesian Artemis

and Demeter c Finally, this evidence concerning Demeter Axea- Axaw/r; leads us to suspect that the mysterious Achaiia 60 who was celebrated in a Delian hymn attributed to Olen as having come to Delos from the country of the Hyperboreans, was another form of the same personage according to another hymn, composed
,

Apollo Gephyraios

in

the vicinity of

chapter on Poseidon.

Agrai, the home of many alien cults, suggests that they had settled near here,
vide Apollo, Geogr. Reg.
s. v. Athens Svoronosiny0wr./;;fer0/z 07/. Archeol.
;

The word rpayos in this context cannot denote spelt or pottage as in

later authors.
c

This

is

Prof.

Ramsay

explanation,

Numism.
a

1901.
is

ffell.fourn. 4. 64.

This theory

developed in the

72

CREEK RELIGION
*

[CHAP.

by Melanopos of Cumae, she arrived relatively late after Opis and Hekaerge, that is after the Delian establishment of the cult of Apollo-Artemis and if she came from the Tetrapolis and the Boeotian region, ultimately she might be well said to
;

have come

from the Hyperboreans, for these countries lay a along the route of the Hyperborean offerings So far, the titles examined do not seem to reveal a cult of
.

primary importance

for

a wide political communion.

It

is

otherwise with Demeter ApQiicrvovk, whose temple at Anthela near Thermopylae was the meeting-place of the North Greek
that became famous in later history as the administrators of the Delphic temple. The constitution of that religious confederacy, which throws so much light on

Amphictyony

early Greek ethnology and the diffusion of tribes, need not be minutely discussed in a work on Greek religion. It is sufficient

purpose to observe the great Demeter-religion that it attests for the North Greece, and next, to mark the evidence maintenance of that cult at Thermopylae to
the

for the present

importance of
early tribes of that shows the

have been the

its

prior object of that union before it acquired functions. For the two yearly meetings, in the

Delphic

spring and in

the autumn, were always called ITvAatat, the representatives on each occasion meeting, as it seems, both at the Gates and at Delphi one cannot doubt, then, that Thermopylae
:

was the

original gathering-place

and

this

is

further attested

by the shrine of Amphictyon, the fictitious eponymous hero of the Amphictyony, which stood not at Delphi but Thermo
silence, which really proves reason for strong believing that the organiza tion was of very great the religious membership antiquity based on the tribal rather than the civic principle. The being first object of the union was no doubt its political religious

pylae

62

In spite of

Homer s

nothing,

we have

influence

was a

later

and secondary

result.

The

latter

may

only have come to be of importance after the league had taken the Delphic temple under its administration. Yet from
a

Vide Apollo-chapter,

tion

"Ax"*

this snggesof the identification of Demeter and the Achaiia of Delos has been

thrown out by Schroeder

without argument.

in the

Archiv
74,

/. Religionswissensck. 1904, p.

but

u]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

73

the very first the Amphictyony may have contained the germ of the conception of international law, and have worked some amelioration in intertribal relations. What we can gather of
its actual procedure belongs to the Delphic period and does not concern the present chapter. But we are arrested by a fact of primary political and religious importance, that a

number of

tribes,

not

all

closely related within the Hellenic

stock, should have been able to organize a common worship at a time certainly earlier than the Dorian invasion of the

Already before the dawn of Greek history proper, Greek religion is no longer purely tribal, as is often at the earliest Hellenic period to which our maintained knowledge can mount, the tribes have already certain deities in common and the barriers of a religion based on tribal are broken down, or at least the idea of kinship has kinship a wider It would be open to a theorist connotation. acquired to suggest that in the worship of the agrarian goddess there was the latent germ that could evolve a higher and milder political But the fact that this very early Amphictyony concept. gathered around this particular temple of Demeter at Anthela, may have been merely due to some local accident, to the
Peloponnese.
:

chance, for instance, that the temple happened to exist at a spot specially convenient for the border market-meetings. The interest of the league in Demeter had evidently declined
before the close of their history.

We

have one fourth-century

inscription, found at Delphi, containing an Amphictyonic decree concerning repairs of a temple of Kore at the gates 13Ca another of the time of Alexander, mentioning certain work
,

done to the temple of Demeter ty YIv\aia 102 136 c and the head of Demeter appears on the obverse of the beautiful Amphictyonic coins that date from near the middle of the fourth century B. C. a But her name is not mentioned in the oath of the Amphictyones, dated 380-379 B. C. b and the curse invoked on transgressors appealed to Apollo, Artemis, Leto, and Athena Pronaia, the Delphic divinities, but not to Demeter and Strabo seems to speak as if her worship at Anthela was no longer observed in his time by the league. It is possible
>

Coin

PI. no. 13

(Head, Hist.

Num.

p. 289).

Vide Apollo,

vol. 4, R. 126.

74
that the Aetolian

GREEK RELIGION
a
.

[CHAP.

supremacy may have helped to bring about

the gradual limitation of their activity to Delphi

on the political importance naturally depended within had won her cult that any particular state. position That the priestess of Demeter and Kore at Halikarnassos

Demeter s

in the

second century

B. C.

also

held

personified 65 At Athens the goddess to some political-religious concept was prominent in the state church, the brilliant prestige of the
.

Demos may have been due

the priestship of the either to an accident or

Thus Eleusinian cult being reflected upon the metropolis. she appears among the 0eol O/OKIOI, by the side of Zeus, Apollo, and Poseidon, as one of the deities invoked in the public oath sworn by dikast and councillor and the feast of EAeu0e pia,
;

instituted to

commemorate one of the many

at
least
officials for neglect
.

deliverances of

Athens, was once

inflicted

consecrated to Demeter.

Fines

on Eleusinian

of official duty were

GG paid over to the Mother and Daughter At Syracuse the great oath/ 6 jue yas op/coy, was taken in the

name

of the

two

0eot

0eo-juo</>o/)(H,

whether as the chief

deities of

a position which we are not sure belonged to them or as forms of the great earth-spirit, the primitive tutelary 68 The latter seems the more probable genius of the oath

the state

view, for the oath-taker arrayed himself in the dark purple robe of the deities and took a lighted torch in his hand, and this ritual
is
is

In a late record, the whole city of Sardis clearly chthonian. spoken of as the inheritance and possession of Demeter 70
.

But that the goddess was anywhere actually regarded as the

ancestress of the

community does not appear,

from the epithet
b
.

unless
70
,

we could

draw

this conclusion

770)7719

which was

attached to her
*

by the Sicyonians, possibly

as the consort of

their ancestor ETrcoTrevs

There
is

nothing pointing to a pro-

Delphi itself but her temple has recently been discovered there by the French (Geogr.
:

rainent worship of

Demeter

at

eyes, she being regarded as a healthI cannot find this : interpretation reasonable. It may also have

goddess

arisen from

some

association of a

De; :

Reg.
b I

s.

v. Delphi).

meter-cult and a hero-cult of

cf.

Epopeus

merely give this explanation for what it is worth others refer it to the
:

Apollo Sarpedonios but the goddess specially associated with

Aiantis,

Athena

mysteries

(Afh. Mitth. 1895, p. 364) to the light of Demeter s

:

Rubensohn

Epopeus
Athena.

in

legend

is

not Demeter but

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

Among
the
titles

75

city

community
title

there are

that express this interest of hers in the two or three that are doubtful. She
if

enjoyed the

of BouXata at Athens,

a tempting emenda
205 c
;

tion of a text of Aelian were indubitable

yet

we know

that the official worship of the Boule

Athena, and Artemis, and Demeter is oath a The Evvo^ia on the fourth-century coins of Gela may G3 The title O^oAona, possibly be one of her designations which belonged to Zeus in Boeotia, was also attached to Demeter 61 and was explained by the lexicographer as ex
. . ,

was devoted to Zeus, only mentioned in their

pressing the political concord of which these divinities were the

we might com guardians if this interpretation were certain that held its rov of a thiasos the KQIVOV Demeter O/otoVoto, pare
;

meetings

may

the fourth century B. c. only, we suppose that any divinity that held a private society
in

the Peiraeus 615

in

together would be regarded and might be addressed as the divine bond of its concord.

But the epithet which has been regarded both in ancient and modern times as expressing the pre-eminent interest of Demeter in political order and the law-abiding life is 0ecr/xoG4
>

74 ~ 107

(f)6pos

It is

important to ascertain,
title.

if possible,

the

Unfortunately the earliest original meaning authors who refer or allude to it, Herodotus and Aristo
of this

phanes

74

>

passage Callimachus
*

give us no clue to the explanation. which allusively interprets the name

,

75 a

The
is

first

one

in

Demeter 64 where she is spoken of as hymn and this meaning one who gave pleasing ordinances to cities of is accepted by the Latin poets and the later
to
,

0e<TfjLo<l)6pos

Greek

writers.

We

have the Vergilian

of the deities to

whom Dido

offers sacrifice before

Ceres Legifera, one her union

with Aeneas, and Servius preserves for us some interesting lines of Calvus She taught men holy laws, and joined loving And in the bodies in wedlock, and founded great cities 7
:

same

Diodorus Siculus writes that it was Demeter who introduced laws which habituated men to just action, for which
strain
a
a
;

Zeus, R. no Artemis, R. 8r.

b

Athena, R.

72;

but Ahrens maintains that the Aeolic

It rests

on the authority of Istros

form of upaXos would be v^oAos: see Ahrens- Meister, p. 51, but cf. p. 53.

76

GREEK RELIGION
c
007/o</>o

[CHAP.

reason she was called

/)oj

Cicero

also

associates

the goddess with Liber as the deities by whom the elements of life, the ideals of law and morality, a gentler civilization and

were given and diffused among men and states 105a That these ideas are not merely the literary and artificial pro duct of later writers, philosophizing on the connexion between agriculture and the higher political life, might appear to be
culture,
.

proved by the very wide diffusion of the cult of Thesmophoros, or of the Mother and Daughter as the 6tol For what else, one might ask, could the divine epithet express except the conception of the deity as a or laws ? dispenser of If any doubt arises from the examination of the cult-facts, we might hope it could be settled by the history of the usage of
0eo-juo</>o />oi.

0eo>ioi

the latter word.

In the sense of

law

it

may

well be older

than Homer,
3iK/7,

who however
same or
*

prefers to use fo /u?,

Stores, or

to express the

similar conceptions.

We

find

it

one phrase only % XUrpoio TraXaiou fooyxoj; "LKOVTO, where we can interpret it as the ordinance of the marriage-bed and probably like 0fai S it possessed a faint religious connotation. The next example of it in literature is in the Homeric
in
:

to Ares
^

where the poet prays that he and his people may abide under the Ot^ol then clpjwis, the ordinances of peace
,
:

hymn

in the

fifth-century literature the

word

is

in

common

use in the

civil law. And such official titles as teo/xoObai at Athens and fle^o^uAaKcs at Elis prove the original use of the word in the earliest Greek communities when first public life began to be governed by certain settled ordinances. It seems at first sight, then,

sense of divine or

compounds

tfcopo^fo?,

against probability, that Bcrrf* in the all of them 6^^6pia and

y
<9e

o>uos-,

having a religious association, could mean anything except law or ordinance, whether law in the widest or in the narrower
sense,

conception of the law of marriage or the law of a certain ritual, just as Pindar applies 0rM c to the ritual of the The games explanation of tfecr^o^os should also agree with that ofOfcpios an epithet attached to Demeter in a cult at Pheneus
<fe

in

Arca

dia

which the legend regarded as most ancient, and which Pausanias connects with a reAerij that was probably none other a
,

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

77

Now 0eo>uos might be an epithet natu the divinity of law, and we might accept this as rally designating the meaning of Thesmophoros, unless another interpretation
than the Thesmophoria.
is

possible

and more congruent with the

facts of ritual

and the

legendary character of the goddess. As regards other sugges a tions, I cannot accept Dr. Frazer s that the word in the com

pound
and

0(TfjLO(f)6pLa

might

refer to the

decaying
laid

pigs for instance, carried

sacred objects/ dead and on the heads of the women

down on

the altar, as a valuable or scientific conjec

e If the natural ture, especially as it takes no notice of Oca-pio?. is confronted with sense of Oeo-ncxpopos very great difficulty, we

may have

recourse to other attested meanings of

.

0eo-juo ?,

if

there are any, but not to unattested b Now a difficulty may arise according to the view we may take of the relation between

the goddess designated by this special epithet and the festival Are we sure that Oea-^o^opia means the of similar name.
festival

of Demeter Qeo-po^opos

Dr. Frazer, in the article to

which reference has just been made, objects to this account of the former word on the ground that the other festival-terms of similar formation, such as apprjtyopia (or appT}To$6pia) and 2/apo(frdpia,

refer to the

carrying
this

cession,
4

and that on

of something in the sacred pro analogy Qevpofyopia ought to mean

the carrying in
:

Oca-pot

Demeter s procession of certain things called Demeter 0eo-/xo^)opo?, then, is a name derived from the

If this view were not the latter from the former. be still to discover would what those correct, very important Demeter were to and consecrated were why they 0eo-/xoi But, on the other hand, by far the greater number especially.
0eo>to(/>opia,

it

of Hellenic festivals are called after the

;

name or epithet of the and analogy is strongly divinity to whom they are consecrated in favour of the old interpretation of Oea-fjiotyopia as the mystery
of Demeter

Dr. Frazer
a

while on the whole it is against the epithet of the divinity arose that suggestion
Oto-fjLo^opos
;

Encyd. Britann. (new ed.) s. v. Thesmophoria: he does not approach

the real difficulties involved in the usual

Anacreon used Ofapos in the sense of Oqaavpos (Fr. 58), and Hesychius, s. v.
Ocffpovs mentions another sense at

aw-

explanation of 0t

o"jio</>opo9.

deaas rwv

v\<av.

b It is said (on late authority) that

78
at

GREEK RELIGION
.

[CHAP.

some later period out of the festival itself a Assuming then that Demeter Thesmophoros was always implied by the Thesmophoria, the cult-title must have been of very great For the legends of the festival, the wide diffusion antiquity.
through most parts of the Greek world, as well as the very archaic character of the ritual, indicate a very early period
of
it

in

the national religion.

Therefore,

interpretation of dea-^o^opos,

if we accept the ordinary we must say that in the earliest

epoch of Hellenic society the settled institutions on which the civilized household and state depended were associated with Now there is no the name and the cult of the corn-goddess. a our obstacle to this. The advance to strong priori believing the higher and settled agricultural state has always been marked by the higher organization of family life, and indirectly of the whole social framework to it we may owe great
:

developments sphere of law, such as the conception of the rights of land-ownership, in the sphere of ethics the ideal
of the industrious and peaceful life, and in the sphere of reli gion the organization of ancestor-worship. The fiov&yiis at

in the

Athens, when performing the

sacred ploughing, conducted a commination service at the same time, cursing those who refused to share with others water and fire, those who refused
to direct wanderers on their
in
*

as though agriculture was some way associated with the higher social instinct b

way

17

As examples of this process we may quote the cult of the 0ea nporeAe/a mentioned by Pausanias (Eust. //. 881.31, if
the passage
poaia,
is

Spofjua

(Hesych.

s.

v.\

is

creation

that illustrates the tendency to invent a divine personage where one was

sound)

only evidence for such a cult-designation is l6 a vague passage in Plutarch Apollo

: :

epithet derived from festival of the Upo^pooia but the

an

of Demeter Uporjthe

lacking in the
far

rite.

But Demeter, so

as

we can

gather from the evi-

dence, was in the Thesmophoria from the beginning: in nearly all the cases where OtffpoQopia are recorded Demeter

may

have come to be styled

s.

E&86fjieios
v. Attica)

(Apollo-cults, Geogr. Reg. from the sacrifices offered

him on

the
is

seventh day of the month ; not an exact illustration.

but this

and they are never we might have expected with any other goddess save the mother and daughter.
is

mentioned

also,

associated as otherwise

Dionysos Aveiarfp need not have arisen from the AvOeffrjpia, but the title could be

"

religion

directly attached to him as causing the 1 flowers to grow. A^iSpo^os, the ficti-

interesting example of a high and ethic based on agriculture is the Zarathustrian system, in which

An

the

Holy Kine

tious hero

who emerged from

moral and religious

are the symbol of the life of the Mazdean.

the Afttyi-

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

79

Therefore the earth-goddess, who gave com, might naturally be regarded as the dispenser of the higher civilization, and the

have been the case in the worship of Isis, who was undoubtedly an earth-goddess what ever else she was for the ancient Egyptians, and whom they a as the first law regarded, according to Diodorus Siculus
Ota-pol of settled
life.

This

may

giver,

just as the ancient Greeks called

Demeter Thesmo-

In fact any pre-eminent deity of a community, simply phoros. on account of this pre-eminence and not necessarily through

any inherent and germinating idea, tends to be regarded as the source of its higher life and to be accredited with its advances
quite natural that the early pre-Homeric Greeks should have attributed to this goddess all that is implied in the title Otcr^ofyopos as interpreted above. But
in culture.

We may

then think

it

if so, then they placed her on a higher level as a political divinity than even Apollo or Athena, and she would have taken rank by the side of Zeus as the divine guardian of the common

wealth.
facts

And

this

is

the

first difficulty

that confronts us.

The

concerning Demeter s political position, examined a few pages back, in no way reveal such a height of political supre macy and her association with the state-life is by no means more intimate than that of most other personages of the poly She is not the president of the assembly, nor the theism.
:

law-courts, nor an oracular deity who guided the fortunes of the people. Even within the polis, her more ancient ritual, her

X\oia, KaAa/xata, and AA.wa seem to preserve a smack of the country air and to smell of the soil. The formula of the stateoath itself, in which, as we have seen, she was given so

prominent a place, probably included her rather as the earthgoddess than as the guardian of the political community. Again, the Hellenic political deities were usually constrained
to be also deities of war.

But the military character is scarcely discerned in the goddess of the peaceful cultivation, though her favour might sometimes be believed to lend victory to her
worshippers
In fact, except in respect of the tilth and the . her kingdom was not of this world, and her mystic worship was shadowed by the life beyond or below the tomb,
fruitful plot,
a 1. 14.

71

8o

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

and did not reflect so immediately as others the daily secular and civic life. If, then, we maintain the political sense of we must say that in a period older than that to which our records go back she was more intimately connected with national law and institutions than in the periods that we know. But this assertion would be a rather hazardous para
0eo-^o</>o />o9,

dox probably, the further we could penetrate into the past, the more rustic and agricultural and the less political we should
;

find her character

cult to have been. Finally, what gives usual of the is that the the coup de grace to theory 0eo-/xo(/>o pos ritual of the pia, which will be examined immediately,

and

0eo>u>4>o

does not reveal a single glimpse of her as a political goddess, and is in fact irreconcilable with that interpretation of the
appellative.
It

the

has sometimes been supposed that the sense of Oca-pos in compound must be limited to the marriage ordinance

which Demeter might have been believed to be especially the originator and protector. And marriage appears to be called a Ota-pos by Homer. We may imagine that the the and monogamic marriage Aryan household were partly based on the higher agricultural system. We know also that
alone, of

ancient peoples human fertility and the fertility of the earth and the vegetable world were closely related as reciprocal causes and effects; and the idea survives among

among many

backward races a

To it we may trace the curious ceremony of tree marriage in India b the custom in New California of burying a young girl at puberty in the earth c probably the
.

solemn

Roman
by

together

confarreatio, the sacramental eating of meal the bride and bridegroom. With this latter we

may compare
a

whose parents were both

the marriage-ritual at Athens, in which a boy alive carried round a basket full of
ceremonies the exchange of bread and meat between the two families is a mere
secular token of hospitality, though it constitutes a legal bond: see Crawley,

cf.

For Teutonic and other parallels Mannhardt, Antike Wald- u. Feld289; Frazer, Golden Bough 109; Hillebrandt, Vedische
11

A ulte,?.
vol. 2, p.

Opfer u. Zauber, p. 64, the bride offers a sacrifice of roasted corn, after which the bridegroom leads her round the fire sometimes as in the Iroquois marriage:

Mystic Rose, p. 317. b Frazer, Golden Bough",

c

i.

195.
p. 303.

Mannhardt, Banmkultus,

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

Si

loaves, reciting
72

certain mysteries,

a formula that was part of the litany of I have fled from evil, I have found a better

thing

it is likely that the marriage-cake mentioned had a sacramental character 72 Nevertheless, by Hesychius neither in the Roman nor the Attic ceremony is any function attributed to Ceres or Demeter she is not mentioned by
. .

And

Plutarch

among
a
,

ceremony
and
it

the five divinities needful for the marriagenor do we hear of her as one to whom the
,

TrporeXeia or

the offerings before the wedding were offered b was not her priestess but the priestess of Athena who
.

newly-married to promote their fertility c Nor, apart from Bta-^ofyopos which we are considering, does a single cult-title reveal her interest in marriage for Demeter
visited the
;

108

7roiKi8i7J

as she

may have

been worshipped at Corinth,

is

a designation too uncertain to build any marriage-theory Artemis was by the house more frequently than upon Demeter, but Artemis, as we have seen, was distinctly not a goddess of monogamic marriage.
;

It is

in those of

not hard, however, to find in the cult of Demeter, as most Greek goddesses, allusions to her interest
;

for this was the natural concern of the earthmother and her kindred. Therefore Demeter was the cherisher of children at Athens 109 and named Eleutho perhaps a variant form of Eileithyia at Tarentum and Syracuse 108 and it has been supposed that the appellatives EmXvo-a^v^ and ETTiWo-a 108 have the same connotation, but this is very doubtful. Moreover, the goddesses of Aegina and Epidauros, Damia and Auxesia, whose names and cult will be examined in more detail below, and who may have been local variants of Demeter and Persephone, were certainly deities of child birth as well as vegetation; and a very archaic cult-inscrip tion from Thera gives the name Aoxcu a, the travail-goddess,

in child-birth

to the associate of Damia, while Photius preserves the curious d gloss that Aoxalos was also applied to the corn-field
.

Vide Zeus, R. 96*, vol. i, p. 157. s Cf. 246; Hera, R. 17^ Athena, R. 63, p. 403.
b Vol. i, p.
c
-

s.v. Aoxofos* ffiros, 6 QaOvs:

pro-

bably in a merely poetical sense, cf. Aesch. Again. 1392 ffTroprjrds KCI\VKOS kv

Athena, R. 67.
FARNELL.
Ill

82

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

But the child-birth goddess there was a multitude of this type in Greece is by no means necessarily the same as the and if Qevnotyopos really divinity who instituted marriage attributed this high function to Demeter, we have yet to find
;

the ritual that clearly illustrates

a citation from Plutarch
writer speaks of the
72

this.

The only

evidence
73
:

is

and an

inscription

from Kos

the

Demeter applied
were being shut

to
in

ancient ordinance which the priestess of you the husband and wife when you

inscription contains

a decree

the bridal-chamber together, and the forbidding the priestesses of

Demeter under

by women

at

their second

certain circumstances to raise the fees paid marriage, implying clearly that certain fees for the ministration.
is

such persons had to perform a certain ritual in honour of

Demeter and
function on

to

pay

As

far

as I can discover, this

the only record

left

of this exercise of
;

Demeter s part in historical times and if all had reverenced Thesmophoros as the prehistoric marriage-goddess, and had dedicated a special mystery to her in commemoration of the greatest of human social insti
Greece

we should have surely expected that a clearer imprint of this primaeval character of hers would have been left upon the cults, cult-titles, and cult-literature of later Greece a that
tutions,
:

she would not have been omitted from the

list

of deities to

whom

the

Trpore Aeta

were
in

offered

that

her

name would

appear passages of literature that group the -divinities: that Servius would not together marriage have been able to affirm that according to some

frequently at least

people marriage was altogether repugnant to Demeter owing to her loss of her daughter 109a and finally, that at least the ritual
;

Much

interest attaches to

state2.

mentin ite De Ke Rustica ot Varro,

4,9:

chthonian powers, but

also
to

it

was

offered

Aphrodite, whose
is

connexion

Nuptiaruminitio antiqui regesac sublimes viri in Etruria in coniunctione

with marriage

better

attested than

Demeter

nuptiali

nova nupta

et

novus maritus

primum porcum immolant.

que
factitasse videntur
;

Prisci quoLatini etiam Graeci in Italia idem

the Italian practice would prove nothing for the Hellenic the pig was offered in Italy to other deities than
s
:
:

Ceres
p.

(W. Fowler, Roman

Festivals,

but this does not

:

105,

who

regards

traverse the statement in the text

the

pig was the usual

sacrificial

animal of

specially appropriate earth and of women ),

however, as to deities of the

it,

the earth-goddess in Greece, and of the

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

way have

83

of the Thesmophoria would in some

corroborated
at

this interpretation of Thesmophoros. But neither this nor the former interpretation

is

all

supported by the

ritual,

which

is

that which

now remains

to

be examined.

As

usual

we

are best informed concerning the Attic service.

But there is one detail which occurs in many of the records and which points to a universal custom, namely, the exclusion of men. This is implied by the legend in Herodotus 74 that the Thesmophoria were brought from Egypt by the Danaides and taught to the Pelasgic women. As far as Attica is
,

concerned

the evidence is absolutely clear the play of Aristophanes is in itself sufficient testimony, and the various detailed statements concerning the different parts of the
;

ceremony show that the whole ministration was

of

women

the

women

elected their

own

hands representatives and

in the

and from at least the essential part of the mystery, the solemnity in the Thesmophorion, the men were rigidly have noticed already the predominance of excluded.
officials,

We
the

but the Kalamaia Haloa and Skira 75 q Thesmophoria appears to have been the only Attic statefestival that belonged to them entirely. The men seem to have played no part at all except the burdensome one of
in
;

women

occasionally providing a feast for the Thesmophoriazusae of their respective demes 75a if their wives happened to be
,

leading
rule

officials

a
.

We may

believe that the

If the records

same exclusive
all

everywhere prevailed.

speak at

of the

personnel of the ritual in other localities, it is always and 76 only women who are mentioned, for instance, at Eretria
,

Megara
paion
90
,

77
,

Thebes and
,

Coronea 86
,

8G a
>

Abdera 89
,

Pantika103
,

Cyrene

102

97 08 Miletos 100 Ephesus Erythrae In connexion with the latter

.

Syracuse

and

told concerning the founder Battos,

the passage has a 3. 80 simple meaning ; the husband owning the property has of course to Isaeus
:

who
;

city, a story was came near to paying

very

pay

in his wife s behalf all the religious

it has clearly nothing to do with any primitive usage of buying one s wife from the community, as is strangely imagined by Miss Harrison in her Pro-

turn

expenses that devolved upon her in her

legomena, p. 131.

84

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

him to a heavy price for the inquisitiveness that prompted colour similar An anecdote of violate the women s mystery. 81 at Epidauros who, by concerning the priestess of Demeter then was and sex her prosecuted of freak some nature, changed
,

was impious for any man having seen mysteries which it of the to seems to be cognisant of, point to the existence
for
festival at this city also.

In the next place

we gather
not

that at

Athens

at least

it

was
rite
:

married

women and

maidens who

administered the

this is made clear throughout the whole comedy of Aristo Isaeus 75 a the only evidence phanes, and by the citations from to the namely the statement by the scholiast on
:

contrary,

Theocritus concerning the a-cpval irapOtvoi and their part in e and even if it the procession 75 being usually discredited were true, we should still believe that all the chief ceremonies
,
;

of the festival were in the hands of married

there

women a

And

some reason For Ovid, elsewhere.

is

for

thinking that

this
is
it

was the rule

evidently the as a feast of

in describing
75 c
,

what

clearly regards Cypriote Thesmophoria women he probably was not specially cognisant of the local ritual of Cyprus, but was aware that this was

the married

common

trait

of the Thesmophoria in

general.

Finally,

Servius speaks of certain ceremonious cries which matrons raised at cross-roads in honour of Demeter, and it is almost
certain that

Now

the Thesmophoria to which he is referring 107 *. the exclusion of men in this ritual is a fact that may
it is

be of anthropological importance, and demands consideration. But before attempting to explain it we may draw this con clusion from the facts already presented, that the 0eo-juu>$o /na was not a festival intended to commemorate the institution of
the as is reasonable to suppose law, and that if it reflected character of Thesmophoros, the latter title had no political or The exclusive ministration of the legal connotation at all.

women
*

is

utterly irreconcilable with such a theory or such an

in

The
2

narrative

Lucian

Dial,

Meretr.

speaks of a girl being seen

;

eluded as the men were, but it does not prove that they played any official part
in the

with her mother at the Thesmophoria this may show that girls were not ex-

ceremony,

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

If
soil, so that the

85

an absolute gynaecocracy had ever prevailed women might claim to be the founders of religious and political life -a supposition which is sometimes put forward on very hazardous evidence it could not have maintained such a tenacious hold on this particular cult
interpretation.

on Greek

for ages after

it

had been displaced

in the

world of

politics

and

elsewhere in political religion. Or again, if the Thesmophoria were founded in honour of the marriage-goddess and to com memorate the institution of some higher form of marriage,
it is equally difficult to explain the exclusion of men. Grant that the women might desire and claim a certain secrecy for

their share in the

mystery yet we must surely look for the or the male priest to come in somewhere to play the male part in such a function. The only ritual in Greece
;

men

which was brought into any association with human marriage, and which we may regard in some sense as the divine counter part to it, was the le/aos ya.fj.os of Zeus and Hera, and this was Finally, the argument naturally performed by both sexes. ex silentio is of special weight here for the Thesmophoriazusae
;

of Aristophanes, when they come to celebrate the praises of various divinities in their choral hymn, invoke Hera TeAa a,

not Demeter, as the goddess who guards the keys of marriage Neither the ritual then nor the records bear out this second
interpretation

of Thesmophoros,

which even
b
.

on

linguistic

grounds

extremely improbable Perhaps the more minute examination of the Attic service may reveal its true meaning, though the records are frag mentary, and any attempt to reconstruct the whole ceremony
a
lucid

is

The festival order must remain hypothetical. five the or days, occupied three, four, varying statements the to varying practice of different corresponding, perhaps,
in
75 a b we may be fairly certain that it began on the periods ; ninth or tenth of Pyanepsion and lasted till the thirteenth or fourteenth c On the ninth day of the month was the ritual
>

Vide Hera, R. 1 7. b That Offfpos might in one or two contexts have been applied to marriage
does not justify the belief that the word absolutely and without context could be

use d for the marriage ordinance note a, p. 105.

c

vide

Plutarch 75b
it,

who
the
<

ceremony of
of
fasting,

vrjarfla,

places the middle the day

as the sixteenth,

as

late

86
called the Stenia,

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

which the scholiast on Aristophanes regards from the Thesmophoria, but may once have formed a substantive part of it, as Photius connects the Ascent of Demeter and the mutual reviling of the women with the Stenia, and both these appear again in some of the records
as distinct
c

of the Thesmophoria.

This

Ascent

whatever

it

means

cannot be interpreted as Demeter s ascent from Hell, for if we suppose such a myth that might be embodied in some mimetic
representation to have actually existed, it would imply the previous loss of her daughter and a sort of reconciliation
of

between mother and son-in-law. And as the Nrjoreia or day mourning was to follow, this would be inconsistent with the
festival.

order of the
Oeo-poQopia

The
75
*
:

tenth
if

day was the

first

Oea-^o^opia or
is

par

excellence

the

accentuation

correct,

vouched for by the MSS. of Photius 75b and the scholiast on Lucian a it may seem to make somewhat for the first part of -Dr. Frazer s view concerning the origin of the name, and we might suppose that this day was so called from

which

is

the practice of carrying certain things called procession, just as two of the following days

tfeoyxot

in

solemn

acquired special names from certain acts of ritual performed upon them. Is it possible that these dta-poi were the VO^L^OL /3t/3Aot /cat tepcu, the
lawful and sacred books

which the scholiast on Theocritus

the.

75 e

declares were carried on the heads of

chaste and reverent

mystery when as if in prayer they departed to Eleusis ? The whole statement has been discredited by certain writers b because we have strong reasons for supposing that the whole ministration was in the hands of matrons, and because it has been maintained that Eleusis had nothing to do with the Thesmophoria c The scholiast was
.

maidens/ on

the

day of

probably wrong about the

chaste maidens

but on the latter

is opposed by the consistent statements of the lexicographers and scholiasts; and among the latter the scholiast on

Lucian draws from a very good source. Rohde-who published theScholion ays great stress on this fact, but does

gards the meaning of the name, * Preller, Demeter- Persephone p 343 Anm. 30 ; Schomann, Griech. Alterth.
2,

not draw any special corollary as re-

Fesf thinks that the scholiast confused Eleusis with the Eleusinion in Athens

p 460 See Momm

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

87

ground we have no right to gainsay him, for we have at least 75 r one positive testimony to Eleusinian and two of /Ha the ritualistic legends, one explaining the chthonian sacrifice
0ecr/uo(/>o

of the pigs 75 *, the other the licentious language of the women, are of Eleusinian origin 75g 103 may believe, then, that
>

We
;

certain

sacred books

were

carried
festival

in

procession

at

some

time or other during the

ritualistic

not as quasi-biblical treatises

regard them on law or morality, but as

we must

books containing directions for regulating the reAeTr/. a but we do in Greece possessed such books not know that these collections of written ritual were specially called 0o-^oi and the theory that they were so called at

Most mysteries
y

Athens

rests partly

on a point of accent
b
.

nor
if

if

we admit
first

the

accent, does the conclusion follow

And

the

day was

called 0eoyxo(o/Ha, because its chief service was the carrying of tfeoyxoi, then the scholiast is wrong about the procession to

are told that on the first day the women were where there was a temple of Demeter ThesmoHalimus, 75a on the sea-coast south-east of Phaleron, far too phoros distant from Eleusis for the women to journey thither in a day.
Eleusis, for

we

at

We may leave
tion that
trivial
it is

the question for the present with the observa a priori very unlikely that such a comparatively
ritualistic

and unessential act as the carrying of

should have given a

books

in procession

name

to a festival of great

compass which was celebrated at a time when probably no books were in existence among most of the communities of
the Hellenic stock.

The
also

first

day being spent

that the

women s

at Halimus, we must suppose dances at Kolias which was in the vicinity

first

are told that the Thesmophoria included a representation of the Rape of Proserpine c this may have been the theme of the chorus at Kolias 75 \ The women
,

took place on the certainly mimetic, and as

day

750
.

Such dances were

we

Cf.

Demeter, R. 255

Dionysos, R.
called
it

6a a .
b

c The Orphic poet of the Argonautica claims as one of his proper themes the

The day may have been

(jy/xf /xi),

$fano(f>op(a

simply because

was the

first

day of the whole

festival

wanderings of Demeter, the grief of Persephone, and the holy ritual of Thesmophoros, 11. 26, 27 (reading
pov
6air)v for Otanotyopos

0ccrfiO(f>6pia.

us

88
then
left

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

Athens.

the sea-coast, and on the second day proceeded to And this day was called the vAyo6o?, the name being

explained as alluding to the procession of the women up to the Thesmophorion in Athens 75 *, a building that probably

In endeavouring to fix the meaning of lay near the Pnyx. the term, we must take note of the fact that the same day, according to the scholiast on Aristophanes, was also called
KaOobos ; and that an avobos ATJ/xrjrpoy was, as we have seen, The associated with the Stenia on the ninth of Pyanepsion.
difficulties

of interpreting

avobos

in

reference
It

to the lower

world have partly been shown above.

natural to apply
it

in this sense to

out of the question, for all times of the year unsuitable for her return to be of would world. Nor could KaOobos logically refer to the the upper
it is

Kore

not appear and as regards the eleventh of Pyanepsion

did

Demeter

passing away or descent of Proserpine ; for this belongs to harvest-time 8 and the period of the Attic harvest was long
,

passed. Again, if avobos and KdOobos had signified the resurrec tion of the divinity and her descent into Hades, it is extra

ordinary that two such opposite views should have been taken of the same ritual. may suppose, then, either that the Ascent of the Goddess was nothing more than the bringing up of her image from the sea-coast to Athens and this as in some sense a return from exile might be called udOobos and

We

that Photius confuses the Stenia with the second

;

day of the Thesmophoria or that the avobos was simply the carrying of images of mother and daughter up to the temple on the
high

ground from the lower city as we gather from Aristophanes b that there were two wooden idols in the when
;

only this suggestion must also take into explain the KaOobos. consideration the very different interpretation offered by Mr. Frazer that avobos and Ka6obos do not refer to the

the

women met
to

Thesmophorion

there on the third

day

fails

We

god

desses at

the subterranean chamber and returned, in performance of an important ritual described partly by Clemens and more
into
K

all,

but

to

the

women who went down

at

The feast of Kore called Karayoay^ Syracuse was held when the corn was

mature (R. 129).

b

Thesmoph. 773.

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

by Lucian s
fashion to
.
. .

89

scholiast At the Thesmophoria it throw living pigs into the underground and certain women called avr\r]Tpiai descend sanctuaries and bring up the decaying remnants and place them on the altars: and people believe that the man who takes (part of them) and mixes them up with his grain for sowing will have
75
*

fully
is

the

abundant harvest. And they say that there are serpents down below about the vaults, which eat the greater part of the food thrown down. And the same festival is also called from the same point of view is celebrated and it Appr]TO(f)6pia, the of fruits and human generation. And concerning growth
.
.
.

they also dedicate here(?) certain unmentionable holy objects made of dough, imitations of serpents and shapes of men (? leg. avbpiK&v o-x^drcor, a euphemism for the They
<j>a\\6s).

also take pine-boughs on account of the fertility of the tree. And all these objects are thrown into the so-called Megara

together with the pigs ... as a symbol of the generation of fruits and men. This important passage has received much
notice and

some

criticism that

has not been always

satis

factory

a
.

difficulties

In spite of some corruption of the text and some of translation, certain important features of the

whole

ritual

emerge.

The

which were of course not intended

divine character
of the animal.

offering of the for food,

mimic serpents, show the semiis

The

ritual

intended to

promote the crops and human generation, but there is no ceremonious allusion to the ordinance of marriage whether it contained a phallic element is doubtful b we shall be inclined to believe it did if we believe the statement of Theodoretus that a representation of the female sexual organ was honoured On minor points the by the women in the Thesmophoria 75g record is vague we are not told where this ceremony was
:

Frazer
article

and

Golden Bough, vol. 2, 299, on Thesmophoria in the

;

element

Rohde,loc.cit., believes that a phallic is attested of Demeter s ritual

Andrew Encyclopaedia Britannica ~Lajng,MytA,ttual, and Religion, 2. 269

(giving certain savage parallels) Robert in Preller, Griech. t hoi. 2. 779, Anm.
;

at Halimus, where he would locate the whole of this ceremony described by the

scholiast

but the authorities he cites

My

i.

780,
p.

Anm.

1870,

3; Rohde, Rhein. Mus. 548; Miss Harrison, Prolego-

are referring to a Dionysiac not a Demeter-cult at Halimus, vide Dionysos,

R. 129*.

mena, &c., pp. 120-131.

go

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

performed, whether at Athens or at some country locality that was included in the route followed by the women in their a the explanatory legend, that the sacrifice of pigs procession
;

was to commemorate Eubouleus and his herd of swine that were swallowed up with him, when the earth opened to receive Pluto and Kore, might suggest Eleusis for the scene of the rite, and at all events is of some value as attesting the strong Eleusinian colour that has spread over part of the Thesmophoria. Neither does it appear quite evident at what point of time
in

the

much

to be said for Dr. Frazer

long festival the swine-sacrifice occurred. There is s view that the throwing the

live pigs into the vault and the fetching up the remnants of the last year s sacrifice were two parts of the same ceremony occurring on the same day. Only if we conscientiously abide by the evidence of the accent, and ascribe all the ritual men

tioned by Lucian s scholiast to the day called Oea-p.o^opia, this we know to have been the tenth day, and therefore we cannot,

on this hypothesis, accept Dr. Frazer s explanation of KaOobos and avobos, for these latter rituals fell on the eleventh of the

More important still is the question as to the earlier or later significance of the swine-sacrifice. Were the animals thrown in merely as gifts to the earth-goddesses, or as incarna
.

month 75 b

tions of the divinities themselves

The

latter is

Dr. Frazer s
it.

view, but the evidence

is

not sufficient to establish

The

no doubt, their sacred animal here and elsewhere in the Greek world no doubt it was to them as well probably as to Plouton-Eubouleus that the Athenians of the later period believed it was offered in this Thesmophorian ritual, just as
pig
is,
;

at Potniae

we

hear of two sucking-pigs being thrown

down

into a hole as a sacrifice to

Demeter and Kore

113
.

And

the eating of swine s flesh which is attested of the worshippers in the Attic Thesmophoria may be connected with this ritual at the Megaron, and have been a sacra very

probably may mental mea! 75a But sacramental union with the divinity does not demand the belief that the is incarnate in the
.

divinity

on the Rohde, cit., relying accentuation etaftofopia (Photius and Lucian s scholiast), places it at Haliloc.

mos

. This evidence, which is all that he can urge, is slight, but of some value.

75a

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

a
,

91

animal
cults
;

though

this belief

may
is

be traced

in other Hellenic

if

the deity and the worshippers partake of the

sufficiently strong.

same

food,

the sacramental bond

Therefore

sacramental eating of animal food ought not to be always The taken as proof of a direct theriomorphic conception. flesh thrown into the vault was supposed to be devoured by the snakes that were kept there, and the women made a loud
clapping to drive away the snakes before they ventured down. Now, though Demeter and Kore are nowhere identified with
the snake, having become detached from the earth-goddess after the anthropomorphic conception of the latter had come to pre vail, yet this animal that was once the incarnation of the earthspirit

remains the familiar representative of the chthonian

goddesses of the Olympian period. Therefore, as these god desses may in some sense have been supposed to have partaken of the swine s flesh that was thrown down to them, the remnants would be regarded as charged with part of their
divinity, and would be valuable objects to show over the fields. But no Greek legend or ritual reveals any sense of the identity between Demeter and the pig. The ceremony just examined shows us this at least, that the main purpose of the Thesmophoria was to secure the fertility of the field, and probably also to promote human fecundity and that the divinities to whom it was consecrated, being earthdeities, possessed both a chthonian and an agricultural character, and could bless their worshippers both with the And it shows us fruits of the field and the fruit of the womb. that by no means the whole of the Thesmophoria was /xijxTjcris b
;

connexion with the vaults contains no allu sion to the famous myth, but is pure ritual, not arising from but itself generating the myth of Eubouleus. The women
for the service in

who ascend and descend

a

are obviously not embodiments of Kore and Demeter; they dance no dance, but perform liturVide

my article on
in

Sacrificial

Com-

mnnion

Greek

religion,

Hibbert

is altogether ignored by Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, pp. 121-131; the Rape

it

Joztrnal, 1904, pp. 319-321. b This element in the Thesmophoria

criticism of the scholiast, loc.

of Persephone

was merely a

story arising,

she thinks, from the ritual, but she does

has been exaggerated by Rohde in his cit. : but

not explain

this,

92

GREEK RELIGION
to certain altars.

[CHAP.

no mere gift-sacrifice, and this and nothing more. as was never wholly regarded perhaps We have no hint that in any Hellenic ritual the serpent was ever offered to any divinity as food or as a gift-offering we must suppose, therefore, that the mimic serpents were conse crated to the sacred vault, because they were the animals
;

gical functions and minister service was probably in its origin

But

their

specially charged with the

power of the nether

earth-spirit

the pig was regarded in the same light, and therefore the same significance probably attached at one time to the act of

throwing in the swine for the same reason sucking-pigs were chosen at Potniae as more likely to refresh and rejuvenate the We may regard then this part of the energies of the earth.
;

Thesmophorian
earliest period

ritual at

Athens as a

survival of ancient magic,

soil.

used to stimulate the fertilizing powers of the

it

Yet

in

the

might be accompanied by prayers, and by

For prayers, spells, and are acts which, though arising from two gift-offerings religious different views of the divine nature, are often of simultaneous
real gift-offerings to the goddesses.

occurrence in very early phases of religion a The women in the Attic ritual certainly prayed b and cereal offerings, as
.

thank-offerings for crops, probably formed part of the Thesmo75 c but it is clear also that some form of phoria sacrifice
:

animal-oblation was essential, not only at Athens, but at Eretria and Gyrene 76 lc2 Some such ritual, possibly the swine-offering just considered, was probably associated with 75 the ceremony known as the duoyjua or \ which
.

a7ro5uoy/xa

piece Could this pursuit together an organic whole, if possible. be the chasing of the bridegroom and ravisher by the women, as Pallas and Artemis tried to chase Pluto in the
versions of the story
a c
.

Hesychius informs us was the name of a sacrifice at the ThesmoHis statement, which lacks all context or setting, is phoria. one more of the disiecta membra, out of which we have to

The name
this at
c

Bvvia
is

makes against
Gerhard
s

poetical this
Ab-

have endeavoured to show

This

view, Akad.

somelengthin##&tfZ^/#;w,p.i68,&c. b Aristoph. Thesmoph. 295 (quoted

Artemis, R. 73).

handl.
to
it is

2, p.

340
it

that

one of the objections supposes naturally a male

:

participant in the ritual.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

93

view, and it would be a mistake to suppose that every part of the varied ceremony was the mimetic representation of the myth. Pursuit at sacrifice was, as Dr. Frazer remarks, com mon but there are two kinds of pursuit the priest may have
: ;

to fly because he has slain a sacred animal or he himself may pursue one of those who are present at the altar with simulated intent to kill ; and this is a relic of a prior human sacrifice.
;

Now,

as the

above writer has abundantly shown, such

sacrifices

have been

fairly

common

in the

worship of the earth-spirit

and the primitive agricultural ritual all over the world, as we have seen, is darkened by the frequent

among

different races,

suggestion of human bloodshed. Some such pretence of what was once a reality may explain the 5uoy//a in the Thesmophoria and that this is not an idle
;

conjecture seems to appear from the Corinthian legend refer ring to the institution of a Demeter-cult there which was

doubtless the Thesmophoria 77a the first priestess to whom Demeter revealed her secret mysteries was an old woman
:

called Melissa (a and other cults 16

name
)
:

of sacerdotal significance in

Demeter

the other

women came and

surrounded her,
;

at coaxing and imploring her to communicate them wroth at her stubborn refusal, they tore her to pieces.

last,

The

story was

by no means ben

trovato

wards

it

may

yield this possible sense

but interpreted back the Thesmophoria at

Corinth, as elsewhere, were in the hands of married women, who cherished a secret ritual, and retained, perhaps in some

simulated ceremony, a faint reminiscence of the sacrificial death of their priestess, and who invented, as usual, a single and
special incident to account for
it.

We shall

find similar

myths

of importance in the cults of Dionysos. The legend of the 3G b in honour of Damia and the festival of Troezen At0o/3o Aia,

Auxesia, other names for the two earth-goddesses of vegeta tion, is of great interest as probably belonging to the same

group of religious phenomena two maidens came there from Crete and lost their life by stoning in a civic tumult, and the
:

stone-throwing was instituted in their honour. seem to trace here the effects of the world-wide savage dogma that blood must water the earth to make things grow/
festival of the

We

94

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

the worshippers in the vegetation-ritual drawing blood from each other with stones, and inventing a myth that probably embalms a tradition of the death of the vegetation-deity.

May we
seem
part
like

also explain those mysterious lines (165-167) that an interpolation in the Homeric hymn to Demeter,

of the prophecy of the goddess about her fosterling Demiphon, And over him (or in his honour) at certain seasons

of the revolving years all day long the sons of the Eleusinians ever mingle the fell battle-shout and join in war/ as an allu
sion to

combats half

real,

half mimic,
?

field to sprinkle

the earth with blood

waged over the corn Combats, either sham

or serious, seem not infrequently to have formed the finale

of vegetation-ceremonies, and one such may have been the Eleusinian ftaXXr^rvs, or ritualistic stone-throwing, with which
the functionary

known

as

tepev?

XiOotyopos

may have been

connected

a
.

on the word

This gloss of Hesychius then has some value, but his other ft/ua, the name of another sacrificial act in the
,
;

and

Attic Thesmophoria 75m has none for the text is partly corrupt, all that might be said about it would be useless conjecture.
:

Coming now to the third day of the festival we find better information at this point the day was called yrjoreia, the day of fasting and mortification, when the officiating women had apparently little in the way of ritual to perform, and when the
75 a b k public business of the community was suspended are not told that the rule of abstinence applied to the men it is only the women who are said to have fasted seated on the 75 Of course they said that they did so because ground
.
;

We

Demeter
a

in her

sorrow had done the same, just as they said

that they indulged in ribaldry because

and stone-throwing in the Feriae Ancillarum on the Nonae
Cf. the beating

lambe had done

so.

Caprotinae, probably a harvest-festival honour of Juno, Plut. Vit. Rom. 29 for the <jKwnp.a.ra. on that occasion vide Vit. Camill. 33; Warde Fowler, Roman
in
:

Usener 2, p. 428. Archiv f. Religionswissensch 1904, pp. 297-313, examines a number of ceremonious combats of this type, and explains them as cathartic ritual, descending probably from a mimetic combat of
phyae, Cidts, vol.
in

/w/mz/j,pp.i75,i76:
:

for the Eleusinian

0a\\T)Tts vide Athenae. 406 D (Herocf. cults, R. 54) legend of stoning in

the persons representing Summer and Winter. It is doubtful if all the cases can be explained by any single theory.

the vegetation-ritual of Artemis at Ka-

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

women must

95

Similarly, the rule that the

not eat the seeds of

,

the pomegranate in the Thesmophoria 75 f was naturally ex plained by the story of Persephone, and the spell which bound her to the lower world through her imprudent eating of this
the myth, for

we may suspect that the taboo was independent of we find it again in the ritual at Lykosura of whose Despoina, legend by no means coincides at all points
fruit
;

but

the reason for this avoidance of the the blood-red colour which made been pomegranate may have it ominous, while in other cults a brighter symbolism may have

with Persephone

119

attached to

it

a
.

At

least, as

regards the

women s

fast

in

general, we need not suppose that it was mimetic or dramatic at all, though this is usually the view of the moderns who

often

commit the same

legends.

In most religions, our

error of va-rtpov vpoTcpov as the ancients. own included, the fasts are explained
is no need for one. have in the liturgies of agrarian value, and will be resorted to

by holy

Here

at least there

Fasting and other

rules of abstinence

ancient cults a distinct

at critical periods of the agrarian year, such as the period of sowing. Besides fasting, the women were supposed to abstain

from sexual intercourse, according to Ovid for nine days 75 c The women who went down into the vault had to observe
.

b and certain herbs that were purity for three days exercise a to supposed chastening effect on the temperament were strewn under the beds of the matrons 75 h

ritualistic

*>

day of the whole from the name of the festival, was the KaXAtyereta. Probably, religious celebration, there emerged a female personality, % KaAAiye veia, sometimes identified with Demeter, sometimes with Ge, or regarded as a subordinate divinity closely associated with the former It is most improbable that the word in this precise form should originally have had the value of a feminine divine name, for no festival was ever directly
after the Nrjoreia, the closing
.

The day

Vide Aphrodite, vol.

2, p.

696, note

c.

intercourse, replied

after lawful inter*

Theano, the Pythagorean womanphilosopher, on being consulted by a woman how soon it was permissible to
enter the

course at once, after adulterous, never 75 1 / This is the modern and ethical as
distinct
c

Thesmophorion

after sexual

from the ritualistic view. Vide Hero-cults, R. 335.

96
called

GREEK RELIGION
by the simple personal name
of a divinity.

[CHAP,
It is likely

was the neuter plural, the most frequent form of festival-names, and Alkiphron 75 b and probably a Sici a and this may be lian inscription give us ra KaAAiyeVeta
that the earliest form
,

interpreted as the feast of KaAAiyei>7J?, a natural appellative of Demeter or Kore, to whom alone all throughout the Greek

world the Thesmophoria were consecrated.

It is

probable that

the fictitious personal Kalligeneia was commonly invoked in later times, for Plutarch seems to regard the Eretrian festival
as a noteworthy exception, in that the 76 Kalligeneia in its celebration
.

women

did not

invoke

Now

Ka\\iyvris designates

the goddess of fair offspring, or the goddess who gives failoffspring/ or rather both meanings could combine in the word.
1

We may suppose
that on this

then that the

women s

festival

appropriately

closed with the old-time prayer of the women for beautiful children. And if the prayer was accompanied by the belief

day the mother regained her fair daughter, we should recognize a stratum of religious thought concerning Demeter that is older than and alien to the classical legend.
*

For Demeter must be supposed, on this hypothesis, to be living below the earth as an ancient earth-goddess reunited with her corn-daughter we cannot imagine that Kore was thought to return to the earth to gladden her mother above in
:

late

October b There is only one more

.

fact

recorded of the Attic

75

Thesmo
indul

phoria

that

may

prove

to

be of importance, namely, the

n
.

release of prisoners during the festival gence prevailed, apparently, at the

The same
and

Dionysia

Pan-

may have been a common practice at state-festivals in Greece. The original idea which many suggested it may have been that law and order could be susathenaica
,

and

it

C. /. Gr. Sic. It. 205. Vide Demeter, R* I0 4 b Usener s view that Kalligeneia is a mere sonder-gottheit, a primitive

&

ritual

to

procure

fair

offspring,

and

that the Eretrians were merely singular in not having evolved the personal
tta\\ty(V(ia

from
rd.

it

but this view need

functional daimon, appears to

me
:

very

not

improbable, Gotternamen, p. 122 vide discussion in chapter on Hero-cults. It

is

KaXXiyiveta was originally a godless ritual, without reference to Demeter or her myth.
that
c

mean

possible that TO. na\\iyV(ta originally an impersonal word =

was
*

Vide

vol. 5,

Dionysos R.

127.

the

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

97

pended during a short period of licence which was especially common at ceremonies connected with the crops. When once
the release of prisoners became an established rule at these most ancient festivals, mere civic sympathy and kindness

might lead to the introduction of it at later feasts of a different Part of the Thesmophoria was joyous, and we hear character. If of feasting it is only the third day that was sorrowful. this was the day on which the prisoners were released, we may
;

explain the custom by means of the same explanation as I have suggested for the curious law that no one might lay a a suppliant bough on the altar during the Eleusinia ; what
associated with enmity or strife must be rigidly tabooed during a piacular and sorrowful ritual. Before endeavouring to sum up the results of this survey of

ever

is

Attic

ritual,

we must

see

if

the records of the Thesmophoria

Greece can add any further fact of importance to the general account, beyond that which has been already Of the Eretrian rite noted, the universal exclusion of men.
in other parts of

one other detail

the

is

known

of

women

did not use

fire,

some anthropological interest but the sun s heat, for cooking

;

their meat.

We may
.

gather from this that the more ancient

culinary process of drying meat in the sun survived for sacri b But probably the Eretrian custom has more ficial purposes

the women must maintain a high degree significance than this of ritualistic purity, and the sun s fire was purer than that of It is also possible that in the ancient the domestic hearth .
;

period of the Eretrian calendar the sowing-time was regarded as the beginning of the new year, and that the domestic fire

was extinguished in obedience to a rule of purification that was commonly observed at this period. Something too may be gathered from Pausanias record of a Megarian ritual 77 Near their Prytaneum was a rock called AvaKXijOpa, the rock of invocation so named, as they said, because here in her wander ing search Demeter called out the name of her lost daughter, and the Megarian women still do to this day in accordance
.
,

p. 114. 2 Frazer, Golden Botigh , i, p. 339, gives other instances of the ritualistic

Vide Hibbert Lectures,

act of drying meat in the sun. c Cf. another example of this idea in
q Apollo-cult, R. I28
.

FARNELL.

Ill

98
with the myth.

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

We

part of the Megarian a temple of Demeter

can scarcely doubt but that this was Thesmophoria, especially as he mentions

Thesmophoros not
here,

far

from the Pryta-

Athens, contained know nothing more of the Laconian a mimetic element 82 which perhaps Thesmophoria except that it lasted three days, was the rule in the later period at Athens as we may gather And of the ritual in other places, where from Alkiphron. to notice only are definitely attested, it remains Thesmophoria facts: at Delos the festival appears to have the

neum; and

that the ritual

a
.

as

at

We

following

and in part to the goddess of sorrow to have possessed an agrarian character, for certain loaves baked for a celebration called MeyaAa/ma were consecrated to
been consecrated

and the Delian offering to Demeter of the pregnant sow suggests that the object of the festival was the same here as at Athens, to secure the fertility of the human family, of the flocks and of the crops 91 at Rhodes we hear the purifications before the Thesmophoria, and doubtless these were of the same kind and of the same 96 at Miletos a doubtful citation ritualistic value as at Athens in Stephanus seems to point to a local practice of placing the pine-bough under the beds of the Thesmophoriazusae, we should suppose for the same purifying purpose as that for
at
0e<rpo<l>6poi.

(Beat),

The

sacred character of the stone

Mycenaean stoneworship when the deity was invoked to come to the stone; but the mimetic fashion of aiding Demeter in the
itself

may

be a

relic of

But the latter point is not difficult to explain: the matrons with torches meet at the cross-roads before they start on
their ceremonious

march over the

fields;

search by calling out the

name of her

daughter

may have

been a real feature

:

but the cross-roads, where the way was doubtful, would be the natural place for Demeter in her search to call aloud the

of the Thesmophoria cf. the citations from Servius about the ritual of the matrons at the cross-roads (R. 107*):

name
also

of her daughter
carried

the cross-roads
T/noSos,

also were sacred to

Hekate

who

torches
*

hence
ritual

Hekate

the

first

women

points to meetings of married with torches in their hands at

comes
quest.

into the

Homeric

story of the

The matrons

may have
;

the cross-roads calling on

Kore, and
:

this suggests a Thesmophorian rite the second citation is confused rustici

it originated in pure religious magic would become pinrjais as the myth grew

who have no
mis
(

place in the Thesmophoria take the place of matronae and Arte-

= Hekate)

is

joined with Demeter.

and absorbed it but it is hazardous to assume a period of the Thesmophoria so called when Demeter was not in it. b Vide supra, p. 71.
:

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

99

which the willow was used at Athens, only that, according to Lucian s scholiast, the pine-bough was a symbol of generation rather than a help to chastity 100 at Ephesos an inscription of
:

period speaks of a yearly sacrifice offered by the associates of a mystery to Demeter Thesmophoros and Karpo-

the

Roman

phoros, suggesting that here also the goddess under the former title was worshipped as the divinity of the fruits of the earth 98
Finally, certain details are given us of the

Syracusan Thesmo-

phoria
least

from which we gather that part of the ritual at the feast was a ten closely resembled the Athenian which the women seem to have days celebration, during retired to a house on the Acropolis a Again, we hear of the
, : .

103

euVxpoAoyta, the ceremonious ribaldry, and of certain indecencies of ritual, cakes moulded to resemble the pudenda mnliebria

being carried prominently in the procession

the aurxpoAoyto,

was here also explained by reference to the story of lambe, and the festival fell about the time of the autumn sowing
;

according to Diodorus, an ancient fashion of dress prevailed

during the period. In the catalogue of Greek Thesmophoria I have ventured to include certain local ceremonies where there is no explicit
for believing that

record of the festival-name, but the details recounted it was that with which we are dealing.

make
For

instance, Pausanias gives us a singular account of the ritual in the temple of Demeter Mima at Pellene 85 a name that may
,

on the third day of designate the goddess of mystic cult a nine-days celebration b the men retired from the temple, leaving the women alone, who then performed certain religious
;

functions

by night

the exclusion of males was so absolute

*

that

Tennyson
a

even the male dog was tabooed, as in the palace of s Princess on the next day the men returned,
;

Diodorus,

if

his rather

vague words
:

are to be pressed, implies that the whole city (and the male sex) took part in it
this

The number nine points to Thesmophoria: in Ovid s account of the Cypriote Thesmophoria the period of purity lasts
nine days
;

would be

quite possible,

and may

and

in the

Homeric Hymn,
features
s

have often happened without infringing

the principle that the inner mystery of the Thesmophoria was exclusively the
privilege of the

which

reflects

certain

of

the

Thesmophoria, Demeter
nine days,

search lasts

women.

loo

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

and both sexes indulged in ridicule and ribaldry in turn, the We cannot be quite sure that this was one against the other. the Thesmophoria, for partial exclusion of men and a cere
monious kind of ribaldry we have found in the Attic Haloa also, but the nightly performance of the nine- days rites at

somewhat justifies the belief. Again, the ritual that Pausanias describes as performed in a grove called Uvpaia (perhaps a name of the wheat-goddess), and the temple of
Pellene

and Kore on the road to Phlius near Sicyon, may possibly have been a local form of the Thesmo

Demeter

npoorao-ia*

78b the men held a feast in this temple, but another phoria sacred building was given up to an exclusive festival of the women, and there stood in it statues of Demeter, Kore, and
:

Dionysos,
ritual

all of which were muffled except the faces. If this were the Thesmophoria, which is of course uncertain, those

whohold that the name designates the goddess of marriage might

quote this record as countenancing their theory, for the place where the women s ceremony occurred was called the NUJU$COJ; but this should not be interpreted as the house of the goddess
: *

of marriage/ but merely as the house of the bride/ just as Parthenon is the house of the maid. This interesting fact
* 1

surely better interpreted by the supposition that the bride was Persephone, who was united in this building to Dionysos in a tpos yd/xos, though it must remain uncertain whether it was this sacred marriage that the women acted on that night
is

of their mystery.

accounts of the Thesmophoria is there any express statement found concerning any dramatic repre sentation of a marriage. Theogamiae, or rituals commemo rating the union of Persephone and the god of the lower world, certainly occurred in the Greek states and are especially attested for Sicily and the neighbourhood of Tralles 124 162 and from Greece it penetrated Roman ritual in the form of the marriage of Orcus and Ceres, a ceremony in which wine was rigorously excluded, and which may have been associated
:
>

For nowhere

in the

The goddess who

stands before

cf.

the

two meanings,

local

and quasi-

the granary or corn-field, and therefore the goddess who protects from harm
:

immaterial, of Apollo

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

by Varro
in

101

with the Ludi Tarentini mentioned

accordance with a Sibylline oracle
106 a The latter Proserpine coloured victims were offered.
.

as instituted in

honour of Dis Pater and lasted three nights, and dark-

Now much

of the ritual in

honour of Flora and Bona Dea reminds us vividly of the Thesmophoria, the exclusion of men, the sexual licence, the a Nevertheless, beating with rods, and yet may be old Italian we are expressly told that the whole service of Ceres in Rome was Greek, administered by Greek priestesses and in the Greek language 107 Dionysius of Halikarnassos, under the influence of the legend of Pallas and Pallantion, traces the Roman Ceres-cult back to Arcadia, mentioning that in Rome, as in Greece, the administration was in the hands of women, and that the ritual excluded wine but Cicero with more caution and truth connects it with Naples where we find mention of a priestess of Demeter Thesmophoros or Velia 107 and another record affirms its association in the times of the
.
. :

Gracchi with the cult of Henna, in which the same exclusion

of the male sex was the rule

borrowed
ritual

And the Bona Dea herself Tarentum probably through part at least of her a from Greek cult-centre, for the name Damium directly
105b .
,

applied to her sacrifice, Damia to the goddess, Damiatrix to the priestess b point surely to the Epidaurian-Aeginetan 36 worship *. With these proofs of strong Greek influence, we

cannot avoid the belief that the Thesmophoria itself, the oldest and most universal of the Greek Demeter-feasts, was intro duced into the Roman state and though the name does not occur in the calendar of the Roman religion, we have sufficient
;

proof of the rite as a Roman ordinance in the celebration of the leiunium Cereris, the fast of Ceres, falling on the fourth
of October, and corresponding in name and more or less in time to the Attic Nrjoreia Nevertheless, the marriage of Orcus and Ceres could have been no part of a Roman
.

Thesmophoria, for this was celebrated by the Pontifices, and a Vide W. Fowler, Roman Festivals, feel that this hypothesis so naturally
pp. 102-106.
b

Fowler,

op.

cit.

an possible the whole group of names.

as

p. 106, suggests Italian origin for

applies to the facts as the theory of importation from Greece.

c

Vide Roscher, Lexikon,

36. 37
:

I,

p.

863

do not

Livy

it

lasted nine days.

102 the

GREEK RELIGION
Romans would hardly have been

[CHAP,

Thesmophorian There is one last question about the ritual of the Thesmophoria, to which a certain answer would contribute something to our knowledge of the goddess were the offerings always i^aAia, that is to say, was wine always excluded ? We should believe this to have been the rule if we believed Dionysius statement, who speaks as if the sober sacrifice was the rule of 107 That all the Demeter cults whether in Italy or Greece he was wrong about Italy we have Vergil s testimony, aided a and he was wrong about Greece for wine is ,by Servius b mentioned among the offerings to Demeter at Cos explicitly as at the it was used in ceremonies connected with her feasts The jest in Haloa 18 and in the mystery-rites at Andania 246 Aristophanes about the flagon of wine dressed up as a baby, smuggled in by one of the Thesmophoriazusae at the Nrjoreia, only suggests that it was tabooed on this particular day, but not necessarily throughout the whole festival on the other hand, it was specially excluded from the rites of the Despoinae
rigid
; . ;
: ,

likely to abandon the rule of the exclusion of men.

at

The point is of some interest because the ordinance against wine was fairly common in the primitive ritual of the earth-goddess and of deities akin to her c
Olympia
.

118

We may
from

now endeavour

to gather certain results of value

this tangle of detail.

The

festival

bears about

it

the

signs of extreme antiquity, while the name Demeter, the rule which excluded slaves from any participation in

and
it

75a
,

may deter us from regarding it as the heritage of a pre-Hellenic population in Greece. At no point does it reflect the higher
life

of the Greek Polis, or the institution of

It

Aryan

mono-

gamic marriage.

has been supposed, for reasons that will be considered below, to show the imprint of a matriarchal type of society d ; but if we confine the question here to its signifi cance as a marriage festival, it is difficult to see how either the
a

Georg.

i.

344 with Servius

com-

ment
b
c

Geogr. Reg. s. v. Vide p. 55; vol. i, pp. 88-89;

vol. 2,

p. 664, note a. d

The

seem to explain the Roman rule, R. 109% that in the Sacra Cereris the name of father must never be mentioned but Servius adds that the daughter s name was tabooed also, and here the theory
:

matriarchal

theory

might

at once breaks

down.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

103

patriarchal or matriarchal theory can draw any support from the ritual of a festival that does not seem to have concerned

with any form of marriage whatever. It is obviously concerned solely with the fertility of the field and the fertility
itself

The women ceremoniously marching over the land with torches are figures of a world-wide agricultural ritual, intended to evoke the fructifying warmth of the earth
of the womb.
or the personal agency of the earth-spirit a it was usual to kill some one or shed blood on such occasion, and somebody probably once was killed or blood was shed in the Thesmo;

phoria it was usual to strew sacred flesh as religious manure over the land, and this purpose was served by the decaying pigs and the functions of the avrXrirpiai the rules of sexual
; :

abstinence and ritualistic purity enforced upon the Thesmophoriazusae may be explained by the widespread belief that the ministers of an agrarian ritual should discipline their bodies beforehand, in order that virtue may the better come

out of them when it is needed. On the other hand, cereal ceremonies at certain times of the year have been often marked by wild sexual licence and indulgence, either because by the
logic of sympathetic magic such practices are supposed to increase the fertilizing strength of the earth, or because a

period of fasting and mortification has preceded, and, the devil having been thus cast out, the human temperament feels it

may

risk a carnival b .

Now
for the

there was no sexual indulgence

men were rigorously excluded, and the Christian fathers would not perhaps have been so severe in their moral censures, had their knowledge of other pagan ritual, that Christianity was obliged for a very long
at the

Thesmophoria,

With a

like

increase the

fertilizing

purpose, namely to warmth of the

harvest-festivals,
: .

sometimes chastity

is

earth, lighted torches

were flung into

.

a pit as offerings to Kore at Argos 115a b The rule of chastity prevailed at

the Skirra, another agricultural festival, see p. 40, note c; cf. Anthrop.Journ. 1901, p. 307, among the native tribes of Manipur sometimes sexual licence

cf the idea that the breach required of sexual laws might be punished by Frazer, Golden sterility of the land,

Bough*

vol. 2,

p. 212.

The

instances

of sexual indulgence, probably fora cere-

monious purpose
festivals

are

too

originally, in agrarian numerous to need

quoting,

and

drunken

debauchery

prevail

at

104

GREEK RELIGION
tolerate,

[CHAP.
a
,

time to

been wider: but there was atVx/ooXoyta

badinage of an undoubtedly indecent kind, usually among the women themselves, but sometimes between both sexes and
;

was no mere casual and licentious jeu (f esprit, the coarse ness of a crowd of vulgar revellers, but a ceremonious duty steadily performed by matrons whose standard of chastity was probably as high as ours and ideas of refinement in other
this

the object of this, as of all the respects very like our own rest of the ritual, being to stimulate the fertilizing powers of
:

the earth and the

human frame b

Again, the practice of

beating the bodies of the worshippers with wands of some sacred wood has been often in vogue as a fertilizing charm

which quickens the generative powers for the purposes both of vegetation-magic and of human productiveness a salient instance is the ceremony of the Lupercalia, though there the
:

beating was with thongs of hide, probably cut from some sacred animal it occurred also in the Greek ritual of Demeter,
;

probably the Thesmophoria, according to a gloss of Hesychius who speaks of the rods of plaited bark with which they beat each other in the Demeter- feast 36
.

divinity or divinities then of the Thesmophoria were worshipped not as political powers or marriage-goddesses, but as powers of fertility

The

of the lower world.

and vegetation, and we must also add For it is the chthonian idea and its

ghostly associations that explain

why

so

much

of the ritual

was performed
d-n-o^pas

at night,

why

one at

least of the

days was
,

or /tuapa so that no public business c could be done 75a probably why no crowns of flowers d could be worn by the
35
,

Syracuse a colour proper also to the Eumenides. The above analysis of the festival seems
a

and Thesmophoriazusae ments of the goddesses at

finally
least at

why

the ceremonial vest

68

were purple,

finally to rule out

and
*

Cf. 75*, 85, 103 : also at the in the worship of Damia

c

Haloa 18 and Au,

another context.
c

xesia

We

on every

al<rxpo\oyia

must distinguish ritualistic from the ritual of cursing,

re-

Public business was not suspended festival day, cf. Dionysos, R.

Cf. the similar prohibition in the

127
<*

which has also its place in Greek ligion and which will be examined

worship of the Charites at Paros, Apoll.

Bibl. 3. 15, 7.

in

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

105

the two usual explanations of Thesmophoros, which refer the word to the ordinances of the state or of human marriage
;

and the other explanations hitherto noticed do not appear The most sensible proposed by antiquity is that satisfactory. given by the unknown scholiast on Lucian or by the excellent authority whom he reproduces that she was called
:

0e<r/zo(/>opos

because she taught men the interpretation of the word

ritual

0eoyxo(
is

of agriculture at least this not in violent conflict with the

:

of the Thesmophoria, as the others are. Still it is linguistically most improbable that a deity who taught the rules of agriculture should have acquired at a very early

period of the language the name of the Law-Bringer, simply from her agrarian teaching. For s in the meaning of ordinance or rule is never found in any specialized sense,
0e<rjuo
*

whether

a religious, social, or utilitarian

is

The
the

appellative
tfeoyxo s

word

may
its

derivable from

very old, pre-Homeric period have borne different meanings, logically An root-significance, but afterwards lost.

and

in the

archaic inscription of Olympia b presents us with the word in a peculiar dialect-form, and probably in the signification of
or landed property and in a Boeotian inscription of the latter part of the third century B. C. we find re fyuo? used of money placed out on loan c Somewhat akin to these
KTrjfjia
; .

is

the meaning for which Anacreon

*

who used dea-pos lays down or piles

1

d quoted as an authority as equivalent to Qrivavpos, that which one

is
,

up.

It is

poet preserved an obsolete Ionic usage

The statement that Homer uses the word as specialized to mean the marriagelaw, occasionally made in careless accounts of the Thesmophoria, is an inexcusable error. Besides the passage in the Odyssey quoted above there are, so
far as I
a

natural to suppose that the and the ethnography

;

Ordinance applied explicitly to the marriage-rite, yet neither word is

or

Law

an equivalent for marriage,

b

Collitz, Dialect. Inscr. (Blass)

2,

1154

Hell. Journ.

am

aware, only two instances

Meister, Die Blass s interpretation of the

tcrij^a

365 (Comparetti) griech. Dial. 2, p. 21:

p.
;

word

as

of

association with marriage or the marriage-bed in Greek literature, Plut.

its

seems to
s,

me more
it

probable than
as
sacrifice,

Meister

who

explains

p. 138

Hist.

(quoted R. 72), and Ael. Var. 12. 47 (the others quoted by

seems certainly to refer to property rather than

for the obscure inscription

to

Bloch, Roscher s Lex. 2, p. 1329 are not the point). But English would supply us with endless instances of

to ritual.
c

Cauer, Delect.*, 295,

1.

65.

Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Frag. 68.

106

GREEK RELIGION
.

[CHAP.

of the Thesmophoria is predominantly Ionic a Being well aware of the danger of etymologizing on the prehistoric

meanings of words,

venture the suggestion that

^eo-/xo0o/oos

originally bore the simple and material sense of the bringer of treasure or riches/ a meaning which is appropriate to the

goddess of corn and the lower world, which accords with a ritual that obviously aimed at purely material blessings, and which explains the occasional association of Demeter

and Kapirotyopos. one last question to consider, and to solve if possible, concerning the Thesmophoria. Why were the men excluded, and the mystery-play and the agrarian ritual wholly or almost wholly in the hands of women ? In considering it we must also ask why female ministration was predominant
ea-fjLO(f)6pos

There

is

in other Attic Demeter-festivals of

as the Skirra, Haloa,

an agrarian character, such and Kalamaia ? The problem is more

first

important than

may
it

at
is

sight appear to the student of

part of a larger one that continually confronts him, the relations of the sexes in classical ritual and
religion, for

Greek

their historical significance. tion for the moment, we

Without

may

feel

raising the larger ques inclined to accept the

solution that Dr. Jevons offers in his Introduction to the

Study

of Religion

the invention of agriculture and the cultivation

of cereals, whereby society advanced beyond the huntingstage, was the achievement of women they discovered the value of wild oats, they first broke the ground, and still among modern savage tribes as, to some extent, according to Tacitus among the ancient Germans, the warrior despises the tilling of the soil and leaves this hard and important occupation in the hands of the women therefore even under a more ad vanced system of civilization the women still retain their
;
:

privilege
a

of

administering

the

agrarian ritual

b
.

It

is

an

There is reason for believing that the Dorians were expressly excluded at Paros from the ritual of Demeter and
re lde Ge0grb ^u u I He theory

alone: according to this writer some kind of cereal plant happened to become

RCg * V ParOS gams in plausibility

-

if

leave the totemistic hypothesis, on which Dr. Jevons bases it, severely

we

women s totem hence, he supposes, the 0ri S in of agriculture and the women s worship of an agrarian divinity: this part of his theory is one of the many instances among modern students of
the
:

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

religion,

107

attractive view for students of Hellenic

because

it

seems to explain the Demeter- legend and the phenomenon of the Thesmophoria, Skirra, and similar festivals. But it cannot claim to be more than an a priori hypothesis,
because in regard to the civilizations of the past the beginnings of agriculture lie remotely beyond our ken and as regards our contemporary wild races, we have not as far as I am
;

aware detected any in the actual process of inventing agricul a For ture, and we have only a few legends for our evidence the fact that lazy and demoralized men in any stage of society have been prone to leave the hard work in the fields to the
.

women
tillage.

can hardly help us to prove the actual origins of all Nor is it hard to find a priori reasons against the
:

assumption it seems scarcely credible that in every part of the globe the unaided strength of women was able successfully to battle with the immense difficulties in the way of converting
the

swamp and forest into tilth-land or that the importance of new food-supply would not soon have been so obvious
:

that male industry would have been attracted to the work before a religious taboo could have had time to arise. Again,

no remembrance of was natural and the it, pious myth concerning Demeter was accepted in most parts of Greece, though Hera s claim to the honour was preferred b in Argolis and perhaps Athena s at Athens but it was to men not women that the mystery was first shown, to

Greek

religious

legend has preserved

women

it as the apostles of the new agriculture had that the revealed to believe earth-goddess
:

And

Triptolemos at Eleusis or to the hero Argos in the Argolid. Greece and the adjacent lands have many other heroes
Religion
:

Comparative
totemistic bias
is

of

inordinate

through the female generally prevailing

vol. 3, p. 207.

as regards Greece there

not the shadow of any evidence for a corn-totem.

a

according to Peabody Museum Reports, We note also the curious

It is

supposed that the cultivation

story told by the Basutos that corncultivation was discovered through the

of maize among the Iroquois was only begun a short time before the arrival of the Europeans, and the art was apparently entirely in the hands of the women:

jealousy of a woman who gave some ears of wild corn to a rival supposing

them

disappointment

to be poison, but found to her that they were very

and the
a kind

women claimed

to

own

the land,

of gynaecocracy with descent

nutritious, Casalis, b Vide

Les Bassoutos,
13*.

p.

255.

Hera, R.

io8

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

of agriculture and horticulture, Eunostos, Kyamites, Aristaeus, Lityerses, the robust pair of the Aloadae, perhaps Linos,

Skephros, Leimon, and Hyacinthos, and some of these were

inventors in their special domains here and there we find one or two vegetation-heroines, a Charila or Erigone, that may
;

assist

growth but are not said

to

have invented anything at

all.

Finally the legends concerning the propagation of the vine It recognize only men as the apostles of the new science.
thesis

seems then that Greek folk-lore is against Dr. Jevons hypo and this negative evidence is important because in the fact which he assumes to explain this important feature of the
;

Thesmophoria, if it were a fact, would be just one of those which would imprint itself upon legend. Those who favour the hypothesis can say that the legends have been tampered with and retold by a patriarchal society, in which woman has lost her rights. But this at least is to confess that the hypo thesis draws no support from Greek meantime no legend
;

historical record

As regards the 5 of other countries and the legends primitive races of our own time, I can find none that favours it, while the cultureis

likely to

come

to its aid.

myths of the Iroquois and the Zunis mentioned by Mr. Lang b are decidedly against it. In fact the male contempt for agriculture, which has been used as an argument bearing on
this question of origins,

though doubtfully attested by Tacitus

c
,

of the ancient Germans the primitive Aryan

cannot be taken as characteristic of

;

appear
reflect

in

society in general the earliest literature that

at least

may

it does not be supposed to

something of early Aryan feeling, for instance, in the Icelandic, Homeric, and Vedic sagas. And if many modern

savages are glad enough to

The

make

the

women

work, yet others

among

pathetic legend of Bormos the Maryandyni seems to be

do not point to women, Anthrop.Journ.

1902, p. 183.

a harvest-story of the vegetation-youth

who

dies like Attis

and Linos

women

are not mentioned in the Bormos-ritual, nor are they so prominent as the men in
that of Attis.

Germania, 15. The passage proves nothing about the exclusive prerogatives of the women it merely says that the most warlike men despised peaceful
<=

pursuits,

and that the care of the houses

Myth, Ritual, and Religion, vol. 2, the Maori myths conpp. 54 and 63
;

and

fields

was delegated

to

women, old

men.,

and the weakest members of the

cerning the introduction of the potato

family.

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

109

are quoted a who will not allow them to touch the cattle, and who therefore keep the ploughing to themselves.

The hypothesis does not seem then entitled to rank as a vera causa explaining the problem of the Thesmophoria. Another explanation which touches the one just examined
is supplied by a somewhat popular theory that has been already incidentally mentioned, and has been It may be elaborated in one of Mr. Karl Pearson s essays b

at certain points

the matriarchal period believed by some briefly stated thus anthropologists to have everywhere preceded the patriarchal implies descent through the female and the supremacy of
:

women these had the whole of the religion in their hands, and were specially devoted to the worship of a goddess who was usually an earth-goddess, and whose in Europe at least rites were orgiastic and marked with sexual licence, of which the object was to promote the fertility of the fields and the human mother-family this system was gradually displaced by the patriarchal with its male deity, but the women still
;

retained

certain

prerogatives
;

in

religion,

especially

in

the

worship of the earth-goddess

archal society in fact
still

fossilized relics of the

matri

survive in the exclusion of

certain ceremonies, in the occasional

men from predominance of a god

dess over a god, in the antipathy that certain female divinities still retained to marriage, and in the gross sexual freedom of
certain religious carnivals.

very attractive, and, if it were sound, the sociological results of the study of ancient religions would not only be of the highest importance as they are but
the theory
is

Now

would also be
is

fairly

easy to collect

for the

mother-goddess

nearly always a prominent figure in the worship, female ministration is tolerably frequent, and the apparent proofs of

the matriarchate are here ready to hand.

a

But the theory

Crawley, Mystic Rose, p. 49 (Bechu-

analand).
b

170-171: the matriarchal hypothesis is advocated most enthusiastically by Miss

Harrison in her Prolegomena in respect both of the Thesmophoria and most
other
ligion.

Chances of Death and other Studies

:

in Evolution, vol. 2, pp. 1-50, Woman that his theory is intended as Witch
to apply to the

phenomena

of early

Greek

re-

Thesmophoria and other Demeter-ritual appears on pp. 150,

no
does not stand
the
evidence which
of matriarchal

GREEK RELIGION
test,

[CHAP.

when examined in the light of be may gleaned from the study of ancient and primitive religions, and ancient and contemporary records
societies
a
.

matriarchate question, even when confined to the evidence from Greek religion, yet extends far
discussion of the

The

beyond our present

limits

and

it

is

connected with

many

special questions of ritual, as, for instance, the reason for the custom, found in different parts of the world, of the inter

change of garments between the sexes in certain ceremonies, the reason for the self-mutilation of the priest in Anatolian For the present it is enough to mention certain worships.
results

to

which a more comprehensive inquiry will be found yield, and which decidedly weaken the force of the
It

contrary, the religious-psychological bias of the female is sometimes towards the male divinity, and even under the matri archal system the god is often more frequent than the b In the next place the matriarchal goddess system by no
*

is not true, in the first place, that the male and the male imagination supremacy tend always to engender the god and the female the goddess; on the

theory.

means appears to carry with it of necessity the religious supremacy of the woman on the contrary, it is quite usual to find among modern savages, whose social system is based on
;

worshippers ; the earth would be naturally regarded as a goddess both by the patriarchal and the matriarchal society, and the religious imagination under either system might conceive that the goddess required a male partner.
for instance,

anthropomorphism had made such a distinction possible and necessary, might often be worked out under the pressure of ideas that have nothing to do with the social organization of the

descent through the female, that women are excluded under pain of death from the important tribal mysteries. Again, the sexual distinction of divinities, when

Finally,

The objections urged against it in the text are the rtsumi of my article in
Archto Religionswissensch. 1904, on Sociological hypotheses
p. 70,

the position of
ligion. b

women

in ancient re-

concerning

seems true generally speaking of Africa, Australia, and North America.

This

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

in

the fully developed Aryan system might still require, or at least admit, the priestess a and may relegate certain important
,

and other causes than the religious ministrations to women social instinct of a vanished surviving organization may have
:

been

at

work

in

this.

For

in certain

departments of the
in certain realms of

religious activity of the old world,

and

the religious consciousness, the female organism may have been regarded with psychological truth as more efficacious

and more
noted that

sensitive than the male.

Many

ancient observers

(and effeminate men) were especially prone to orgiastic religious seizure, and such moods were of particular value for prophecy and for the production of important results
in nature
is

women

by means

of sympathetic magic.

The Shamaness

often thought more powerful than the Shaman, and there fore the latter will sometimes wear her dress, in order that
*

literally

her mantle

may

fall

on him.

Hence

in the

Apolline

divination, where it worked through frenzy, the woman was often regarded as the better medium for the divine afflatus.

And,

to apply these reflections to the problem of the Thesmophoria, we may believe that the psychological explanation is
:

more probable than the sociological that the women were allowed exclusive ministration because they held the stronger magic, because they could put themselves more easily into
sympathetic
rapport with the earth-goddess, because the generative powers of the latter, which the ritual desired to maintain and to quicken, resembled more nearly their own b And those who may think that the Thesmophoria can be
.

better explained as the survival of a licentious worship of the earth-goddess, practised by a poly and rian society in which

that

women were the dominant sex, make against their theory

Walpurgisnacht
a
;

are confronted
:

by two

facts

the Thesmophoria was no for in spite of the ato-xpoAoyta chastity was

Zauber, p. 70. b Cf. Roscoe,

It
is

is

a very noteworthy fact that

she

absolutely
in

ritual:

Vedic certain cases the husband

in
to
sacrifice

unknown

Manners and Customs

might depute his wife

him,

for

of the Baganda, Anthrop. Journ. 1902, The work of cultivating these p. 56,

but according to one text the gods despise the offering of a woman, vide Hillebrandt, Vedische Opfer und

(banana) trees is entirely done by women ... a sterile wife is said to be injurious
to a garden.

112
strictly enforced

GREEK RELIGION
;

[CHAP.

the
is

both before and during the festival secondly, Thesmophoria was performed by married women only, and

are regarded

thus markedly distinguished from those sex- carnivals that by Mr. Karl Pearson as the heritage of a matri
cults of

archy.

Artemis appear at certain points to reflect the social phenomenon known as Amazonism, which may be, but is not necessarily, a concomitant of the matriarchal
*

The

organization ; but we cannot discern the impress of either of these phenomena in the Demeter-worship.
exclusion of

Outside the Thesmophoria there was nowhere any rigid men from the ritual of the goddess. Only at
in the

Megalopolis
.

worship of Despoina, the temple to which

women had always access, was open to men not more than once a year 163 On the other hand, in the record of the Great
Mystery of Demeter at the Arcadian town of Pheneus, no it is the priestess is mentioned priest who by assimilation assumes the powers of the goddess, and works the magic who wears the mask of Demeter KtSapia, and smites the ground
:

with rods to evoke the divine earth-powers 235 And in the cult of greatest prestige, the Eleusinian, the male ministrant
.

No doubt the later prejudices of the patriarchal monogamic system, accompanied by a cooler and saner temper in matters of ritual, the generally
predominates over the female.
her natural religious gifts and in the province of ecstatic magic: we shall see the austere domestic rule taming and In conventionalizing the Bacchae. such matters much must be attributed to the agency of social
causes.
difficult and still more important part of the whole the examination of the Eleusinian mysteries. But study before approaching that investigation, we must look more closely at the figure of Kore-Persephone, and pass her various cults and cult-characteristics in rapid review. The polytheistic imagination of the Greeks tended inevitably towards the multiplication of forms. And this was
is

woman

hampered

in the free exercise of

more

tendency development of the personality of Gaia, a deity so manifold in attributes and works. Thus

most

certain to operate in the

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

113

a plurality of divine beings arises, as we have already seen, It is of whom the mutual relations are not always clear.
possible that the divine pair worshipped in Epidauros, Troezen,

who were usually Aegina, Laconia, Tarentum, and Thera known as Damia and Auxesia, arose merely as vaguely con ceived duplicates of the earth-goddess, whose mutual affinity
,

36

the primitive worshipper did not care to define compare the mysterious and nameless Cretan
.

Mryre/oe?,

and we might whose

worship was powerful in Sicily, an undifferentiated group of a On this view the identifi beings worshipped in one temple cation of Damia and Auxesia with Demeter and Kore, which was of course certain to come, was an afterthought of the
Greeks.
allied.

Certainly the functions of the two pairs are closely They are goddesses of the corn-field, for as Demeter and
23 24
>

Kore

are A&o-foi
36a
:

are styled Otal

Afem ai, an
they are

so the Aeginetan-Epidaurian divinities epithet which probably alludes to

deities of child-birth, being

the dry grain

them

selves represented, like Auyrj ev yovaviv, as on their knees in the act of bringing forth we hear of ribald choruses of women
;

which remind us of the Attic Thesmophoria, women the have men leaders and the significance that only of the \i0ofto\La in the Troezenian ritual has already been
in their service,
;

pointed out

b
.

It

is

reasonable therefore to regard

Damia

and Auxesia as originally mere appellatives of Demeter and Kore themselves, and this opinion seems to draw support from the apparent affinity of the names Damia and Demeter. But this linguistic evidence may be deceptive, for the proper form of the first name seems rendered doubtful since the discovery of a fifth-century (B. C.) inscription in Aegina, in which we find The explanation, therefore, of the Mvia instead of Aa/xta 36a the of Epidaurian-Aeginetan pair, who belonged no origin doubt to pre-Dorian cult, must remain doubtful
. .

b
.

Vide Rhea-Cybele, R. 38. Vide supra, pp. 93-94.

eai on the Areopagus of a! ^f^val and of Demeter-Kore to point to an

What has been here

suggested about

original

identity

but there are also

the original nature of

esia

Damia and Aux:

that of the Athenian

sufficient

might conceivably be true about Semnae there is

resemblance between the rituals

important differences between the conception of the former and the latter
group, and there are no real grounds for believing that the Semnae were ever

U4

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

But there is no vagueness about Demeter and Kore. In them the single personality of the earth-goddess is dualized into two distinct and clearly correlated personalities. We must try to trace the origin and growth of the belief in the daughter and the inquiry is of some interest even for the history of
;

Christianity, for she may be believed to have bequeathed, if not her name, yet much of her prestige to the Virgin Mary. It has been supposed that the corn-field sufficiently explains the cult-figures Demeter and her Kore for peasants in different
;

a and sometimes parts of the world speak of the corn-mother the last sheaf that is carried is called the maiden, or grains
,
{

from

it

are

made
b
.

into the

form of a

little girl

and eaten as

the more prominent as a corri-goddess, being frequently worshipped without her

a sacrament
far

And, though Demeter is

daughter

in this character,

yet Greek ritual literature and art

crops. Prayers were addressed to her at the Proerosia, according to Euripides 16 and she had her part in the Haloa and XAota 18 At Athens, 103 and elsewhere she shares Demeter s title of Syracuse
; .
,

sufficiently attest

Kore s connexion with the

c Thesmophoros, and though this is not universally the case she is always essential to the myth or dogma of the festival.

Under the mystic name of Despoina at Lykosura she was H9a and her feast called worshipped with cereal offerings at was celebrated when the corn was Karaycoyia Syracuse
;

carried, the young goddess being supposed to return to the lower world when the harvest of the year was over. The descent of Kore implies also her return or resurrection, at
first

bilities for religion.

a purely agrarian idea but one fraught with great possi have noted already the evidence of

We

regarded as two, which would be essential to

The Mexicans spoke

of the

long-haired

the theory.

But the whole quesis

don concerning the Semnae

very

complex, and will be treated more fully in a later chapter in connexion with the Erinyes. It has been partly dealt with by Miss Harrison in \\sxProlego~ mena, and with many of her views
1 agree.
a

mother of maize, Frazer, Golden Bough 2, corn called the mother in i, p. 35: Peruvian ritual, A. Lang, The Making
of Religion,
b
p. 257. Frazer, Golden

201,
.

318;

Bough*, 2, pp. 182, Mannhardt, Antike Walddie aus dern

Feld-Kulte, p. 289,
c

Korn herausgetriebene Kornjungfer.

p.

Mannhardt, Baumkultus,

611,

1^.83,85-87.

die Korn-Mutter geht iiber das Getreide.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

115

a primitive ritual in which the earth-goddess was supposed to be awakened and evoked by the smiting of the earth with hammers, and this may have belonged to a religious era
earlier
is

than the arrival or evolution of the Hellenic

deities.

It

dogma and The record

be

probable that the late-born a possibly part of the ritual of the primaeval Gaia of the Greek festivals that celebrated the "Avobos
is

Kore

attracted to herself the

.

or return of the former

scanty and doubtful

but

we may

fairly certain that the TlpoyaLpriTripia, the feast of early wel come at Athens, was celebrated at the end of winter when

the corn was beginning to sprout, and was consecrated to Kore b whose resurrection was at hand 161 Also the lesser
. ,

Attic mysteries at Agrae, an early spring festival of the corn, were specially devoted to Kore-Persephone 21 , and probably

commemorated her

resurrection.

In fact she seems to belong

rather to the youthful period of the year than to the matured harvest- field, and while Demeter was necessary to every cornfestival

we cannot be
complete
;

sure that her daughter was.

We

can

never of course be certain that the record that has

to us
is

come down but we note the absence of Kore s name in

the detailed account of the KdAafloy, the feast of the corn2n7 in the record of the KaAa/xcua at basket, at Alexandria Athens 18 in the reaper s harvest prayer 15 and in many
,

dedications

and thanksgivings except Kap-TTo^opos and perhaps

for

the harvest 33a

39
>

And

title

tfecr/xo^o poy we can quote no It does not then seem of hers referring to the crops 16 likely that Kore arose simply as the peasant s corn-maiden,
.

Vide chapter on

Monuments

of

Demeter, pp. 223, 224. b There can be little doubt, as Miiller, Kleine Sehriften, 2, p. 256, note 77,
remarks, that the
lar
irpoxo.ipr)r-f}pia

lexicographers to Athena because of the misleading associations of the name

and the

which suggested Tlapetvos the Krokonidai were concerned with it, and that it was connected with
Koprj,
:

fact that the

popuIn synonyms of the same feast. volume i, p. 298 (Athena, R. 28) I

have taken the view that the
;

npoxapiOTripia. are identical, being

the dvoSos

rfjs

Qtov, points clearly to

at

Kore.

Athena

Athens had no time

festival

of returning or departing. Upoxaipav denotes the anticipatory welcome to a

it could not be guest speedily arriving applied to a departing friend therefore
;
:

was properly Athena s but, though she may have had some connexion with it,
I to regard Miiller s opinion as correct, that the festival was falsely attributed by some of the later
I

am

inclined

now

in

aviivcu is a necessary Harpokration correction for amivdi : cf. the sacrifice

161

of irpoxdpfa at Messoa 4 *.
2,

n6

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

a personage developed from the fetich of the last-gathered a Like Adonis she was also a divinity of trees and in sheaf. certain mysteries a tree was chosen as her divine counterpart,
,

to be honoured

and bewailed

250
.

In

fact, as

her mother was

function, so the

the earth-goddess herself of very manifold

daughter was the goddess of the young earth, n/Koroyo i^, the as they called her in the mystic cult first-born of the year

of Phlye 26 and her life and power were in the springing blade, the tender bud, and all verdure, being only another form of Demeter XAo rj. She might occasionally care for cattle the
;

earth-goddess under any name would do that and even for but in the main agricultural ritual she the keeping of bees 16 was overshadowed by Demeter whom we must regard as the
;

For Kore was not an in older creation of Greek religion. evitable goddess, as all her functions were fulfilled by Demeter

the communities that worshipped a Demeter XAo/j and a Demeter XOovta were in no need of another goddess, Kore,
to
fill

a vacuum

in

their pantheon,

Attica and Hermione

may

reflect the

and these worships of thoughts of a time

when Kore was not. As we have seen, the Hermione-cult of Demeter XQovla or of XOovla was very prominent and ancient,
c being probably of Dryopian origin as it belonged by equal right to Asine also and though of course Kore came to be
, ;

d we gather from recognized both in its ritual and myth 37 Pausanias account of the worship and of the mysteries 247 that in the oldest stratum of the local religion the elder earth,

goddess was

still

a single and undivided power.

in certain inscriptions united

and

the unique trait presents it to us that the god and goddess of the lower world appear in the relation of brother and sister rather than as
it is
*

She appears with Klymenos and without Kore, of the Dryopian legend as Pausanias

For connexions
the

in

Teutonic folk*

Ilap9cvoi).
c

myth between
the

Holzfraulein

and

Rohde, Psyche,

p. 195.

growth of corn see Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 77. b That npuToyovrj could be naturally
interpreted as alluding to vegetation is shown by the name npuroyevtia borne

In Syracusan-cult, if Hesychius is correct, both mother and daughter were

called
find a

Hermione
city

It

is

rare

to

deity taking on

name of a

so directly the (if this is the right

by one of the Hyakinthides, nymphs of vegetation at Athens (Photius s. v.

explanation),

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

wife.

117

husband and

Again, the strange Arcadian worships of and Demeter Erinys seem to reveal a Black Demeter the glimpse of a period when the earth-goddess reigned below probably always in union with an earth-god but without

a younger goddess to claim an equal share or a part in the Even the temple of Demeter Eleusinia in South sovereignty. Laconia was no permanent home of Kore, who comes there 24 In the Elean only as an occasional visitor from Helos of a we hear of seat an ancient Hades, grove of Demeter Pylos,
.

near his shrine and no word of Kore, though the temples of the three were reared side by side on the banks of the Acheron, a branch of the Alpheios 47 Probably then it is no mere
.

accident of an imperfect record, but the abiding impress of an earlier religious stage that accounts for the fact that Demeter s

name appears
cal
.

so frequently in cult

both agrarian and

politi

without her daughter s, and Kore s so rarely without her Have we then a clue to the date of Kore s birth mother s B

in

Greek

religion

argue that because

Homer

In an older generation it was possible to does not mention Kore or the

abduction, but only Persephone, whom he speaks of as the dreaded queen of the dead and the wife of Hades, he therefore

knew nothing of Demeter s daughter or Demeter s sorrow. The wrong-headedness of this kind of argument was well b Homer that is to say the exposed by K. O. Miiller Homeric poems as they have come down to us knew that Persephone was the daughter of Zeus, and that Demeter had once been his bride no how much more he knew it is useless to discuss. He may have known all the main points of the tradition of Demeter and Kore and seen no occasion for
. :

revealing his
*

knowledge.
p.

The
245
:

story of the abduction

is

S.

Wide, Lakonische Kulte,

An alien diesen Orten (Taygetos, Sparta,

Hermione) ist der Hades-Gott mit Demeter (nicht mit Kore) verbunden, eine
Verbindung, die gewiss alter war als die des Hades und der Kore. One or two of his instances are based on doubtful
evidence,

duality of chthonian powers preceded and survived by the side of the later
trinity.

The question whether we should thus explain the Eleusinian pair, o 0f6s and 77 6ea, must be separately
b

discussed below.

Kleine Schriften,

2,

pp. 92-93, in

but

his
in

main
the

probably sound

principle sense that

is

his review of L. Preller s

Demeter und

Persephone.

n8
briefly

GREEK RELIGION
,

[CHAP.

no and is mentioned by Hesiod expanded into a beautiful poetic legend by the author of the Homeric hymn. But neither the latter poet, whose date is uncertain, nor Hesiod or Kovprj as a personal divine name, employ the word
Ko>j

but speak only of Persephone and in the longer poem this name is freely used, evidently without any association of evil omen, as the popular designation of the lovely and pure
;

The oldest written record of daughter of pure Demeter. Kore as an individual name is the very archaic rock-inscrip tion in the precincts of the temple of Apollo Karneios at
but the earliest passage in Thera 15 ment of Lasos, quoted by Athenaeus,
;

literature
in

is

the frag

which the poet of

Kore, the guardian of oxen, the wife Here at last is the full-fledged Kore-Perseof Klymenos phone, consort of the nether god, with the functions of an And as the literary evidence is usually very earth-goddess. late in proving anything, she had probably won her special

Hermione

hails her as
37
.

name

and independent personality long before the sixth The myth of the daughter s rape and the century B.C. mother s bereavement appears to have been ancient and wide a The ritual of the Thesmophoria spread in the Greek world and though this enacted it in some kind of passion-play kernel of the mystery, been the need not have theme original slow of Greek ritual was we know that growth, and most
.

60 Demeter, Axe a or A^ata , was an ancient inheritance of Tanagra and the Gephyraioi, and the probable interpretation b of the title as the sorrowing one implies the legend of the abduction. Again, Koprj or no affectionate is mere and Koprj sobriquet, popular Arjurfrpos but the official and formal title of the goddess in many a state-

conservative in form.

The

cult of

cult, attested

by

such as Pausanias

inscriptions or the careful notice of authorities in fact the only instances that I have been
:

able to find of the

official

use of the

name

Persephone

for

the public cult of the goddess are in the cults of Athens 114 , 128 Messoa in Laconia 44 Cyzicos probably also in the
,

Heraeum
a

of Elis

for the

name appears here

b

in the text

of Pausanias,
See Forster,

who

habitually uses K6pr] instead, and probably

Vide supra, pp. 70-71.

Raub

der Persephone, pp. 2-10.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

the Locri Epizephyrii
further
134
;

119

and this very scanty evi weakened by the fact that both at Athens and Cyzicos the other and milder name was obviously para mount. As further indication, we have such names of her festivals as Ko peia (more properly Ko pata) in Arcadia 149b and Syracuse 68

among
dence

is

the Kopdyta, the procession of the Kora-idol at Mantinea, Now festival where the sacred house was called Kopayiou 253 names belong usually to a very ancient period of Greek
.

religious

nomenclature

and

it

may

well be that the

name

Kore was widely known and stamped upon the formulae of Greek ritual and festivals before the Dorian invasion. The
of

law at Paros, preserved in an archaic inscription, forbidding a Dorian to share in the civic sacrifice to Kore/ seems to
*

a Therefore, though carry us back to very ancient days in the chronology of Greek religion precise dating is usually impossible, we may maintain that the divine daughter was
.

are

a creation of the pre-Hesiodic period. Of this at least we sure, that before Homer, probably long before, the

such divine name, and perhaps at its very origin the lady-goddesses were already known and called by the names Demeter and Kore/ as they were called and worshipped there in later times As
its
*

earth-goddess had become pluralized. beings the ancient city of Potniae owed

To two

recognize Demeter, In nature the two former are Persephone, and Themis. identical, for each in the earliest period of which we can gain a glimpse has a double character as chthonian and vegetative

pre-Homeric

offshoots of Gaia

we must

goddess

b
.

But from the two

distinct

names two

distinct

personalities arose, according to the law of the popular lenic imagination which tended to convert the nomen

Hel
into

personalities were distinct and in function and idea yet identical, early Greek theology must have been called upon to define their relations. They might have been explained as sisters, but as there was a male deity

a numen.

Then

as these

two

Vide Geogr. Reg. s. v. Paros. The same is true of nearly all the Greek divinities of the earth, vide Rohde s
b

Psyche, vol.

i,

p.

205

cf.

Zeus
Aphrodite-

n\oimyi/,Tpo<a>i/ios,Dionysos,

MeAaiJ

ts,

&c.

I2O

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

in the background and Demeter s name spoke of maternity, it was more natural to regard them as mother and daughter. And apart from any myth about Demeter s motherhood been a very early cult-title, Persephone-Kore might well have

stately meaning simply the girl-Persephone, just as Hera, at the Hera Stymgirl bride-mother, was called "Hpa flat?, For that the goddess of the woods, pastures, and phalos. corn-fields should be imagined as a girl in spring was natural

the

Again, the to the Hellenes and apparently to other races. bride of the god of the lower-world god might naturally be we have the analogy of Herkyna, the girl-friend called Kore
:

of

Kore
42b
,

at

Lebadea,

who was
Kore

really identical with

or with the

the spouse of Trophonios, and young Demeter her-

m goose
birds
a
.

self

and who was represented as a maiden holding a the young earth-goddess with one of her favourite
hypothesis Kore
if

On
of

this

was a mere abbreviation

for

Persephone-Kore, and

Persephone were already the daughter

Demeter before the separate name Kore arose, this latter when detached would give still rrore vivid expression to the Or if Persephone had not been already so relationship. regarded, the name Kore, now detached and yet recognized as hers and meaning equally girl or daughter/ would speedily
bring about her affiliation to would have the advantage that

Demeter.
it
;

This

hypothesis

phone
all

as aboriginally the same the facts of ritual, which bear strong evidence against Dr. Jevons view that the daughter was once quite a distinct

represents Kore and Perse and this corresponds with

person, an Eleusinian corn-maiden

who by some

later

con

tamination becomes confused with Persephone the queen of The ritual-testimony compels us to say that the the shades b
.

We

are told

that the

duck was

sacred to Persephone, R. in: cf. the type of the Boeotian earth-goddess holding water-fowl, vol. 2, p. 522, Fig. XXIX a the bird flying up behind the
:

bably intended for an ordinary waterfowl than for a disembodied human

soul (which
p. 152).
b
is

Wide

explanation,

ib.

throne of Persephone, a very interesting type on an old Boeotian vase published

teries in his

In chapter on the Eleusinian MysIntroduction to the Study of

A eligion.

Ath. Mitth. 1901, PI. VIII,

is

more pro-

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

121

young corn-maiden was always indistinguishable from the chthonian goddess, that at no period is Kore shown to be the former only and not also the latter. In fact Kore in function and worship was as chthonian as Persephone, but the former

name almost

supplanted the latter in actual cult for, though the author of the Homeric hymn uses the name Persephone without reserve and with that freedom from superstition that
; *

marks the
tion the

Ionic Epic,

it

is

clear that to the popular

imagina

name was ominous, and Kore

a happier and brighter

word.

Or
a

the facts could be brought into accord with another

supposition.
ritual

Kore

may

have

been detached from such

It is true the girl-Demeter. that we have no clear proof of the existence of the latter cult154 a in title for the phrase in the inscription of Erythrae

name

as Demeter-Kore,

which Dittenberger a thought it occurred, can be otherwise interpreted. But the young Demeter was as natural a concept as the girl- Hera, and Hesychius may have been correct in his statement that lepa vapOevos was a cult- appellative of Demeter 157 for there was never anything to prevent the mother-goddess of one cult or festival in Greece being regarded in another as a virgin. And Herkyna of Lebadea may once have been the young Demeter, for we hear of a Demeter "EpKvvva and Demeter-Ko pij a Demeter s feast EpKijvia or E oKvj;ia 42b than then would mean little more Demeter-XAory and if this were Kore s origin we should easily understand why mother and daughter were often so indistinguishable in art and even 218 and ritual, why Tertullian should speak of the rape of Ceres 10G a Servius of the marriage of Ceres and Orcus at Rome and it of the at Mantinea the was that ?; 0ed, why goddess been used as term seems to have an indifferent mysteries,
,
.
(

Kore or Demeter- 49 Then, when the name becoming detached from Demeter was thought to designate a distinct
for
.

person, this latter would at once be identified with Persephone, who may have been regarded as the daughter of Demeter
interprets the phrase Ai^rpos Koprjs as the genitive of ATJ/IIJTT?/) Kop?; ;
it is

He

genitive of A^/^rpos Koprj, a not infre-

more naturally regarded

as

the

quent official appellative of Kore, e. g. uac in Laconia 240 , at Aigion in Achaea

122
before the

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

title of the daughter found its way into formal nomenclature. religious Whether Kore then arose as a detached epithet of Demeter

names Kore, Persephone, Demeter came some place a and at some time to develop a pair of divinities who tend frequently to coalesce into one complex
or Persephone, the
at

personality. discussion about the origin of a

portant

chapter a future before

name may seem unim but the history of names makes a very serious The name Kore had in the history of religions.

it and a fruitful career in Europe, while Perse phone vanished gradually into the limbo of pagan superstitions,

her

name being

chiefly heard at last in the imprecations with

s

which one cursed one

enemies and devoted their

the

lives to

the

infernal powers, or in

gloomy formula
.

which guarded

now detain us long, as the agrarian aspect of them has already been exhibited. In the rare cases where the name Persephone was the official
title, we may assume that a specially chthonian character attached to the religion. ~ 13r It attached also to most of the . leading Kore-worships Among these we may specially note the Potnian, with

the sepulchre from violation 5 2 The survey of the Kore-cults need not

its

sacrifice

of sucking-pigs

shrine, a sacrifice that

the Argive, with its 115a torches were thrown into the sacred and the some pit 149a what similar Mantinean in which a perpetual fire was
;
,

thrown into the subterranean reminds us of the Thesmophoria 113 singular fire-ritual, in which lighted

maintained in the shrine of Demeter and the daughter

a

c
.

We

cannot

possibly
:

divine

the

birthplace of
cit.,

Kore

Dr. Jevons, op.

supposes that she arose at Eleusis

and was thence diffused. This view rests merely on the fact that the goddess
bore this

For specimens of these in Attica see C.I. A. Appendix 101-103. c This continuous maintenance of a sacred fire, a prominent feature in the
ritual

of the
the

Roman
Greek

state,

does not
pracbesides
at

name

in

the official

Eleu-

appear to have been a

tice in

common
:

sinian style,

and that the name Perse-

temples

phone has not yet been found in any But the same argument could be advanced about
public formula there.
other localities.

many

Mantinea we find a record of it and Athens (in the cult Hestia), and at Argos in the cult Apollo Afaeios (Apollo, R. f), and
Delphi

of
of

we

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

123

We

the torch

discern here a certain sort of sympathetic magic, for is the emblem of the vitalizing warmth that resides

in the inward places of the earth,

and by throwing

fire into

the

vault or maintaining it in the shrine the votary is quickening the power of the earth-goddess to produce the effects he desires.

We

Mantinean inscription

observe, too, that according to the evidence 249 the cult of Kore-Demeter

of the

some way

associated with the monthly offerings ; at least this seems the natural interpretation of the rule that

was in to the dead

her temple was opened with some special ceremony Zv rot? TyjiaKooToi?, the analogy of the Attic r/naKadej, the monthly

commemoration of the departed, suggesting a

tion for the

similar explana

Mantinean

festival.

Near
Pluto

Tralles, in a district called Acharaca, the worship of

and

Kore

presents

some

peculiar

features

124
.

Its

chthonian aspect is strongly emphasized in the record of Strabo the joint temple of the god and younger goddess of the lower world stood in or near the sacred enclosure
:

called the Ploutomon,

and close to these was the mysterious

as the Charonion, dangerous to enter except for those sick persons who were brought and laid there by the

cave

known

by dream-divination, the process of eyKot)u?/o-i?, which was commonly employed in chthonian oracles and of special repute in the Epidaurian cult of Asclepios. Therapeutics belong naturally to divination, and
the earth-goddess
is

priests to find a cure for their diseases

stw iure oracular

but

it is

258 only at Patrae

and Acharaca that we hear of Demeter and Kore exercising such a prerogative elsewhere the prophetic chthonian power being a male personage such as Trophonios or Amphiaraos. It seems that both Pluto and Kore were supposed to work the cures near Tralles, and the closeness of their union is in other respects noticeable: the people of Soloe honoured the
;

local

cult

by a dedication

to

them

as

ancestral

deities of

the political community, as 0eol Trarpwot: and as we hear of the festival called 0eoya/xia at the village of Nyse which was
the Athenian practice of keeping the sacred lamp burning always in the shrine of Athena Polias. It was

may compare

usually in the Prytaneum of the Greek state that the sacred fire was kept up.

124
in the

GREEK RELIGION
near neighbourhood,

[CHAP.

we must suppose

that

it

celebrated

the sacred marriage of the nether god and his bride. These deoya/xi ai, which survived under a spiritual and symbolic aspect in early Christian legend, were not uncommon in the Hellenic
states

find them in the worship of Zeus and Hera, of and Dionysos, apparently of Heracles in the cult of Kore, besides the instance just noted, we have record of the same ritual at Syracuse 1G2 and we have reason, as has been shown,
;
; ,

we

was part of the celebration at Sicyon a and probably the Orci Nuptiae at Rome was a reflex of the Hellenic service. The bridegroom might possibly take the form of Dionysos when the 0eoycfyua was held in spring b when in autumn, he would naturally be Hades-Plouton. These cele brations were no doubt in some way mimetic, the divine
for conjecturing that
it
;

by puppets or by their and no doubt some threads from the counterparts; current mythology of the rape would be woven in. For
personages being represented either

human

instance,

Pollux,

who
it

is

Syracuse, mentions

our authority for the O^o-yd^a of the by the side of the

Az;00-</>o/3ia,

bringing of flowers to Kore, and this ritual may have been explained by the Syracusans, as it was by the people of Hip-

ponium

in

Magna

Graecia

16

as a

reminiscence of

K ore s

flower-gathering at the time of her abduction. But this simple and universal act of ritual does not need

any mythic
is

justification, and in the case of the earth-goddess probably older than any of her myths it would be equally unnatural to explain the contrary ordinance which forbade flowers in her cult c as a taboo imposed because of a certain
:

detail in the legend of the rape; Ovaiai ^ia o-TvyvoTTiTos, the

it

is

mark

rather of the

gloomy

sacrifices,

found even in

the worship of the Charites, and natural in the service of the powers of the underworld, and the same motive apparently prompted the Rhodians to consecrate the to

asphodel

Kore,

as the

We
a b

symbol of the shadowy realm 123 are struck with the prominence of the earth-god
.

in the

Vide p. 100. Vide Demeter, Monuments,

At Lykosura, R. 119*
R. 35.

as a general

p. 252.

rule,

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

,

125

state-cult at

Acharaca a and with the absence of any mention of Demeter. Wherever the name Ko prj is attested as the official title, we may be sure that the mother was also recognized, and that the religious conception was enriched with the legend of the bereavement, the tenderest and profoundest myth of Greece the silence of the record concerning Demeter in a few But we centres of the Kore-cult is probably a mere accident.
;

have reason for believing that occasionally the worship of the for example, at Nisa, daughter overshadowed the mother s
;

163 and not infrequently Cyzicos, among the Locri Epizephyrii the former possessed a separate shrine and ministration b at
;

Megalopolis, by the side of their joint temple, in which they were worshipped as at MeyaAcu 0eat, stood a separate temple
of Kore, containing a colossal statue of the goddess and open always to women, but to men only once a year just as at
:

Erythrae we find a distinct priesthood for Koprj Swretpa apart from that of Ko prj Arj^rpos 163 But, as has been shown, the association of the daughter s cult with the mother s is far more frequently attested than its
.

independence

we may

distinguish

their

functions to

this

extent perhaps that Kore comes at last owing probably to the influence of the mysteries to have less to do with agrarian life and ritual and more with the world of the dead, though
as a special form of the earth-goddess she belonged originally, and to some extent always, to both spheres.

Her connexion with

the

life

of the Polis depended on the

degree of prominence that her cult attained, and this might depend on causes that for the history of religion are accidental. There was nothing to prevent an originally agrarian or
a It is possible that the sacrifice of the bull that was pushed by the ephebi

heiligtiitner, p. 44) is not correct.

meter

Dehead may be recognized on coins

into the cavern, where it was supposed to die immediately by divine seizure,

of Cyzicos (Gardner, Types, 10. 41) ; but there is no other record of her cult,
the mother who is mentioned by the side of Kore and distinguished from the Mrjrrjp HXaKiavrj in a Cyzicene unless
inscription of the early
is

was intended

specially for him, and

we

say the same of the bulls that were thrown into the pool called Kyane

may

near Syracuse, a spot closely associated with Hades and Kore, R. 129. b Rubensohn s dictum ... Kore niemals
allein

Roman

period
to

Demeter (which seems reasonable

suppose), vide Rhea-Cybele, R. 55.

im Kultus

auftritt

(R-Jysterien-

I2 6

GREEK RELIGION
;

[CHAP.

and in chthonian cult becoming the basis of a state-church oracle the of the that reply the Tanagran inscription, preserves transfer of the whether Tanagra might people to the

question into the shrine of the two goddesses from the outside country their from agrarian to the city, we seem to see the transition 128 to have seems Kore At Cyzicos their political status and was become the supreme goddess of the community are Thebes and the Saviour *; Akragas as

worshipped

greeted

by the poets as her

139b
>

of her bridal special seat or as part

of both
1 .

and the political importance goddesses in Sicily, especially at Syracuse, is attested by much evidence influence attaching to their cult at Gela we For the

dower

13l

public

Persephone the Omnipotent, mystic and significant title of riacriKpareia, of an in which is read Segesta commemorating the inscription 71 But fifth century B.C. in the public gratitude for a victory
;
*

have the testimony of Herodotus, and we can recognize Knidos 13

who

traces

it

back to

under the

on the whole the

political life of the

Hellenes

is

reflected in their cults as in

some
;

others.

The

not so clearly evidence from

Attica has already been stated and in the case of Demeter it has been shown that her political character is less salient

than that of
her interest

many
is

after

other Hellenic divinities, that the centre of all in the field or the shadowy world.

We can say the same with still more force of Kore-Persephone, whose worship penetrated far less than her mother s the social and political activities of Hellas.
Where they
lay in a
are not purely agrarian, the value of their cult

sphere beyond the daily civic life, and thus it comes For in to appeal more to the modern religious consciousness.
their mysteries, the
last

and most

difficult

portion of this

at least in its final form investigation, the religion seems at Eleusis to rise above the state, or rather to penetrate

beneath
soul.

it,

and to touch the inner

life

of the

individual

The
a

limitation of this treatise to the actual state-cults allows

us to ignore the question of the Orphic communities

Cf.

and the

the legend on the

coins in

Cyzicene Overbeck, Kunst-Mythol. 2.

Mtinztaf.
b

7.

49, 50.
s.

Vide Geogr. Reg.

v. Sicily,

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

127

private Dionysiac brotherhoods, but compels us to face the problem of Eleusis for the Eleusinian mysteries were the para
;

mount

fact of the Attic state-religion,

and

their administration

As com the most complex pared with any other growth of Hellenic polytheism, they exercised the strongest and widest influence on the Hellenic
function of the Attic state-church.

they retained a certain life and power after the Delphic had expired they conducted the forlorn hope of Graeco-Roman paganism against the new religion, to which they may have bequeathed more than one significant word and conception.

world

oracle

The adequate

discussion of the

minuter as well as the

larger questions that arise about them would transcend the and on the other hand it would possible limits of this work
;

be useless to limit oneself to a mere epitomized statement of the antiquarianism of the subject and to the resume of the leading theories. To be able to express any kind of opinion, with any contentment of conscience, on the Eleusinian problem is only possible after a long study of multifarious and dubious evidence and the result may seem very meagre and dis appointing, unless one realizes that there is often scientific advance in admitting and revealing ignorance, in exposing the weakness of testimony, and in distinguishing between proved
;

In truth and hypotheses of varying degrees of probability. regard to the whole inquiry we are at least in a better position than the scholars were in the generations before Lobeck s

Aglaophamus
lation.

when

plunge at once into a bottomless

least

to touch on the mysteries at all was to quagmire of fantastic specu

Thanks partly and first to him the discussion has at become sober and sane, and we profit, though not always

might, by his industrious compilation of the literary record and the sceptical scrutiny to which he Since the period of Lobeck the evidence has subjected it. been enriched by the discovery of many inscriptions at

perhaps as

much

as

we

Eleusis and Athens bearing on the great mysteries, and by And from archaeological excavation on the sacred site.

another source
it

the newly developed science of anthropology

has been supposed that

much

indirect light has

been thrown

I28

GREEK RELIGION
rites

[CHAP.

upon the

of Eleusis

primitive races. when always guide us safely or far. The literary evidence, and it appears important, is often very late suspicious, the excited utterances of the Christian writers who hated and

of mysteries among of evidence do not streams various Yet these

by observation

misunderstood the object of their invective, who can rarely be a and who supposed to be speaking from first-hand knowledge
,

at times indiscriminately include the opyia of Dionysos, Attis,

of commination. As Cybele, and Demeter under one sentence and determine many illuminate the inscriptions they regards but considerable of interest, mainly touch on the points external organization, the ritual that was performed outside

such testimony is obviously not likely to of the action or the passion, whatever this heart reveal the was, that was shown to the mystae in the inner hall.
the
TfXeo-Triptov
;

has been hoped that the labours of comparative anthro pology would have assisted us to form a reasonable view
It

about

this

and

it

is

often lightly assumed that they have.

Certainly they have enabled us the better to understand the

peculiar soil and atmosphere in which such mysteries originally germinated. But so far as I have been able to follow them,
Christian writers converted from paganism may, of course, have been initiated in their youth and on this ground the evidence of Arnobius and Clemens is a priori superior to that of Of the origin and early history Origen. of Hippolytus and Firmicus Maternus, citations from whose works appear
:

must also be on our guard against the

common

Pagan or Christian
*

fallacy of supposing that when writers are refer -

the Eleusinia are mysteria ring to must reckon with the intended.

We

Dionysiac, Phrygian, and Mithraic which the word can quite as naturally denote,

The

evidence of the Christian writers

among

Schriftquellen Eleusinia, nothing certain

the

for
is

the

known.

on Eleusis is certainly important, at least for our knowledge of Pagan religion if not of the Eleusinia : but I should not be inclined to estimate its

And we must
to the

not assume that a convert

religion would be prone to reveal the essential secret of the Pagan

rite.

new

Clemens

in the Protreptica cer1

value so highly, as for instance Prof, Ramsay in his article on the Mysteries
in the

tainly promises that he will (p. 1 and in p. 18 he seems to be

Pott.)

Encyclopaedia Britannica.

Nor

keeping

is

219 his promise : and this last passage definite enough, but much of the

must we in any case assume that everything which is recorded about Eleusis

rest of his

statement

is

so vague

as

by a writer of the later classical periods was true of the rites in the fourth and
fifth

to suggest a doubt whether he was himself at one time a ^tvcm;?.

centuries B. c.

We

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

contribution to the discussion

129
Eleusinian

their

of the

real

question appears as meagre as their illumination of other

domains of Greek

religion has been brilliant and epochmaking. The reason may be that the masters of this new and most valuable science are much more concerned with savage than with advanced religion, and the traces of savagery which are clearly enough imprinted on many cults of Hellas
a are scarcely discernible in the Eleusinian mystery -worship All that we have learned from anthropology bearing on this
.

most savages possess some kind of initiationthe same ritual and some kind of religious dramatic show is true of most of the advanced religions, and we may maintain that there is a certain generic resemblance between the lowest and highest religions of the world. But it would be rash and
matter
is

that

futile to

Bora

argue that therefore the observation of the Australian can interpret for us the incidents of the Eleusinian
all

the religious emotions and conceptions thereto Probably the spectacle of a mediaeval passionattaching. and if, after a careful would be more to the purpose play wish to review of the evidence, we gain for our own imagina

drama, and

tion a warm and vital perception of the emotions inspired by the Eleusinian spectacle, we probably should do better to consult some Christian experiences than the folk-lore ot

Australia, though we will welcome or any other quarter of the world

any new

light

from

this

when

it

comes.

Mean

time, on our present information,

we can pronounce

the central

mystery of Greece innocent of totemism, cannibalism, matriarchal excess. sacrifice, or of any orgiastic or

human

Before raising the special questions that are of importance, we must realize clearly what the Greeks understood by a
/n>oT7Jptoj>

and how

it

differed from

an ordinary act of divine

reAer?}

service.

We

find the

word frequently grouped with

and
a

opyia,

and setting aside the careless or figurative applicastory

The Pawnee

which Mr. Lang

(Myth, Ritual, and Religion, 2, p. 270) quotes from De Smet, Oregon Missions, and which he regards as the Pawnee
version

does not seem to have any agrarian sense, nor do we hear anything about
the hopes of posthumous salvation held by those who danced the Pawnee mys-

of the Eleusinia*

is

in
:

some
but
it

respects an interesting parallel

FARNELL.
Ill

the story is repeated by Goblet tery d Alviella in his Eleusinia, p. 49.

:

If

130
tions of
it

GREEK RELIGION
in the later

[CHAP.

Pagan or early Christian

writers,

we
a

sense as a secret worship may interpret the idea of secrecy lying at the root of the word to which certain privileged people, 01 jzu?70eWe9, were admitted,
pvvrripiov in its strict

only a ritual of purification or other preliminary probation being itself being so required before /mtJryo-is, and the mystic ceremony that a hierophant was needed to guide and

important

perilous

the catechumen aright. The object of the /xiVi? is to place the juitfoTTfs in a peculiarly close and privileged relation with

This statement will be the divinity or the deified spirit. found to apply in outline to the usual savage mystery, such as and it serves the Australian, as well as to the Hellenic
;

contrast between these peculiar ceremonies and the ordinary classic cult of city or gens or family. The latter were only exclusive in the sense that the stranger was usually

to

mark the

of the city-cults even this rule was not maintained in the more advanced periods all the members of city, gens or household could freely join in the

excluded

though

in the case

cult,

cleanliness

they were in the ordinary condition of ritualistic and the sacrifice that the priest performed for the state might be repeated by the individual, if he chose to
if
;

do so, for his own purposes at his own house-altar. Both in the public and in the mystic service a sacrifice of some sort was requisite, and as far as we can see the religious concep
tion of the sacrifice
in both c But in the the chief was act of the sacrifice with the prayer ceremony, in the latter it was something besides the sacrifice that was of the essence of the rite something was shown to the eyes of the initiated, something was done: thus the mystery is a bpa^a juvortfcop, and TO bpav and bpr^a-fjioa-vvrj are

might be the same

former the

The odd statement

(ivffrfjpia

in

Diodorus

Siculus (5. 77) that in Crete all reXfrat

the exclusiveness of the mysteries as only a special application of a general

principle
piov
c
;

and

were open and without

but his definition of

fivarr]-

secrecy is self-contradictory, and occurs in a worthless passage. Euripides is

pp. 270-271. This consideration is of great im-

is insufficient,

a witness to the nightly, and therefore presumably secret, mysteries of Zagreus in Crete, vide Zeus, R. 3.
b

portance when we consider the theory put forward by Dr. Jevons on the Eleusinia in his Introduction to the

instances of this

Lobeck, Aglaopham.^. 2 7 2, collects he tends to regard

:

Study of Religion, vide

197.

infra, pp.

194-

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

131

verbal terms expressive of the mystic act. may divine, in fact, that the usual mystery in Greece was in some sense

We

a religious drama, and this opinion is confirmed by Lucian s positive statement that no mystery was ever celebrated without
218a for religious dancing in ancient Greece as in dancing was usually mimetic, the movements communities savage
,

a We may being interpreted as expressive of a certain story also regard it as probable that some kind of lepos Ao yoj, some
.

secret

communication was made to the mystae, at

:

least in the

more important mysteries this Ao yos not of course being the profound statement of an esoteric philosophy, some revela tion of a higher religion or metaphysic, as was vainly imagined

by

enthusiastic

scholars

of a bygone generation, but the

communication, perhaps, or explanation of a divine name, or a peculiar story, divergent from the current mythology,
explaining the sacred things that might be shown to the eyes of the privileged b
.

main statement of a Greek mystery, and can be

in the

The above may be accepted

as

the typical

illustrated

by

ancient information of a fairly trustworthy nature concerning And we can also follow on the whole the the Eleusinia.
c who defines the general account given by Theo Smyrnaeus various parts of the normal JUUOTTJ/HOZJ as the K.aQapy.6s or initial purification, the reXerr}? Trapdbo<ns a mystic communion or com
,

munication which

may

have included some kind of exegetical

eTroTrreta

statement or Ao yo?, the

which

is

the essential

and

or sight of certain holy things, central point of the whole, the

avabevis

or the
is

oreju^arcoy

eTu fleo-iy,

the crowning with the

garland which
finally,

henceforth the badge of the privileged, and that which is the end and object of all this, the happiness

that arises from friendship and communion with God. may note in conclusion that this mystic communion, while
establishing a peculiar relation between the worshipper
a

We

and

As

is

well

known

the

religious

dance lingered long in the Christian ritual, and had at last to be suppressed
in the churches. b

the other end of the religious scale we find that in the Australian mysteries
the officiating elders communicate some kind of ifpos \6fos to the youths to

Our own communion

is

also

ac-

explain the value of the sacred objects,

c

companied by a short comment.

At

De

Utilit.

Math. Herscher,

p. 15.

I 32

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

the divinity, did not serve as any special bond of union between the individuals who were initiated, at least in the
(

case of the state- mysteries gratitude to the person by

Now
if

these

word mysticism from our mind are and in the record of Greek religion numerous not very is obvious it that course by incomplete, yet though this is of far the larger number of cults were open and public. Probably both kinds of worship were as old as the religion itself, and I can see no evidence to show that the one was prior and the But some explanation is demanded why other posterior. the question certain worships were mystic and others were not is generally evaded, and yet it is not hard to suggest at least a working hypothesis. It seems that in some cases the religious tapu was more dangerous than in others the sacred object or

we banish

mystic the modern

except in so far as one might owe one was introduced. which we can only understand cults
:

whom

the sacred ground might be charged with a more perilous thus the statue of Artemis at Pellene was religious current
;

so sacred that

blasted every eye that gazed on it. In such where madness or ill be other the result circumstances, might of rash handling or rash entrance, it would be natural to resort
it

to preliminary ceremonies, piacular sacrifice or purification, whereby body and soul might be specially prepared to meet

the danger of rapport with the divinity. Now this religious sanctity of such excessive strength and peril was likely to attach to those cults that were specially associated with the world below, the realm of the dead and therefore it happens
;

that nearly all the mysteries which are recorded are connected with the chthonian divinities or with the departed hero or
heroine.

Those of Demeter were by

world
but

far the

most numerous

in the Hellenic

record of the mystic cult ; a of Ge at Phlye, of Aglauros at Athens, of Hekate at Aegina of the Charites at Athens, and we can infer the existence of a similar worship of Themis and all these are either various
,
:

we have

forms of the aboriginal earth-goddess, or at least related

a

Vide Hekate, R.

7,

22

to these

we may perhaps add on

cult-title the

on the road bet ween Sparta and Arcadia,

Apollo, R. 27
.

account of the

worship of Artemis

u]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

133

The same idea of the religious miasma that closely to her. arose from the nether world would explain the necessity of
mystic rites in the worship of Dionysos, of the Cretan Zagreus, of Trophonios at Lebadea, of Palaimon-Melikertes on the Isthmus of Corinth, probably also in the Samothrakian Cabiricult. Or they might be necessary for those who desired to
deified ancestor or hero, and a of thus we hear of mysteries Dryops at Asine , of Antinous b the favourite of Hadrian at Mantinea Again, where the

enter into

communion with the

chthonian aspect of the worship was not prominent, but where there was promise and hope of the mortal attaining temporarily
to divinity, of achieving the inspiration of his mortal nature with the potency of the godhead, certainly so hazardous an

experiment would be likely to be safeguarded with special and this may have preparation, secrecy, and mystic ritual of the Attis-Cybele of the institution cause the been prime mystery. Which of these two explanations, that are by no
;

means mutually exclusive, applies best to the Eleusinia may appear on closer investigation. In approaching now the complicated Eleusinian problem

we may formulate thus the main questions of interest (a) What do we know or what can we infer concerning the personality and character of the deities to whom the mysteries were originally consecrated, and can we note change or new develop ments owing to internal or external causes ? (b) When was the cult taken over by Athens and opened to all Hellas, and what was the state-organization provided? (c) Is there a secret to discover or worth discovering, and does the evidence yield us
:

any trustworthy

clue

or in

any case can we account

for

the

reverence paid to the mysteries by all classes in the Hellenic world ? (d) Can we attribute any ethical influence to them, or

did they in any

way

influence

popular Greek conceptions

concerning immortality or the future life? If we can answer these questions we have dealt with the

problem

of the subject

sufficiently 164 - 230

.

and

may

omit some of the antiquarianism

As
*

regards the deities to

whom
b

the mysteries specially

Pans.
8. 9, 7.

Apollo, R. 144*.

I 34

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

belonged the record

the inscriptions agreeing

of the historical period is perfectly clear, with the literature in designating

Demeter and Kore, or by the vaguer and more 0eco, the two being sometimes distin 224 We have noticed as pa Ttp(rpvTpa and guished

them

as

reverential title of
f]

ro>

fj

i>eo>re

that Perse already, from the evidence at present forthcoming, official name for the daughter at Eleusis. the not was phone These then are the two to whom the re\eo-r?;/noi; belonged, and whose communion the mystae sought to gain by initia tion. But there could have been no sacred drama or dance presenting the myth of the rape without a third figure, at least
as an accessory in the background, the ravisher and husband, the god of the lower world, by whatever name he was called

Plouton, Aidoneus, Polydegmon. And, as a matter of fact, Plouton is clearly recognized in the public ordinances that have come down to us concerning the Eleusinian sacrifice and his
;

temple has been discovered at Eleusis a very ancient caveshrine in close proximity to the reAeorTJ/noz; on the north a
.

In the historical period, then, the two goddesses are the chief personages of the mystery, with the god of the underworld
as an accessory. And this is the conclusion we should draw from the testimony of the Homeric hymn to Demeter, our earliest
certain evidence

from

literature.

It is clear that that

:

composi

tion has a certain ritualistic value

borrowed from what he knew Eleusinia two distinct festivals not always easy to disentangle
such traits in the story as the sitting by the sacred well (where henceforth, out of respect for the sorrow of Demeter, the mystae refused to sit), the drinking of the KVKCU>V, the ribaldry of lambe, the legend of the pomegranate. can fairly

the poet has probably of the Thesmophoria and the

We

gather then from this important source the conviction that the two goddesses were the chief deities of the mystery before
the sixth century as they were ever afterwards, that the god of the lower world was recognized as well, and that a passionplay and a tepos Ao yo? concerning the abduction and the return of Kore were elements of that mystery and we may remind
;

ourselves that the author of the

hymn names
14.

the daughter

Vide Hades-Plouton, R.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

135

clear

Persephone and not Kore. As regards the date, all that seems a is that it is later than the period of Hesiod , to whom
is

the poet

Hekate and

probably indebted for his unnecessary figure of for other minor points.

We may

win a

still

earlier

glimpse of the Eleusinia

if

we

believe that Pausanias, in his book on Attica, has drawn from a genuine hymn of Pamphos, the ancient hymn-maker, many

of whose poems appear to have been preserved by the Lykomidae of Phlye from his allusions to the lost poem b we should
;

draw the same conclusions concerning the Eleusinian cult with which it is obviously connected, as we draw from the Homeric

hymn

for

Pamphos seems

to have described the rape, the

sorrow of Demeter, her disguise, the sitting at the sacred well, It appears then that, at the and the daughters of Keleos.
earliest period to which we can return, the chief divinities of the mysteries were those with whom we are familiar through the record from the fifth century onwards and there is no
;

legendary indication of anything different. But a different view concerning the aboriginal personalities of Eleusinian worship has been suggested by a well-known fifth-century
18 and by the discovery of two dedicatory reliefs inscription , found at Eleusis of a pair of divinities known simply as 6 0eo s

and

rj

dta

225
.

Moreover, these are mentioned and represented

r&>

0ew, who are always Demeter a separate sacrifice is offered to this nameless service is administered by a separate priest, and the Eleusinian shepherd-hero, is twice associated

by

the side of

and Kore
pair,

their

Eubouleus, with them.

The

reliefs found near the Propylaea, and on the site of what was probably the ancient Ploutonion, are of remarkable interest the one belonging to the fourth century B.C. c the other to the
,

p. 54,

SeeT. W.Allen, Hell.fourn.\ 897, Text of the Homeric Hymns Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Homer. Un-

of Pisistratus.

But
for
11.

how he accounts

I do not know 476-482 or what

fersuch. p. 209, ascribes the hymn to the first part of the seventh century, and

ancient authority attests this influence of Pisistratus, of whom we are liable

to hear rather
b
c

too

much

in

modern

thinks that the Demeter-cult alluded to

in

accounts of the Eleusinia.

i.

the

hymn

has

little
first

to

do with

38, 3; 39,

i.

mysteries, which were

made popular

Eph. Arch. 1886,

FltV. 3. i.

and sacramental through the influence

I3 6

GREEK RELIGION
first
a
.

[CHAP.

beginning of the

On

the

first

(PL

I)

we

see the

god

and the goddess of the lower world seated at a banquet, the titles 0eo? and Bed being inscribed above their names, and on
their right, at a separate table,

two other

divinities,

attended

by a youthful cup-bearer ; though here there are no inscriptions to assist us, the sex, the drapery, the two torches in the hand
the sceptre in the hand of the other, as well as the whole entourage, at once designate the goddesses Demeter and Kore, and we may call the cup-bearer Triptolemos. The
of the one
,

on the relief is well expressed by the lord and queen of the lower world are seated in friendly communion, he is no longer the fierce ravisher, but the mild and beneficent husband holding the horn of plenty and
intention of the whole scene
Philios
:

group on the left, where the mother is happily feasting with her daughter and raising the libation-bowl over her head in this scene of peace and recon ciliation we may believe that the figure of Kore- Persephone appears twice, once as 0ea the queen and the wife, and again as
the same idea
is

embodied

in the

daughter. On the second relief (PL II) the goddess stands by the side of her seated husband the god, whose sceptre, drapery, and throne remind us of a well-known type of Zeus, but neither of the pair are distinguished by any specially
*

characteristic attributes

c
.

On

the

left

of the relief

we may

recognize the figures of Plouton, Kore, Demeter, and Trip

tolemos

c
.

an important theory concerning the original period of Eleusinian religion has been recently maintained by more than one scholar and archaeologist d that in this worship of 6 0o s and % 0ed we are touching the bed-rock of the local cult that
, :

Now

seen elsewhere, there was a primitive worship of a god and goddess of the lower world, nameless because at this period the deities had not yet acquired perat Eleusis, as
Eph. Arch, 1886, Uiv. 3. 2. The two torches seem fairly clear but Philios in an excellent article on
b
;

we have

Vide Foucart, Recherches sur toriet la

gine
in

nature des Mystores t? Eleusis,

M&noires de

C Acadtmie

des Inscrip:

the reliefs insists that she

is

holding

tions et

Btiles-Lettres,

35, 1895

cf.

a sceptre, Eph. Arch. 1886,

c

p. 22.

von Prott, Atkcn. Mitth. 1899, PP- 262 ~

263.

Vide note,

p. 278.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

names or personal myth
;

137

at some later epoch married this peaceful chthonian-agrarian couple were partly dethroned, partly transformed by the intrusive Demeter with her daughter, by a more personal cult, full of the emotions ot

sonal

and that

human

life

and of the legend of sorrow,

to this view, the titles 6 Ocos,

loss,
fj

and consolation.

ded are interesting According survivals in the later liturgy of that prehistoric period of nameless half-formed divinities that, according to Usener, pre

ceded the fully developed Greek polytheism. One writer goes even so far as to speak of a Gotterkampf at Eleusis which has left its trace on the later cult-ordinances.
*

There are grave objections to the whole theory, though none, as far as I am aware, have been openly expressed. Certainly there are vestiges elsewhere in the Greek records
of a primitive worship of an earth-goddess with her male partner that is older than the stratum at which Kore arose.

But the proofs that it existed at Eleusis, though the need not of course be denied, do not stand the test.

possibility

Usener s

theory of a primitive period of nameless divinities in Greece rests on a frailer basis than it is often supposed, as will be shown in a later chapter. But we might accept it and yet
object to
its

application here.

For the

titles 6 0e6s

and

fj

Ota

need not be primitive at all. It is especially in the cults of the powers of the lower world, in the worship of Hades and
Persephone, and more especially
still

in the mysteries, that

many Greek communities a religious dislike to the pronounce proper personal name, either because of its extreme holiness or because of its ominous associations, and to conceal it under allusive, euphemistic, or complimentary
discern in
titles.

we

Hence
c

Mistress, or
ITaoriKpareia,

in place of Persephone we find Despoina, the Hagne, the Holy one/ or Soteira, the Saviour, the Almighty, and Kore itself was once a name
:

of the
one,

same import

for

Hades we

find n\ovra)v t

the wealthy

rioXv8eyjuia)i;,

EtixaiTTjs,

the all-hospitable, Eubouleus,and apparently whose female partner in the nether world is called
.

a The feeling is partly simply goddess in a late oracle based on the old belief that a powerful magic attaches to

Vide Hades, R. 41.

138

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

personal names, and that it might be dangerous to utter the real one of a divinity except in secret to the initiated, as the
real

name of Despoina was

uttered.

And

later

Greek piety

not infrequently, even in cults that were non-mystic, showed a tendency to substitute terms such as the god or the
a highest god for the personal name of the deity note the same feeling of reserve surviving faintly in our
.

We

can

own
in

religious

nomenclature

and

it

works strongly on many

to

modern savages, inducing dividual names.

them

conceal

their

own

We
two

different

name

same divinity designated by the same context, and under each receive a separate sacrifice thus at Erythrae Kore
find not infrequently the

names

in

worship from Kore A?i^r/)09 but the nearest parallel to two such groups as 0ew and 6 0eo s, ri 0ea, each the same group containing personage, is
Soteira
distinct
;
ro>

163

had a

154a

by the ritual inscription from Messoa in Laconia, where at the festival of the Eleusinia a sucking-pig and a boar were offered to Demeter and Despoina respectively, and a boar to both Plouton and Persephone 44 Despoina was pro
.

afforded

bably identified with Persephone in Laconia as well as in Arcadia. But the use of such distinct divine names, sug
gesting
distinct ritual acts, can easily lead at last to a distinction of the divine cannot then regard personages. such official titles as 6 0eo s and rj 0ea as necessarily descending

We

from a nameless period of religion or as proof of any great antiquity of the cult they can be more naturally explained as late developments. similar question arises from consideration of the Attic cult of Daeira 135 to whom we have a record of sacrifice at Athens and in the Marathonian Tetrapolis in the fourth
:

century B. c. but who must be regarded as one of the divine names of the Eleusinian cult and legend. For she appeared in the Eleusinian genealogical tables Ismaros, who was
; ;

buried in the Eleusinion at Athens, being the son of Eumolpos and Daeira and among the officials of the Attic mysteries Pollux mentions a AaeipiTTjs. All that we know about her
;

Vide Usener, Gotternamen,

p. 343.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

is

139

identity

Aeschylus, a good authority on matters Eleusinian, regarded her as Persephone, and this view was
that

either

accepted by the lexicographers. The name itself might mean the knowing one perhaps, then, the goddess of or the lore mystic burning one/ with allusion to the torches
ritual.

Either interpretation would accord with But it has been argued by the character of Persephone.

used in her

von Prott a that she cannot be this goddess, because the Marathonian ritual prescribed a pregnant ewe as the sacrifice to Daeira, while only male victims could be offered to Per sephone and .also because a certain antagonism is revealed between Daeira and Demeter in a ritual law that is vouched for by Eustathius he tells us that Pherecydes maintained Daeira to be the sister of Styx, and he goes on to justify this view of the historian by saying, for the ancients assign Daeira
;
:

to the sphere of the moist element. Wherefore they regard her as hostile to Demeter, for when sacrifice is offered to
Daeira,
for

Demeter

priestess

is

her to taste of the offering.

is

not present, nor is it lawful It is not clear whether the

latter part

part,

of this statement, which is the only important drawn from Pherecydes or not. But in any case we

may accept
that

the curious detail about the ritual as a valid fact b

Thus the above-mentioned

daughter, but
is

scholar

is

led to
for

the conclusion

Daeira cannot be another

name

Demeter or the

really the personal name of fj 0ea, the abori ginal goddess who with her partner was disturbed by the arrival of the triad Demeter-Kore-Plouton and the intro

duction of the mystic cult, and

*

who

then became the hostile

step-sister

Aaetpa
first

c
.

Now

the

argument on which

tradicted at once

this theory rests a wider by survey of the facts of

is

con
:

ritual

the male victim was certainly offered to Persephone as to her

Op.
b

cit.

It is possible, as

von Prott, op.

cit.

p.

ferring to Daeira

259 maintains, that Servius was rewhen he wrote that

(vide Hera, R. 29), for Eustathius informs us that certain people regarded Daeira as Hera. c The step-sister was an ancient

when

the temple of Juno was closed at Eleusis sacrifice was offered to Ceres

interpretation of the word, vide Eustathius .

I3r>

140

GREEK RELIGION
:

[CHAP.

mother, but so also was the female a thonian ritual does not disprove the Persephone and Daeira.

therefore the
original
If

Mara-

identity of

The second argument

is

the weightier.

we

believe in

this hostility of the cults as a really primitive fact

we must
,

b to a assign Daeira, who is evidently a chthonian goddess different era of religious belief from that to which Demeter

with Kore belongs, or at least regard the

different local origin.
*

rival cults as

of

would appear traces of a Gotterkampf, perhaps the supplanting of an older by a younger or of an aboriginal by an alien Now worship. instances of the imprint of such religious rivalry on ritual
rate here
in

At any

Greece are exceedingly

.

rare, the

only other that

can

call

legend strange that it should have existed at Eleusis still stranger, if it did exist, that Aeschylus should have nevertheless permitted himself to the hostile Daeira
or cult.
It is
:

We have traced already the pluralizing process which from an original Gaia throws off the figures Demeter, Persephone-Kore, Themis, Erinys, Aglauros, and between these no hostility is anywhere expressed or hinted in
one
herself.

mind being the antagonism between the Hera and Dionysos cults at Athens And we may well doubt whether it existed between Demeter and Daeira at Eleusis at all. Ex hypothesi the latter was an ancient form of the earthDemeter was generally recognized in Greece as goddess
to
;

identify

with the beloved It is quite possible that this Persephone. religious hostility is a fiction of the later exegetical writers who were puzzled about Daeira, and who were seeking a reason for the one fact that had come to their knowledge,
a

Male victims
Messoa"
:
:

to

at

in

the

phoria

wether to
:

Geogr.
XA<V :

Reg. s. v. boar to Kore>t Mykonos, Zeus,

.

Demeter and Kore Attic ThesmoDemeter at Kos, ram to Demeter

the ritual of Despoina ll9a

b

This appears not only from the evidence of Aeschylus and Pherecydes, but from Lycophron, 710, 6^1
Aa<>a

ttal

128 R. 56: black cow to Kore at Cyzicos whether the bulls offered at Acharaca near Tralles 124 and at the

ovvwvirri Saves, referring to Odysseus after his return from the world

It is not clear

below.

Mommsen s
is

hypothesis

that

pool of Kyane near Syracuse were victims to Persephone or the nether god; only female victims allowed in
129

Semele is merely fantastic, Feste Stadt Ath. p. 381 Daeira has no associations with Bacchus. c d Vide Hera, a8
:
.

Daeira

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

Demeter and her
priestess

141

that

had no share

in the

worship

Quite other reasons may have explained this, for the instance, independence that has been noted occasionally The religious ap to the worship of Persephone. belonged
of Daeira.
pellatives 0eo s, 0ea, Aaetpa may have arisen then after the institution of the mysteries, after the firm establishment in

the public religion of the personal deities, Demeter, Kore, Plouton, and after the general acceptance of the myth of the abduction and the return. And this theory accounts for the
facts

somewhat better than the other. There were localities in Greece, as we have seen, where Demeter was worshipped without Kore, as a primaeval GeDemeter or Ge-X0ozna, the spouse of the nether god and there may have been mysteries of Demeter before Kore was attached
;
.

to her, as there appears to have been a mystery of Ge at a But at Eleusis the worship and myth of Demeter Phlye

and Kore are

relatively to us at least aboriginal

the
;

myth of

the arrival of the goddess there need not affect us and the elements which the Homeric hymn reveals of the great

mystery the group of the mother and the daughter with the god in the background are the prime factors with which we start and which it is useless speculation to endeavour to The questions when it arose resolve into a simpler form. or whence it was derived cannot be settled on any existing M. Foucart has recently revived a theory b which evidence. was prevalent in antiquity and was accepted a generation ago by Curtius that the Eleusinia were an Egyptian importation, and were an adaptation of the mystic cult of Isis-Osiris, of which the doctrine of the future life was a main feature. The
recent discoveries concerning the Mycenaean age have, indeed, revealed a closer association than was supposed by modern
historians to exist

between the Nile-valley and that earliest of Hellas. Such a hypothesis then as M. Foucart s period cannot be ruled out a priori the mirage orientale has worked some havoc in modern discussions of origins, but foreign
:

influences

on Greek
p. 16.

soil

with
a

in

each particular case

have, nevertheless, to be reckoned it is simply a question of the

b In the

Vide supra,

M&noire

cited above.

J4 2

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

weight of the evidence. It is interesting to note that this Egyptian theory seems to have been corroborated by an
important find in the necropolis of Eleusis in 1898*. One of the tombs, containing vases of the Mycenaean and geometric
period, revealed a small figure of Isis in

Egyptian porcelain,

together with

some Egyptian scarabs and some vases of the

peculiar form associated with the Isis-cult, the probable date The falling between the tenth and the eighth century B.C. discovery is a very interesting indication of a possible trade-

know
that

connexion between the Nile and this part of Attica, and we we may agree that religion sometimes follows trade
:

the Eleusinians needed to borrow a foreign cult from Egypt, the door was open to them to do so. But this is still only an a priori consideration. The evidence from the facts of
if

adduced by M. Foucart appears to be of very slight weight, and he is inclined to strain a few casual resemblances
cult

such as are often noticed in any two systems of ritual however remote. The belief in life after death, accompanied by a
desire for future bliss, extends over so

world that
borrowing. sorrows of
of
Isis for

it is

wide an area of the almost valueless as evidence for any theory of

There is a general resemblance between the and the sorrows of Demeter, and the search Osiris and the search of the Greek goddess for her
Isis

We

daughter, though the setting of the story is very different. may say the same of the Pawnee story quoted by Mr. Andrew Lang b as a close savage parallel to the Eleusinia,

and we may add that such resemblances have now become the common-places of anthropological study. It is more to the purpose to remark that certain essentials of the Isis- Osiris legend, the prominence of the god, his death and dismember ment, the figure of a second and malignant god, are not discoverable in the Eleusinian mystery rites, where there is no death of any divinity and no contest between powers of light and powers of darkness. Plouton, whose shrine lay outside the telesterion, is no real counterpart of Osiris in the sacred to find one M. Foucart has to force story Dionysos into
:

Vide

article
1

by

Skias,

Eph. Arch.

Vide supra,

p. 129, note a.

1898, pp.

08, i2o,Taf. 6.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

:

143

a prominent place within the original mystery and thus do and his theory fails entirely to violence to the evidence account for Kore. Mystery-cults may be regarded as an ancient heritage of

Mediterranean religion. Demeter s cult at Eleusis may have been mystic from the beginning, owing to the force of its have seen, aboriginal chthonian associations which, as we

were a potent stimulus to the institution of mysteries. Or it may have taken on a mystic form, when the beautiful story of the daughter had become shaped and prevalent, and the craving for a passion-play arose, which may have been grati fied by the inventiveness of some priest or poet, whose hieratic and dramatic genius may have instituted the dance and
bpapa /wcm/coV: for in legends the origin of the local mystery
elaborated
the

the
is

various

Greek

usually ascribed to whose descendant the as some gifted and inspired individual, iepoQdvTrjs may in some sense be regarded.

Whatever its origin may have been, the Eleusinian mystery once instituted became the chief religious service of the whole Eleusinian community, while the Thesmophoria, a sisterof perhaps older foundation, remained the women s In mythic motive and content the two were closely privilege.
ritual

akin, but the

and

Thesmophoria had merely an agrarian function the Eleusinia, an agrarian festival also in the while value, 8 earliest as well as the later period conveyed a promise of
,

future happiness

and thus rose to the higher

it

religious plane.

This double aspect of

is

Homeric hymn 169

but he

them has by no means an Whether it is aboriginal, dead. of the in the darkness lot equal or whether the agrarian was at first its sole function, are
in

Happy who has had no share

:

already clearly presented in the is he who has seen these mysteries

:

problems impossible at present to determine for before we could handle the question as to the primitive faith at Eleusis, we should have to be able to construct a general history of
:

a The distinction which Rubensohn draws sharply between the older agrarian non-mystic cult at Eleusis and the

clear evidence

no doubt there were

non-mystic cults at Eleusis, and the Haloa were not the same as the Eleusinia;

mystic, Mysterienheiligtilmer in Eleusis

u.

but

the

mystic*
also.

cult-figures

Samothrake^ p. 35, does not

rest

on

were always

agrarian

I44

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

Greek thought as touching the after-life back to the Mycenaean sufficient material does not exist. period, and at present
can clearly determine then the chief figures of the at which the record begins. mystery-cult in the earliest period But we have also to consider briefly some secondary and accessory figures such as Eubouleus, Triptolemos, lacchos,

We

There are other divine personages besides these one of them might be recog worshipped at Eleusis, and any
Dionysos.
in

nized

the preliminary sacrifices that preceded the great But those just mentioned are the only names that even the most general treatment of the Eleusinian problem cannot pass over and the question to ask is whether they are later introduction, whether they were aboriginal, or, if of of the mystery so far as to modify the heart the into admitted
celebration.
;

religious conception.

Eubouleus

who

the Eleusinian shepherd of good counsel/ with his flock of swine was swallowed up when the earth
,

227

The opened to receive Kore, is a transparent figure enough. and name was attached to Zeus at Paros, Amorgos, Cyrene, and in the abbreviated form of BouXev? at Mykonos: the ancients interpreted the name not as an appellative of the allwise sky-god, but as designating the god of the lower world, Zeus X0o j;io9 or Hades, and the name is used as an equivalent That this is the correct inter for him in the Orphic poetry.
pretation is borne out by the legends and the cult-associations of Eubouleus, which are all of a distinctly chthonian character,

and

his

name may

well have belonged to the ancient chthonian

liturgy of Eleusis, although the author of the

Homeric hymn

shows no knowledge of

it.

The

Was

it

exact explanation of his name is by no means easy. possible for the primitive folk of Eleusis to think of the

god of death as the god of wise counsel/ with the same spirit of optimistic faith as prompted Plato to write that the lord of
the lower world kept the souls in his domain, not by fetters, but by the spell of wise speech a ? The later influence of the
mysteries may have led certain advanced minds to regard death as a gain; but we are hardly prepared for so ideal
a

Cratyl. p. 403 E.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

earliest

145
cult.

a view revealed to us in the

epoch of Eleusinian

of the names for the powers of the shadowy world may but this can hardly be one of be regarded as euphemistic
;

Some

them
called

the

stern ones

by euphemism
rule of

or the malignant spirits might be * the kindly ones or the good people ;
c

applied it here, we should have to suppose that the primitive folk considered the chthonian god to be more or less a fool, which is not probable.
so

by the

euphemism,

if

we

Dr. Kern thinks that Zeus Eubouleus has some connexion with

Zeus

fiovXalos

a
;

but the resemblance of

title is

merely a coinci

dence, for the latter

may be that the title expresses the once active oracular functions of the chthonian divinity, the function which Gaia had once extensively exercised by
means of dreams, and which Trophonios retained down to the
later

and to political life, The most probable explanation

belongs wholly to the council-chamber the former to the darkness of the grave.

days of Hellenism.

And

the

name

Eubouleus

could

thus easily have arisen from the good counsel that the nether god could give, especially in the concerns of the shepherd and
so probably at Athens, he had both a chthonic and a vegetative character. He was remembered in the preliminary sacrifices, but does not seem to have belonged to the inner circle of the mystic cult, nor was
at

the husbandman.

As

Mykonos

his legend

such as could be adapted easily to a sacred drama.

We

have reason to think that the remembrance of his original identity with Plouton had faded from the popular mind by
B. C.
c

the second century

nian cult.

Triptolemos was on a very different footing in the Eleusi His personality is brighter and more human 228 apparently an old culture-hero of Eleusis, he is mentioned in
;

the Homeric
revealed

hymn
:

as one of those to

whom the mysteries were

by Demeter. We do not know at what age his cult was established he possessed a separate shrine there, and on the Rarian plain an altar and a sacred threshing-floor that is noticed
a

b
c

Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 10. Zeus, R. 56.

but Heberdey with

sees

much more

reason
figure

Eubouleus

in the youthful

Svoronos has argued that he appears as Plouton in the Lakrateides-relief

;

on the right of the relief, traces of whose longcurlsarepreservedjvidePl.il.

FARNELL.

Ill

146

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

by Pausanias and in a fourth-century Athenian inscription, and that was doubtless associated with the sacred ploughing in which

The

Eleusis asserted her primaeval claims in rivalry with Athens. Triptolemos-cult penetrated the capital after the unifica
his temple stood near the temple of Demeter, the state remembered Enneakrounos spring a
:

tion of Attica

close to the

him

the sacrifices preliminary to the great in the consecration of the anap\ai sent and mystic ceremony, the allies. by
in the
Trpore Aeia,
b Triptolemos the plougher and the dispenser of the gift of corn was one of the many apostles of agriculture that were honoured in various parts of Greece, usually in connexion with

the legend of Demeter. But owing to the Panhellenic prestige of Eleusis and, we may add, to the influence of the Attic art
that dealt lovingly and most skilfully with the legend of his
mission, his personality and claim became recognized in most of the Greek states, in spite of local dissent so that Arrian was able to say that the worship of Triptolemos as the founder
:

of cultivation was universal

c
.

But whether he played any

part or a prominent part in the Eleusinian mystery or mystic drama itself is a doubtful question that may be briefly con

sidered a
c

little

later on.

More important and perplexing are the questions about lacchos, the daemon of Demeter, the founder of the mysteries, as Strabo describes him 229n The author of the hymn is
.

silent

about him, and considering his later prominence

in this case interpret silence

we
first

may

as ignorance.

The

mention of him occurs

in the early fifth-century Attic inscrip

tion concerning the TrporeAeia

,

EAevcriinW, to which reference

has already been made 176 if the restoration I venture to adopt d is correct His recognition in the mysteries appears to have
.

Dorpfeld identifies these two temples with the Thesmophorion, Ath. Mitth.
1897, p. 477.

Ath. Mitth. 1899, p. 60, Taf. c Triptolemos on coins

fourth century B. c.
p.
;

7.

Cyzicos,

That he was a plough-hero might be inferred from his associations with

the Rarian plain: but it is clearly revealed by two vase-representations of the fifth century B.C., one of Attic, the

Head, Hist.

Num.
119:

452

Enna, third century B.

c., p.

other of Boeotian art

see

Rubensohn,

on coins of Roman period at Anchialos, p. 236; Corinth, 340; Sardes, 553; Tarsos, 618; Alexandria, 719. d von Prott, Ath. Mitth. 1899, p. 253, has done much to restore the in-

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

147

been complete by the time of Herodotus, who describes the v TravriyvpLs as raising the cry "la/cxe, or calling on the god laK\os 171 in the festival of Demeter and Kore and perhaps this
;

memorable
freedom

association of lacchos with the

great fight for

have increased his fame and popularity in Greece. As regards the locality of his worship and its value for the mystic service, the evidence is clear and important. We hear of the laKXtov at Athens 229 f and his statue representing him

may

as holding a torch stood in the temple of

Demeter

in

a group

with the mother and the daughter near the Dipylon gate 143 . On the evening of the nineteenth and on the twentieth day of

Boedromion
211
>

22

"IaKxo?

a day specially sacred to him, and itself called \ the multitude of mystae, protected by the armed
,

sacred

escort of the ephebi, escorted him from the city along the way to Eleusis, the god being represented either by an 185 18G hear of his formal image or his human counterpart
.

We

and of a special attendant, the laKxaycoyo s, who waited upon him on the route, and who may possibly have been associated in this task by another official known as the
reception at Eleusis,
It is clear then, from this evidence, that at Eleusis lacchos had no abiding home we hear of no altar, of no temple, consecrated to him there he comes as a stranger and a visitor, and departs at the end of the sacred rites nor
>

193 208

KovpoTpo<l)o$

does his

name

occur in any branch of Eleusinian genealogy.

is

The

conclusion then

certain,

and generally accepted b that

,

lacchos does not belong to the original Eleusinian cult or to the inner circle of the mysteries. It is of no importance that
scription of the Ifpos vofios to its proper form : he rightly objects to the accepted
is

found
a

in the sacrificial inscription

of

Mykonos.

restoration [U\ovToi]vt [ Ia/f]xo> on ln e that follows the first ground of the

word. But his own suggestion, AoX/x^j though it suits the space is unconvincing, as

The procession certainly started on the nineteenth (R. 187), but it must have occupied part of the twentieth day
(R. 211, 229
b
1

).

highly improbable that an almost unknown hero, Dolichos, should

it

is

For instance by O. Kern in his article on Zeus-Eubouleus, Ath. Mitth.

1891, pp. 1-29: cf. id. 1892, p. 140; Rubensohn, Mysterienheiligth. p. 40 Rohde in his Psyche takes the same view (vol. I, p. 285).
;

be associated in this carefully organized service with Plouton and ru Otu. But
nXovrojvi 5e

Ia*xy

fills

up the space

equally well, and this use of 5e to connect the different clauses of a Ifpos vo^os

L 3

I48

GREEK RELIGION
Orphic

[CHAP.

a late and reckless composer of an

to introduce him
if

hymn
of

chooses
b

into the old Eleusinian

myth

Baubo

Strabo, in styling

him the apyjiyir^ T&V

pv<rriipta>v,

and means
:

more than that he led the mystae down the sacred way to the influenced by Strabo against the mystic shrine, we need not be
better

evidence.

On

Attic, perhaps specially

his

the other hand, lacchos is certainly Athenian in spite of the loose use of
;

no trace of his cult outside and if future discovery were to prove its exis this district tence elsewhere, we should be justified in assuming that it was

name by
c

late writers, there is

an exportation from Attica. His intrusion, therefore, into the Eleusinian ceremony cannot have happened at a very early d else those Greek communities, and there were several, epoch Eleusinia from a that at probably early period had borrowed
;

would have surely borrowed this personage also and, as we have seen, the author of the hymn appears to have been Now lacchos is no obscure hero, but a deity ignorant of him.
Eleusis,
;

whose

enthusiasm of the greatest Attic poets. Who then is this deity whose power was such that he was chosen perhaps from the sixth century onwards to lead the
cult aroused the

as mystae to the home of the mystery? We are accustomed, were most of the ancients, to call him Dionysos, and this is
e

probably right

but there

is

much

that requires clearing up.

this identification as
:

As

regards the

name

itself,

assuming

correct,

we may be content with one

from
FiFa.Kx.os,
16.

of two explanations
of the

it

may
a b

arise, as Curtius suggested,

,

from some reduplication of

by the dropping
may be
from
high

digammas

or

Orph. Frag.

vol. I, p. 284, but

The soundness

of the text

real evidence,

doubted, see Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 820.

c

reasonable

one.

a priori, even apart it seems the only For lacchos is a

deities

On

article

point the writer of the lacchos in Roscher s Lexikon,

this

god, and

such

did not

2, p. 9, is

misleading.

O. Kern, Ath. Alilth. 1892, p. 140, suggests that lacchos grew into prominence from the aid he may have been supposed to have given at Salamis he
:

grow up obscurely in a corner of Attica and suddenly emerge into power in And what the sixth century B.C. other high god of the Greek Pantheon can claim his name but Dionysos ? We notice too that lacchos is the
that
0foi? the type of Dionysos was beginning to be popular from the sixth century onwards in literature and from the fifth century in art.

there rightly protests against the belief that lacchos-cult made any deep impress

329a

upcuos

upon the
e

mysteries.
is

This view
for

as

instance

sometimes questioned, by Rohde, Psyche,

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

f

149

from the root that is found in la^v, to cry aloud, so that the word would designate Dionysos as the god of the loud cry, and Now as regards the would be the equivalent of Bromios. identification itself, we do not discover it by any clear sign in
the glowing invocation of the Aristophanic chorus
229 a
,

but the

ode

Sophocles Antigone clearly and decisively reveals that lacchos is Dionysos in his relation to Eleusinian cult 229b c
in
.

Bacchus, thou rulest in the whereunto all guests come.

breathing of the night

hill-girt bay of Eleusinian Deo, Hail, thou whom the fire.

.

stars follow in the dance,

!

thou hearkener of voices

show thyself, oh Son of God, with thy minister ing women of Naxos, the maenads who all night long honour

thee in frenzied dance, lacchos, the dispenser of men s fate It seems, then, that Sophocles and his audience were quite well
assured about lacchos
Attic evidence
is
,

Aristophanes one of the highest Eleusinian

205 d

and again a most valuable piece of preserved by the scholiast on the Frogs of who tells us that at the Lenaia the babovxos,
;

officials,

as he held a lighted torch in his hand, that the people in answer cried out,

proclaimed to the people, Invoke the god and

;

Hail, lacchos, son of

The formula has a genuine old Semele, thou giver of wealth. Attic savour, and neither it nor the other facts he gives us are
later antiquarianism. And that in a genuine popular liturgy of Athens, perhaps older than the time of Sophocles, lacchos was recognized as Dionysos, and as the usual Dionysos, the

likely to

have been the invention of

it

we can

gather from

the same time as

son of Semele and the vegetation-god who gives wealth. At lacchos was a peculiar epithet and became

almost an independent personal name,

was to be expected that the later mythographers would try to draw distinctions, and, among the numerous Dionysoi that they invented and
it
a

Compare with

this the recently dis-

covered Delphic hymn that in one or two places seems almost an echo of the

mann, Epithet. Dear. p. 92, quotes Menand. Fr. 289 (Koch), ^KoiSov Atovvaov and Phot. s. v. 2of8or rafiias TIS
KOI SIOIKIJT^.
It

Sophoclean ode, R.
rafiias of

229"*.

The

epithet
:

MatefSovutov 5e TO

oi/o/*a.

lacchos

is

mysterious

it

is

applied to Zeus and Hermes, but in contexts that explain its special sense : it
is

that ra/i/as was applied to Bacchus in the same sense as irXovroSoTjjs,

may be

by which
Lenaia
205d
.

title

he was hailed

in the

never applied to Dionysos, but Bruch-

150

GREEK RELIGION
!

[CHAP.

becomes specialized as the son of Zeus and Persephone 229 m But they did not agree other or each with the among popular view expressed in the Lenaia nor is there any reason to regard their artificial
tried to find genealogies for, lacchos
>

genealogies as throwing any light on the secret of Eleusis. Whatever stories were in vogue concerning the babe lacchos

Demeter s breast a we must not lightly suppose that these emanated from the centre of the mysteries themselves, or that lacchos and his legend had much to do with the bpafjia [JLVCTTLKOV. All that we know of him in respect of the mysteries is that as the youthful Dionysos he was escorted in the sacred procession to Eleusis once a year, and was in some sense regarded as the leader of the mystae, and that his home was Athens b He was a popular, not a specially c still less an and fortunately for mystic/ Orphic figure him the later manufacturers of Orphic poetry did not trouble
and
his nurture at
, .

much about him, except

of the countless

occasionally to use his

name

as one

synonyms of Dionysos, and perhaps

to invent

a special genealogy for him. His presence among the mystae is one of the signs of the great influence of the Dionysiac worship in Attica from the sixth century onwards. Consider ing the enthusiasm it evoked, the ideas it enshrined of initiation

and of communion with the deity, its promises concerning the future life, we should be astonished if there were no signs of a rapprochement between it and the Eleusinian And religion.
a R. 229 k KovpoTputpos TIS may have been one of the officials in an Attic mystery, and may have personated one of the 0oi KovporpoQoi but that he or she was connected with Eleusis
.
:

procession reached Eleusis.

He has nothing to do with Phanes and no real connexion with Zagreus it is true that Lucian speaks of an lartxov airapay^ as a story that was danced
c
:

or lacchos

is

more than we know.

The

somewhere, R. 229
the various

but by his time

Virgilian Mystica vannus lacchi is no indication that the Bacchic infant was
carried in a

vannus
:

or XIKVOV in the

the phrase need have no reference to Eleusis, and no \iKvoQ6pos is found in the list of

Eleusinian procession

Dionysos were becoming interchangeable. Sophocles in calling lacchos Powtpus (R. 22^) was not necessarily thinking of Zagreus,
for

names

as

prevalent
>

the horned Dionysos was a fairly Hellenic type. Certain

Eleusinian

officials

(R.

229^).
if

we

\\e might be able to say more knew what happened to lacchos

his statue or his counterpart

people may have identified Za greus and lacchos (Schol. Find. Isthm. 7. 3), but apparently not the Athenian people
or the Eleusinian ritual.

when

the

H]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

151

Dionysos was known and recognized at Eleusis, not merely under his special Athenian, but also under his usual Hellenic of the Dionysia there and name. We hear of the Trdrpios of Dionysiac choruses in honour of the great goddesses 23 and from the time of Archilochus companies of Bacchic singers may have been in the habit of solemnizing the panegyris of and we have an interesting inscription, Demeter and Kore
ay<av

belonging to a late period, commemorating a society of lobacchi that was organized at Eleusis and performed choruses in which
the actors personated
divine personages a In of the see leading return, mysteries concerned with the administration of Dionysiac rites at Athens, such as the

Kore and other

officials

we

Lenaia and perhaps the Anthesteria b for there was no reason why some employment should not be found for a 8a8oxos or
:

te/oo/o/pvf

when he was

off his Eleusinian duty.

Again, the

Dionysiac brotherhoods, alone of

Greece, were eager proselytizers.

all religious associations in

It

was

inevitable that they

should try to force their

way

into the sacred penetralia of the

national religion, especially after the

Lykomidae, a family with

Orphic
5a6oxos
to

proclivities,
c
;

and what

had obtained possession of the office of is strange is, not that we find some traces

of Dionysos at Eleusis, but that the attempt of these sectarians

The Orphic capture the stronghold altogether failed. win to believe that the credulous Orpheus propagandists might or his son Musaeos had presided in time past over Eleusis and
other

homes of the Eleusinian goddess d

sacrifice to
;

the Athenian state

might 213 and possibly Orphism may have days of the mysteries but been able to influence the lesser mysteries at Agrai
;

Dionysos as to other deities on one of the

Ath. Mitth. 1894, p. 260. The iepoKi]pv is mentioned as assisting in an important function connected with the Anthesteria (R. 205 f ), but
b

other

is

known

Ifpotcfjpvg

at Athens except the of the great mysteries, Rev.

eTjt. Grec. 6, p. 341. c Cf. Plut. Themist.

d

Pans.

i.

37,

r.

Dittenberger, Hermes, 20, p. 19, maintains that this need not be the Eleusinian
ifpoKrjpvg
:

Aristophanes believed it or pretended to believe it, Frogs 1032, possibly

the author of the speech against Aristo1 1 the writer of the article geiton A,
:

it

is

true that

we

hear of

IfpoK-fjpvKfs elsewhere, the

Amphictyonic

possessing one, cf. Dittenb. But Syll. 155. 18; 186. 6; 330. 19. Foucart is right in maintaining that no

Council

on

Orpheus in Roscher s Lexikon speaks somewhat too positively on this

(2, p.

point

1096).

I 52

GREEK RELIGION
is

[CHAP.
its

there

no evidence that

it

ever succeeded in winning for

god or its apostle any place within the mystic cult itself or in the genuine traditions or genealogies of Eleusis. Dionysos

name
the

is

Trpore Aeta,

not mentioned in the state-inscription concerning the nor have we reason to believe that it was heard in
a
.

The peculiar characteristics of his cult the orgiastic enthusiasm, the prominence of the female votary, the death of the god have not yet been discovered in the
reAeoTTJ/noz;

Eleusinian mystic rites, of which such a philosopher as Plato speaks always with reverence, while he scarcely disguises his

and the scheme of salvationism Bacchic cults b Nor again can we private trace up to or within the hall of the mysteries any of the foot prints of Orphism, or by any sure clue discover there any of
dislike of the ecstatic violence

that

marked the

leading doctrines, any traces of its central cosmic figure of Phanes or of its uncouth legend of Zagreus. In its own circles
its

there

Orphism may have borrowed very freely from Eleusis, but is no proof that it imposed any part of itself on the Eleusis had no need to borrow from any alien cult mystery
.

The only apparent evidence

is

the

Roman

inscription mentioning the consecration of a woman at Eleusis to

in Phacdo, p. 69 c, there is an appreciative allusion to the Eleusinia at least

:

Bacchos

(or
:

Cora
that a

115b

lacchos), Ceres, and the date is A.D. 342, and

Roman of this period should call the Eleusinian initiation a consecration to lacchos, Ceres,

seems probable in spite of the Bacchic quotation. But Plato may have borrowed his doctrine of palingenesis from Orphism, Phaedo, c. 61, 62.
this
c

The view summarily given

in the

and Cora proves

nothing important. The passage quoted R. 230 from Cicero s De Nat. Dear., which M. Foucart regards as proving

text agrees on the whole with that of Rohde in his Psyche and in his article

on Orpheus
Jahrbiicher,

in the

Neue Heidelberger
pp.
:

1896,
loc.
cit.

1-18,

and
in

^at Dionysos was an

of
the
Eleusinian

aboriginal partner

O. Kern,
his
article

O.

Gruppe

mystery,

may

nothing about Eleusis at all: be referring to Orphic Dionysosmysteries.

proves Cicero

Roscher s Orpheus, Lexik. 3, p. 1137, comes to the same conclusion, though reluctantly and with
reservation.
I

on

Aristides tells us that the

have not considered

question

it

Kerykes and the Eumolpidae at Eleusis got Dionysos to be the paredros of the
Eleusinian

relevant to discuss the

:

more

goddesses

this

might

vaguely describe the position of lacchos at Eleusis, but does not show that

the onus probandi lies minutely with those who maintain the thesis of the Orphic conquest of the Eleusinia,

which
led

my own

studies in

Orphism have

Dionysos was permanently established

at Eleusis as their peer in the mysteries
e (Dionysos, R. i29 ).

to reject : the mud-bath of the uninitiated an Orphic idea may have

me

Rep.

pp.

363-5;

Laws,

815 c

been adopted as an Eleusinian dogma, but this is not quite clearly proved by

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

life

153

It is of course quite con of ceivable that the solemn visit lacchos-Dionysos to the mystic shrine may have added strength to the story, current in Saba-

the belief in the

after death.

zian mysteries, that the god was the son of Persephone or may have given further currency to the idea of a close association
;

between him and the mother and daughter that possibly found 78 and in the consecration expression in a iepbs ya/xoy at Sicyon of a temple to Dionysos MVOTTJS by the grove of Demeter at Tegea (Geogr. Reg. s.v. Tegea ), and in the state-ritual of Lerna 115b And it would be natural if those of the Eleusinian votaries who had been initiated into Dionysiac mysteries, and were full of enthusiasm for their god, should recognize him in the Eleusinian Plouton. But concerning their thoughts there is silence. The records do not reveal to us any change in the divine personnel of the mystic circle, nor can we
,
.

trace throughout the ages

any profound modification

in

the

207 religious view, even though a statement of Porphyry s may suggest that the perturbing influence of neo-Platonism

was felt at last. Doubtless the interpretation of what was shown might change with the changing sentiment of the ages but the two stately and beautiful figures that are presented to us by the author of the hymn, who says no word of Dionysos,
;

still found reigning at Eleusis in the latter days of paganism. We can now consider certain points of importance in the In the fifth history and administration of the mysteries.

are

century they were open to the whole Hellenic world

legends
167 216
>

a
.

But

which

in this case are quite sufficient historical

evidence, preserve a reminiscence of a time when they were closed against strangers b and apart from such indications
;

the references (R. 223*, cf. Plutarch in Stobaeus, Meinek. vol. 4, p. 107) ; vide Eunapius, Vit. Max. p. 52, Boissonade (the still at Eleusis just before the Gothic invasion).
TU>

or admitted only through adoption Heracles was not admitted to the great mysteries being an alien, but the lesser
:

Qw

mysteries were instituted for his benefit : the chorus in Euripides Ion lament
that an alien bastard should take part in the Eleusinia. It seems probable

The passage

in Julian that
is

seems

to contradict this

properly dealt with

by Lobeck, Aglaoph, p. 17. b The Dioscuri and Heracles were

that every stranger needed an Athenian nvaraywyos to introduce him (just as

154

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

in accordance with the general principles of ancient religions that in the earliest period they were the It is usually gentile or tribal privilege of the Eleusinians.

we could assume

and probably correctly that they lost this excluand became Panhellenic in consequence of the absorption of Eleusis in the Attic state, though this latter event need not have immediately brought about this mo mentous result. The natural interpretation of 11. 480-482 in the Homeric hymn suggests that by the time of its composi tion they had already been thrown open to the whole of Hellas for we cannot suppose that the poet was composing the hymn for the benefit merely of a narrow clique of Eleusinian families, and we must read these words as an appeal to the Hellenic world to come and be initiated otherwise we should have to say that the author was informing the general public that they were sure of damnation for not being Eleusinian born. We may take it then that by 600 B.C. the mysteries admitted other Hellenes, and it is not rash to suppose that Eleusis by this time was part of the Athenian
siveness
;
:

assumed

community.

The fantastic view still held apparently by a few writers, that the struggle between Athens and Eleusis which ended in the incorporation of the latter was an incident
in

the period

of Solon

or Pisistratus, rests
in
is

mistranslation

of a simple sentence

merely on a Herodotus 1G7 the

:

fragment of Euripides

Erechtkeus*

in

itself

evidence

sufficient to oblige us to relegate that important event to the prehistoric or at least the dawn of the historic period of Attica b .

The Homeric hymn

but
for
it

certainly makes no allusion to Athens was obviously the cue of the poet to refrain from any, he is dealing solely with the remote origins of Eleusinian

the foreign applicants at the Delphic oracle needed a this would

Delphian)

be a survival of the ancient th a R f*

b

the representative of the ancient king (R. l8 2, 184, 190), and at Ephesos of
the descendants of Androclos
still

feeling.

who were
it

f/ ? Muller, Kleine
.

called kings

\
that

But
the

is

ob-

Schrift.

2,

p. 257,

goes so far as to maintain that Athens had won Eleusis and the mysteries before the Ionic migration to Asia Minor: for at Athens the chief management was in the hands of the ap\uv

viously

possible

borrowed their EAfu^Vm date, and merely followed the Athenian example in this detail of the administration.

Ephesians lep& at a later

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

And
if

155

things.

we

believe that the admission of alien Greeks

to the mysteries was a comparatively early event, we can better understand the migration of Eleusinian mystic cult
into other localities of Hellas

claimed for
EAevo-tz/ta.

many
But
it

of these affiliated
will

and the antiquity that was shrines of Demeter

end of

this

be more convenient to discuss at the investigation what was the real relation between

these and the Attic town.

The

abolition of the gentile privilege, carried out

by Athens

before the sixth century and foreshadowing her later policy of wise toleration of aliens, was a momentous event in the
It history of ancient religion. in the barriers Hellas history
is

true that at the

dawn of
are

of

the ancient

sacra

already breaking Amphictyonies are being formed and many of the high gods are common to the great tribes, and oracles are speaking to the whole people. But here for
:

down

first time was a religion that invited the whole Hellenic world to communion and while Delphi was growing to exercise a certain political and sacerdotal influence in matters

the

external, Eleusis

might hope to become the shrine of the

spiritual life of the nation.

And

this Eleusinian

communion

was not a convention into which an individual found himself born, as he was born into a certain circle of household and civic sacra, but was a free act of the individual s choice. Nor were women excluded, nor even slaves. As regards the former there is no question 173 but as to the admission of the latter there is difference of opinion. There is no reason at all for pronouncing it a priori improbable. There were many cults to which slaves had free access, and some were
:

their special prerogative

inscriptions of the prohibition this rule was not universal.

the very occurrence in certain ritual So^Aw ov Otfjus shows that

And
:

that there

was no such

prohibition at Eleusis

almost proved by the fragment of the comic poet Theophilos 173 the slave remembers with the kindnesses his of master towards him, who gratitude me my letters, and who got me initiated into the taught
is

sacred mysteries
a

a
.

It is difficult to

suggest
insist

who
on
it.

at

Athens

Meineke, ibid., suggests that possibly a freedman is speaking. Lobeck, op. cit.

p. 19, takes the

natural interpretation

but does not

156

GREEK RELIGION
0a.

[CHAP.

the Oeoi to
r&>

scription

whom he was initiated could be except the famous But more positive evidence is provided by the in found some years ago at Eleusis containing the
;

officials during the administration of Lycurgus, B. C. 329-328 one of the items of expenses is 182 this we are bound to con T&V and from IMvrja-Ls S^oo-iW

accounts of the Eleusinian

clude that, at least under special conditions, slaves could be admitted to initiation; nor in the scrutiny of candidates 217

does any question seem to have been raised concerning free or unfree status.

may now consider certain points of interest in the state-organization of the mysteries and in the personnelle of the administration. From the sixth century no distinct record
down to us, unless we assign an exact and literal to a statement of Andocides, who quotes a law of accuracy
has come

We

Solon bidding the /3ouA?i hold a meeting in the Athenian Eleusinion on the day after the mysteries, no doubt to debate on matters connected with them But the orators use

Solon s name so vaguely that the statement loses

logical value.

its

chrono

excavations at Eleusis appear to show that the period of Pisistratus was one of great architectural activity there, as the rapidly increasing prestige and popularity

The

of the mysteries demanded a new laying-out of the site. But the construction of the ^VO-TLKOS O-TJKO ?, which existed at least till the time of Strabo, was one of the great achievements
of the Periclean

administration

177

"

179
.

And

from the
to

fifth

inscriptions giving important illustration of the Panhellenic character which attached to the rites, and which the Athenian state desired to intensify: one that may be dated earlier than 450 B.C.
for the

century

two

have

come down

us

contains the decree proclaiming a holy truce of three months mystae, epoptai and their attendants both at the

greater and lesser mysteries, so as to allow ample time both for the journey out and the return to their homes 175 the ; other, a generation later, is the famous
inscription concerning 18 the airapxat, which has the subjectalready been discussed states are commanded, the other Hellenic communities are courteously invited, to send thank-offerings of corn in ac:

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

157

cordance with the oracle, and divine blessings are invoked upon them if they comply. The invitation was to be pro
claimed at the mysteries, the sacrifices offered from the tithes or from the money the tithes realized were consecrated to the divinities of the inner and outer circle of the mysteries, as the

and the Eumolpidae prescribed. Grounds have been a given above for the opinion that these offerings were intended
state
for the Eleusinia as part of the preliminary ritual, not for the has maintained. Haloa as may read in these

Mommsen

We

records the far-sighted policy of Athens, the determination to Even find if possible a religious support for her hegemony.
the latter had passed away, 0ea>poi still flocked to the And in an in great celebration from all parts of Greece. scription of the fourth century the prayer of the Milesian
for the health and representatives is preserved, who pray of their children and wives 1S1 the of Athens, people safety
.

when

century also that the ministration of the rites received the organization that lasted throughout the later
It

was
:

in the fifth

period

some

the early Attic inscription mentioned above contains of the official titles that are found in the lists compiled

by

later antiquarians 175 .

can consider here the relative position of Eleusis and The tradition preserved by Pausanias 1CG is the capital city.

We

founded to some extent on actual fact

of submission

that

by the terms

whereby Eleusis was merged

in the larger state

she

was allowed to retain the performance of the mysteries hands. But the literary evidence from the fifth onwards shows how complete was the control of the century Athenian state, to whom every one of the numerous officials was responsible 205 The head of the general management was the king-archon, who with his TrapeSpos and the four epimeletae, two of whom were appointed by the ecclesia, formed a general committee of supervision, and matters of importance connected with the ritual were decided by the Boule and Ecclesia. Here, as in Greek religion generally, the state was supreme over the church. Nevertheless, the
still

in her

own

legend about the treaty corresponded to a great extent with

a

Vide pp. 43-44, 46 note

a.

158 the
facts.

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

For the function of the Athenian state apart from the questionable family of the Kerykes was really confined to externals and to the exercise of control. The claim of Eleusis as the metropolis of the mysteries was not ignored or slighted. For of the two priestly families in whose hands lay the mystic celebration itself and the formal privilege of admission, the Eumolpidae and the Kerykes the first were undoubtedly Eleusinian. They were recognized by the author of the hymn as a leading local family, to whose ancestor Demeter had revealed her opyia, and in origin they belonged
3

at

least

to

the period of their city

independence.

The

story of their Thracian or North Greek provenance does not concern us here, but will be discussed in the chapter on

Poseidon

for if there

is

foundation for

it,

the legend concerns

in support of a theory concerning the influence of early Thrako-Phrygian had there been any, it religion upon the Eleusinian mystery
s,
:

his cult, not

Demeter

and ought not to be quoted

would have worked through Dionysiac or Cybele-cult, with which the Eumolpidae have nothing to do a For the present purpose then they may rank as representing in Athenian religious history the claim of the old Eleusis and the principle
.

though frequently abandoned in Greek ritual. The chief official of their family who represented them to the state and the religious head of the whole celebration was the Hierophantes. His name discloses his solemn function: it was he who was said to reveal the orgies, ra opyia, 202a to show the things of the He mystery, feiwvvai TO. Upa
through
stress of circumstances
*
</>cuW

of

apostolic

succession,

long

cherished

alone could penetrate into the innermost shrine, the ptyapov or 202m the avaKTopov, in the hall of the the , whence, at mysteries most solemn moment of the whole mystic celebration, his
Miss Harrison in her theories concerning the position of Eumolpos and Dionysos at Eleusis does not take sufaccount of this fact (Prolegomena, in the manifold genealogical and other legends concerning
ficient
a

myth

that

it

was he who invented the

in

culture of the vine and other trees

this is only

found

but ; a foolish compila-

p. 561)

tion of Pliny s concerning mythic inventers (Nat. Hist. 7, The 199).

Eumolpos

not a single Dionysiac trait except possibly the vague and doubtful
is

there

connexion between Eumolpos and

saeos
is

Mu-

a transparent Orphic fiction,

H]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

159

form suddenly appeared transfigured

.

in light before the rapt

2181 1 Whether he was then enacting gaze of the initiated we is a a divine part may postpone for the present. question the To him alone belonged power of ^VTJO-LS in the highest and 204 for he alone could show the strictest sense of the word
,

whom he was an impressive judged figure, holding office for life, wearing a peculiar and stately dress 202f and so sacred in person and habit of life that no one
unfit for the

mystic objects the sight of which completed the And it seems that he could refuse those applicants

initiation.

communion

221

He

dared to address him by his personal name a according to Pausanias he might never marry, and was vowed to continual 1 20211 but this was probably a rule introduced under chastity
; *
;

the

for it appears that the sacerdotal sanctity of the hierophantes continued to increase throughout the later ages, until both the office and the associations attaching to it
,

Roman Empire b

were absorbed by Christianity

phantes we
find

c
.

By
.

the side of the hiero

two hierophantides, female attendants on the Their special duty was elder and younger goddess 191 193 203 female aspirants; but introduce and initiate the to perhaps the whole were ceremony, and played present throughout they some part also in the initiation of the men for an epitaph on a hierophantis mentions to her glory that she had set the crown, the seal of the mystic communion, on the heads of the illustrious mystae Marcus Aurelius and Commodus 194 b
*

In another epigram, of a late period from Eleusis, a certain Kallisto speaks of herself as one who stands near the doors
a

This rule that Lucian attests 2020

Arch. 1883,
:

p. 79).

The taboo on

the

may

only refer to casual or flippant mention of the name in public. The

inscriptions are not so reticent
:

personal names of sacrosanct people is world- wide it survives in certain usages

of

a decree

of the Kerykes and

tios

Eumolpidae (fourth

century B.C.) names a hierophant Chaire-

(TlZleusis, p.

(Eph. Arch.

another

1883, p. 83), and quite as late as the time of

Grands Mysteres 28: he quotes an earlier inscription from Eleusis mentioning the
wife of the hierophantes.

modern society. b Vide Foucart,

Lucian

names

Glaukos 202a
his

but

hierophant, writing eulogy, asks the mystae not to inquire about

his personal

own

name,

for

he lost

it

on

Vide Goblet d Alviella, Eleusinia, quotation from Theodoretus, which however seems from the context to refer to the mysteries
pp. 145-146, and his

the mystic entering the sacred office law wafted it away into the sea {Eph.

ofPriaposat Lampsacos (Theodor.

Fide,
t.

De

4, p. 482).

160

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

of Demeter and Kore/ and as cherishing the recollection of 194 \ Kallisto those nights lit by a fairer light than the day is thinking of the torch-lit hall, and she must have been the
hierophantis or perhaps

For we hear of the her residence at and of Demeter and Kore , priestess 182 for office Eleusis it appears that she held life, and certain that are dated by her Eleusinian inscriptions have been found name 192 like the hierophantides she was probably of the
the priestess.
102
; ;

Eumolpid family

a
.

We

hear also of the

Tlavayris,

the All:

holy One, among the female ministrants of the mysteries and we should suppose that so solemn a title could only attach to the high-priestess of the temple or to the hierophantides, and only to them in so far as they were regarded as the human

But a late inscrip neither one nor the other was Panages of these high functionaries, and she remains a mysterious 1* 2 1 **. Besides these ministers, one of the com incognito

embodiments of the

divinities themselves.
c

tion teaches us that the

mittee of
Basileus,
Er)y7]Tij?

management
b
,

called the eTn^eA-Tjrcu,

who
;

sat with the

was appointed from the Eumolpidae

a person

as

was

also

an

served as religious adviser to the state in the interpretation of ritual-law 188 190 201 The Eumolpidae survived as a hieratic caste down to the
>

who

last

say

204

period of Athenian history that even in his own day

the Hellenes
is c
.

it

and Plutarch was able to was still Eumolpos who

initiated
*

As

a corporation they exercised

b

The

evidence

clearer in their case

p.

Besides the

142) than hers; Philios, Bull. Corr. Hell. 1895, p. 1 1 8, assumes it to be true of her also.
(vide

Eph. Arch. 1883,

who appear from the inscription in Eph. A rch. 1900, p. 79, to have had some concern with
we
hear of tfrmral rptts
,

IS6

But
refers
cit.)
I
^93>

it

is

possible that the

this

gloss

in

the Eleusinia
scholiast on

are these the

same as

Photius about the Philleidae (R. 204)

to
priestess
:

the three exegetae mentioned

Fhilios
d"

(op.

Demosthenes
kv

(47, 68),
ols

by the and
/xe Afi
:

and
to

Foucart

P- 3 2 7)

Et. Gr. (Rev. suppose that the myspriestess

described
KaOaipfiv

as

Uv66xpr)aroi,

TOVS

dya

eviffxrjO&Tas

teries

which the

of

the

Philleidae initiated were the Haloa ; but the only reXer^ at the Haloa was a TtXtTrj of women, and Photius speaks of roiiy pvaTOLS. The vagueness of the

These appear to be the body whom individuals might consult on questions

of conscience, for instance, concerning homicide (Demosth. Kar.Evfpy. p. 1160;
Isaeus, p. 73).
c

whole
value -

citation

very

much

reduces

its

The

the

last hierophant but one before Gothic sack was of the Eumol-

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

161

we

certain functions outside the administration of the mysteries find them serving on a commission to decide concerning
:

questions of the boundaries of the sacred land at Eleusis and elsewhere in Attica 184 and legal actions concerning impiety Every individual might be brought directly before them.
;

of the family enjoyed certain perquisites from the sacrifices at the lesser as well as the greater mysteries 19 .

The other caste which enjoyed a like position and an almost equal prestige were the Kerykes, who with the Eumolpidae formed the two TeVr; that took measures together
and recent finds to preserve the sanctity of the mysteries 199 at Eleusis have brought to light inscriptions enregistering
;

their joint decrees.

205
,

The

chief official of the

Kerykes was the

,

who like the hierophantes was appointed for life a Sa5ouxos and like him was distinguished by a stately, almost royal robe a dress which Aeschylus borrowed for his tragedy
and the
religious

great, the

same

sanctity surrounding him was almost as rule of reticence concerning the personal

name applying
*

to

him

also 202c .

We

find

him

associated

with the hierophantes in certain solemn and public func tions 190 202 ^ such as in the -n-poppr/o-ts, or opening address to
the mystae 202 *, and in the .public prayers for the welfare of the state 205c He also enjoyed the right of f^Vis 190 but not
.

in the highest sense of the revelation of the sacred objects

*

b
,

nor did he enter the anaktoron/ the innermost part of the shrine 2186 Yet he must have been present throughout the
.

whole solemnity 218k playing perhaps some part

,

in
the

a divine

pidae:

the very last was a stranger

p. 52

ferent

officials,

one
ITTI

from Thespiae, Eunap. Vita Max,

another the iepvs 6

to

/3<y/*oG

m claimed
,
,

(Boisonnade). * C.I. Gr. 190-194: among the lists of aeiairoi of their tribes the individual
8a5ot/xs, ltpoKrjpv, and 6
(irt

have

initiated

Marcus Aurelius 189

Hell.

vide Bull.
(Philios)
:

1895, p. 123 and in the lower sense pveiv

to
fAvarayca-yciv

Corr.

Pcapy are

was equivalent
the candidate
this privilege

and

mentioned.
b

referred to the preliminary preparation of

Greek

Besides the loose use of pveTv in the ordinary citizen may be

fjivciv

said to

another in the sense of

of

the
190
:

by the pvaTaycoyos, and all members Kerykes and Eumolpidae

belonged to

paying the money-expenses of the ceremony (e.g. Demosth. 59. 21) there were different grades of the tuhjffts
proper
:

clans

20, p. 32

vide Dittenberger, Hermes, Foucart,Z^ Grands Mystercs

leusis, p. 93.

for instance, at least

two

dif-

FARNELL. HI

162

GREEK RELIGION
,

[CHAP.

and holding the torch, as his title implies. find the Sabovxos officiating at Eleusis in the service of * was employed to purification in which the fleece of God

drama 207

We

cleanse those to

whom

the stain of guilt

probably blood-

attached (Zeus, R. 138 a). This purification may guiltiness have been resorted to by those who wished for initiation into
the Eleusinia and were disqualified by some ayos. As we hear of a hierophantis by the side of the hierophantes, so we are told of a babov^ovo-a, the female ministrant natural in a mystery where women were admitted, and where 206 The two other func goddesses were the chief divinities
.

tionaries

who

were the
for

iepei>s-

were drawn from the family of the Kerykes 175 185 6 eVi and the ItpoKrjpvg 193 205.
>

a>^w

All these, like the officers of the Eumolpidae, were appointed

life,

and their

religious functions
.

might extend beyond

the range of the Eleusinia a But they had not such juris diction as the other family possessed in questions of religious
law, nor did they possess in the earlier period the important function of exegesis 18 though later they seem to have ac
,

quired

it

b
.

The historical question concerning the Kerykes has been much debated by recent scholars: were they one of the The evi original Eleusinian gentes or of Athenian origin ?
dence from the genealogies is contradictory and ineffectual 2026 traces them back to Eumolpos, Pausanias, like Arnobius but adds that they themselves claimed Hermes and Aglauros
.

for their progenitors 166 .

What

is

more

to the point

is

that

though the family possessed an

The lepoKrjpv assisted the wife of the king-archon in the Dionysiac service Dittenberger does not regard him as
:

official

house at Eleusis 19 no

p. 436.
c

As a specimen
SaSovxos
in

see Preller-Robert,
6.

2, p. 788, n. 4.

In Xen. Hell.
his

3,

necessarily

an Eleusinian functionary,

the

speech

to

the

and

certainly the

name

occurs in concults,

nexion with other and non- Attic

as 6 jJ/Wrepos irpoyovos

Lacedaemonians speaks of Triptolemos and this is

;

e.g. Syll. 155. 18; 186.6; 330. 19: but at Athens he was probably of the family

usually quoted in support of the Eleusinian origin of the Kerykes : but the

of the
b
p.

Krjpviees.

The

8q8ovxos assisted

context shows that he

to himself or his

is

not referring

at the Lenaia.

own

family but to the

Vide
la
;

cf.

Dittenberger, Hermes, 20, Bull. Corr. Hell. 1882,

whole Attic community, one of whose

ancestors

was Triptolemos.

u]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

any
individual of

163

trace has as yet been found of

;

it inhabiting have been scat to the Eleusinian district gens appear Their Attica. ancestral of tered over most parts deity was of in service functions the Hermes, and they had special

the

a peculiarly Ionic cult Apollo Pythios and Delios then they were a non-Eleusinian stock and belonged to Athens, we must say that Athens wrested from Eleusis nearly half the internal management of the mystery and Pausanias imaginary treaty was not ben trovato. There is much that is
.
,

207

If

perplexing in regard to this family. Down to the fourth century we find them constantly coupled with the Eumolpidae, as if they were a kindred stock in fact
;

one inscription of that period speaks of them as TO yeW TO b But no inscription has come down KripvKuv Kal EvfjLo\TnbS)v
.

to us from a later date than

the fourth century

;

so far as

and we have fair that mentions them at all I am aware evidence that the baSovxfa came at last to pass into the hands c we cannot of the Lykomidae, a priestly family at Phlye
:

say with accuracy when the change took place, and no writer It is usually supposed that the KrJpuKes definitely mentions it. of Pausanias 166 imply that they were the words out but died existing in his time, and Lucian s impostor, Alexander,
:

named

the ministrants of his

214
.

and Kerykes

Lykomidae ? there is some reason

sham mysteries Eumolpidae Were they for some reason merged in the The change might have been important, for
for

supposing that these latter were

.

d Yet we cannot trace any Orphic strong devotees of Orphism elements in the cult of Andania, which one of their stock
a

Vide Foucart, Les Grands Mysteres

kusiS) p. 14,

d
b

Eph. Arch. 1883,

p.

83

this

would

give us instances of SaSoCxot of the Lykomidae, Btdl. Corr. Hell. 1882, p. 496 ; one of this family was f^rjyrjT^s

really settle the question of their local origin, but unfortunately the same in-

rwv
d

fj.v<rTijplcav

in the

time of Marcus
in

Aurelius.

scription goes

on to speak of

TO. -yen?,

Vide Lenormant
Dictionnaire

Daremberg

et

distinguishing the family of the Kerykes fr om that of the Eumolpidae as Aeschines

does 205
c

Antiquitsy p. 550, who regards the Lykomidae as responsible for the Orphism which he
Saglio,
believes transformed the

des

It

ing Paus.
i.

can be discovered by combinI. 37, I with Plut. Themist.

Eleusinia in

the later times.

Inscriptions of the

Roman

period

164

GREEK RELIGION
;

[CHAP.

246 nor must we lightly reorganized in the fourth century B. c. assume that they were able to effect any fundamental change

in the religious tradition of the Eleusinian reXeorTjpioi

The only
functionaries
Tratj 6

other

name
.

of

some

interest

among

those of the

who played
209

a$* lorias

We
*

a part in the celebration is the are told that he was a boy of one

who was elected by lot to the state (br^oo-ia //wjflet y) by and Porphyry speaks of him as if he served as a kind of mediator between the other mystae and the godhead. Who
of the highest Athenian families,
this position,

and was

initiated

was

this boy,

sometimes

and how did he get his name ? The suggestion, offered, that he was the youth who personated
:

hope Athens, was supposed to specially guarantee the favour of the goddesses to the younger generation of the b Somewhat analogous is the idea implied by community the complimentary title fj Eori a rijs wo Aecos voted at Lacedaemon to eminent women.
and by
his initiation
.

lacchos in the procession is against probability these human counterparts of divinities were usually elected by special choice on account of their comeliness and fitness, not by lot. And besides later on we hear of a girl in this position, ?? a0* I would suggest that the eorias*. phrase literally means the boy who comes to the mysteries from the city s hearth/ the hearth in the Prytaneum that the boy by proceeding thence was representing the future of the state of
*
:

a fairly connected account of the ritual to the when the up point mystae entered the hall at Eleusis. The whole celebration
lasted several days
sive

regards the actual ceremony, we are to the labours of generations of scholars

As

now

able

thanks

to give

name

for
c
.

it,

ra EAeimVia being the most comprehen which includes ra /muonj/ua as the name of
:

a special part
*

It

took place every year, but seems to have

Eph. Arch. 1885, p. I find that more or

is

145.
less the

i^v
same
in
c

seems to denote the mogt

against

yita j

part of the city s existence.

explanation

given by

M. Foucart

Les Grands
is

MystlrestfEleusis^ V*. It borne out by the Platonic somewhat^

<ty

expression

karlas

naKovpyetv

T>

Mommsen s and von which would separate altogether rcL E\tvaina from TCL ^vffT^pia (Feste der Stadt Athen: A then. Mitth.
Prott s

As

view,

(Euthyphr. 3 A) in

which the

1899,

p.

253,

&c.),

vide

Robert

in

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

165

been conducted every four years with especial splendour, and was distinguished as ra ^y6Xa EA.euo-i zna 212 this penteteris

On

the thirteenth of Boedromion the epheboi marched out to Eleusis, and on the fourteenth escorted back the sacra from

Eleusis to the Eleusinion in the city after a short pause by the 187 211 sacra probably these holy fig-tree in the suburb
>

included the statues of the goddesses, for

<cu8uz>rr)s

we hear

that the
for

roiv

0oiv

ls<7

was

in

some way responsible

them,

and

his

name

the idols.

alludes to the process of washing and cleaning It was his duty to announce to the priestess of
;

Athena that the sacred

moment we may
first

day
,

and from this objects had arrived consider the mysteries to have begun. The perhaps the sixteenth was the day of gather

213 when the applicants for initiation met and heard the ing address which was delivered by the hierophantes, assisted by This irpopprjo-is was the dadouchos, in the Stoa Poikile 214
.

no sermon or moral exhortation, but a formal proclamation bidding those who were disqualified and for some reason

The terms of the address, initiation to depart. It is clear recover them, would be interesting. from Isocrates that barbarians were explicitly forbidden to
unworthy of
if

we could

172

participate

as

also
s

were homicides.

The proclamation

if any prophet before his opyia atheist or Christian or Epicurean has come as a spy to our

made by Lucian

false

holy celebration of the Athenian.

there was

let

is intended to be a parody him flee But we must not suppose that at Athens

any question of dogmatic

?

faith.

Was

there

any

moral

test applied

We may believe

that from the earliest

period a man was barred from communion if he was at that time polluted by bloodshed or any other notorious miasma ; and we have the famous example of the bold refusal which
closed the mysteries against Nero. But as we have often ancient stages of the sin most of in the seen, conception
religion tends to
Getting.
cf.

be

ritualistic rather
p.

than ethical

Heracles

Gelehrt.

Anz. 1899,

538

R. 185, 206 b , 207, 212.

Foucart,

Les Grands Mysteres d leusis, pp. 144147, maintains that ra EXfvaivia were distinct and fell early in Metageitnion,

but in the Roman period were put after the mysteries and confused with them : but he does not satisfactorily explain

away

the evidence in R. 185.

166

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

could not participate in the Eleusinian communion because he was not yet purified from the blood of the Centaurs 2n a Such a rule as this was observed in all Greek ritual. In the
.

it is conceivable that it developed in respect of such as the Eleusinia into mysteries something nearer to a general moral principle. There are two passages at least in late

later ages

pagan writers that have been taken as indicating that the vpopprio-is of the hierophant amounted at last to a kind of
moral scrutiny of the candidates. Libanius states that the leaders of the mystaej ot /xuoraywyoi, proclaimed to the

assembly that they must be pure in hand and soul and of Hellenic speech and that they then cross-examined each individual as to the particular food he had tasted or abstained from recently, informing him that he was impure if he had eaten such and such things 217a b In a later part of his speech, where he repeats the formula, Libanius shows that he is
;
>

Now

referring to the mysteries of Eleusis ; but he repeats it in a slightly different form, phrasing it OOTIJ . ^in\v ao-weroj.
.
.

would only demand that the catechumen should understand the speech in which the secret things of the mystery were to be revealed and explained to him and we should suppose that this was a rule not peculiar to Eleusis. And the same phrase occurs, as if part of a s
this condition
:

hierophant

formula, in the other passage, of which the import is very similar, quoted by Origen from Celsus a Those who invite people to the other mysteries (as distinct from the Christian) make this proclamation, (come all ye) who are pure of hand and of intelligible speech and other
:
"

"

And
and

again, (mystagogues) proclaim pure from all stain and whose soul is conscious of no sin and who has lived a good and just
"whosoever is
life."

these proclamations are

made by those who promise

purification
it

from

sin.

is

clear that Celsus

Origen s citation is of great interest, and Libanius have drawn from

of a real formula, oorw or aoweroy, which Libanius paraphrases, no doubt rightly, by the words ^vrjv eu/at: but the rest "EUr^a? of the two statements does not a common suggest original nor
<j)(*>vriv

some common source the fragment

(rvvcros

Orig. in Ceh. 3. 59.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

167

that Libanius was drawing on Celsus. cannot be certain has the of that the latter author the Eleusinian ^poppya-is

We

hierophantes in his mind. He speaks of such proclamation as being usual in piacular ceremonies, KaOapa-ia a^apr^ar^v, and the Eleusinia need not have been included among these.

And we
words

can almost trace the origin of the most impressive

:

in his sentence, those that refer to the soul s conscious

ness of sin

for almost the

same occur

in the

now famous

Rhodian

inscription, inscribed perhaps in the time of Hadrian,

(those can rightfully enter) are pure and healthy in hand and heart and who have no a evil conscience in themselves This spiritual conception of holiness can be traced back to a much earlier period of Greek

over the doorway of a temple,

who

and no doubt the Athenian hierophants might have been tempted in course of time to introduce words
religious speculation
;

of

more

spiritual

import into their address.

We

are certain

that as early as the fifth century they required the catechumen to be a Hellene and to be pure of hand and let us suppose
;

that they solemnly proclaimed that he should also be \j/vxriv c But how could the moral injunction be enforced K.a6ap6s
.

without some searching scrutiny, which we know was not employed, or without some system of confessional ? This
latter discipline, so much cherished by mediaeval Christianity, was also in vogue in the Babylonian and Mexican religions, and some rare traces of it can be found in ancient Greece
;

the priests of the Samothracian mysteries endeavoured, as it seems, to enforce it, notably in the case of Lysander, whose
a

C. I. Gr. Ins. Mar. Aeg.

i.

789.

b
c

Vide
It is

my

Hibbert Lectures, p. 1 36. interesting to note that the

airftpos

pre-Roman period, to distinguish the Greek from the barbarian at the best
:

irpoppqcris
1.
17

of the mystae in the Frogs,

offns
/IT)

we can only imagine it as natural after Romans were admitted freely to the
Eleusinia.
It is hard to accept Foucart s explanation that the words express clear

356
yvwfjiri

roiSivS*

\6fcav

itaOaptvd does somewhat correspond to the words of the citation in Origen avvcros and tyvxty
<f>uvr)v

articulation,

freedom from stammering,

interpretation

&c.

this strained

was

and might incline us to believe that both Celsus and Libanius were
KaOapos
;

suggested to him by his peculiar theory of the purport of the mysteries, which
will be noticed below, vide Recherches sur I origine et la nature des mysteres

quoting fragments of genuine Eleusinian formulae ; but the phrase qxavty avvtros
is

not likely to have been one current

Eleusis, 1896, p. 33.

in a public formula at Athens in the

168
spirited refusal to

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

submit is the first expression of Protestant We have no reason to surmise that the on subject*. feeling it was employed at the Eleusinia, where the moral scrutiny that was exercised could not have been severe, in view of the number of applicants and the lack of time and machinery.

The only person besides Nero whom we hear of as being rejected by the hierophant was the celebrated Apollonios of Tyana and the objection taken to him was one about which
;

the Established Church has always

*

felt

strongly, that he

was

a wizard/ yo rjs- ov KaOapos

221
.

TO.

Sat/uoVia,

unclean in his relation

But this is a religious rather than a moral doubt there was reason in the criticism that Diogenes passed on the Eleusinia, that many bad characters were admitted to communion, thereby securing promise of
to things divine
question.

No

higher happiness than the uninitiated

2236 . aspire to

Epaminondas could

In fact we may say that all that was required of candidates was that no notorious stain of guilt should be attaching to them, that if Athenians they should not be under any sentence of civic ctrijuua 217 and that they should have observed certain rules of abstinence and fasting. That for a certain period before initiation sexual purity was required may be taken for granted and special kinds of food, beans for instance, were rigorously tabooed and no doubt reasons for avoiding them were drawn from the Demeter-legend, but in this case, as in
,
:

others,

we may

myth.

believe that the taboo was older than the That the mystae fasted by day and took sustenance
fasting-ritual observed

by night is in accordance with an ancient by Moslems, but was explained by the

.

story that

Demeter

in

her sorrow acted so 217 b After the assembly, perhaps on the next day, the proclama tion aAaSe /xvorai sent them to the sea-shore to
( :

purify

themselves with salt-water b and it seems that sprinkling with pig s blood was also part of the cathartic ritual 219
.

We

know how closely this animal was associated with the chthonian powers, and how frequent was the use of its blood in cerea b

Plut.

P 236
.

d
.

Holy water from

the wells of Rheitoi was also used

215
.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

.

169

And it seems that the mystae at some monies of lustration a time in the celebration banqueted on its flesh, for in the Paradise of the Frogs the air was full of the goodly savour of
pork 219g
.

But we must not hastily conclude from

in the

this that

the flesh was eaten at a sacramental meal or that the animal

mystery as the embodiment of the probable that not merely the Eleusinian but divinity. all mysteries, Hellenic and Oriental, laid stress on the purifica tion rather than on the sacrament as an essential preliminary,

was recognized
It is

the lustration coming to occupy in the later mystic ritual the same place as baptism in the Christian Church.

Another preliminary condition that had to be fulfilled was of Agrai on the Ilissos, the as of whole process of purifica the ceremony being regarded part
initiation into the lesser mysteries
21
.

tion

at Eleusis

As they served merely as a ladder to the full initiation we should naturally suppose that the divinities were

the same in each service, and no doubt both the mother and

the daughter were recognized at Agrai ; but the scholiast on Aristophanes speaks as though the great mysteries be 2100 , and we have longed to Demeter, the lesser to Persephone

some

earlier evidence that in respect of the lesser mysteries

;

he was right b for Duris, the Samian historian, has preserved a fragment of the ode with which the degenerate Athenians welcomed Demetrius Poliorketes, and the anonymous syco phant who composed it informs us that in the same month as that of their hero s arrival at Athens (Munychion) the goddess

coming to celebrate her daughter s mysteries of hear no temple of Demeter or Persephone at Agrai, though the region is said to have been sacred to the former
is
.

Demeter

2101

We

21 s; we do not know where the ceremonies took goddess place, and concerning most of the questions that arise about them we are left to conjecture. Stephanus, drawing from an

unknown
a

source, describes the Spw/xera of the latter as if they

.

were a dramatic representation of Dionysiac myth 210b

in purification from bloode. g. guiltiness, as in the vase-representation

Hence

inscription of Eleusinian accounts there is mention of two pigs bought for the

of the purification of Theseus ; in the purification of the Pnyx before the In the Lycurgean political meeting.

purification of the Eleusinian temple

b

21

*.

Vide

Monumental Evidence,

p.

242.

I 7o

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

they have been supposed to have solemnized the birth and death of Iacchos a and Mommsen in his Feste der Stadt Athen b
,

and Athens where round district was the certainly Agrai many But in the alien cults had from early days found a home. dearth of sure facts it is well to be sparing of theory, and to content ourselves with the one well-attested fact that both 185 190 and mysteries were under the same state-management that the epimeletae offered sacrifices at both to the same 210f goddesses in behalf of the Boule and Demos Possibly the lesser mysteries were instituted by Athens herself in
; , *
.

has concluded that their content was wholly Orphic

rivalry with Eleusis before the days of the union, when the Eleusinia proper were closed to aliens c They were celebrated
.

about or slightly after the middle of Anthesterion, at the 175 21 to commemorate the s, probably beginning of spring
>

promote the operations of spring whose festival, the Anthesteria, seems to have just Dionysos, had preceded them, probably some part in them, possibly as the bridegroom of the risen goddess, though there is no sure evidence of such a sacred marriage at Athens d Occasionally, when the number of candidates was very great, they were celebrated twice a year, to give those who were too late for
to
:

return

of

Kore and

the ceremony in Anthesterion another chance of passing this 125 preliminary stage before the great mysteries came on can believe that the participants in the lesser mysteries
.

We
a

By Anton, Die Mysterien

p.

von

Eleusis.
b

400

he regards the

fMtcpa pv-

Vide p. 252 the only Dionysiac marriage that we hear of at Athens took place in the temple of Dionysos
:

arripia as in

some way a development of

kv

At>j/ats

between the god

and the

the xvTpoi, to which also he gives an

Orphic meaning on

slight grounds. Vide pp. 243, 25 1 for monumental evidence of Dionysos in the lesser mysteries.
c

wife of the king-archon, on the twelfth of Anthesterion, the only day in the year

when

the temple

was open.
not

The

lesser mysteries certainly did

This seems to be implied by one

versions

of the

of

the

initiation

of

coincide with the Anthesteria, and we should have expected that temple, his

Heracles:

the

little

mysteries

were

most ancient
opened

in Athens, to

have been
of
his

created in his honour, because being a stranger he could not be initiated at

for such a celebration, if those

After the union with Eleusis the Athenian state would find it to its
.

Eleusis 16

mysteries included

the

ritual

marriage with Kore. There is no reason for the view that the Basilinna impersonated Kore she stood rather for the Athenian city.
:

profit to retain

them

as its

own

contribu-

tion to the

complex ceremony.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

instructions

171

concerning details of conduct so as to prepare themselves for the communication of the

received certain
greater, and possibly certain guarded discourses were delivered to them which might quicken their imagination for a fuller
210e appreciation of what was afterwards to be revealed Returning to the ritual of the great mysteries, we may believe that among the ceremonies in Athens before the procession
.

started for Eleusis with lacchos on the nineteenth of Boedro-

mion, the most important must have been some kind of sacrifice. For in Philostratus account of the Epidauria, the name of a day
that

came

in the

middle of the mysteries before the process

was consummated, we are told that this day drew a its name from the arrival of the Asclepios from Epidauros god having come to Athens in the midst of the mysteries but too late for initiation, a second sacrifice was instituted on Epidauria to admit the late-comer, and this custom remained
of
jJLviqvis
; * 1 *

in

vogue

till

at least

the time of Apollonios of Tyana,

221
.

who

also
221

arrived

on that day

We

gather also from Aristotle

that there

when

we

was a procession in honour of Asclepios on a day the mystae were keeping at home a phrase which can interpret to mean had not yet started for Eleusis.

Putting this together with Philostratus statement that the Epidauria came after the irp6ppr)(Ti<$ and the animal sacrifice,

we

And on the it on the eighteenth. of the offering of a young pig to Demeter and Kore, in an inscription of the time of Hadrian 2n fact now emerges of perhaps some fundamental importance for
are justified in placing

seventeenth

we hear

first

our view of the mysteries. sacrifice is essential for the of which /^cri?, process began at Athens after the return of the mystae from the sea. Was this an ordinary giftoffering to the divinities, or some sacrament whereby they drew into a closer and mystic communion with them ?

We

Mommsen

paradox that the Epi-

R. 215, which at

first

sight seems to be
:

dauria was really the same as the second celebration of the lesser mysteries is
well refuted by A. Fairbanks in the
Classical Review, 1900, p. 424. The latter scholar does not notice a citation

slightly in favour of

Mommsen s theory

but the context shows that Clemens

statement
bolical,
is

altogether mystic and symfor real chrono-

and of no value

logy,

from Clemens which I have given under

72

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

must leave this question for the present to see what we can glean concerning the ritual in the telesterion. The great procession bearing the god lacchos in their com
216 and, as they had many sacrifices to pany started for Eleusis to visit, the journey which began and shrines perform many on the nineteenth must have lasted late into the evening, and
,

twentieth

the twentieth day, so that the habitually spoken of as the day of the exodus of lacchos/ and the latter part of the whole ceremony was The one feature of some sometimes called the Eikades 211
therefore

overlapped
is

into

anthropological interest in the account of the journey along the sacred way was the cursing and badinage at the bridge.

There is reason to think that here, as in the Thesmophoria, was something different from the ordinary ribaldry of a holiday crowd, that it was a conventional part of the ritual and of a certain significance. collection of instances would show that cursing and abuse were employed for different purposes in the ceremonies of Mediterranean religions, and that no one explanation applies to all a It is natural in this
this

case to suppose that the invective hurled at the most dis tinguished citizens as they crossed the bridge of the Kephissos

was intended to avert the

blessed estate, just as the

evil

eye from these mystae of

during his triumphal ritual the initiated are said to be alternately praised
reviled
fasting,
assists,
b
.

soldiers reviled their general procession, or as in certain Brahman

Roman

and

Thus safeguarded against

evil influences

c
,

purified,

and inspired with that religious exaltation that fasting the sacred band reached Eleusis too fatigued, one

would

think, for that intoxicating midnight revel under the stars with lacchos that Aristophanes sings of in his delightful

Mannhardt, Ant. Wald- u. Feld-Ktilt. p. 168 and this explanation might be also applied
:

We have examples of cursing and abuse in harvest ritual, apparently for a piacular purpose, see
*

Mystic Rose,
of the
revile

p.

352

at the Saturnalia

Hoo

tribe children

and parents

each other.
saffron

The

hand and

foot

2160

band worn on the right had probably the

:

to
b

the

ypvpi<;n6s.

See also Frazer,

Golden
dische

1 Bough" ,

vol. i, p. 97.

Vide Hillebrandt, Grundriss VeFor abusive Offer, p. 157.

value of an amulet for other examples of this practice in Greek and Egyptian superstition see Wolters and Kroll in

Archiv fiir

vergl. Religionswissensch.

language at weddings see Crawley, The

1905 (Beiheft), p. 20.

it]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

229
.

173

ode

This

may

have taken place on the subsequent night

.

and on more than one night a In fact, from this point it becomes impossible to fix the Eleusinian time-table. It has been reasonably argued that the ceremonies in the mysteryhall must have occupied at least two nights, for this if for no
the neophytes were not yet admitted to full but must wait a year before they could become initiation, the very heart of the mystery was displayed before cTTOTrrat, 210d hence Plato distinguishes the highest part of to them

other reason:

his

philosophy as reAea

/cat

^OTTTLKCL

from the more elementary

.

210a 218f part which a beginner could understand suppose then that those at Eleusis who were

We

must
at

aiming

must have been received at a different, probably a celebration. The whole religious festival was con second, 22 cluded with a general libation to the chthonian powers and perhaps to the spirits of the departed, which was called
7ro7ireia

We

are

of deep in the reAe0r??piozj or the Anaktoron

face to face with the question which alone is what was the ceremony interest for a modern student
:

now

what was

said

We
to

What was done and ? must try to piece together the frag
see
if

mentary evidence

we can

attain

a reasonable

explanation of the strong appeal which the mysteries made can at least feel to the most cultivated minds of Greece.

We

sure that something was acted there in a religious drama or passion-play for the sin imputed to Alcibiades was not that
;

Euripides speaks of Dionysos (or Ion) watching the torch-dance of the Ei /ra8es 216 and Miiller in his account
:

after their visit to the sea at once to

Eleusis to be initiated, so as to have

Schriften,
is

of the details of the Eleusinia {Kleine 2, p. 273) assumes that this

the privilege of joining in the lacchos dance on the twentieth. It is true that

those
this
all

who

name

for

a single day,

viz.

the

name does not prove

been through
;

join are called p.vffrai, but that they had

But it is as strange in Greek as in English to call the twentieth the twenties ; Plutarch in his life of Phokion calls that eids 2U : no
twentieth.

the

HVTJVIS

in

the
all

reXeffTrjptov

for the

catechumens are

day

57

equally called pvarat at the dyvp^os and at the irpopprjffis.

b

author uses

dK&Scs of the single day, not even Andokides, De Myst. p. 1 2 1 whom Miiller misunderstands. There
at
is

There are strong reasons against

s identification

Mommsen
-^6ai

of the

n\rjfjio-

and the Tr^oxa^r^ta

(Feste, p. 44),

no reason why he should

insist that

see p. 115.

the neophytes must have hurried

away

174

GREEK RELIGION
his lips

[CHAP.

he uttered with

any forbidden

secret,

but that he acted

a sacred pageant, and Aeschylus was accused

We

for acting on the 218 in that the was stage something performed mystery-hall note in an too otherwise that doubtful may Porphyry
.

and obscure statement 207 speaks of the hierophant and the a and that in the mysteries babovx * as acting divine parts of Andania, modelled to some extent on the Eleusinian, provision was made for women playing the part of god
,

desses

24G
.

What

then was the subject of this mystic play

We may

imagine that it was one which would best move pity and love, the sense of pathos and consolation in the spectator, such a theme as the loss of the daughter, the sorrow of the mother,
the return of the loved one and the ultimate reconciliation.

And

parts of such a complex myth appear on many vases and works of Greek art but let us beware of supposing that vasepainters would dare to reproduce, however freely, any real scene of the HVOTTLKOV bpa^a. There are two citations from which we may extract evidence. Clemens tells us that Deo and Kore became (the personages of) a mystic drama, and
;

tion,

its 8a8oxos celebrates the wandering, the abduc and the sorrow 218 But he himself affirms that the same theme was solemnized by the women in the Thesmo75i and we know that phoria and the other women s festivals Eleusis had its Thesmophoria. Still the use of the peculiar
.

Eleusis with

verb 8a8ouxet in the first citation almost compels us to con clude that it refers to the Eleusinia. And we may suppose
that Tertullian
s

words

2186
,

Why

is

the priestess of Ceres

sort of

carried off unless Ceres herself

had suffered the same

thing ? assuming a confusion of Ceres with Proserpine, allude to the Eleusinia rather than to the Thesmophoria, where there

was no man to
a

act the part of the ravisher b

That a
b

But the words

is

According to him the hierophant

priest

impersonated Selene

represented the Demiurgos, the dadouchos the Sun, the priest eni Papy
the

a hard saying.
It is also
is

Moon, and the hierokeryx Hermes. The treatise of Porphyry from which

tullian

referring

not impossible that Terto the Sabazios-

Eusebius gives us a long extract is full of unnatural and fictitious symbolism.

mystery, which is not proved to have been ever engrafted on the Eleusinia
(vide note b, p. 178); there
is

no other

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

175

of Appuleius, in spite of their lack of that simplicity which wins credence, are of even more importance 218 the words
,

that are put into the mouth of Psyche when she appeals to Demeter in the name of the unspoken secrets of the mystic
chests, the winged chariots of thy dragon-ministers, the bridaldescent of Proserpine, the torch-lit wanderings to find thy daughter, and all the other mysteries that the shrine of Attic Eleusis shrouds in secret.

From these statements, then, in spite of verbiage and vague ness, we have the right to regard it as certain that part at least of the great myth was acted before the eyes of the
mystae
in the telesterion.

And some

of the dances outside

the temple, the nightly wanderings with torches over the land, the visits to the well KaXXixopov and the unsmiling rock, may well have been in some way mimetic of the myth,

though part of such ritual may have been originally mythless. statement by Apollodorus 7 is interpreted by M. Foucart as referring also to an episode in the mystic passion-play a

A
*

the habit of sounding the so-called gong 1 He understands these last words in rfjs Kopqs eTTi/caA.oujueVr}?. the sense of Kore calling for aid but in such a sentence
is in
* ;

The hierophant

they are more likely to signify

when Kore
;

is

being invoked

by name/
to a critical

According

to his interpretation the

words allude

according to the other to a point of ritual in a divine service when the worshippers or the minister called aloud upon the name of the goddess. The
in the

moment

drama

gong may have been sounded to drive away

;

evil spirits but whether the worshipper understood this or not its effect would not be lost many of us are aware of the mesmeric thrill that is caused to the religious sense by the sudden sound of the gong in the Roman celebration of the Mass. Unfortunately
;

to which the words of Tertullian could properly apply, except the Arcadian legend of Poseidon and

Demeter-myth

Plato,

part, R.

Gorgias, p. 497 c (quoted in the greater and lesser 219)

the horse-headed goddess which is out of the question here : there is no reason
for supposing that the Ofoydfjua of Zeus

mysteries were instituted because Pluto abducted Kore and Zeus united himself

with

Deo

in

which many shameful

and Demeter was part of the mystic drama at Eleusis, except perhaps the
very vague note of the scholiast on

were done. He is drawing ignorantly from Christian sources, and

things
is

a valueless authority, * Les Grands My stores t p. 34.

176

GREEK RELIGION
for

[CHAP.

we

are not sure that the text refers to Eleusinian ceremonies

:

at all

by the word
Greece.

Apollodorus merely indicates the place of the action the gong or the AOrivycri, and the ritual in which cymbal was used appears to have been fairly common in

we may regard it as probable that some was celebrated in the Eleusinia, in which lepos yd/uos the hierophantes or the dadouchos may have personated the

From vague

hints

form of

such ritual elsewhere, but too slight to allow us to dogmatize. The words in Appuleius 218 need not mean more than that there was a representation of the abduction in accordance

bridegroom

We

find record of
is

at Eleusis the evidence

but Asterius 218e seems to be with the ordinary legend alluding, and with unpleasant innuendo, to some form of lepo? chamber and the yap.os when he speaks of the underground solemn meeting of the hierophant and the priestess, each with
;
*

the other alone,

vast

when the

crowd believes that

so
little

its

torches are extinguished, and the salvation depends on what goes

on

there.

know

Asterius wrote in the fourth century A.D., but we about the facts of his life that we cannot judge

the value of his evidence.

Admitting the truth of his state ment, and supposing the last words to reveal the true signifi
cance of the
rite,

we should conclude

that this sacred marriage

was more than a mere JUUJUTJO-I?, and was a representative act whereby the whole company of the initiate entered into mystic communion with the deities, just as Athens with
Dionysos through
his union with the Basilinna.

At any

rate

we have no
ceremony

right to imagine that any part of the solemn was coarse or obscene. Even Clemens, who brings
all

such a charge against

substantiate
it

of later

mysteries in general, does not try to the Eleusinia and the utterances to regard Christian writers who accuse the indecencies of
in
;

paganism have no
of Eleusis b
*
.

critical

value for the study of the mysteries

context dealt with below bears witness
to the scrupulous purity of the Eleusi-

A
s

lepos

70/105

occurred in Alex-

ander

by

mysteries, which are described Lucian as in some respects a parody

of the Eleusinian, Alexandr.

38, 39. b It is curious that Hippolytus in the

nian hierophant, which was safeguarded by the use of anti-aphrodisiac drugs,

R. 202

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

Did the Eleusmian miracle-play include among
its

177

motives

the birth of a holy child, lacchos for instance? divine birth, such as the Ato? yovat, was an ancient theme of Greek

dramatic dancing, and we infer from Clemens that the birth of a As Dionysos was a motive of Phrygian-Sabazian mysteries regards Eleusis the evidence on this point, both the literary
.

and the archaeological, wants very

careful scrutiny.

We

know

how

valuable

is

the combination of these

:

two sources when

one or both are clear but when both are doubtful, they may combine to give us a very dubious product. Now the person who wrote the Philosophumena, who used to be called Origen

now regarded as Hippolytus, informs us that at a certain moment in the Eleusinian mysteries the hierophant called The lady-goddess Brimo has born Brimos the holy aloud,
but
is
*

*. child This is an explicit statement, and is accepted as a fact to build upon by many scholars and archaeologists b and on the strength of it certain vase-representations have been interpreted by Furtwangler and Kern as showing the
:

202

Eleusinian mystic story of the divine birth. The archaeological evidence will be discussed later c But so far as this interpre
.

tation depends on the text of the Philosophumena, it rests on a very frail foundation. For Hippolytus, who seems in that

passage to be revealing the very heart of the mystery, does not even pretend to be a first-hand witness, but shows that he
is

drawing from gnostic sources. For our purpose he could for we know that hardly have been drawing from worse a gnostic with his uncompromising syncretism would have no
:

Hence scruple in giving to Eleusis what belonged to Phrygia. in the same on to of Attis and Hippolytus, breath, goes speak
the story of his self-mutilation. And Clemens, a far higher authority, associates Brimo, not with Eleusis, but with the

Phrygian story of Attis

a
:

d
,

and

is

followed in this
d.

by Arnop.

Xcuvos yovai

cf. the Air6\Protrept. 14 (Pott.) in the mock-mysteries of

Jahrbuch
Kern,
c

d.

Inst.

1891,

121;

ibid.

1895, p. 163 (Anzeiger).

Lucian
b

s false

prophet,

Akxandr.

38.
d

e. g.

Foucart, Recherches, pp. 48, 49

Vide pp. 252-256. In the Greek myth Brimo had a

(who

assigns, in

my

opinion, excessive

weight to all citations from the Christian writers on the Eleusinia) Furtwangler,
;

close connexion with Thessaly (Propert. 2. 2, 12) and with the Pheraean Ar-

temis-Hekate

and probably because of

FARNELL.

Ill

178
bins
a
.

GREEK RELIGION
Now this medley of Phrygian and
,

[CHAP.

Eleusinian legend and cult, which appears in the text of Hippolytusandin the comments of the scholiast on Plato 219 e may conceivably be due to the
.

actual infusion of the Asia Minor orgies into the Attic mystery b But it is hard to believe that in the later days of paganism

the Athenian state, which never, even in the late days of its decadence, publicly established the orgies of Sabazios and
Attis, should have allowed the responsible officials of the Eleusinia to contaminate the holiest of the state ceremonies at their

own

caprice.

The

late imperial inscriptions

mysteries

practically

unchanged

nor

did

show us the great Clemens find

:

Sabazianism at Eleusis.
other explanation involves less difficulty later writers, whether controversialists or compilers, had little first-hand

The

knowledge, and

relied

much on

late

Orphic

literature, believing

in its claim to represent Eleusinian

dogma

all

the more readily,

;

as that literature freely borrowed Eleusinian names and the same OtoKpao-La or religious syncretism which was characteristic

of gnostic was also a fashion of Orphic speculation, and Dionythis affinity she is called

UapOtvos by

sight

the
first

citation

from

Tatian 218m ,

Lycophron

(Cass. 1175).

Yet she

joins

who
and

in love with

contains no idea of

ception
find in

Hermes, but the legend immaculate consuch as Miss Harrison would

gives the Orphic-Sabaziau story of the incestuous union of Zeus

it (Prolegomena, In p. 553). the later syncretistic theology the name

and her conception witness and the mystic snake and Orpheus then
his daughter
:

Eleusis shall

now be my

Brimo

floats

round Thracian, Samo^

but
it

follows the ordinary Eleusinian story of the abduction of Kore, the sorrow and

thracian, Phrygian cult-legend:

may

be an old north Greek

name

for

the goddess of the under- world, meaning the strong, or the angry one,

and Tatian might have known the truth about the later Eleusinia and may have wanted to
:

wanderings of Demeter. It immoral in Tatian s view

is all

equally

as Horn. strength

H.
or

28,

10
:

&piw
cf.

signifies

tell

it.

The
is

mystic snake

in

this

rage

= Persephone at Cabirian goddess on the vase from the Theban Kabeirion, vide At hen. Mitth.
13,
a

IlaaiKpaTfta Selinus, Kpdreia the

context
zios.

meant no doubt to be SabaBut of what is Eleusis the

first

witness, of the

story or the second

if

or of both
that Eleusis

Even

Tatian means

Taf 9.
;

Protrept.^. 14 (Pott.) Gent. 5, 20.

b

Axncfo.Adv.

witness for Sabazios, the doubt arises whether for Tatian, as for
is

This

is

Prof.

Ramsay s explanaMysteries, strongest evidence in

first

the later uncritical age generally, Eleusis has not become a mere name

tion in his article on the

synonymous with Orpheus, the

prevailing that everything was also Eleusinian.

belief

Enc. Brit.

The

Orphic

support of this view might seem at

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

is

179

sos

identified with Eubouleus,

perhaps Jehovah.

With the same

:

Attis, Sabazios, and even recklessness the Orphic poet

thrusts lacchos into the place which the babe Demipho occu and thus Lucretius may have got pies in the Homeric hymn

the idea that

for lacchos

was Ceres who nursed lacchos, and hence may have arisen the phrase Dionysos at the breast as a synonym
it

229 k
.

But those who think that lacchos was the holy babe in the Eleusinian passion-play should explain how it was that he went to Eleusis, in the procession of the mystae, in the form of *a god in his first prime 229 * and why the whole Athenian 205 d people hailed him at the Lenaea as the son of Semele We must suspend our judgement for the present about the
;

divine birth in the great mysteries. further question arises concerning the dramatic element in

the Eleusinia.

Was

there

some kind of stage-machinery and

scenic arrangement whereby a vision of Paradise and the Inferno could be revealed before the eyes of the mystae, so as

strongly to impress their imaginative faith and to produce a permanent conviction ? passage from Themistius treatise On the Soul, preserved by Stobaeus, has been sometimes

218 The soul (at the point of quoted as proof that there was as those who are being initiated has the same experiences death) into great mysteries ... at first one wanders and wearily hurries
:

to and fro,
uninitiated

and journeys with suspicion through the dark as one

:

then come

all

the terrors before the final initiation,

:

then one is shuddering, trembling, sweating, amazement struck with a marvellous light, one is received into pure regions and meadows, with voices and dances and the majesty of holy

sounds and shapes among these he who has fulfilled initiation wanders free, and released and bearing his crown joins in the divine communion, and consorts with pure and holy men,
:

beholding those who live here uninitiated, an uncleansed horde, trodden under foot of him and huddled together in filth and
abiding in their miseries through fear of death and mis Themistius, a pagan writer of the time of Julian, a man of many words and bad style, is
fog,

trust of the blessings there.

unusually interesting in this dithyrambic fragment.

It

suggests

i8o

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

a passing reflection on the indebtedness of Christian apoca lyptic literature to some of the later utterances of the older And no doubt it contains an allusion, more or less religion.

But we dare not remote, to certain facts of the Eleusinia. strain the words to any very definite conclusion. For the two sides of the simile are confused in a dreamy haze, nor can we
disentangle the phrases that refer to the mysteries from those that describe the life of the soul after death. Yet M. Foucart,
finds in this passage a proof that the initiated in the mystery-hall were supposed to descend into hell and to
in his
t

M/moire*

witness the terrors of the place. Now we can easily believe, and Themistius may help us to the belief, that the catechu mens passing from the outer court into the pillared hall might pass through darkness into a wonderful light, and we know that at the moment of the climax the form of the hierophant, radiant in light, appeared from the suddenly opened shrine, and the bewildering interchange of darkness and blaze can work marvels upon an imagination sharpened by fasting and
strained with ecstatic expectancy. conceive also that after the completion of the holy ceremony, the initiated, wearing his crown, could walk with the other holy and purified beings in

We

a blissful communion.
far.

us

But there is no /uijuqo-t? in all this so Themistius asks us to imagine if he really asks that within the reAeorT/pioi; there was an impressive scenic

When

arrangement of meadows and flowers, and a region of mud and mist where the superior persons might behold the wallowing crowd of the damned, we are unable to follow him. The spade
of the Eleusinian excavations, as Prof. Gardner has

some time

p. 58.

He

bases his belief also on

sible fooling

the Frogs of Aristophanes, 11. 315-459: but the whole scene there, read naturally

passage in Lucian

and delightful poetry. A s Karair\ovs might

seem to give
theory
206b
:

some support

to

his

and
ever

critically,

to

conveys no allusion whatany of the Spupfva of the

the friends

who

are journey-

mystery-hall: the mystae are partly in their own nether Paradise with torches

in the lower world see something that reminds them of the

ing together

mysteries in the scene around, especially

and a pervading smell of roast pig, partly on the Athenian stage, and they sing as if they were escorting lacchos
along the sacred way
:

when a female approaches them bearing

a torch
;

to the darkness

but the only clear reference is and the sadden gleam

all

is

irrespon-

of light approaching.

u]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

a
,

181

ago pointed out

tion of the hall

has dispelled these allusions: the construc

:

was such as would give very little opportunity to the modern scene-artist the basement has been laid bare, and no substructures or subterranean passages have been found into which the mystae might descend for a glimpse into the Inferno or from which ghosts might arise to point a moral b In fact, whatever passion-play was acted, the stage- properties must have been of the simplest kind possible, probably nothing beyond torch-light and gorgeous raiment. The most impres sive figures were the hierophant and the dadouchos, as we 218 k When I had gather from the late rhetorician Sopatros an and the now initiate had within inner shrine, passed being seen the hierophant and dadouchos, ... I came out feeling The eight sacred officials, the priests strange and bewildered. and priestesses, were enough to give, by solemn dance and
.
:

gesture, a sufficiently

the sorrowful search, the mission of Triptolemos.

for

moving representation of the abduction, the joyful reunion, a holy marriage, and

In part of the drama, the search Kore, the mystae themselves may have joined, moving in In Ceres mystery rhythmic measures with torches waving. all night long with torches kindled they seek for Proserpine, and when she is found the whole ritual closes with thanks
tius

These words of Lactangiving and the tossing of torches. 21S c allude the to may Thesmophoria, but we can conceive
to the Eleusinia too.
far as

them applicable
This
is

about as

our imagination can penetrate into

the passion-play of the mysteries.

Or may we suppose

that

though there was no architectural structure lending itself to elaborate stage-effects, yet the art of the painter might have come to their aid, and have provided TrtVa/ces to be hung on the columns or displayed by the hierophant, representing scenes of
the Inferno?

words

in

Might such a supposition explain the strange the speech against Aristogeiton c , in which the writer
which
latter

Gardner and Jevons, Greek Antiquities, p. 283. b M. Svoronos

he takes to be the

anak-

tion of the

If pa

supposes the revelanot to have gone on in

\.Qion.\Jotirn.Internat,Arch.Ntimism. 1901) I cannot discuss the topography

:

of
c

Eleusis here,

but

am

unable

to

the

T(\f<rTT)piov

at all, but in the fore-

reconcile his views with the texts,

i,

court before the

temple of Demeter,

52.

i8s

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

the fourth century B.C.

not Demosthenes nor an early Christian, but an orator of describes the life of Aristogeiton in

in company with cursing, blasphemy, and envy, faction, strife, even as the painters depict the guilty in hell. This is startling language from a Greek of this and such paintings as those by Polygnotus on the period Delphian Lesche were not of a style to justify it. Neverthe and at least we have less, he may have been thinking of these no indication that he was thinking of any Eleusinian mysteryNot only have we no reason to suppose that such paintings. existed at Eleusis, but we have this reason for supposing they

Athens,

who walks

did not
sioners,

in the elaborate accounts

of the Eleusinian commis

drawn up

in the administration of

scribed on a stone that was discovered

some years ago

Lycurgus, and in a amidst

,

the very multifarious items no single entry occurs that points to any expenditure on scene-painting or stage-machinery, or

any kind of
piov.

outfit

We are

intended for the passion-play in the reAeorTiforced to conclude that the latter was a simple

form of choral mimetic dancing, solemn and impressive no

doubt, but not able to startle the spectator by any cunningly devised stage effects. The representation in a mediaeval picture of the Last Judgement would be something far beyond
its

scope.

But among the religious acts in the service of the mystery there was one of at least equal importance with that which has been called the passion-play and this was the act of the hierophantes when he displayed the sacred things/ Some of these could be shown to the neophyte, as we gather from the story about Apollonios 202 d others were reserved for the final eTroTrreta to which one could only attain after a year s interval, this being sometimes the distinction between the fj.vo-Trjs and the cTroTrrryj. What were these tepd? We
:

things

make a probable guess. Surely the sacred that were escorted so reverently to Athens by the must have included statues of the deities : reason epheboi
can at
least

for this has already

been shown.
a

These images were perhaps

p. 109.

of great antiquity or at least of preternatural sanctity, so that

Eph. Arch. 1883,

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

them was both a danger and a
privilege
:

183

the view of

and the

revealed perhaps in some mystic light, would feel that they stood nearer to the divinity henceforth. But other things may have been shown among these
U/>a,

men who saw them,

legendary relics, things that the Greeks might call ^ptKwS?/, such as would cause a religious tremor in the spectator.

Of one

of these

we seem

to be told

by Hippolytus, who
:

leads his readers up to it as to an anti-climax he speaks of the Athenians initiating people at the Eleusinia and showing
to the epoptae that great and marvellous mystery of perfect 218 a a cut corn-stalk revelation, in solemn silence
,
! .

these words occur in the suspicious statement that has been examined above in which the formula is given concerning the holy birth of Brimos, and the writer immediately goes on
to speak of the self- mutilation of Attis
:

Now

and

it is

a noteworthy

trustworthy account of the AttisSabazian mysteries, Attis himself is called a a-rdxys a/zero s, an identical phrase with o-rax^s T^depia^vos. Considering the
coincidence that in
a
context, therefore, and the sources from which Hippolytus is drawing, we are at liberty to doubt whether he is giving us

Nevertheless, it is anything genuinely Eleusinian at all. a corn-token was that credible and even quite probable,

For we have every the precious things revealed. reason to regard the mysteries as in some sense a commemo

among

rative

harvest-festival,

after the harvest

although they were held some time was gathered, probably after the Trpor/poVta b
.

interesting statement by Plutarch that the ancients used to begin the sowing earlier, and this is evident from the

An

Eleusinian mysteries 218p has been interpreted by Miiller as evidence that these were originally a sowing-festival. But the same celebration that gave thanks for the harvest could also
,

commemorate

at the

and ploughing.
a

same time the divine processes of sowing Triptolemos was at once a plougher and the
aica-ny is

It is

not clear whether Iv

to be taken with rcOfpiapevov araxw, as its position suggests if so, we must

:

participle is against this. Hippolytus is not careful of the order of his words,

and
b

I believe kv

aicaTrfj

is

meant

to be

suppose that the stalk was cut in the presence of the mystae, but the perfect

taken with the words that precede,

Vide supra,

p. 44.

184
apostle

GREEK RELIGION
who
distributed the grain for sowing
iri
;

[CHAP.

and

in all

pro

bability he played a part

was a motif of the

plot.

the sacred drama, and his mission The valuable Amphictyonic decree

185a reveals the strong hold that recently discovered at Delphi the Attic mysteries had on the Greek world in the second

century B.C.
original

the Amphictyons admit that Attica was the

of civilization, law, and agriculture, and the are mysteries specially mentioned as the means whereby men were raised from savagery to the higher life. And that the

home

culminating blessing of the harvest was a paramount fact in the physical background of the great mysteries can scarcely

be gainsaid.
a-napyai. of

Reason has been shown

for believing that the

Attica and the other Hellenic states were delivered

;

at their celebration

and

if

this

were doubtful we have the

statement of Himerius that the mystae were commanded to bring sheafs of corn as a symbol of civilized diet 2166 ;
Isocrates regards Demeter s gift of corn as associated with the institution of the rcAer?}, and speaks of her blessings which only the mystae can fully comprehend 222 Maximus
.

such festivals were founded by Tyrius maintained that husbandmen 2180 and finally Varro went so far as to declare that there was nothing in the Eleusinian mysteries that did
all
;

not pertain to corn 222 an exaggerated statement no doubt, but one that together with all the other evidence almost compels us to believe that a corn-token would be among the
,

sacred things reverentially there displayed. And it may have also served as a token of man s birth and re-birth, not under

the strain of symbolic interpretation, but in accordance with the naive and primitive belief in the unity of man s life with the vegetative world. But we have not the slightest reason for supposing that it was worshipped, as a divinity in its own
their

the hypothesis of Dr. Jevons that the Eleusinians in mystery paid divine honours to a corn-totem is not based on any relevant evidence nor, as I have tried to show, is there
right
:

trace of corn-worship, still less of corn-totemism, discover able in any part of the Hellenic world a The question, however, is part of the discussion concerning the Eleusinian

any

sacrament, with which this account will conclude.

a

Vide pp. 35-37.

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

185

Meantime, granting that Hippolytus statement is in this instance correct, we moderns at least need find nothing ridiculous in the fact that he scornfully reveals. So far we have been considering what was done in the
mysteries, the action, the things displayed, ra 8pa>//eva, still It reserving the consideration of the sacrifice or sacrament.

convenient now to notice the formulae, if we can find any record of them, also the tepos Ao yo?, the exegesis sermon or discourse of the hierophant, if there was any. may first restored when in a note Proclus, which, very valuable passage a by the brilliant and convincing emendation of Lobeck yields
is

We

the following meaning 219b , in the Eleusinian rites they gazed up to the heaven and cried aloud rain," they gazed down
"

This genuine ore of upon the earth and cried "conceive." an old religious stratum sparkles all the more for being found in a waste deposit of neo-Platonic metaphysic. The formula savours of a very primitive liturgy that closely resembled the famous Dodonaean invocation to Zeus the sky-god and mother-earth and it belongs to that part of the Eleusinian ritual But we should be glad quod ad frumentum attinet. of some recorded utterance that would better reflect the and we are left with spiritual mood of the catechumen nothing more than that of which we are told by Clemens, The pass-word of the Eleusinian truthfully no doubt is I have fasted, I have drunk the as follows, mysteries I have taken barley-drink, (things) from the sacred chest,
;
:

"

b having tasted thereof

a

have placed them into the Kalathos,

inscription seems only to prove that the formula was not confined to the mysteries

Lobeck

emendation

is

proved by

the passage in Hippolytus, R. 219, and an inscription found on the margin of

and was not part of the secret

(it is

a well near the Dipylon gate, 6 x a P CTC Nvfjupat KaXai

MT)I>

ndj/

\6yos

probably of the second cen-

ve KVC

tury A. D.).
b The word tpyaffdfitvos in the formula has been emended by Lobeck

virtpxvf, Btill. Corr. Hell. 20, p. 79 ; * see Lenormant, Eleusinia in Darem-

berg et Saglio, 2, p. 573, n. 682, who concludes that the formula was uttered

(Aglaoph. p. 25)10
Dieterich,
125,

i^^vaa^vos

Prof.
p.

Eine

Mithrasliturgie,

and that these took immediately on the return of the mystae. But the invocation of Pan, Men, and the Nymphs
at the UXrjpoxoai, place at Athens

would retain (pyaffdptvos, to which he would give an obscene meaning; but if such were lurking in the words Arnobius would have seized on it, who
quotes the formula in an innocent para-

does not suggest the FIAj^oxoai

the

186

GREEK RELIGION
."

CHAP.

and again from the kalathos into the chest 219c This curious and somewhat lengthy formula served excellently no doubt to distinguish the initiated, and it illustrates the
exceeding importance attaching in early mystic ritual to simple movements and acts nevertheless it would strike us as flat and dull, but for one gleam of enlightenment it gives us
:

concerning something we would wish to know. Some kind of sacrament was a preliminary condition of admission to the In drinking the mystery or was itself part of the juw/o-ty. KVKWV the mystae drank of the same cup as the goddess drank of when at last she broke her nine days fast in the midst of her sorrow, and the antiquity of this ritual is attested by the
is some kind of communion be considered later; and part of the same celebration was the rite to which the rest of the formula refers if Lobeck s emendation is accepted the eating by the communicant of some sacred food which was preserved in

Homeric hymn.
which

This then

service,

will

the mystic
fruits.

cista,

And

pain benit probably with other cereals and again we have a reference to the probably
,

sacramental eating of holy food in the extract from Polemon, 219d which Rubensohn maintains with given by Athenaeus

and convincing arguments to refer to the Ktpxyofyopia a an essential though preliminary part of the great mystery. And here also the food is nothing but fruits and cereals. Elsewhere animal sacrifice was prevalent in Demeter s wor ship ; we cannot be sure whether it was allowed or tabooed in
skilful

the more esoteric ritual of the mysteries b but 219g practised in the irtpifioXos of the temple
, .

it

was certainly
to fling

phrase, though in a very vituperative

context, Adv. Nation. 5. 26. However, Prof. Dieterich in his valuable treatise

tells

us that

it

was not lawful

(the temple) any part of the victim offered to Demeter and Perse-

outside

has collected evidence proving

in

much

phone (Ovopcva
sacrifice).

refers properly to animal

ancient ritual the prevalence of the belief that mystic communion with the deity could be obtained through the semblance

We

are familiar with this

rule in Greece expressed often in the

ritual-inscriptions by airotyopd, and we find

the
it

phrase OVK

of sexual intercourse

it is

found in the

in other

Medi-

Attis-Cybele worship, and in the Isisritual (Joseph.

terranean countries.
sacrifice
is

It

implies that the

it must be and not taken

Antiq. 1 8. 3) and it probably explains the myth of Pasiphae. a Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 271.
b

so

sacred that
altar

consumed on the

away

The

scholiast on Aristophanes 319 *

purposes.

to a secular place or for secular The scholiast s words would

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

The
scholiast

187

pretends to have discovered another Eleusinian formula, not unlike the last, I have eaten from the timbrel, I have drunk from the cymbal, I have

on Plato

219 e

carried the sacred vessel, I have crept under the shrine (or
a At once we catch the echo of a Phrygian bridal-chamber) Firmicus and Maternus, supported by Clemens, supplies orgy
.

the

fitting

a mystic votary of Attis. Eleusis b

.

I have become termination to such a litany, can leave this aside in discussing

We

there then nothing more in the way of litany or solemn utterance ? can discover nothing more but, because the

Was

We

us at this point, as in so many others, we must not assert that there were no other words put into the mouths of

record

fails

the mystae more expressive of spiritual hope; such as was perhaps the joyful proclamation in the Athenian marriageservice
evil, I

and the Phrygian Dionysiac mystery,

have found a better thing
.
:

have

fled

from

even in certain modern

savage mysteries the idea of the mental regeneration of the c But it may not have been the cue initiated finds utterance
of the Christian writers to mention
refrained out of reverence.
it,

and the pagan may have

can pass now to consider whether there was any dis course or official exposition of mystic doctrine or belief, delivered
be out of place if he were thinking merely of a oXoKavrca^a; they imply a sacrifice that could be eaten, and
possibly
inside

We

well as at Eleusis was merely a symbol of the lower world, used as an amulet
vide p. 172, note
a
c.

sacramental sacrifice of a

The

TTCKXTOS will

probably have been

holy victim, perhaps a pig, somewhere

Demeter s and Kore s temple. But where and when ? The scholiast is referring to an Attic rule, but not of
necessity,

the small shrine of Cybele, regarded as h er bridal-chamber, carried by her iraarofyopoi. b

Was

though probably, to Eleusis. the purple-died wool that seems to

in

The context in Protrept. p. 13 (Pott.) clearly connects the formula with the Phrygian mysteries ; Lenormant in
Eleusinia,
p.

have been used

the ritual

of the

Daremberg

et

Sag/to,

2,

mysteries partly for purification, partly as a badge to bind round the arms and
feet

572 misreads Clemens, and preferring the authority of the unknown scholiast to
that of the other that
c
{

of the mystae, a * surrogate for the blood of the animal or of them-

selves,

with which in ancient times they

.

the Sabazios-mystery the Eleusinian liroTrTcta.

two writers concludes was part of

vol. 3,

216C may have been smeared

The purple

Vide Frazer, Golden Bough*,

&c.

badge
cian

occurred also in the Samothra-

p. 428,

mysteries:

and here perhaps as

i88
at the close of the

GREEK RELIGION
ceremony or accompanying
it.

CHAP.

This

is
;

the

for question on which Lobeck s scepticism was most active he had to silence the absurdities of those who held the opinion that the hierophant was in the position of a prophet-priest who

aspired to impart profounder truth concerning

God and man

of Greece was the

and the world

to eager ears.

No

official priest

likely to be a spiritual teacher or to rise

intellectual level of his fellows.

much above

tainly

some exposition

Nevertheless, there was cer accompanying the unfolding of the

mysteries, though it may well have been the least important part of the whole ceremony, of probably less importance than the sermon at the close of our Christian service a Something
.

was heard

as well as seen

218 h
:

the

Eumolpidae were

in

charge

of certain aypafyoi uo juoi, an unwritten code, according to which they delivered their exegesis, which may have been little more

than decisions on details of ritual 201 but the hierophant said something more he was the chief spokesman, who poured
:

forth winning utterance, ardently desired to hear

202 a

and whose voice the catechumen 219 What then was this utter
.

ance of the hierophant, delivered not at the irpoppija-Ls nor in the preliminary ceremonies, but in the hall of the mysteries, which

only the mystae could hear

In judging the evidence,

we must

carefully distinguish between what may have been said to his protege by the individual /uvo-raycoyo j, the private introducer, or again what was expounded in outside speculation concern

ing the inner meaning of the opyia, and on the other hand what was communicated by those who had the right of exegesis in the inner hall. For instance, when we are told by St. Augus tine 222 that Varro interpreted the whole of the ceremony as

containing nothing but corn-ritual and corn-symbolism,

we

have only Varro s private judgement, which is interesting though false, but in any case it does not concern the question

we are raising. Nor again, when Cicero in the De Natura Deorum* speaks as though the knowledge obtained by the
a

In the analysis of the various parts

sentence of Galen

s,

De usu

Part.

7.

14,

of the nvarripiov by

Theo Smyrnaeus,
;

quoted above, there is no clear mention of \6yos or discourse but we have

speaks of the rapt attention paid by the initiated to the things done and said in the Eleusinian and Samothracian mysteries.
b
i.

who

some evidence of

its

importance

in

42.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

189

Eleusinia was natural philosophy rather than theology, rerum magis natura cognoscitur quam deorum, must we infer that the hierophant discoursed on the sacred myths of Greece in the style of the later stoics, or of Roscher and

Max

Miiller

the context only indicates that certain people rationalized on the Eleusinian and Samothracian ceremonies with a view to discover
in

them a mere system

facts.

physical

of symbolic expression of natural and This tendency was rife in Greece from the fifth
it

rife in our age so far as it anthropomorphic religion and we can hardly suppose that any hierophant, however eccentric, would allow himself to be dominated by such a suicidal impulse when discoursing on the holy rites. Another passage in Cicero

century B.C. onwards, as

effective
it

has been

was

was

fatal to the

Remember, as you have been explain the that were initiated, things imparted to you in the mys 222 teries and the context shows clearly that he is referring to
is

more

difficult to

the Euhemeristic doctrine that deities were merely glorified men who died long ago, and the words quoted, as well as
those which precede, certainly suggest that Eleusis taught her catechumens this depressing doctrine. No doubt the hiero

phant had some slight liberty of exposition, and his discourse

occasionally reflected some of the passing theories of the day a absurd or otherwise but that Euhemerism was part of the orthodox dogma of the mysteries, of the -narpia E,vfj.o\-

may have
,

TTib&v,

we should
it.

stated

There

is
;

refuse to believe even if Cicero explicitly something here, probably trifling, that we

do not understand Cicero s statement may be a mere mistake, or based on some insignificant fact such as that Eubouleus the god was once an Eleusinian shepherd. More important is the extract from Porphyry 222 who tells us that Triptolemos is said to have laid down laws for the Athenians, and that Xenocrates declared that three of these were still preached at Eleusis, namely, to honour one s father and mother, to make to the deities an acceptable sacri fice of fruits, not to destroy animal life. Here is moral teach and an ritual ing important -law, and the natural interpretation
,

In the

time of Julian the hiero-

neo-Platonic tendencies, vide Eunapius,

Vit.

phant was a philosopher, probably of

Max.

p.

52 (Boissonade).

190

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

of the passage is that these rules of conduct were impressed upon the mystae by those who expounded the mysteries. For
PLOV?

what other teaching was there at Eleusis except in the reXeoTrjYet we are confronted with difficulties. The Greeks did not want mysteries to teach them their duty to their parents, for this was sanctioned and upheld by the ordinary

As regards the sanctity of animal life, could Eleusis teach a vegetarian religious doctrine that was openly and systematically defied by the state and the mystae themselves ?
religion.

We may believe, though

sacrifices or

we cannot

absolutely assert, that the

were bloodless, but animal victims were offered in the -rrep^oAos of the temple, and the rites of purification demanded the shedding of animal
sacraments in the
telesterion
It is possible that Xenocrates was attempting to father for though Orphic doctrines upon Triptolemos and Eleusis he is not otherwise known as a propagandist of Orphism, he was interested in its mythology, and appears to have held peculiar opinions concerning the sanctity of animal life.

blood.

At any rate we cannot believe that Porphyry s statement, however we may explain or regard it. reveals to us anything of the mystic teaching of the Eleusinia. No doubt the hierodescanted on the phant blessings mankind derived from
Demeter, as the testimony of Isocrates assures us 222 doubtless he would comment on the Upa explaining their sanctity, as the
;

savage hierophant of the Australian mysteries explains the sanctity of the Churinga to the neophyte. Certainly it was not his part to preach the doctrine of the immortality of the
well pointed out, the belief in the con death was presupposed by the mysteries, and was more or less accepted by the average Greek, being
soul, for as

Rohde has
life

tinuance of

after

It was happiness in the other world that the mysteries promised and which initiation aimed at At the same time, no doubt, through the solemn and securing. impressive ceremonies of initiation, belief in the possibility of continuance of life may have gained a stronger hold on the

the basis of the cult of the dead.

while it is quite conceivable that the discourse of the hierophant touched on the future joys of the mystae. He may also have exhorted them to lead pure
:

mind of the average man

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

191

and good lives in the future. But we know nothing positively of any higher moral teaching in these mysteries we have no It is clear that their immediate record and no claim put forth. aim was not an ethical one though it is quite reasonable to believe that in certain cases they would exercise a beneficial
:

influence

upon subsequent conduct.

;

The

character of these

ceremonies, as of Greek religion in general, was dominantly ritualistic but the fifth century B.C. was ripe for that momen

tous

development in religion whereby the conception of It is specially purity becomes an ethical idea. attested concerning the Samothracian rites that persons were the better and juster for initiation into them a As regards the Eleusinia we have no such explicit testimony 223 it is even implied by the cynical phrase of Diogenes that they made no moral demands at all 223 e but ex hypothesi he knew nothing whatever about them. On the other hand, Andocides, when he is pleading for his life before the Athenian jury, assumes that those who had been initiated would take a juster and sterner view of moral guilt and innocence, and that foul conduct was a greater sin when committed by a man who was
ritualistic
. :

in the service of

the Mother and the Daughter

223 d
.

And we

should not forget the words of Aristophanes at the close of the beautiful ode that Dionysos heard in the meadows of the
blessed,

death,
fashion

To us alone is there a sun and joyous who have been initiated and who lived
as
223b .

light after in pious

touching

our

duty
185 a

to

strangers

and

private

people

The Amphictyonic
speaks of the

decree

mysteries as enforcing

of the second century B.C. the lesson that the

:

greatest of human blessings is fellowship and mutual trust but these words cannot be taken as proving any actual doc
trine that

was explicitly preached, but as alluding to the natural influence which all participation in mystic rites pro
duces on the mind, the

quickened
this

sense of

between the members.

And

may have

comradeship been the implicit

idea that inspired the conviction of the rhetorician Sopatros

a

Diod.

Sic. 5. 49.

192

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

that initiation would increase his capacity for every kind of excellence 223
.

regards the moral question, then, we may conclude that though in the Homeric hymn there is no morality, but happi
ness after death depends on the performance of certain cere 223 a monies, and punishment follows the neglect of them by the time of Aristophanes the mysteries had come to make for
,

As

righteousness in

some degree

probably not so much through

direct precept or exhortation, but rather through their psycho logic results, through the abiding influences that may be

produced on will and feeling by a solemn, majestic, and long sustained ceremony, accompanied by acts of purification and self-denial, and leading up to a profound sense of self-deliverance.
In fact whatever opinion we may form concerning the Ao yo? or discourse delivered at the mysteries it was, as we have said, of far less importance than the eTroTrreict, the sight of holy things

and scenes we gather this from other evidence, but specially from Aristotle s well-known statement that the initiated do not learn anything so much as feel certain emotions and are 222 These words throw more put into a certain frame of mind than almost other record the true significance of on light any the Eleusinia and are at least a stumbling-block in the way of M. Foucart s theory, expounded in his Recherches, about which a few words may be said before leaving the question
:

In accordance with his concerning the mystic teaching. of he their maintains that the object theory Egyptian origin, of the mysteries was much the same as that of the Egyptian

Book of the Dead to provide, namely, the mystae with elaborate rules for avoiding the perils that beset the road into the other world, and for attaining at last to the happy regions
:
:

that for this purpose the hierophant recited magic formulae whereby the soul could repel the demons that beset the path

must journey; and the mystes learned them by therefore a fine and impressive voice was demanded of the hierophant, and the Ao yo? was really the cardinal point of the whole and it was to seek this deliverance from the terrors of hell that all Greece flocked to Eleusis, while poets and orators glorified the Eleusinian scheme of

by which

it

careful repetition

n]
salvation.
fail

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

to

193

Even M. Foucart s well-known learning and acumen The weakness in certain these hypotheses. been has of them exposed already great violence has parts to be done to the facts to make the Egyptian theory plausible

commend

for a

moment

nor

is

there

any

hint or allusion,

much

less

record, to be found in the ancient sources, suggesting that recital of magic formulae was part of the ceremony.

any

To

suppose that the crowds that sought the privilege of initiation were tormented, as modern Europe has been at certain times,

by ghostly

terrors of judgement,

is

to misconceive the average

Greek mind. The Inferno of Greek mythology is far less lurid than Dante s, and it is to the credit of the Greek tem
perament that it never took its goblin-world very seriously, though the belief was generally prevalent that the gods might
In fact, M. Foucart s punish flagrant sinners after death. theories which have no vraisemblance in their application to
Eleusis would be better in place in a discussion of the private The tombs of Orphic sects and their mystic ceremonies.

Crete and Magna Graecia have supplied us with fragments of an Orphic poem, verses from which were buried with the dead, and served as amulets or spells to secure salvation for the soul. And Plato, always reverential of Eleusinian rites, speaks con

temptuously of the attempts of the Orphic priests to terrorize men s minds with threats of punishment that awaited them in the
next world, unless they performed certain mystic sacrifices in this. If the kernel of the mysteries were what M. Foucart
supposes, the recitation of magic spells whereby to bind the demon powers of the next world, Greek ethical philosophy

would have probably attacked them as detrimental to morality, and their vogue would have been an ominous sign of mental But on the contrary they reached their zenith when decay. the Greek intellect was in the full vigour of sanity and health. We have no reason for imputing to them a debasing supersti tion or to suppose that their main function was a magic incantation what there was of primitive thought in the
:

life

mystery, probably the belief in the close association of man s with the life of plants, could easily be invested with a

higher significance and serve as the stimulus of a higher hope.

94

GREEK RELIGION
as

[CHAP.
is

The account
complete
allows.

the

of the mysteries as given above literary evidence at present

perhaps as

forthcoming

But does it explain the enthusiastic reverence they awakened, and the rapturous praise that the best Greek 165 ? literature often awarded them Happy is he/ cries he goes beneath the Pindar, who has seen them before end of life and its hollow earth that man knows the true and Sophocles vies with Pindar in his tribute source divine the stately and religious Aeschylus, native of of devotion Eleusis, acknowledges his debt to Demeter who has nurtured
:

his soul

for those

who have

while Isocrates in his liquid prose declares that shared in them their hopes are sweetened
;

and concerning the end of life and their whole existence the writers of the later days of paganism, Aristides and Libanius, speak of them with more fervent ecstasy still.
explain satisfactorily to ourselves the fascination they exercised over the national mind of Hellas some of us may be
inclined
to

To

have recourse to the theory put

forward
;

by

Dr. Jevons in his Introduction to the Study of Religion some less important points of it have already been criticized, but it has been convenient to reserve the consideration of its

The theory principle for the close of this chapter. a theory of totemism conjoined with a certain view of the Eleusinian sacrifice. We will now be silent about the question of totemism, a word that is irrelevant in the discussion of the
central
is

view of the sacrifice that it is fruitful to consider. He has drawn from Professor Robertson Smith s work on the Religion of the Semites the conception of the gift-offering to the deity being a later and in some sense a depraved outgrowth of an earlier and higher sacrifice, which
Eleusinia
;

it

is

his

was of the nature of a sacramental meal whereby the wor shipper became of one flesh and one blood with his deity by He goes on to eating or drinking some divine substance.
archaic worships in Greece, among others the Eleusinia, had been able to retain the more primitive and in some sense the more spiritual conception of sacrifice as a communion, which elsewhere had been supplanted by the

maintain that certain

more

utilitarian

view of

it

as a bribe

then that the opening

u]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

195

of the great mysteries to the Greek world an event which he erroneously places in the period of Solon coincided with
the revival of religious feeling in Greece, with a consciousness of the hollo wness of the gift- offering and with a yearning for a closer religious communion through more efficacious, sacra

mental
that

ritual.
first

Now

the original and well-reasoned hypothesis,

put forward in Professor Robertson Smith s article in the Encyclopaedia Britannica and developed in his

was

larger work, wants more careful scrutiny than it has usually a received, and the detailed examination of it must be reserved
.

modified in certain important points the theory is, I think, applicable to Greek as well as to Semitic sacrifice. Sacramental meals are found in Greece, and were by no means
confined to the mysteries. Doubtless the drinking of the and the eating from the Kepx^oj implied some idea of KVKU>V communion with the divinity and an inscription tells us that
;

When

the priest of the Samothracian mysteries broke sacred bread and poured out drink for the mystae b a savage form of sacrament may be faintly discernible in the Arcadian Despoina;

ritual 119 .

But if we keep strictly to the evidence, as we ought a case, we have no right to speaK of a sacramental common meal at Eleusis, to which, as around a communion
in such
table, the worshippers

gathered, strengthening their mutual sense of religious fellowship thereby: we do not hear of the -napavLToi of Demeter as we hear of the itapaviToi of Heracles
at

and Apollo

Acharnae.

As regards the we know nothing

for all

sacrifices before the mystae reached Eleusis, about them except that one of them at least was a preliminary condition of initiation. As for the K^KCWZ/,

we know, they may have drunk it separately, each by himself or herself, or at least in pairs c we have no proof here of a sacramental common meal, although it is probable that
;

the votary
deity,
*

felt

who by
my

drinking it a certain fellowship with the the story had drunk it before him d Still less
in
.

Vide

article in

Hibbert Journal,
8,

ments of Demeter;
mystae.
d

p. 240,

showing two

1904, p. 306.
b

Arch. Epigr. Mitth. 1882, p.

There

is

no

text or context

which

no. 14.
c

Vide the vase described in Monu-

proves that the initiated at Eleusis was regarded as of one flesh with the deity :

196

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

and this is a grave objection to the constructive idea of Dr. Jevons theory is there any sign that the initiated believed they were partaking through food of the divine substance of This conception of the sacrament, which has their divinity.
played a leading part
in Christian theology,
ritual
;

appears elsewhere

detect it in the sporadically in of the bull-calf at Attic Buphonia, in the Dionysiac offering with golden horns, that Tenedos, in the story of the mad bull
ancient Greek

we may

seems to have embodied Hekate, devoured by the Thessalian host a and it is salient in the Maenad-ritual of Dionysos. But it is by no means so frequent that we could assume it in any given case without evidence. And there is no kind of
;

and no convincing evidence of its recognition at Eleusis reason for supposing that the Greeks flocked there because they were weary of the conventional gift-offering, and because they believed that a profounder and more satisfying ritual of
:

communion-sacrifice existed there.

Moreover, we have strong

in

grounds
influence

for

doubting whether
religious

this latter ever exercised a vital

upon

thought

the

older

Hellenism,

It outside at least the pale of the private Orphic societies. may have been the secret of the strength of the later Cybelebut the author of the Homeric hymn, the first worship
;

propagandist of the Eleusinia, ignores it altogether, and it presents the Eleusinian sacrifice merely as a gift-offering is also ignored by the earlier Greek philosophers, and by the
:

later writers,

such as Lucian,

in his treatise Trept Qvai&v, or

lamblichus in the
in the latter

De
is

work

all

The silence concerning it Mysteriis. the more remarkable, as the author

carefully analyses the phenomena of mystic ecstasy, and as a rejects as unworthy the gift-theory, regarding sacrifice

token of friendship with the divinity, but shows no recognition of the idea of sacramental communion. In fact, a serious part
of Dr. Jevons construction collapses through this vacuum in the evidence, and cannot be strengthened by a priori pro babilities. Lastly, we come to feel another difficulty in his
those

on

which

Professor

Dieterich

me
*

to be relevant.

relies in his able treatise,

liturgic,

Eine Mithraspp. 137-138, do not seem to

Polyaen. Strut.

8. 42.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

197

attempted solution of the Eleusinian problem. Whatever the mystic sacrifice may have been, he lays a great deal more a It is clear stress upon it than the Greeks themselves did was the of these that the pivot eTroTrreia, not the mysteries
.

Qvcrici

Theon

the five essential parts of the IJLVTJO-LS given by Smyrnaeus there is no mention of sacrifice, nor in the

among

by the late rhetorician Sopatros of the by the goddesses themselves in a him to their communion by telling admitted dream they him something and showing him something 5 If we abandon then this hypothesis, are we left quite in the
strange case dealt with

man who was

;

initiated

dark as to the secret of salvation that Eleusis cherished and imparted ? When we have weighed all the evidence and

remember the extraordinary fascination a spectacle exercised upon the Greek temperament, the solution of the problem is not so remote or so perplexing. The solemn fast and pre paration, the mystic food eaten and drunk, the moving
passion-play, the extreme sanctity of the lepd revealed, all these influences could induce in the worshipper, not indeed the sense of absolute union with the divine nature such as the
Christian sacrament or the hermit s reverie or the

Maenad

frenzy might give, but at least the feeling of intimacy and friendship with the deities, and a strong current of sympathy But these deities, was established by the mystic contact.

the mother and the daughter and the dark god in the back ground, were the powers that governed the world beyond the

those who had won their friendship by initiation in would by the simple logic of faith regard themselves as certain to win blessing at their hands in the next. And this, as far as we can discern, was the ground on which

grave

this life

flourished the Eleusinian hope. It flourished and maintained itself

and

its ritual

throughout

the latter days of paganism when the service of Zeus Olympics was almost silent and it only succumbed to no less a religion
;

Dr. Jevons himself seems at last to have perceived this, for he says on
p.

KCUV which
ritual.

is

But

the crowning point of the this admission loosens

381

it

is

the

communion thus

most of the

afforded (by the revelation of the cornstalk) rather than the sacramental KV-

fabric of his hypothesis, b Rhetor. Graec. vol. 8, p. 121.

198

GREEK RELIGION
i_

CHAP.

itself. With its freedom from ecstatic and intolerant extravagance dogmatism, with its appealing dramatic display, with the solemn beauty of its ritual touched with melancholy but warmed with genial hope, the Eleusinian worship bore to the end the deep impress of the best Hellenic To its authority and influence may be due the com spirit.

than Christianity

parative

immunity

of Greece from the invasion of Mithraism

a
.

should certainly expect that a cult of such prestige would plant offshoots of itself in different parts of Greece. Perhaps we can find one of these in Attica itself, namely, in the mystery of Soteira whom Aristotle vaguely mentions, and

We

probably the same as the Kore Soteira worshipped at 257 It is difficult to Korydalos near the Peiraeus suppose that this Kore should be Athena, whose worship, so far as we know, was never mystic and we gather from the context
is
. ;

who

of the passage in the Frogs, in which the mystae sing the praises of Soteira, that she is none other than their own the mystic liturgy being prone goddess Kore-Persephone to substitute a reverential appellative such as or
;

Hagne

Despoina
the

for

specially the

the proper name. Why was Kore called Saviour ? Aristophanes seems to interpret

name in a political sense, and this may also have been its significance in the worship of Kore Soteira at Cyzicos and at 128 103 but at Megalopolis at least it had a Erythrae mystic
;

Soteira meaning, an inscription proving that was there 1190 identical with the Despoina of the Lykosuran mysteries and that the cult of Kore Soteira was mystic at Sparta seems proved by its close association with the of
;

legend

It is probable that in the Orpheus Attic, Arcadian, and Laconian worships, Kore was called the Saviour because of the blessings she dispensed to her mystae after death and we may bear in mind that the same mystic use of o-om/pia or
.
:

117

salvation
a

occurred in the later Dionysiac-Attis

rites.

If this

The last hierophant before the destruction of Eleusis in the invasion of

Alaric appears to have been a Mithras-

fosse taurobolique in a substructure of the latest period found within the sacred

precincts;

cf. ib.

559

worshipper, Eunap. Vit. Max. p. 52 Boisonnade. (Lenormant, Daremberg et SagKo,?. 551, discovers traces of
<une

Cumont

the

taurobolia*

but according to is not Miet

thraic but belongs to Cybele, Textes Mon.fig. myst. Mithra, i, p. 334.)

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

199

supposition is correct, the word that has become the masterword of the Christian creed was drawn like much else of the
Christian vocabulary from the earlier nomenclature of paganism. But outside Attica also there were cults of Demeter Eleusinia that

were regarded by the ancients themselves as early

:

and scions of the mystic worship at Eleusis this interest whether some of question opinion
Ionia, at

it is

a historical
correct.
*

was

In

Ephesus and Mykale, the foundation of the Eleusinian goddess was associated with the legend of the Attic foundation 231 a b and, as we have seen, the Ephesian Basileis
*
>

possessed the same sacred functions in regard to her rites as the Archon Basileus at Athens. At the Arcadian city of

Pheneos the mysteries of Demeter Eleusinia presented certain

235 peculiar features of ritual that have already been noticed certain sacred books containing the rules for the initiation were
;

kept in the rocky vault known as the nirp^a, and were read aloud to the mystae at the great annual rcAer?/. The citizens
declared that the
8p&>/x>a

and that they were founded by a descendant of Eumolpos.

were a counterpart of the Eleusinian, certain Naos, a near

We may
Eleusinian

surmise that Alexandria possessed some form of rites, as we hear of the region called Eleusis,
:

situated about four miles from the city

and the Athenian

hierophant had been specially summoned from Attica by the first Ptolemy to advise on a matter concerning the state202 e
2;37
>

religion

but the only mystic Demeter-ceremonies that

are recorded of Alexandria are connected with the kalathos-

the

which shows no resemblance to the Eleusinian, so far as hymn of Callimachus gives us an account of it. We have in the Panarium a a late record of what at first sight appears to be a pagan mystic cult of Kore at Alexandria on
ritual,
:

a certain day the worshippers met in the temple called Korion, and after a religious service that lasted through the night bore

away

at

daybreak the

idol of the
;

maiden and escorted

it

with

torches to an underground chapel whence they then brought up another idol of wood, naked and seated on a litter, but with

the sign of the cross on

a

its

brow
:

this

was

led seven times

Geogr. Reg.

s.v,

Africa (Alexandria)

cf.

my

Hibbert Lectures, pp. 34-36.

200

GREEK RELIGION
flutes
its

[CHAP.

round the temple with timbrels and

then restored to

and hymns, and

1

on

this

We

underground dwelling, they say that that is the to birth the eternal. day Kore, virgin, gave have here a very striking picture of the transitional period

And

between paganism and Christianity, the engrafting the name of the virgin and the imprinting the sign of the cross upon the earlier Kore, the transmuting of a pagan ritual with the idea But it would be a mockery of all criticism of a virgin-birth a to endeavour to deduce from this fantastic account any definite view concerning the genuine Eleusinia at Alexandria its value
. :

is

greater for the general history of European religion. In many places where Demeter is not known to have been
this special title of EAeuo-tzn a,
:

worshipped by

we

find indubit

able traces of Eleusinian influence

for instance, at
*

Keleae

near Phlius, where, as Pausanias tells us, the initiation-mystery of Demeter was held every four years, and a special hierophant,

who might be
:

a married man, was elected for each

occasion, but the rest of the proceedings were an imitation of those at Eleusis 202 h at Lerna in Argolis, where the legend

of the abduction was indigenous and a reAer^ of Demeter, in which possibly Dionysos had a share, is recorded by Pausanias,

who
tions

gives

Philammon
that
its

as

its

traditional founder

late inscrip

organization was assimilated to the Eleu sinian, the son of an Athenian hierophant being hierophant of the Lernaean mystery 115 b 233 at Megalopolis, where the
>

show

initiation-ceremonies that were performed in the temenos of the great goddesses were again an imitation of those at

of them may belong to the and there is no reason that forbids Epaminondas, us supposing them to have been derived from Eleusis. The MeyaAat 6eai here, as at Andania 246 and the Arcadian 248 are certainly Demeter and Kore, known in the Trapezos usual mystic fashion by a solemn descriptive appellation we
Eleusis
;

234

the

institution

period of

see

by the Achaean decree of the

life,

latter part of the

second

century B.C. that they were served by a hierophant

elected for
*

who was
de

and

whom we may

suppose to have usually

Ciilte

Aluv

is
\
,

a gnostic concept borrowed from Mithraism, vide Cumont,

p. 76.

Mithras,

ii]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

201

belonged to the sacred family of the founders of the mystery but we find no rule of celibacy enforced here as at Athens.

have good evidence that just as Asclepios made his way into the Attic mysteries, so his Epidaurian cult became at
least in
236
.

We

later

fluence

times strongly coloured with Eleusinian in Finally, we have reason to believe that, in later

times, mysteries were established after the fashion of the Attic

at Naples

252 a
.

On

the other hand

we have

record of a certain

number

of

cults of Demeter Eleusinia, of which no legend claiming for them an Eleusinian origin has come down to us, and which

all.

are not recorded as being connected with any mysteries at At Hysiai near Cithaeron stood a temple of Demeter
EXtvo-Lvia that is

much heard of
:

in

the later accounts of the

according to Plutarch its foundation was of but the only indication that might seem to great antiquity, attest it was the existence of a prehistoric grave mentioned by
battle of Plataea

Pausanias as in
existed in

its

vicinity or precincts

239
.

The same
24

cult
;

probably more than one

district of Laconia

in

the south, on the slopes of Taygetos, the Eleusinion of Demeter is mentioned, where the mother at certain seasons received her

daughter, whose statue was formally escorted thither from Helos on the coast. The temple contained a statue of Orpheus,
evidently a very archaic
it

wooden image,

as Pausanias

was told

And an inscription from the Pelasgic dedication. Roman period found at Messoa (Mistra) speaks of an ay&v that EAevvma or is evidently part of a festival there called the
was a
*

Eleusinia, while the ritual-formula reveals there the trio of Attic-

Eleusinian
these
in

but with deities, Demeter, Plouton, Persephone was grouped Despoina, whose name was better known Arcadia, and the law of the ritual itself presents some
;

peculiarities,
it

such as the exclusion of males, that prevent our as borrowed from the Eleusinian mysteries. In regarding Arcadia the cult existed at Thelpusa, where the temple of

Demeter Eleusinia contained three colossal marble statues of 242 and at Basilis, Demeter, the Daughter/ and Dionysos where the legend prevailed that Kypselos, the ancient Arcadian king, the father-in-law of Kresphontes, instituted
;

202

GREEK RELIGION
festival
J

[CHAP.

the cult of Demeter Eleusinia and a

of which

contest for beauty formed a part, prizes being given to the most beautiful women 241 Finally, we have traces of the goddess Eleusinia or Eleusina in Crete and Thera 243 245
.
.

as regards the explanation of these facts, there is considerable diversity of opinion among scholars. Some a ,
like Dr.

Now

that Eleusis
all

Rohde, following the lead of K. O. Miiller, maintain is directly and indirectly the metropolis whence

some time or other. But the b and more contrary paradoxical view is sometimes taken that outside Eleusis there is no single cult of Demeter Eleusinia, not even that in the Athenian Eleusinion, that should be regarded as affiliated to the Attic town that in
these cults emigrated at
:

EAeimyta, a prehistoric goddess of wide recognition in early Hellas, is the prior fact, the name of Eleusis secondary that Eleusinia gave the name to Eleusis,
:

fact the

name of Demeter

On this theory the latter word is regarded as a variant for EAcima, an equivalent for Eileithyia, so that the Eleusinian goddess means Demeter the helper in child-birth/ But against this explanation, which has been without much critical argument, there are serious proffered
not Eleusis to Eleusinia.
f

objections from the point of view of cult, and still more serious on philological grounds. We have seen that Demeter had occa c sionally some recognition as a travail-goddess and this function have may belonged to her Aeginetan counterpart Damia, as in fact it belonged to most Greek goddesses, and to some far more essentially than to Demeter. What is important to note is that nowhere in the cults of EAeuo-izna is there any feature
,

in the ritual or

The Laconian

legend that suggests the child-birth goddess. Eleusia is of course Eileithyia, the name being

slightly transformed by the known laws of the dialect 24 ; but neither Eleusia in Laconia nor

Laconian
Eileithyia

elsewhere was ever, so far as our present evidence goes,

a

Miiller,

Kleine Schrift.

2, p.

259;

of Eleusis, but that most were nonmystic.

b
e. g.

Toepffer, Attische Genealogie, p. 102,

lendorff,

&c. ; Rohde, Psyche; Wilamowitz-MoelHomerische Untersuch. p. 209,

&c., believes that the mystic cults of
in

-terien
in

by Bloch, Der Kult und Mysvon Eletisis, 1896 ; cf. his article
2,

Roscher, Lexikon,
c

p. 1337.

D. Eleusinia

Greece were

filiale

Vide supra,

p. 81.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

Demeter.
24
,

203

associated with

us

that Artemis

that this

If it is true, as Hesychius tells was called EAewizn a in Sicily, the support might seem to give to the theory that is being
is

considered

at once destroyed

by

his further statement that

Zeus was called EAeuo-iWs by the lonians. For Artemis was indeed a deity of child-birth, but Zeus obviously was not and they may have both merely drawn this epithet by reason of some accidental cult-association a from the worship of Demeter
;

EAeuo-ma.

Again the etymological equation EAevflm

3

EAev-

o-ivia leaves unexplained the formative suffix of the latter word, and is based on a false supposition for, though the Laconians would call EAeiflvia EAswia, no other Greek dialect
;

would, and it is absurd to suppose that all over the Greek world people spoke of Demeter as 17 EAevo-wa in order to imitate the Laconian lisp again, by the laws of its adjectival formation, EAeixrizua can only be explained in the light of the
:

facts
(

we

possess as a

compound word

arising
*

from

EAeuo-t?

EAevo-tyoj).

We

can also be certain that

word, whatever

its

root-meaning

may

Eleusis, the basehave been, was the

name

of a place. But what place ? must reckon with the possibility of there having been more settlements of this

We

name than
to recur,

the Attic, for many Greek place-names were apt and a dim recollection was preserved of an Eleusis in Boeotia on the Copaic lake 238 and Thera named one of its 245 cities EAetmV But some one of these must have been famous enough to diffuse the name, for we have no more right to suppose in the lack of any evidence that there was always a local Eleusis wherever there was a worship of ^ EAevoWa than to maintain that there was a local Olympos wherever And the only famous Zeus OA^TTtos was worshipped. Eleusis was the Attic. But can we believe that it was so famous in early times as to have diffused this title of Demeter through the Peloponnese, where the Laconian and Arcadian cults of EAeuo-ma claimed to be pre-Dorian foundations? This is the difficulty which has caused mistrust of the simple and obvious explanation of
,
.

?;

We

must often reckon with

this
e. g.

Zeus

Hpaios,

A<ppo5iffios,

Apollo Sap-

factor in the growth of cult-titles,

irrjSovtos,

Athena

Aiavris.

204

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

But we must consider the value of that claim. In regard to the worship at Basilis 241 we have the templelegend given us by Athenaeus from the Arkadika of Nikias,
ascribing
its

Kypselos

may

foundation to the pre-Dorian Kypselos. Now have been a real Arcadian ancestor of the
;

period before the conquest but such temple legends, which are often valuable for ethnological arguments, are useless for exact chronology for every shrine would be tempted to
;

worship with a striking name belonging to the mythic past. We may only draw the cautious inference that the cult at Basilis was of considerable antiquity a The account of the Laconian temple has preserved no legend of foundation,
connect
its
.

Pelasgic xoanon of Orpheus may have been a work of the seventh century B.C., and suggests associations with Attica or North Greece. On the other hand, we have no

but the

right to assert that the Attic cult could not have diffused the

of EXevo-iiua through parts of the Peloponnese or into Boeotia in the Homeric or pre-Homeric period. The silence
title

of

Homer proves nothing the prestige of the Attic Eleusis may have been great in his time and before his time. The
:

very early associations between Attica and Arcadia have been b and we may trace in legend and pointed out by Toepffer
,

cult a similar

connexion between Laconia, Argolis, and Attica. And many of the smaller tribal migrations into the Pelo ponnese may have journeyed by way of Eleusis and the Isthmus and have brought on with them to their new homes
;

the name, though not always the mystery, of Demeter Eleusinia. The Boeotian temple may of course have named its
after the perished town of Eleusis on Lake Kopais but the legend about that town savours a little suspiciously of Boeotian jealousy of Attica. And that the Plataean district
;

Demeter

of Cithaeron could have borrowed the

name

Eleusinia for
is

its

Demeter

at

any early time from the Attic Eleusis

very easy

to believe.
a

Immertr*\a,A tt!teundMyth.ArJ:ad.
123, regards the cult of Basilis of
:

as to the
in

p.

meaning of EXcvmvia, whether Arcadia or Messenia, he does not

Op.
cit., e.

Messenian origin
to

his

arguments appear

consider.
b

me

unconvincing, and the question

g. pp.

214-215.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

At
least

205

one

is

driven to admit

that no other scientific

hypothesis has as yet been put forward explaining the cult of Demeter Eleusinia outside Attica and in dealing with the
:

question afforded

we should

bear in mind the

new proof

that has been

by excavation that Eleusis was a centre of some external commerce as early as at least the later Mycenaean
202h Lerna mb 233 and Pheneos 235 mysteries of Keleai were influenced by the Eleusinian, probably after these latter

period.

The

were thrown open

but

we have no

chronological data for

determining when this influence began. And in two of them, those of Keleai and Pheneos, certain peculiar features are found which prevent our regarding them as mere offshoots of
the Attic.

The

latter

Arcadian city vaunted the Eleusinian

:

character and origin of its mysteries, but it is strange that. in the record of them there is no mention of Kore certain
sacred books were kept in a building called the Trerpco/ma, and were read aloud to the mystae at the greater mystery

which occurred every other year. The curious custom which Pausanias mentions of the priest of Demeter KiSa/ua donning the mask of the goddess, and striking on the ground with a rod to evoke the earth-powers, seems to have belonged to the mystic celebration and to have been specially Arcadian. What is most strange in this service is the assumption by the male functionary of the likeness of the goddess. And this impersonation of the divinity by the mortal ministrant seems to have served the purposes of ritual magic, and not, as at Nor Eleusis and probably at Andania, of a religious drama. can we be sure that the mysteries of Pheneos were penetrated,
as no doubt the Lernaean were, with the doctrine of a blessed

immortality.
246 are the last that mysteries at Andania in Messenia as much obscurity some closer consideration here, require

The

attaches to the question of their association with Eleusis and the personality of their divinities. If we trusted the account of Pausanias who is comparatively explicit concerning these mysteries, regarding them as standing second to the Eleusinian

alone in prestige and solemnity,

we should

believe

them

to

206

GREEK RELIGION

iCHAP.

have been instituted originally in honour of Demeter and Kore, who were known by the vaguer and more reverential names of at MeyaAeu 0eai, the great goddesses, while Kore
of Hague, the holy the legend that traced their institution to Attica and Eleusis through the names of Kaukon and Lykos. But we can now supplement and per
title

enjoyed also the specially mystic one. And this author believed

in

haps

test

the statement in Pausanias by the famous inscription

of Andania which can be dated at 91 B.C. From this it that other divinities had this time been admitted appears by to the Messenian mysteries; the oath is taken in the name of the 0eot
to
ots ra //uorr/pia ^TrtreAetrat, and these form a group a special priest is assigned. The group includes Demeter, Hermes, the 0eot McydAoi, Apollo Kapvetoy, and Hagne the name deal MeyaAcu nowhere occurs. It has been

whom
:

therefore supposed a that Pausanias was misled in his account, and wrongly attributed to the Oeal MeyaAcu mysteries that belonged by right to the 0ol MeyaAot and it has even been
;

thought that Ayy?? was not really a sobriquet for Kore as Pausanias understood, but was merely the name of the foun tain in the temenos or the This latter fountain-nymph. is M. held Foucart but there are opinion by grave objections
;

to

it.

For

it

is

called by a name given so prominent a position by the side of the national divinities in the greatest of the state mysteries nor does the
:

unlikely that a fountain-nymph should be of such mystic solemnity or should be

inscription

the sacred prove that the fountain was itself called Ay^ books probably referred to the K/n/z^ rrjs Ayvrjs. The name must belong to one of the leading goddesses, and it is in credible that Kore should have been absent from this mystic company, and that nevertheless the legend of the cult, whether true or false, should have so many connexions with Eleusis.
;

But Kore
unless

is

never mentioned at
is

all

in the

Hagne

she.

We may believe

long inscription, then with Pausanias,

who would be
matter, that
a

certain to

the

make careful inquiry on such a one was the Daughter at Andania, nor Holy
von Andania, p. 44, and Foucart
in his
2,

By Sauppe,

Mysterieninschrift
no. 326 a.

commentary on Le Bas,

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

207

need we suppose that the Ay^rj 0ed of Delos was other than Kore 246 But it is almost equally difficult to conceive that he was altogether deceived about the 0eai MeyaAat. As he else
.

where shows himself perfectly conversant with the difference between them and the 0eol MeydAot why should he have made a and again apparently in this foolish mistake in gender here the same book when he speaks of the sacrifices offered on the recolonization of Messene to the 0eat MeyaAat and Kaukon 24G ? Still stranger would it seem for Methapos to have made the same blunder in his inscription that was set up in the tent of
,

Phlye in Attica for this person, probably a contemporary of Epaminondas, boasts in it that he purified the dwelling-place of Hermes and the ways of Demeter and Kore, the early-born, where they say Messene consecrated
the

Lykomidae

at

to

the great goddesses the

funeral-festival

of

Kaukon

of

Phlye, and he wonders how Lykos the son of Pandion could have established all the Attic sacred service at Andania 240
.

In fact this well-attested Lycomidean monument is fatal to the theory that would exclude the MeyaAat 0eat from the

But could we regard them as late mystery. and the comers MeyaAot 0eot as the original divinities of the ? This reverential title is found applied to no other mysteries gods but the Dioscuri and the Kabiri. As regards the former their cult was very prominent, as Toepffer b has shown, both in the earlier and later period of Messenia, and at certain c but we have no proof that places touches that of Demeter the Messenians ever styled them the great gods, and we have no evidence that their worship was anywhere of a mystic character before they became at a later period confused The more probable and the more com with the Kabiri d mon opinion is that these Andanian MeyaAot 0eot were no
;
.

Andaman

This objection is properly stated by Toepffer, Attische Genealogie, p. 220.

b
c

the Dioscuri, Kouretes, or Kabiri, but adds that the learned preferred the last

loc. cit.

Cf. Geogr.

Reg.

s.v.

Messene and

explanation. refers to the

The term

ncuSfs probably
size

diminutive

of the

R. 149*.
d

images, and
that
these
brethren.

is

Paus. 10. 38, 7 speaks of the T6\6T?)

against the supposition are the Hellenic twin-

KaXovpevoav iraiScw at Amphissa, and suggests that these may be

AvaKTcav

208

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

other than the divinities of the Samothracian mysteries, to whom the prescribed victim, the young sow an offering

was scarcely likely to be acceptable to the Hellenic Dioscuri On this view it is incon for some special reason appropriate.
ceivable that these foreign divinities could have been the original powers to whom a mystery so associated with the pre historic past of Messenia and with Eleusis was consecrated
for the earliest establishment of the Kabiri-cult in Greece

was

at Thebes,
for its

and the

earliest
is

introduction there

date which the excavations suggest the sixth century B. c. a while it was
,

not likely to have touched Messenia

till

some

centuries later.

We

some

might believe that the mystery-monger Methapos played part in its installation at Andania, as according to Pausanias he was specially interested in its propagation. The prestige of the Samothracian rites increased in the Macedonian period, and it is in no way strange that a leading Demeter mystery should be found in the later centuries lending them

some countenance. Near the Kabeirion at Thebes lay the temple of Demeter Ka/3eipia, where she was worshipped in a mystic cult with Kore b and we have some indication of
;

a similar association of the native and the imported worships 256 On the other hand, if we can trust certain at Anthedon
.

statements of Strabo and

circle of the

Mnaseas

256
,

we can

believe

that

Demeter and Kore were themselves admitted

into the inner

Samothracian worship. But all such rapprochement was probably late and the most reasonable hypothesis concerning the Andanian mysteries is that the mother and the daughter were the divinities to
;
;

whom

to the they were consecrated in the earliest period mother perhaps originally before the daughter grew up at her side. For in the inscription Demeter appears more prominently than any other divinity two distinct priestesses of hers are mentioned among the native officials and her priestess from the Laconian Aigila, where we may infer there was another
;
;

then. Mitth. 13, p. 89. Dorpfeld, b Nevertheless the actual worship of the Kabiri at Thebes seems to have

nothing relating to her has been found in the Kabeirion, vide Roscher s Lexi-

kon

vol. 2, p. 2539.

been entirely independent of Demeter

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

s,

209

perhaps the Thesmophoria, was specially Hagne her importance is sufficiently that a special table of offerings, a lectiit attested appears sternum consecrated no doubt to her as a nether goddess, was
invited
82
.

mystery of Demeter

As

for

.set

a up near her fountain and near the same spot one of the two stone treasuries was erected which was only opened once
,
.

a year at the mysteries b

But in the later period at least they no longer rule alone Hermes, Apollo Karneios, as well as the MeyaAoi 0eot, are
;

ra jxtHrnj/ua cTTirtAetrai. Apollo, whose cult may have forced his way in through the historic importance of the worship and the legend of

among
is

the 0ecu

ot?

nowhere

else mystic,

it was in his grove that the mysteries were and the initiated were crowned with laurel. But celebrated, an old a Messenian and Hermes, god, specially appropriate personage in a chthonian ritual, may have belonged essentially to them as representing the male deity of the lower world. However, his relations with the Mother and Daughter cannot here be determined. That these latter were the leading personages of the Andaman, as they were of the Eleusinian

Karneios

down
for

mysteries, is further suggested by the fact that in the rules laid in the inscription concerning the apparel of the female

officials

there

is

special reference to the raiment

;

the impersonation of divinities

:

personate goddesses
pva-TiKov in

it

necessary could only would seem then that there was some

but

women

which the goddesses appeared alone, for there Spa^a is no reference to the male actor. The priestesses were married women, and were required to take an oath that they had lived in relation to their husbands a just and holy life a rule that obviously strengthened the ethical law of chastity but which probably had a ritualistic origin, such as the common rule that excluded adulteresses from temples. We
hear also in the inscription of the functions of the sacred maidens who escorted the chariots containing the mystic
cistae.
It
is

hard to estimate
a

how

far the

influenced
1.
Ill

by Eleusinian procedure
86.

whole ceremony was we note and ideas

;

11.

90-95.

FARNELL.

2io

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

a resemblance in the fact that at Andania as at Eleusis there were grades of initiation, for we find the TT/XOTO/^OTCU specially

We

designated and distinguished by a peculiar diadem or crown. are told also of the purification of the mystae with the
sacrificial

blood of swine and of the

meals shared by the priests

and the

priestesses, the latter sometimes wearing on their feet the skins of the slaughtered animals. But there is no record

of a sacrament nor of any mystic teaching or eschatological promise. Yet, unless the Eleusinian tradition and the record

concerning
happiness.

Methapos are

utterly

at

fault,

the

Andanian

mysteries probably maintained and secured the hope of future

cat MeyaXat is not likely to have been Finally, the title an invention of Pausanias, though it does not occur in the
It is attested by the epigram of and was attached to Demeter and Kore in the Methapos, 110c 248 of and And we may worships Megalopolis Trapezus surmise with Immerwahr* that there was some connexion between these Arcadian cults and the Messenian.

Andanian

inscription.

>

regards the mysteries of Megalopolis, we gather little beyond the names of 0eat MeyaXat and Kore Soteira and the
;

As

significance of the latter appellative has already been noted. The principle of apostolic succession was maintained here as
in
rituals, for an inscription has been found at honour of a Megalopolitan hierophant who was descended from those hierophants who first instituted the

some other
in

Lykosura

The same

1100 mysteries of the great goddesses among the Arcadians of divine was tradition maintained principle by the
.

Eumolpidae, and we touched Megalopolis.

may
But

surmise that Eleusinian influences it was to the Lykosuran cult of

Despoina that the Megalopolitan worship was mainly assimi lated, and the Despoina-mystery and legend belonged no doubt to a very ancient stratum of Arcadian religion 119a In
.

the sacred story of Phigaleia, Thelpusa, and Lykosura, Despoina is the daughter of Demeter and Poseidon, and the tale of

the rape was told not of

a

Hades and Kore, but of Poseidon and

p. 123.

Kultc Arkadiens,

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

.

211

And in the cult of Lykosura and the the mother-goddess a kindred legends of the other centres Despoina is always the daughter 1 not the independent and self-sufficing earth*,

goddess, but a personality that

arose

when
,

the latter had

become

40
>

41
.

of Megalopolis did 119a but we cannot apply Eleusinian ideas to the Lykosuran mystery, in which there is no trace of a passion-play or of a tepo? yci/xos or of any

pluralized Persephone as the

We may

identify

her with Kore-

men

Pausanias noticed something legend of sorrow and loss. in the sacrifice in the peculiar Megaron the throat of the
:

victim was not cut, according to the usual ceremony, but each sacrificer chopped off the limbs quite casually. It is con
ceivable that this is a modification of some wild form of sacramental sacrifice like that described by Professor Robert son Smith as practised by the Arabs The whole company
*
:

fall

upon the victim

(a

camel) with their swords, hacking

off pieces of the quivering flesh

and devouring them raw

Certain minute rules of the Lykosuran ritual are conveyed to us by an inscription found in the temple 119a ,and some of these

remind us of the Andanian regulations the women must wear and no sandals on their feet gold was tabooed and no flowers must be brought into the shrine, and a rule, which I am not aware of as existing elsewhere in Greece, excluded pregnant women and those giving suck from partici
:

their hair loose,

pation in the mystery. As regards the Mantinean mysteries 249 some few points in the record that are of interest have already been noticed
,
:

a prominent part of the mystic

the goddess
;

rite

was the reception of

into the house of the

Kore or Kore-Demeter

we have reason for supposing priestess connected with some belief in the life
The ordinary Hellenic story of the abduction may have afterwards gained some currency at Phigaleia, vide Pans.
8 42 b In the inscription from the Laconian Messoa of the Roman period
-

that the reAerr;

after death, but

was

we

haps only

for the

moment
and

from Perse-

phone

daughter were called Despoinae at Kyzikos (R. 128), in Elis (R. 118), and we have a hint of
:

mother

the worship of Despoina at Epidauros (R. 147).

c

Pluto,

Despoina is grouped with Demeter and and seems distinguished per-

.Religion of Semites, p. 320.

P 2

212

GREEK RELIGION
rite.

[CHAP.

have no trace of a sacramental

idea of

It is possible that

the

some communion with Demeter through the

:

sacra

mental cup explains the strange title of YloTripiotfropos which was attached to her in Achaea 254 the cup-bringer might

be the

goddess who
in

offered

the KVKCVV to the lips of her

worshippers.

no clear trace of Demeterim mysteries possessing a prominent national character or portance for religious history. We do not know whether the 231 But we *. Ephesian cult of Eleusinia was strictly mystic

Except

Greece proper, there

is

can conclude that mysteries were associated with the Triopian for when this was cult of the chthonian divinities of Knidos we hear that this of the ancestor to Gela Gelo, by transplanted
;

family secured the privilege of acting as hierophants/ a name And we can thus better that always connotes mysteries.
*

worship at Gela and Syracuse exercised so strong a religious attraction as to serve as a ladder to high
understand

why

this

political

power

1:5
.

This review of the Demeter-mysteries outside Attica was necessary, and the facts recorded of them are of some historical
importance
;

but they

scarcely assist

the

solution

of the

Eleusinian problem.
proffered in

some

believe that they all Generally of future the happiness but way promise
;

we may

by which this promise in each and all of them was conveyed and confirmed. It has been doubted whether the Eleusinian faith had really a strong and vital hold on the religious imagination of the people, on the ground that the later grave-inscriptions rarely

we do

not

know

the means

betray its influence. For the purposes of private consolation the Orphic mysteries may have appealed more powerfully to
certain
circles,

especially in

South

Italy,

where Kore also

.

a And so played her part in the Orphic-Dionysiac cults authoritative a witness to the public opinion concerning the

doctrine of immortality in the

*

fifth

century B.C. as the Attic

Proclus

tells

us

that
to

those

who

are

Dionysos and Kore pray to cease from the circle of existence and to rest from evil (Dionybeing initiated

sos, R. 135): these are the well-known words of the Orphic mystic hymn preCf. valent in Crete and South Italy.

D(meter-monuments

p. 224.

n]

DEMETER AND KORE-PERSEPHONE

on those who
fell

213

inscription

at Potidaia
.

seems to reveal a

Doubtless there was creed quite independent of Eleusis a neither uniformity nor dogmatism in this as in any other

domain of Greek religious speculation, and the paradise of the Nevertheless the mystae was not always clearly defined. it speaks in Eleusinian faith is not silent on the stones the epitaph of the hierophant of Eleusis who had found that death was not an evil but a blessing 202a and in the devout
:

prayer inscribed on Alexandrian grave-reliefs that the departed might reach the region of the holy ones

C. I.

A.

I.

442

b Ath. Mitth. 1901, p. 263.

CHAPTER

III

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

THE

literary records of this cult are in

some

respects fuller

and more

and some of the more explicit than the monuments, the of Demeter-Persephone service lack, interesting aspects

The theriomorphic or almost lack, monumental illustration. a detected we which glimpse in the Phigalean conception, of
have left a direct impress upon legend, can scarcely be said to a the later aniconic period has if even and it is doubtful art left us any representation or ayaA/xa to which we may with On a few late coins of certainty attach Demeter s name. b of which the earliest is one struck certain Asia Minor states
; ,

under Demetrius III of Syria in the first century B.C., we find a very rude semblance of a goddess with corn-stalks but with
only
faint

indication of

human

form.
is

But

in

spite of the
;

emblems we cannot say

a genuine Demetcr it of the one be many forms of the merely may very probably divine power of the Asia of Minor, great mother-goddess same stratum the from and fruits and it may descend
that this
fertility
;

of cult as that to which the type of the Ephesian Artemis resemblance. Only belongs, to which it bears an obvious
it as his badge, he and his people may have regarded it as Demeter s image for his name s sake. But at the time when this primitive fetich first came into it did not vogue in these regions, we may be fairly certain that

when Demetrius took

belong to the Hellenic corn-goddess. The same doubt attaches to another

*

relic

of prehistoric
8.

Vide supra, pp. 56-57.

Overbeck, Milnz-Taf.

1-5.

PLATE

III

To face page 215

Vol. Ill

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER
and semi-iconic
art.
,

2I 5

found at Eleusis a

probably

small terracotta agalma has been in a grave, though this is not

stated, of the type

known as Pappades, because it represents a goddess with a kalathos of much the same shape as the high hat of the modern Greek priest (PI. Ill a). The decora
and of the
curls

tion of the breasts

shows the Dipylon

style,

but the curious spiral attachment to the kalathos seems to be borrowed from Egyptian art while in another fetich of the
;

same group we find a decorative motive derived from Assyria b Yet these terracottas are of indigenous fabric and may belong
.

to the seventh century B.C.; we are tempted therefore to attach to them some divine name of the Hellenic system, for certainly by this period the polytheism had passed beyond

the embryonic stage, and Gaia, Demeter, Kore-Persephone had become, at least nominally, distinct personalities, though art was often too inarticulate to distinguish them. The

Pappades are, it is true, found in different localities, Tanagra, Megara, Thisbe, as well as at Eleusis and it is very unlikely that they represented in all places the same divinity but if an Eleusinian grave was really the find -spot of the terracotta
;
;

on
it

PI. Ill a,

we may reasonably
it
;

believe thai; those

who

interred

there intended

of the locality

to stand for Demeter, the great goddess for if the dead needed a divine object that

might serve as a charm in the world below, he would naturally select the image or badge of the most powerful divinity of his community, especially when this was also a divinity potent
in the

lower world.

we can draw nothing very monuments that the prehistoric

If
us,
it

The

from a survey of the or the pre-iconic age has left at least yields us negative evidence of some importance. earliest agalmata bear no resemblance whatever to a
definite

corn-sheaf,

and contribute no support at all to the theory that a corn-fetich, a harvest-eikon of corn-mother or corn-baby, was the embryo of the anthropomorphic figures of the two

Demeter is not found half-emerging from the goddesses. corn -sheaf or corn-stack as Dionysos or Adonis were some*

Vifajahrb.

d. d. Inst.

3 (1888), p. 343, Fig. 26 (Boehlau).

b

n.

p. 344-

216

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

times represented emerging from the tree. The old Hellenic divinities are further removed from the physical substance. This statement might indeed seem to need some correction
or modification, on the ground of the testimony of a Lampsacene coin a (Coin PI. no. 2) on a beautiful gold-stater of the
;

fourth century

we

find the figure of

Kore

rising

up from the

ground, bearing corn-stalks in her hand, while behind her seem to spring up corn and vines. The representation gains in

importance by an interpretation which has been given it according to which the coin-artist has given expression to the
1 ,

idea that the young corn-goddess is essentially immanent in the corn, is in fact the very corn itself. have observed such a primitive religious conception underlying the worship of Demeter Chloe, the verdure, and it must be reckoned with

We

Greek religion. But it is doubtful whether we ought to attribute to the accomplished artist of this coin-type this primitive animistic Need he thought.
in the earlier evolution of

that the returning Kore brings us corn and wine, and that the ear and the vine-cluster shoot and spread around her ? poet or artist of the most anthropo morphic religion might so express himself. The record examined in the former chapter fails to reveal to

mean anything more than

us

any

direct

worship of the corn

.

in Hellenic religion,

whether

c And the monuments are equally silent ; public or mystic unless indeed we accept Lenormant s interpretation of a fourth-

century Apulian vase (PI. Hlb). What is presented to us on it is merely a shrine with corn-stalks symmetrically and reverently disposed either in the porch or as the painter may have wished us to imagine in the interior outside arc worshippers with libations and offerings of garlands, wreaths,
;

and flowers. Lenormant sees in this an unmistakable monu ment of mere corn-worship the stalks have a shrine all to
:

themselves, they are worshipped immediately without the interposition of Kore, Demeter, or Ceres ; and he further sup poses the vase to reveal to us the heart of the Eleusinian
a

Vide Gardner, Types,

Vide supra,
p. 35.

PI. 10. 25.

In

b
c

Daremberg
Ceres,
i,

et

Saglio Diction.

ByProfessorGardner,loc.cit. p. 174.

naire,

p.

1066 (Fig. 1308

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

217

mystery. But apart from the Elcusinian question which does not arise about this vase we may feel grave difficulties here. The record of literature does not incline us to believe that
the Greek of South Italy in the fourth century built temples to a divine corn-stalk, and left out the personal divinity so eccentric a rite would probably not have escaped notice. And an isolated fragment of apparent evidence from the
:

monuments must always be

suspicion.

But

in

considering

may
it.

received with great caution and the vase- representation that we are be quite innocent of the dogma that Lenorfact

mant
is

finds in

There

is

no reason to suppose that the corn

there being worshipped at all, still less that the shrine is dedicated merely to the sacred stalks. The vase-painter was

not bound to show the personal deity within the temple, but may reckon on the imagination to supply the presence of the

god or goddess

and the corn-stalks

may

be more naturally

interpreted as the first-fruits or oblations consecrated to the local Apollo or Demeter or Persephone ; and they are set up
in

such a fashion as to remind us somewhat of our own

offerings set

up

in
is

The

vase-scene

our churches at the harvest-thanksgiving. at the most then ai, interesting though
festival in

vague allusion to some such

South
,

Italy.

the very archaic vase of Sophilos 3 where Demeter appears by the side of Hestia, it is only the inscriptions that enable us to recognize the one and the other goddess. But
at an early period

On

no doubt

in

the development of anthropo

morphic religious art the earth-goddesses of agriculture were specially distinguished by such emblems as corn-stalks, poppies, pomegranate, and kalathos, the symbol of fruitfulness, as well
as

by the symbolism of the nether

is

Of these attributes none serpent. tion of personality except the corn

likely that these
idols,

world, such as torch and in itself sufficient indica

and the poppies.

And

it is

were the

earliest

emblems by which Demeter s

an agrarian character

having originally

in all probability
-* a

and purpose, were distinguished.

is

A Demeter of this ancient type

described by Theocritus
a

as standing near his threshing-

floor,

holding poppies and corn-stalks, and Eusebius mentions

Ath. Milth. 14, Taf.
i.

218

GREEK RELIGION
9
.

[CHAP.

both these as the usual attributes of her images

And when

the lowly worship of the husbandmen became a leading cult of the state churches, it is this type of her that appears most
frequently on the coins, and often in a hieratic form that suggests a temple image as the source of the coin-artist s

conception

a
.

The

earliest
b
,

example that can be quoted

;

is

the

representing her in a very stately and a plastic her on throne, holding the precious fruit pose is suggested by a very of earlier an original probably period

Epirote coin of Pyrrhus

similar

representation on a gem published by Overbeck showing us the goddess throned and wearing the stephane
in

above her forehead, with the corn and poppies hand and her left hand resting on her seat.

her right

any

Demeter we have scarcely monumental representation but the interesting 237 is procession of the kalathos described by Callimachus recorded by a coin of Trajan, on which we see the sacred vessel with the corn-stalks being drawn by a quadriga of four

Of

the purely agrarian ritual of

direct

horses and an Egyptian priest standing behind d The chief story concerning the corn-goddess was the legend of the mission of Triptolemos and the art of vase-painting
. ;

from the fifth century onward devoted itself with enthusiasm to this theme. But these mythic representations, except so far as they illustrate and no doubt helped to propagate the religious idea that Attica was the sacred and original home
of agriculture and the higher
a

life,

do not directly concern

:

Brit.
PI.

For examples, vide Cilician coins, Mus. Cat. Lycaonia, &c., p. 157,
27.

(Syedra,
:

Dem. with
76, PI.

corn,

13.6 (Epiphaneia, Dem. with corn and torch):

poppies, torch)
p.

Coin of Aigion, ib. R. 17: of Kaphyae, T. 15: Sicyon, Dein. on throne wearing polos and holding com, H. 20: Athens, on throne with corn
at enclosure

and
b

sceptre, B. B. 22.

Erythrae, Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, PI. 1 6. 18; vide Geogr. Reg. s. v. Cilicia
(Laertes), Antiocheia ad Maeandrum, Elaia. Prof. Gardner has noticed in-

Geogr. Reg.
3.

s. v.

Epirus.

Coin

PI.

no.
c

Kunsttnythol. 3, Gemmen-Taf.^.2

its

stances in

Numismatic Commentary on
:

Fausanias (Imhoof-Blumer-Gardner) Coins of Argos, PI. K,39, Dem. standing in hieratic pose holding corn-stalks and cf. 160, figure on poppy-heads p. another coin of same type seen within
;

present possessor is unknown, d Brit. Mus. Cat. Alexandria, PI. 30. on the coin, ib. no. 553, the 552
:

chariot

is

former

is

more

being drawn by oxen, but the in agreement with Calli-

machus account,

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

219

this work.

numerous

Only the question might arise whether the very and somewhat uniform representations of the mission, in which Triptolemos appears seated in his serpentcar receiving the ears of corn from Demeter or a libation from
Kore, reproduce even at a distance some sacred drama that

was acted in a mystery-play. But the question belongs rather to the examination of the art that may be or has been supposed to illustrate the Greek mysteries. It is not merely the corn-culture, but the whole life of the
fields

and farms that

is

reflected

in the

monuments
,

of this

the goddess herself holds the plough a and the flocks lost and herds of the homestead are under her protection.
cult
:

antique, that appears to have been

in the Collegio

Romano

in

the time of Gerhard

in

and was copied by him, seems to give somewhat hieratic style a full embodiment of the concep veiled tion of Demeter as the goddess of the cultivated earth and amply draped she is seated on a throne, holding in her left hand on her knees what seems to be a small bee-hive, while her right hand may be resting on a young bull, and swine How much is due to are standing by her feet and left side. until the antique is found must remain restoration uncertain,
a
:

again but we may regard it as authentic on the whole it is in accordance with the idea embodied in the bronze statuette
;
;

that belonged to the collection of Strawberry Hill, representing

Demeter with a hand c

.

calf

on her lap and a honey-pot

in

her

left

In fact the

monuments as

well as the literature attest that

her functions ranged beyond the corn-field, and that she had absorbed much of the character of Gaia, the universal earthgoddess, from whom she had emerged as a specialized form.

We

have seen

this

larger

aspect of her presented

;

in the

Boeotian cult- epithet Demeter Europa and it is significant that the typical representation of the Cretan Europa as riding
a

Dem. with plough on

later coins of
:

p. 107.
c

Leontini, Head, Hist.Nutn,^>. 131 vase in Overbeck, Atlas, 15. 13.

b

cf.

Miiller-Wieseler,
:

Denkmaler,

2. 8,

91

sold, according to Michaelis,

p. 69,

An-

Antike Bildwerke, 154, copied in Ruhland, Die Elensinischen Cottinnen,

dent Marbles,

note 172, to Mr.

Cope

in 1842.

220

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

half-recumbent on the bull was borrowed at least once as an arttype for Demeter for it can be no other than this latter god
:

dess
bull

who

is

carved on a

gem

in St.

Petersburg riding on the

(PI.

and holding poppies and corn and cornucopia a

IV

a).

But, being conceived as the earth-goddess civilized, neither in art nor literature is she ever associated with the animals of the

and rarely with the goat that pastures in wild places There is one monument only that shows goat -sacrifice in her cult, an Attic relief in the Louvre, on which a group of worshippers is seen bringing this animal to her altar, where
wild,
.

c she stands holding a libation-cup The pig and the serpent, her peculiar animals and most frequent companions, belonged to her as a divinity of the
.

nether world.
of her,
the

For

in literature, ritual,

and

art

both aspects

chthonian and the vegetative, were inextricably blended and, as it appears, were coeval in development. Her
terracotta

images that were buried with the dead wear the

This double kalathos, the emblem of the fruit-bearing power. character of hers is expressed by a representation on a gem in
the Berlin Cabinet
d
,

showing her enthroned and holding the

usual corn-stalks and poppy-heads, with an ear of corn and an ant on her right and a serpent on her left, the whole form

suggesting a sculptured image of cult and by such an image as that on a coin of Sagalassos in Pisidia, on which Demeter
:

appears with torch, corn, and cista, the casket containing the arcana sacra of the lower world or on the coins of the
;

Pergamene Elaia that represent both goddesses with kalathos, 6 A terracotta in corn, and torches entwined with serpents
.

the Louvre, said to have been found in Rome, represents Demeter as if emerging from the ground, only visible from the breast upwards, with long flowing hair and corn-stalks in her
a

Mullei -Wieseler, op.

cit.

2.95: the
529.

same type may have occasionally been

used for Artemis, see vol.
b
c

one hand, and in the other a goat s head and standing on the head of an
ox, may represent Demeter, but possibly Artemis.
d
4, 9.
e

2, p.

Vide supra,
Overbeck,
5
:

p. 33.

Kunstmythol.
published by

Atlas,
Miiller-

Overbeck, op.

cit. 3,

Gemmen-Taf.

14.

the

gem

op. cit. 2. 91% showing a maidenly figure holding corn-stalks in

AVieseler,

Gcogr. Reg. s.v. Pisidia, Pergamon.

PLATE IV

To face page 220

Vol. Ill

Ill

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER
;
.

221

hands and serpents entwined about each uplifted arm the a And a scene of actual ritual, type is solemn and hieratic recorded on a relief in St. Mark s, at Venice, shows us most of the attributes of her cult a priestess, holding a knife and fruits with a disk in her right hand, stands by an altar round which a serpent is carved, and a basket and a pig are placed below The inscription proves that we have here an allusion to an it. Italian ritual of the Thesmophoria, which as in Greece must have been both a chthonian and an agrarian service b in the Acropolis Museum at Athens is also sacrificial relief it belongs to the middle interesting because of its antiquity on the are archaism of represented male and right period female worshippers, then a boy holding a patera and leading a pig to Demeter, who stands on the left with a spray in her hand and wearing a crown that is probably of corn-ears.
:

evidence discloses this fact of importance, while that the goddess is fully recognized as a power of the nether world, there is scarcely ever any sinister or repellent

The monumental

The numerous trait entering into the representation of her. d terracottas found at Camarina represent a hieratic form of
sometimes a torch, and in one and the intention was to depict the chthonian goddess by means of these attributes but the forms of the countenance appear soft and benign (PL IV b). And

Demeter holding the

pig,

instance the pomegranate,

we may compare another series found near Catania, dedications to Demeter and Persephone, representing them with e torch, pomegranate, and pig Probably only one monument
with these
.

can be quoted of the gloomier type of expression, an early fourth-century coin of the Arcadian Thelpusa, showing on the
obverse a Demeter head of unique style, the wild hair that rises like the crests of serpents around the head and the stern
expression in the eye and countenance alluding undoubtedly

ft

Miiller-Wernike,
Taf.
b
1

Denkmaler,
2, p.

2,

As

8. 5;

Roscher

Z<?.r/&7,

1359
inscr.

far as I know unpublished. Kekule, Terracotten von Sidlicn,

i.

(Abbild. 9).

Taf. 4.
:

Corpus Inscr. Graec. 5865

Published
7,

by Orsi

in

Monum,

in

Greek and Latin feptvTia

Flopa/zon)

Antichi,

1897, p. 201, PI. 3-7.

tfpaa Arjurjrpos @fffio^)6pov.

222

GREEK RELIGION
;

CHAP.

to the local cult of the dark goddess, Demeter Melaina while on the reverse the figure of the horse Areion points clearly to

the story of the outraged and vindictive deity a (Coin PL I, no. i). But probably this was not the dominant conception of her even at Thelpusa at least it scarcely affects the main current
;

of Greek imagination concerning her. In all the functions and attributes of Demeter the daughter, Persephone, has her part and though the chthonian character
:

more emphasized in the latter, it is blended in her also with the beneficent power of the giver of fruits b Kalathos, corn,
is
.

animals that belong to the mother become the property of the daughter as well and in the works of the finest art the corn-stalks form her crown as they form the mother s. The varied fruitfulness and
fruits, flowers, serpent,

and the

sacrificial

beauty of the earth go to adorn her stephane

:

in

the coin-

device of Phrygillos and Eumenes, that stamps the beautiful tetradrachms of Syracuse in the fifth century the poppy, the
c From acorn, the oak-leaf, and the corn are interwoven in it the monuments that illustrate the conception of Persephone as
.

goddess of vegetation, and that belong to hieratic or religious two may be selected as typical a black-figured vase d on which she is depicted seated on a rock opposite to Hades, and
art,
:

holding large stalks of corn in her hands the scene is in the lower world, but the artist was thinking of life rather than
;

of the Epizephyrii century B.C., showing Persephone seated by the side of the god of the lower world, who both in countenance and attributes is invested with a mild and Dionysiac character
fifth

death a

terracotta-relief

from

Locri

and holds a flowering spray in his hands, while see the ears of corn and a cock that was sacrificed
the nether powers (PI. V). Perhaps the most interesting
Overbeck, op. cit., Coin PI. 6. 26; on the reverse Head, op. cit. p. 382 the name above the horse.
:

in

hers

we

at times to

embodiment of the same condell

Oreo

at

Corneto shows the imimagination,

EPIHN

press of Etruscan d. Inst. 9. I5 b .

c

Mon.

The

powerfully depicted and re-

pellent type of Persephone with snakes in her hair that was found in the tomb

d
e

Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 202. Wiener Vorlege-B latter, TL.TzS..b. 6. Roscher, Lcxikon, i, p. 1798.

PLATE

Zb

Jace page 222

PLATE VI

To face page 233

Vol. ///

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

223

ception is to be found in those representations that deal with the Anodos or resurrection of the corn-goddess in spring: and certain of these are works rather of ritualistic or at least

The representation on the religious than of mythologic art. beautiful coin of Lampsacos already mentioned is a unique
rendering of an idea suggested by a pure nature-religion ; other examples of the Anodos in art are of a more cere

monious character, and perhaps originated in an ancient and mystic ritual. Only three can be quoted, of which the main theme admits of no doubt: a vase in Naples a that from the lettering of the inscriptions may be dated about 440 B.C.
,

Kore

is

ascending preceded by Hekate, while Hermes awaits

her, and Demeter holding her sceptre stands on the right ; the representation is somewhat coloured by the myth, for the daughter is looking with longing at the mother and
lifting

in Berlin

her hand with a gesture of yearning (PI. VI a) a vase b on which the rising Kore is seen revealed as far
:
,

as the knees, and Hermes gazing on the far left, while goatdemons or goat-men are celebrating the resurrection with

a dance
scene,

a vase in Dresden
inscribed

(PI.

VI

b) with

much

the same

names attesting the two main per the ascending Kore, while the same c seem in the goat-dance is being danced to greet her two latter works to be confronted with a solemn hieratic
their

sonages,

Hermes and

We

action rather than a

mere myth

the

tragic

dances

may

be part of the primaeval

possible relation to a later

ritual of

a spring-festival, and their tragedy is a question to consider,

.

d The return of Kore though it lies now outside our scope been associated with a dogma con may have occasionally

cerning her union with Dionysos; for

a

we

see Dionysos present

Overbeck,

Atlas,

18.

15;

Ban-

(vide
tion

meister, Denkmaler, p. 423. b Published in Rom. Mittheil. 1897,

Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 177, quotafrom the Martyrologiwn Sancti Timothei) and survived the introduction

Taf. 4. 5 (Hartwig).
c

Arch. Anz. 1892, p. 166. d We have evidence of the

of Christianity; Hartwig, loc. cit. p. 100 suggests that such goat-dances may have

same

mummery
yuyia

as being part of the Kara-

at Ephesus, which probably was a festival of the Return of Artemis

been practised at the Anthesteria when Dionysos and Kore might be supposed to be married but we have no clear
:

evidence of this marriage at Athens.

224
at another scene
a
,

GREEK RELIGION
on a Berlin

[CHAP.

crater, of the resurrection of

the earth-goddess, whom on the ground of its striking analogies with the representations above mentioned we may interpret again on an early Campanian vase in Paris we see the heads of the earth-god and goddess emerging, and the vine-crown on his head and the presence of satyrs
as Kore.

And

convince us that Plouton and Dionysos are here identified It is particularly in South Italy that the evidence of the
15
.

monuments reveals this twofold conception of Persephone as the goddess of the lower world and as the divine source of
it is illustrated by some interesting terra vegetative life cottas found in a sanctuary of Persephone near Tarentum, c of which a description has been given by Dr. Arthur Evans
:

and one of these represents her standing erect with the kalathos on her head and holding torch in her right hand, and in her left a basket with pomegranate and probably corn stalks, while another head of the goddess is adorned with the vine-spray the fragment of another terracotta shows a large serpent by her side. And here again, as the above-mentioned d her male partner, the under-world writer has pointed out
; ,

The association god, has decidedly a Dionysiac character. of Dionysos with the chthonian goddess, which the record
23 in Greece is shown also by the 6 This Knidos rapprochement, due archaeological which we know to have been probably to Orphic influences, specially strong in Magna Graecia between the wine-god and

proves of several localities

finds

at

Hades -Plouton, invested the character of the latter with a milder aspect, and diffused a certain brightness over the The much dis artistic representations of the lower world.
cussed sepulchral reliefs from Laconia, showing a male and female pair enthroned together, sometimes holding the wine-

cup and pomegranate, with worshippers bringing the

a Robert s Archdolog. March. Taf. 4; Miss Harrison s Prolegomena, p. 278. b Man. d. Inst. 6, Tav. 7 but on a similar group, Gerhard, Akad. Ab:

latter

d
*

loc. cit. p. 12.

Xewton, Halicarnassus, vol

2,

pt. I,

329, PI. 46, Fig. 6, youthful figure wearing crown of flowers, with long
p.

hand. 68.
Semele.
c

i,

the earth-goddess

is

named

and himation round lower limbs and over left shoulder, almost certainly
hair

HelLJoiirn. 1886, pp. 22, 28.

Bacchus.

PLATE VII

To face page 225

Vol.

HI

m]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

225

fruit and a cock as offerings, may represent the great god and goddess of the lower world, whose cult was powerful

in

Laconia, or the heroic ancestors of the family conceived

;

under their forms (PL VII) a in any case the religious imagina tion revealed by these works concerning the life after death

markedly from that of the Homeric society. Again, the numerous representations showing the nether god and goddess in peaceful and loving intercourse, such as the relief from Locri Epizephyrii mentioned above, the relief in the Villa Albani where Plouton is seen holding the cornucopia
differs

rather

standing by the side of the stately Persephone in the company of Zeus, Poseidon, and Amphitrite b the beautiful interior picture of the British Museum cylix figured here (PL Villa),
,

seem

to reflect a religious belief into which the myth of the ravisher did not enter, and may possibly preserve something of the tradition of the primitive chthonian cult when the

Kore of the well-known legend was not yet

from the earth-goddess.
:

differentiated

And

conjugal couple Demeter is scenes of hieratic art on an important relief found at Tegea c dedicated to Hades, Kore, and Demeter, on which the god

noteworthy that with this sometimes peacefully united in

it

is

appears throned and holding the horn of plenty, Persephone with sceptre and kalathos stands leaning her left arm lovingly

on the shoulder of her mother who holds torches and a cup and monuments of similar intention have been found at Eleusis and already mentioned. In fact we may believe that these scenes of peaceful communion and reconciliation between the trinity of nether deities, such as the famous
;

Hope

vase

d
,

owe something

to the indirect influence of the

Eleusinian mysteries.

But frequently in the chthonian cult and the art that it inspired it was the mother and daughter alone that were
united as rulers of the world of souls.

Eleusinian influence
art-type
5.

spread
a

far

afield,

and a

certain
c

local

may

have

The

plate

shows a
Berlin.

relief

from ChryTaf. 7,

Ath.

Mitth.

69;

Arch. Zeit.

sapha now in
b

1883, p. 225.
cit. 2,

Muller-Wieseler, op.
no. 76.

Vide

infra, p. 258.

FARN ELL.

Ill

226

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

4a spread with it ; for instance a relief at Gythion in Laconia 240 shows us a region where the Eleusinian cult is attested
,
,

the

mother-goddess

seated

on a round

seat,

which

is

probably a conventional form of the mystic cista, crowned with corn-stalks and holding what seems to be a torch in
her
left

who
The

hand, while her right clasps the hand of her daughter, stands by her crowned and veiled and holding a sceptre
:

the group

a free reproduction of an Eleusinian type a chthonian character of this mystic cult is indicated by
is
.

the Cerberus at the feet of Demeter (PL VIII b). The other symbols of this character were chiefly the pomegranate and
the torch or serpent, which
all belong to them both. And from an early period in Greece the habit seems to have prevailed in certain centres of placing some of these

or images of the goddesses themselves in the tomb with the deceased. At least, clay pomegranates have been

emblems
found

of Eleusis, and date from the a child s grave opened near the geometrical period Acharnian Gate at Athens, amidst other relics, archaic images were found of two pairs of seated goddesses wearing the polos
in

the

necropolis
:

and

in

and draped

in

mantles

b
.

statuettes of similar type. and aegis on the breast

And the Attic earth has disclosed As one of them wears a gorgoneion
c
,

it

goddess represented

is

always Athena.

has been supposed that the But we do not know

;

that this Athena-statuette

was discovered in a grave and though the pious relatives in any community might place an idol or emblem of their leading divinity as an amulette in the tomb of the deceased, there was no special reason why Athena should be chosen, when there were other
goddesses more appropriate. It is hard to suppose that the dead who were called Demetreioi in Attica were com
mitted to the earth under the care of any other divinity than the earth-goddess herself; and at least from the sixth

century onwards the only earth-goddess

a

who

could inspire

Vide

infra, p. 267. Stackelberg, Grader der HeUenen,

appears from a statement in the Arch. Zeit. 1882, p. 265, that this
it

Taf. 8.
c

statuette
vol. I, p. 333, PI.

is

now

in

the

Museum

of

Vide Cults,

XV.

a:

Berlin.

To face page 226

Vol. Ill

PLATE IX

To face page 227

Vol.

Ill

PLATE

To face page 227

Vol.

Ill

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

227

in the faithful the

Persephone.

hope of posthumous happiness was DemeterIn the child s tomb mentioned above, where

we

find

two

pairs of images of the

same type, we may with

reduplicated to
in

conviction

name them Demeter and Kore,

;

increase the potency of the amulette

another case, where the

image

is

tripled

we may suppose
it

that

Hekate was added

against the trend of the later Greek to suppose that the worshipper intended religious history them to be nameless forms of a vaguely conceived goddess,
to the pair.
is

For

though the art-form was usually without character and could be used in different localities for different cult-purposes b
Still less

she wears veil and stephane* her hands are pressed against her breast, and her face shows The work benignity with a touch of sadness (PL IX).
:

by Demeter or Demeter-Persephone

to doubt that the goddess intended the terracotta bust found in a necropolis at Thebes is

reason have

we

displays the style of the fifth century, and may reproduce the type of Demeter Thesmophoros at Thebes, whose statue as we are told was only visible as far as the breasts 86
.

A sepulchral significance probably

also belonged to

two busts

or masks of Persephone in the British Museum, one of which from Tanagra represents her as holding an egg in

her

her right hand and with her left pressing a cock against breast (PL X), the other with both hands holding a pomegranate and flower to her bosom. Such movement

of the hands as in these just mentioned

Stackelberg, op. cit. p. 42 (vignette): the central deity has a round disk-like object between her breasts ; this may
a

monuments descends

Attic
b

the sixth century B.C., was placed in tombs, vide Cults, 2, p. 549,
a.

PL XXXVIII.
p.
:

be a gorgoneion, but as she wears no aegis we need not suppose her to be an Athena (the gorgoneion has a chthonian significance, hence theCistophoros of Cambridge wears it in the service of Demeter). The relation between this central goddess who is throned and the
younger goddess who stands at her left seems one of mother and daughter the goddess at her right has no distinctive
:

in Arch. Zeit. 1882, similar types are found in 265 Eoeotia (Tanagra) and Eretria, vide Eph. Arch. 1899, pp. 29, 30.
c Mon. Grecs, 1873, PI. 2: the writer there points out that the form of these terracotta busts was specially appropriate to sepulchral purposes, if it was

Vide Frankel

an object to represent the earth-goddesses as half-emerging from the ground

below,

characteristic,

but the dedicator

may

have intended Hekate, who, as early as

228

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

from an ancient hieratic gesture indicative of nourishment The beautiful wall-painting in Berlin b showing or fertility a Kore seated on a throne holding myrtle and pomegranate, was found in a tomb at Nola (PI. XI). And, finally, we may assign an important place among the monuments of this worship to the terracottas found in a tomb in Aegina the one representing a seated goddess with a kalathos on her head, the other a smaller goddess erect wearing a polos and pressing
.
,

a pomegranate to her breast, a work of the sixth century B.C. as the letters of the fragmentary inscription show we should
;

style

them Demeter and Kore, but we may

rather

according to the local titles of these divinities, Auxesia, whom the record reveals as goddesses of increase and life, and who are here fulfilling a sepulchral or chthonian
function.

name them Damia and

For again and again we note how in Greek symbolism The and belief the ideas of life and death are blended. a but not was exclusively symbol of usually pomegranate death the seeds of life are in it, and therefore Hera could hold it, who may have bequeathed it by a strange accident
;

The statuette found of transmission to the Virgin Mary in the Tauric Chersonese of a veiled goddess holding this fruit in her right hand against her breast and a calf in her
cl
.

lap

may represent a Demeter E^oo-ta or a Persephone e The torch HoXvfioia rather than a merely chthonian goddess also may have carried the same double symbolism: in the
.

hands of the Furies and of Demeter Erinys

at

Thelpusa

it

alluded to the mysteries of the under-world, but it could be used in an agrarian ritual for evoking the life-giving warmth

of the earth

f
,

and

this

was probably part of

its

purpose in

b
c

Vide vol. 2, p. 672. Arch. Zeit. 1850, Taf.

14.

d
e
f

Op. cit. 1867, Taf. 228. Vide Hibbert Lectures, p. 42.

MUller-Wernicke,
2.

e.g. on coins of Hermione, Brit. Mus. Cat. Peloponnese, PI. 30. 2, 4 (fourth of Thebes, Central Greece, century)
:

PI. 16. 3

(torch, ears of corn,

:

poppyof LysU

18, 3.

heads, all tied up together)

We may

thus explain the not in-

frequent

coin-type,

probably

always

machia, Thrace, p. 238 (pine-torch within wreath of barley, on obverse

bearing a Demetrian significance, of the torch combined with corn or poppies,

head of Demeter) ?Alaesa,

:

Sicily, p. 28.

PLATE XI

To face page 228

Vol. Ill

m]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

229

And it is an error to interpret every Demeter with torches as if they conveyed of representation an allusion to the myth of her search for her daughter through the gloom of the lower regions. For instance, it
the Thesmophoria.

might seem natural to believe that the very archaic bronze 158 of the torch-bearing statue at Enna mentioned by Cicero goddess was intended to embody the local legend of the a quest but the coins of this city struck about 450 B. c. show us Demeter sacrificing at an altar and holding a torch in her left hand (Coin PL no. 4), and the representation is ritualistic,
;

not mythologic.

And

there

is

in the coin-type of

Megara

in

surely some reference to ritual which Demeter appears holding

torches and standing before another large torch that is stuck b One may surmise upright in the ground (Coin PL no. 6).
in this device to the worship of Demeter Thesmophoros at Megara, for the torch-service was, as we know, an important part of the Thesmophoria at Athens and

an allusion

apparently at Syracuse. The ritualistic significance of the torch is still more salient on a very curious Cyzicene coin
of the Imperial period c (Coin PL no. 7), where we discern three female figures, of which those on the left and right

hold each one torch and the central figure two, standing in line on the top of a round building in the face of which
a door, while below on each side of
.

is

it

are torches standing

last hieratic

erect with serpents round

which Minor
placed
a

is
e
,

them d This not infrequent on the coins of

certain states of
is

emblem, Asia
again
are

occurs again on a later coin of Kyzikos, and f upright but before a very small altar
.

We

In
p.

British

Museum, Head,
is

Hist.

a unique type of the torch-bearing Demeter in a chariot drawn by horses Coin PI. no. 5 ;
it is

Ntiw.

119: on the reverse

The same building with posts or torches at the side encircled by serpents
occurs on

Samothrace,

a Cyzicene relief found at vide Kern, Ath. Mitth.

quite uncertain whether this refers to

the quest it does not accord with the usual representations of it or to some

1893, 357, and Rubensohn, Mysterimheiligthiimer p. 158; both writers are inclined to interpret it in reference to
,

unrecorded
in

ritual,

possibly a procession

which the
5

priestess figured in this

the Cybele-cult alone, but the three figures on the top are not easily ex-

way,

plained thus.

Imhoof-Blumer- Gardner,
Brit.

Num.
1,

e.g.
s .v.
f

at

Elaia (vide Geogr. Reg.

Cat. Mysia, PI.
1 1,

Comm. Paus. A.
c

Mus.

12, 13. Cat. Mysia,

Asia Minor).
Brit.

PL

no. 7.

Mus.

no. 8.

230

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

evidently here on the track of some important religious service belonging to the worship of Demeter-Persephone or Cybele, to which cults Kyzikos as we know was devotedly attached a
.

The numismatic evidence shows us that the serpent and the torch were special adjuncts of the agrarian Persephone-cult b But what is the meaning of the round building in this city
.

with the figures on

it ?

It

does not appear to be an

altar,

quite unlike the obvious altar on the other coin, where the same emblem occurs; nor would it be easy to explain

and

is

why

torch-bearing figures should be standing on an altar.

We

them as goddesses, probably and Demeter, Persephone, Cybele, the central personage who and holds two torches being the others predominates over c And the figures so far as one can judge the elder deity from a somewhat blurred coin are not immobile statues, mere xoana, but there is an appearance of movement in them. Perhaps the hypothesis which best explains the enigmatical representation is that here again we have an
must,
I

think, interpret

in art-language to the Cyzicene Thesmophoria, where the women carried torches in procession as usual, and where serpents played their part among the sacra of the mysteries and were possibly fed by the women d as at Athens. It is true that hitherto no written record has been but it would be found mentioning the festival at Kyzikos

allusion

very surprising if a Milesian settlement did not possess a ritual so dear to the Ionic communities and of such antiquity and
tenacity of
life.

Looking now
agrarian
a b

for

monumental

illustration

of the

non-

cults,

those,

for instance, that reflected

(allusion to the

more parin

Cf. R. 128 and Cybele, R. 55. Cf. Brit. Mus. Cat. Mysia, p. 44,

games

honour of
op.
cit.

Kore).
c

PI. 12. 8, bust of

Kore

Soteira,

on

re-

Cf.

late

Cyzicene

coin,

verse serpent feeding from flaming altar : PI. 10. 10 (earlier period) bust of Kore
Soteira,
stalks

PI.

Demeter or Kore with flaming torches advancing by flaming altar, and

1 3. 8,

on reverse torch with cornit:

PI. 15. 4.

around

PL

13.

6,

flaming

torch entwined by serpent and by ears of com and poppies: PL 14. 5, men racing on foot and horseback, behind

Note the Cyzicene coin-types of serpents twined about the torches feeding on fruit or cakes, op. cit. PL 12. 5,
9, cf.

note b, supra,

them torches entwined with serpents

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

231

and state, we can quote none that clearly express any conception of the sacred pair as goddesses of marriage. Nor, although certain local worships 108 have we any recognized them as deities of child-birth
ticularly the organization of family
,

art-dedications that allude to this aspect of them. Demeter was one of the many 0eot Kovporpo^ot at

and

it

Athens 109 has been supposed that we possess certain works con
;

secrated to this idea of her as the nurse of childhood

for

instance, a headless statue of fifth-century style in the Museum of the Acropolis at Athens, showing a female figure in stately

would be the

drapery with a boy nestling at her side a clearer example statuette of terracotta found at Paestum of
;

a goddess holding a child in her mantle on her left arm, if we were sure that the object in her other hand were a

cake or a loaf

but

it

may

be an egg or

fruit

a
.

Such ex

voto

dedications as the last-mentioned

work are

in all probability

purely genre^ and do not represent any mythologic concept such as the nurture of lacchos. And by far the greater number of these representations show no external symbol of

Demeter
for

at all,

and the dedication

may have

intended them

or rather for the goddess Kourotrophos whose personality we shall have to consider pure and simple, collection of terracottas from a necro in a later chapter.

Ge Kourotrophos

a veiled goddess polis at Eretria includes a representation of b who is resting her head on holding a girl-child on her lap her shoulder: one naturally thinks of Demeter and Kore, as we have other examples of the Mother represented with
,

the Daughter in her lap

girl ?

c
.

Or

is

this also

merely a type of

Kourotrophos suitable for dedication in the grave of a little

must be content, perhaps, with admitting that the archaic art had not yet fixed the outlines of these numerous goddesses of nurture and growth.

We

The monuments
a

that

definitely

illustrate

the

civic

or

Overbeck, KunstmythoL

Daremberg
1295.
b
c

2, p. 489; et Saglio, i, p. 1041, Fig.

at Eleusis,

statuette of
lap,

Demeter with
p.

Kore on her
Athen.
wangler).

fourth century B.C.

Mitth.

1895,

359

(Furt-

Eph. Arch. 1899,

p. 30.

Small dedication from the temple

232

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

political character of

in

Demeter s worship are also very scanty number, and the art-language is here by no means clear or Later art, like the later literature, may have impressive.

to interpret Demeter Thesmophoros as Legifera, and have may occasionally represented her as carrying a volume of the Law, but the monuments sometimes quoted in proof of

come

this are of doubtful significance

a
.

A small
XII

terracotta in the

British

Museum from Cyprus

(PI.

a)

shows us two

goddesses enthroned side by side, each with a scroll on her lap, and these may be intended for the 0eo! 0o-/xoc/)opot, but the
still it is

workmanship does not appear wholly Greek or quite intelligent probably an imitation of a real Greek type. Once find the turreted crown, the special badge of the we do only b the unique example is city-goddess, assigned to Demeter
;
:

a bronze-coin of the Sarmatian Olbia (Coin PL no. 8) of the third century B. C., on which she is represented wearing the

mural crown adorned with corn-stalks

is

this state well attest her political significance there,

some

slight

numismatic evidence

for

and other coins of and there the belief that she was
;

there associated with Apollo as the patroness of the Polis. The head of Demeter appears, like that of most other Greek

with some frequency on coins, but rarely with such persistence as to prove for her a paramount importance in the
divinities,

community. And the examples earlier than 400 B. c. are not From Kyzikos d we have a beautiful type of numerous. Demeter crowned with corn-stalks, which belongs to a veiled
fifth century B. C. (Coin PL no. 9). Of greater historical and of transcendent artistic importance are the great Syracusan medallions and tetradrachms with heads of Persephone carved by Euainetos, Eumenes, and

the latter part of the

greater but unknown artist, commemorating in bability the great national triumph over the Athenians

still

all
e
.

pro

The

The

vase-painting
et

published

in

and Cybele when he speaks

Daremberg

Saglio,

Dictionnaire,

p. 1043, Fig. 1296, shows Dionysos conversing with a woman who has a there is no reason for scroll on her lap
:

of the former as usually represented with a turret-crown, vide Rhea-Cybele, R. 14. c Vide Hellen. Journ. 1902, p. 262, Cults of Olbia
d
e

calling her
b

Demeter Thesmophoros. Joannes Lydus is confusing Demeter

by Hirst, Head, Hist. A um. p. 451. Vide Evans, Syractisan Medallions,

PLATE XII a

To face page 232

Vol. Ill

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

233

Arcadian worship of Despoina is reflected on fifth-century coins a of Arcadia on which we recognize her head Later, the numismatic types of the goddesses are more frequent, perhaps owing to the extending influence and prestige of the mysteries,
.

and

in certain cases, as at Alexandria, Olbia, Metapontum, b Locri Epizephyrii, and possibly Sestos to the prosperity of Yet in none of these places does it the local corn-trade.
,

appear that the figure of Demeter or Persephone was specially the emblem of the state, though Kore Soteira was often and c very strikingly commemorated by the Cyzicene coin-artist and her form or her mother s appears on a late issue by the side of the Ephesian Artemis in token of an alliance with
,

Ephesus

d
:

and the ancient fame of Persephone

temple

in

the territory of the Locri Epizephyrii is attested by coins of the third century B. C. But the only issues that seem to have given a predominance to the emblems or figures of the

goddesses

Messene

the autonomous Greek period were those of and Hermione f a fact sufficiently explained by the
in
:

cult-records of those communities.

As has been noted, the Achaean coins do not appear to have recognized Demeter Panachais as the leading divinity of the g On the other hand the most ancient federal union confederacy
.

Delphic Amphictyony, has left us one beautiful memorial of its consecration to Demeter s service, the well-known Amphictyonic coin showing Apollo on the reverse, and on the obverse the veiled and corn-crowned head of the goddess h
in Greece, the
.

p. 131, who quotes the reverse design of tetradrachms by the artist Euarchidas

ending

seated with patera in hand and sceptre in poppy-head; Sestos, vide

showing Persephone with torch, driving a chariot, while Nike flies towards her
with the aplustre of a ship, published
ibid. PI. 10. 6, 7. a

Head, p. 225. Vide Coin

PI. no. 12.

Kore Soteira

on fourth-century coin of Kyzikos with veiled head and corn-crown. Cf. Head,
op. cit. p. 453 ; Brit. PI. 10. 10; 12. 8. d

Gardner, Types, 3. 50. Alexandria, Brit. Mus. Cat. Alexp.

xli
;

Mus.

Cat. Mysia,
p. 60.

andria,

Metapontum, Head,

Brit.

Mus.

Cat.

Mysia,
Brit.

Hist. Niirn. p. 64; Locri Epizephyrii, Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmaler, 2, no. 102 a , bronze-coin with Persephone

Coin

PI. no. 10.

Mus.

Cat.

Peloponnese, p. 109 (issue from 370 to

280
f

B.C.).

holding torch seated before growing corn ; cf. Head, op. cit. p. 88 (bronzecoin, third century
B.C.),

Persephone

Coin PI. no. (op. cit. p. 161). Vide supra, p. 69. Coin PI. no. 13 (vide supra, p. 73).

234

GREEK RELIGION
may
suffice to suggest,

This scanty evidence

what the other

record also tends to attest, that her position in the public life of the community, except perhaps at Syracuse and Kyzikos,

was held by Zeus Apollo or Athena, and that her importance was agrarian rather than in the strict sense political. Nor do the monuments associate her in any way with the arts of life except those that concern the sower and the tiller a It remains to consider what may be regarded as the most
as
for the
utilitarian side of religion
.

was not such more

interesting class of

monuments, those namely that

directly or

indirectly illustrate the service of the mysteries.

These have

been eagerly studied and discussed, for they excite the hope that they may throw some light on secrets not otherwise
revealed, or that they
literary record.
later.

may
far

serve to corroborate or correct the

such hope is justified may appear only the mysteries of Demeter and Persephone in Attica that concern us now, for their other mystic cults in Greece have scarcely left any articulate memorial of themselves
It is

How

except in the literature.

And the question may almost be confined to the monumental illustration of the great mysteries A possible allusion to the at Eleusis and the lesser at Agrae.
Thesmophoria on coins has already been noticed, and the above-mentioned relief at Venice shows us the functions of a priestess of Demeter Thesmophoros but that this mystic
;

celebration in Attica inspired any art-representation that has survived has not yet been made out, though we may consider
for a

moment

in this

connexion one
its

cult-relief that has a general

interest apart

This frag interpretation (PI. XII b). ment was found at Eleusis in the precincts of the temple of the mysteries, and has been published and described by Ruben-

from

sohn b we see worshippers of both sexes, followed by a girl with a large mystic casket on her head, approaching the muffled
:

quaint ex voto dedication found Eleusis 158 a painted terracotta with a razed head of Demeter above, and
at

any special aptitude in the therapeutic art any divinity, saint, or hero can be addressed with prayers for health, and
:

below a human nose and pair of

one blinded

eyes,

such dedications are

churches of
b

common
P4^>

in

the

expresses the prayer of some worshipper to recover his sight: but this does not attribute to Demeter

Roman

Catholicism,

Ath. Mittk. 1899,

^-

&.

X
w
0H

I,

m;

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

235

on the ground or, as the figure of Demeter seated on the dyeAaoros Tre rpa, the tioned writer argues,
out laughter, which as
for

above-men
rock with

a locality

in

Attic

we now know was the a The goddess is territory

.

official

name

not elsewhere

such a disconsolate pose. But, as we have represented seen, the women in the Thesmophoria showed their sympathy
in
it was with her sorrow by themselves sitting on the ground a ritualistic act, to which we may conceive the present monu ment vaguely to allude. More than a vague allusion to the the festival confined to women, the presence of
c

Thesmophoria,
the

It is also possible of here forbids us to assume. visit of the mystae in the to refer course that the relief may the Eleusinia to the localities associated with the sorrowing

men

mother

we know they visited

the well

21Gb
;

it

may be

accident that

the rock without laughter

is

only an not mentioned

in their sacred itinerary.

If

we now

fix

our attention upon those monuments that can

with certainty or with reasonable probability be associated in some way with the Eleusinia, we can ignore many that used to be cited as bearing on the question we need not notice, for
;

from South Italy that have a marked Dionysiac character and no genuine Eleusinian trait. The authentic monuments are naturally of Attic provenance and we may consider them from various points of view, accordinstance, certain representations
:

Vide

inscription,

R. 182.

In spite
are
still

of all the recent discussion

uncertain as to

we
site

that

the Epimeletai does not indeed prove the dyeXaffros irerpa was at
Eleusis
;

the exact
:

of the

but I cannot admit Svoronos

it

ay&aaros

Homeric hymn, the hymn of Callimachus, and what is more important, the description of the Eleusinian territory in Pausanias, do
irtTpa

the

arguments that
his

contention

that

disproves the

it

or accept

ayc\aaros

irer/ja

was

at

Agrae

(Jottrn. oT Arclieol.

not mention

it

at

all.

Apollodorus

Nitwisni. 1901, p. 249, &c.)- Rubensohn s reasons for localizing the rock

(followed by Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 785) is our authority for placing it at Eleusis by the well Kallichoros ; and
vve

on the
view

hill

above the

Plutonion
;

at
this
in-

Eleusis are not without weight

on

Apollodorus was somewhat

;

have no reason at present for rejecting

his statement,

which

is

somewhat

cor-

roborated by the discovery of this relief at Eleusis, the only undoubted representation of

exact in placing it by the Kallichoros which has been discovered near well at Eleusis, outside the the

Propylaea

sacred precinct (De/f. ArchaioL 1902,

p. 34).

Demeter on the rock.

The

mention of the place in the accounts of

236

GREEK RELIGION

CHAP.

ing as they illustrate the mere externals of the ritual and the and mythic traditions that were matters of common report, or secondly, according to the light that they may be supposed to throw on the inner character or dogma or drama of the mystic function finally, we may select those that best
historic
:

reveal to us

how

the personages of the Eleusinian religion were

conceived

in ideal religious art.

As

regards external questions

we shall

not expect the

monu

ments to throw light on the earliest days of the history of Eleusis and the beginnings of its religion. Except for the statuette of Isis and the very archaic terracotta of a possible Demeter, that have already been mentioned, the record on this side is blank until the latter But part of the sixth century. even works of a later epoch claim a certain attention from those

who

try to estimate the historical value of tradition,

instance,

illustrate the prevalence of myths that were later age as historical. For the

if they accepted by the legend of Eumolpos

has a certain bearing, as we have seen, on the question of Dionysiac influence in the mysteries it is of some importance, therefore, to gather from the archaeological evidence the nega
;

on the monuments he has no special association but the myth, which has been found to possess some significance, of his affiliation to Poseidon is illustrated by the interesting vase of Hieron in the British Museum a (PI. XIII), on which the deities of Eleusis, Demeter,
tive fact that

with Dionysos

Pherophatta, Triptolemos, and the personified Eleusis on the one side are grouped

with Eumolpos, Zeus, Dionysos, Atnphitrite, and Poseidon on the other; and while Poseidon with Amphitrite sits on the extreme right, on the far left the figure of Eumolpos balances his. And the relation of the mortal to the divinity is shown not only by this correspondence in position, but probably by an accessory symbol also, the swan that is depicted by his chair the artist
;

intending to convey an allusionnot surely to his name of sweet singer, for the swan has not that significance in Greek but to the water-god his father b art-speech
.

Daremberg

et Saglio,

Dictionnaire,

legend, and the type of the swan bearing

vol. 2, p. 545, Fig. 2629. b Cf. the swan in the

Aphrodite.

Hyperborean

PLATE

XIV

To face page 237

Vol.

HI

in.]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

237

presence of Zeus indicates here the importance of the mysteries for the whole Olympian circle. Their strong attrac
tion for

The

Athens and the

*

political

dependence of Eleusis upon

the greater state is often expressed by the presence of Athena relief of good fifth-century in the Eleusinian entourage. the Telesterion, shows us in of Eleusis near wall found a style,

the figures of the great goddesses standing and belonging in form and drapery to a type prevalent in the latter half of this century,
right Athena greeting them, and a youthful perso a nage who may be lacchos, or the Demos of Eleusis (PL XIV). These representations are mythologic or political, not ritualistic or ceremonious, and it is the art of the latter character that concerns us more nearly. But the whole ritual was, as we have seen, very complex, and we could not expect to find all the details of even the public part of it represented in sur viving monuments, especially as we know that Greek art loved a short-hand style, and rarely tells us the whole of anything.

and on the

The

process of preparation for the act of initiation was, as

cathartic
;

we
one
is

have seen, mainly

interesting

and we have

at

least

monument

of

Eleusinian purification.

This

a marble vase with relief-figures found in a tomb of the gens Statilia near the Porta Maggiore at Rome, which seems to

show Attic

style of the early Roman period (PL a). of the figures at least are clear enough on the left stands
:

XV

Two
Kore

holding a torch behind Demeter,

cylindrical shape,

who

is

seated on a throne of
if in

and

is

turning round as
elder goddess
is

conversation

with her daughter.

The

crowned with corn,

two of the
forehead
:

ears being set in a peculiar way upright over her she also holds a torch, and her large familiar serpent coils round her and lies in her lap. Before her stands a cate

chumen wrapped
border
;

in

on

his left shoulder

.

an ample robe of wool with a fringed appear traces, not very clear, of

a fawn skin b

He

is

leaning on a club, entirely at his ease, and

of the appearance of a fawn skin, over
his robe

Athen. Mittheil. 1894, Taf. 7. On the fragment of an Eleusinian

published

relief

Ath.

Mitth.

1892,

p. 127, Fig. 2,

we see an official wearing some kind of skin, which has something

Harpokration, s.v. vfftpifav, speaks of the fawn skin as worn by mystae, but he is referring to the wellknown passage in the De Corona, and
:

238

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

playing in the most unceremonious manner with the snake, while the goddess seems to take no notice of him. It would be absurd to see anything hieratic or mystic in this part of
the scene, which gives us rather a very genre or secular The scene that follows is very handling of divine things. Here we see the aspirant covered in a large robe different.
that conceals his face, and seated on a throne over which a lion s skin is laid the club is in his left hand, and a ram s
;

head is seen beneath his feet; while behind him stands a priestess in long robes holding an object above his head that has rightly been interpreted as a liknon or winnowing- fan. Then comes a group consisting of a youth, wearing a lion s skin and holding a pig head downwards over an altar, and a priest

who

with the other

holds a patera containing poppy-heads in one hand, and is pouring a libation over the sacrificed animal.
the group of the seated and standing goddesses belongs fifth century, as will
;

Now

to a cult-type prevalent at Eleusis in the

be shown

and the pig-oblation was part of the preliminary But the scene is purification that every mystes performed. not genre and typical but mythological, for the ordinary person did not carry a club or wear a lion s skin it evidently reproduces the well-known Attic myth of the purification of Heracles, who had to be cleansed from the blood of the Cen taurs before he could be initiated into the lesser mysteries. And the same figure of the hero appears in the three different
;

phases of the action, first bringing his piacular victim, then undergoing the cleansing process, then wearing the mystic garland and enjoying the privileged converse with the goddesses.

The work

general outlines of

has a general interest, giving us we an Eleusinian catharsis.

* ;

may

believe the
familiar

We are

with the swine-offering and we may assume that the liknon was used in it, for, though there is no mention of it in the
literature,
it

may have

belonged to Demeter as naturally as to

Dionysos
there
*
is

a
.

no allusion to Eleusis

in his

words.
I

that Demeter borrowed the liknon from Dionysos or that a liknophoria

Miss

can see no reason for assuming with Harrison Prolegomena, p. 549

was

part of Eleusinian ritual.

HI]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER
:

239
the

We may gather another interesting detail from the vase

in this

catechumen ceremony of purification was veiled. would like to discover the mystic motive for the veiling, which
It has been held that in Eleusinian, as in Christian ritual, the concept of regeneration or the dying to the old life and the rising to the new prevailed and was

We

no ancient text mentions.

a But it is probably symbolized by the covering of the head an error and certainly gratuitous to impute such exalted mys ticism to the Eleusinia and in pagaa ritual the veiling the head or whole person may have been due to different motives
.

one prevalent conception very likely being that in certain critical moments of a mystic rite the par ticipant was in a high state of taboo and also particularly
on different occasions
;

Or in this susceptible to dangerous influences from without. Eleusinian catharsis the veiling may have answered the pur pose of concealing from his sight the sacred things held in the
liknon above his head which he
to behold.
It is true that

no

not yet sufficiently purified are visible in this vessel, but iepd
is

it is very probable that the vase-painter shrank from indicating them. And the analogy of other works almost compels us to

believe that the liknon

is here being raised above his head in order to bring him into rapport with certain mystic sacra of the goddess b may be sure, at least, of the significance
.

We

Vide Dieterich, Mithras- Liturgie^ the face covered in pp. 167-168 Christian baptism at Jerusalem accord:

again the sacred objects are not shown, Svoronos,/<wrw. Internat. Arch. Num.
1901, p. 340, compares the custom in Greek churches of raising the eikon of the dead Christ while the
certain
faithful

ing

to

Anton,

Die

Mysterien

von

Eleusis, p. 34. b Cf. the children walking under the liknon of Demeter on the gem of

walk beneath
burial,

it

Christ

also

the

on the day of custom of

closes his
s

Tryphon, playing at the

ii.

mystery of
:

raising the

elements of the Eucharist

participant

marriage, Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmaler,

54; Miss Harrison, Prolegom. p. 533
terracotta-relief in Baumeister,

over
that

the
*

who

eyes, ib. p. 475.

Miss Harrison
is

view
our

Denk-

the

liknon

raised

in

mater, i, p. 449, with veiled mystes led up so that the liknon with fruits

monument
p.

as a fan symbolizing purification seems to me less likely (Prolegom.

may be

placed above his head in a Bacchic initiation the Roman wall:

548).

cannot find other Greek

is

parallels,

nor

the

liknon

in

the

painting published Bull. Comm. Arch. Comun. Rom. 7, Tav. 3-4, two officials
raising a vessel of curious shape over the veiled head of the myste$\ here

winnowing-fan mentioned by Servius in his account of Dionysiac

sense of
catharsis, Verg. Georg.
i.

166

2.

389.

240
of the ram
to the
s

GREEK RELIGION
head under
his feet
a
.

[CHAP.

divine fleece

or

fleece of
*

Eleusis for the purification of ol not apply to the whole multitude of the uninitiated, for the

have an allusion here God/ which was used at Such a term could emyei?.

We

older Greeks were

of the

by no means
are with

word

as

we

so liberal in their application could it our word sinner

;

or only designate those upon whom lay some special ayo? must be which of taint the as such purified bloodshed, taint, before they could be admitted into the Eleusinian

away

Much blood lay upon Heracles, therefore he We must needed a peculiarly drastic ritual of expiation. if it were in as monument this of be cautious therefore using
brotherhood.
all

details a typical representation of the usual

Eleusinian

But it embodies for us in all. purification incumbent on a genial though scarcely impressive form the ideas of expia tion and of the happy and familiar intercourse enjoyed with

But the artist has carefully the divinity by the initiated. abstained from any hint concerning the central act of ritual by
which the actual mystery was fulfilled. We have examined the literary evidence
of some sacramental service at Eleusis.
for the existence

And we

have one

perhaps only one revealing an Eleu interesting b a sinian sacrament, vase-painting in Naples of archaic style side by side representing two mystae, male and female, seated which underneath on a throne before a table laden with food,

monument

is

a basket of loaves, while a priest stands before them holding a bundle of twigs in his left hand and with his right adminis

There b). tering to them the sacred cup (PI. the scene that suggests Dionysiac mysteries;

XV

is

nothing in the myrtle

crowns which the two catechumens wear point rather to Eleusis, and the twigs that were used no doubt for a lustral purpose are found on certain provedly Eleusinian monuments, for instance on coins of Attica and Eleusis, bearing the device c of a pig standing on a bundle of them (Coin PL no. 14) and
,

In two other examples of the same

Fig. 2637, and Miss Harrison,

p. 157.
c

/V0/^<?;>7,

representation the on the seat.

b

ram

s fleece is

placed
cit. 2,

Brit.

Figured in Daremberg, op.

(fifth

Cat. Attica, PI. 6. 14 century B.C.), PI. 20. 3 (Eleusis,

Mm.

X
H
w

PLATE

XVI

To face page 241

Vol.

HI

ni]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

241

on some of the vases mentioned below. The little shrine sup ported on a pole by the side of the priest may stand for the sacred chamber or 6aXd^rj out of which the officiating functionary took the cereal oblations and distributed them to the faithful,
as

we

are told

by Polemon

219d
.

Nor

is

there anything in the

epigraphy of the vase that prevents us regarding it of Attic provenance. This interpretation being allowed, this small art work becomes of great importance, for it is the earliest repre
sentation of the sacrament in

European mystic

cult,

and

assists

us to contrast and to connect pre-Christian with Christian ceremonial and it also disposes of certain theories concerning the Eleusinia, for it shows that the sacrament did not belong
;

to the inner
else

circle

or the esoteric part

of the mysteries*;
initiation

no painter would have dared to depict it. Among the prior acts that led up to the perfect

we

may place the Kfpxvo^opia, the formal procession of the sacred cereals and vegetable oblations by the b This is the ritualistic act which most archaeologists mystae
carrying in
.

dance or

be now convinced is depicted on the famous painted tablet (PI. XVI) which was found near the mystic hall at Eleusis and dedicated by an inscription to the two goddesses/ and c It has been much and con is called the pinax of Nannion and various interpretations of the whole troversially discussed, The most penetrating account scene have been put forward. of it and by far the most satisfactory interpretation has been d given by M. Svoronos Accepting the evidence accumulated e by others that the vase on the head of the woman is what
will
. .

was

called a Ktpxyos or Kepyos,

and that therefore the picture

and from
its

fourth century). have no right to apply the word #a ^os to this mystic bundle when it appears on the Eleusinian

We

neuter form must be the

custom

monuments, as it was merely

:

is

usually the

the advanced style ; of the painting, circ. 400 B.C., forbids us = H which would interpreting the O as

name

of a

woman

in the

Bacchic

give us Nawioav, a possible

name of

mysteries, as far as we are told, that the boughs carried by the mystae were

a man.
d

Journ. Internat. Arch. Numism.

Tliv.
I.

so called (Schol. Arist. Equit. 409).

a

1901,
e

b
c

Vide supra, pp. 194-195. Vide supra, p. 186.

The name
FARNELL.
Ill

in spite of the blurring

of the second

letter is practically certain,

T?

in Eph. Arch. 1898, and (independently and at greater length) by Rubensohn, Athen. Mitth. 1898, pp. 271-306.

By Kuruniotes

p. 22,

242

GREEK RELIGION

presented the ritual of the Kcpxvotyopia, this scholar has suc

ceeded in finding a lucid and coherent explanation of the He breaks up the representation into three whole scene. the lower being marked off from the middle tableaux separate
>

by

the delicate white line that

threads

its

way

obliquely

through the figures across the face of the panel, the upper He notes and has filling the pediment-like field at the top.
been apparently the first to note that two of the figures occur in each of the three scenes, and that the goddess seated in the lower is the same personage as the erect female bearing the two torches in the middle group therefore the whole presents
:

us with a

complex drama of
:

different acts in

which the same

personages bear their parts the myrtle crowns, the torches, the sacred twigs, the forms of the goddesses, and the dedica tion itself, are clear indications pointing to the Eleusinia, while
field suggest that the action herein depicted takes place in the spring, while the absence of them in the upper scene shows the fall of the year.

the flowers which are drawn in the lower

We may

accept his exposition in the main Nannion, who dedicates the picture, has commemorated in it her own initia tion, first into the lesser mysteries at Agrai, and then her later
:

initiation into the greater Eleusinia

is

and

in the gable-field she

depicted revelling with her companions, among whom is the faithful elderly man who accompanies her along the sacred

way, carrying the travelling bag, and who never leaves her. The goddess in the lowest group is undoubtedly Kore, distinguished from the seated goddess above, who is no less unmistakably Demeter, by the fairer tint of her face, neck, and arms, also by

She appears alone in this holy a and the throne reception, by her is empty as M. Svoronos has well pointed out. This is Demeter s seat, which she has
a robe of lesser richness.
,

quitted

because she leaves the

patronage of these lesser

have here then mysteries mainly to her daughter. a valuable corroboration of the texts which suggested that
a

We

This must be intentional on the

of
the artist
:

part

there

is

a wide
:

not such a bungler but that he could have drawn Kore seated on that throne
if

interval between Kore and the throne he was not a great draughtsman, but

he had wished.

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER
a
.
:

243

So far controversy Persephone was paramount at Agrai be but silent it must arise may concerning the stately per two one who holds erect and the other lowered, torches, sonage and who is presenting Nannion to Kore. M. Svoronos ex plains him as the mortal dadouchos, in spite of his own axiom
that the deities on this vase are distinguished from the mortals by their loftier stature, and of the obvious fact that this person

stands higher than any other erect figure on the vase except the Kore on the tier above who exactly matches him. The

axiom

itself

may

be doubted

the difference in stature

may

be due on
spective in
theless,

this as

on other vases to the growing power of per Never dealing with nearer and further distances.

he

may

well be intended for

some

ideal

or divine

personage, just as in the middle scene Nannion is introduced to Demeter by a divinity none other than Kore herself, who

has changed her dress for the journey, but otherwise bears an exact resemblance to the Kore below, and who with the seated Demeter forms a group that we know to have been a prevalent
If then he is no mortal dadouchos, what art-type at Eleusis. or we hero could god imagine him to be ? His youthful form
suit Dionysos-Iacchos, and this interpretation has been maintained by some. It may appear supported by the state ment of Stephanus that the lesser mysteries were a drama of the history of Dionysos b a suspicious statement in itself, for
,

would

ignores Kore altogether sentation of the omphalos

it
;

it is

also supposed that the repre

near

him
.

is

a symbol of the god

who has newly

omphalos

arrived from Delphi were so clearly regarded

If indeed the Delphic by the Greeks of the

classical period as his property, his badge in any scene where

then an

artist might use it as he wished to depict the god.

:

But the art-record

in the vast

ample enough to dispel this theory range of Dionysiac monuments there are only two the Tyskiewickz vase to be considered below, and a vase from
itself is

Vide supra, p. 169. Vide supra, p. 169. c This is the view of Skias in Eph. Arch. 1901, p. 28. Miss Harrison, in
b

is imagined to be travelling round with his omphalos, bearing it with him from Delphi wherever he goes : the vase-

painter

had probably too much

to

sense of

the Prolegomena, p. 561, cf. 557, goes still further, and conceives that Dionysos

humour
2

make such

demand on our

imagination.

244
,

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

Crete a a rough replica of the former in which he is depicted by or on an omphalos, not necessarily the Delphic. Nor does any literary record speak of the Delphic omphalos as his pro

only the late and questionable Tatian asserts that it was his grave but a fragment of Philochorus shows that this was not the belief prevalent at Delphi in the third century B.c. b We cannot then maintain a casual remark of Tatian s against the evidence from Philochorus and from the silence of all the nor can we suppose that a figure earlier and later literature in art otherwise showing no Dionysiac trait could be recog nized as Dionysos by the public for whom the artist worked merely by the adjunct of an omphalos. If we had reason for saying that Dionysos-Iacchos was commonly imagined to

perty

introduce

people

at

Agrai,

vase-painter

could

depict

him in such a scene without any of his usual characteristics and yet hope to be understood. But we have no such
reason
;

and we had better leave

this

appearance unnamed, who after all But the question concerning the than an ordinary mortal. omphalos still confronts us. It appears in this vase nearer to

dadouchos of divine may possibly be no more

Kore than

to the dadouchos,

and ought to be interpreted

in

also appears on other monuments of the Eleusinian circle, where no allusion to Delphi, still less to Dionysos, can be supposed on the vase from

reference to her rather than to him.

And

it

Kertsch (PL XVIII) the female on the right is sitting on a sort of omphalos, and on the relief- vase from Cumae (PL XVII) the seat of the goddess on the extreme left has much of this These may be due to artistic caprice, but there is no shape.

we

doubt about the hieratic intention of the omphalos on the vase are considering, or on the fragment of the vase found

recently at Eleusis which shows us the omphalos well white washed and bedecked between the two goddesses. We begin to suspect that Athens or Eleusis possessed one or more un recorded local omphaloi, perhaps in the metroon at Agrai, or
in the city s Eleusinion, or in the sacred enclosure at Eleusis.

Delphi had no necessary monopoly of these ancient agalmata of the earth-goddess and they might have been found among
;

Journ. Intern. Arch. Nttm. 1901,

riiV. Is-

b
.

Vide Dionysos,

vol. 5, R. 35.

X
w H
<

^^PW^Ss^J^"
:

~~^

%v
"I-

JT^cov

p^

m]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

245

the temple furniture of the great mother, Demeter-Persephone, But we cannot or the primaeval Gaia at Athens as elsewhere.

be sure that they are used in these Eleusinian representations

as indicating a special locality or temple
a
.

sum up our impressions and our gains from the monument. It shows us the Kep^vo^opia, and we this of study
it was not a mystic or secret function, but dance a religious necessary as a preliminary it shows us that Kore was predominant at Agrai with a throne always ready for Demeter, but it does not prove that Dionysos was her And the mediocre artist has not painted for religious partner.

We may

see therefore that

edification

Nannion

carries

it

off gaily,

and the whole scene

has a light and festive air. There are two other vase-representations, of more impres sive style, that are usually believed to show the initiation into
the lesser mysteries. One is a beautiful pelike from Kertsch, now in the Hermitage at St. Petersburg (PL XVIII), of early Fortunately most of the personages can fourth-century style.

be recognized without doubt. Above we see Triptolemos in winged car as if hovering in the air, and on the right Dionysos with thyrsos sitting at ease and gazing across at a figure on the far left, whose club and the mystic bundle of
his

carries show him to be Heracles seeking the lower plan is the amply-draped Aphrodite, with her arms muffled in her mantle and with the young Eros

boughs which he

initiation.

On

at her feet

then somewhat above her towers the imposing form of a dadouchos, who may be the mortal priest or some
;
:

then comes heroic personage, but is not recognizably any god a group which is unmistakable, the mother-goddess throned

and
a

sceptred,

and wearing a low kalathos on her head, richly

sufficient

see

no

reason

for

omphalic
front of

M. Svoronos
that this

view, op. cit. p. 292, &c., Eleusinian omphalos indiTrerpd

altar of stones piled up in him proves nothing, but merely

suggests that this form

of altar

may
small

cates the ayeXaaros

which he

have been
nian

common
is

at

Athens

in chtho-

would place
p.

133

in Agrai, Eph. Arch. 1894, the relief found in the bed

cults:

something like a
seen

omphalos

by the

side of

As-

of the Ilissos
representing

not far from this district

a

probably chthonian

clepios in a statuette from Epidauros, Eph. Arch. 1885, Tliv. 2, no. 9.

divinity receiving sacrifice with a

rough

246

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

draped, and raising her hand as if in lively converse with the daughter-goddess who stands at her left resting her elbow on a column and holding a torch in her right hand. She is lightly
clad,

and her shoulders and breast are bare.

at

Between them,

Demeter, is a little boy bearing a large cornu looking up who has been called lacchos, but is now generally copia, admitted to be Ploutos. In the right corner is the draped figure of a female of mature form, sitting on an omphalos-

shaped stone in a meditative attitude with her elbow on her knee and her hand raised to her chin, gazing at Demeter. She has been variously named, but there is no interpretation that she may be a local personification such as carries conviction
;

Eleusis, or

mysteries.

an abstraction such as Telete, the genius of the And we can form an opinion of the whole scene

without deciding who she really is. The subject is evidently the initiation of Heracles, at which Dionysos is present taking no part but that of the sympathetic spectator. The style is
the purest Attic, the forms are nobly conceived and finely out The lined, a stately religious pageant is impressively shown.
artist

has used none of the conventional methods for indicating

the locality, for this will decide the ques

locality.

We wish to know
tion whether
it

is

are witnessing. the representation on the Pourtales vase, of which the subject is to some extent identical and the allusion to the Eleusinia is

the greater or the lesser initiation that we But we must first consider the other work,

equally clear (PI. XIX). Again we see the group of the seated mother and the daughter standing by her side in the centre, one of the many free variations of a well-known Eleusinian type
;

and

their drapery conforms

more

to the conventional ideal here

than was the case on the former vase, nor is Kore s upper body bared, but only clad in a diaphanous robe: again we sec the catechumen Heracles with mystic faggot and club
approaching from the
versation with Demeter.
left,

quietly in his serpent-car

while Triptolemos is here seated on the lower right in animated con But in this scene Heracles is not the
;

only heroic candidate

are

for initiation

two boyish

figures,

above crowned and bearing the same emblem

left

on right and

X X

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER
whom by
it is

247

as Heracles in their hands,

the star above the head

;

of one

we

recognize for the Dioscuri

figures
*

and each

is

being led

by two male
pose to
call

whom

sufficient for the present

pur

The vase is in the British merely. a still to and good period, though the style Museum, belongs is laxer than that of the last.
dadouchoi

But here the

locality

that indicate one or

marked by a background of pillars perhaps two temples. And the question

is
?

now

arises, is

the scene laid at Eleusis or Agrai

We

hear

indeed of no temple at Agrai in which we can be sure that the smaller mysteries were enacted perhaps the metroon there was the scene of them or some special sacred building. But
:

this is unimportant, for the vase-painter s conscience would be sure to leave him free to throw in a pillar or two. Triptolemos

presence inclines us to think of Eleusis rather than Agrai, especially in considering the scene on the Pourtales vase where

he appears to be very much at home. But on the Kertsch pelike he is hovering in the air as one who might be arriving from a distance and no vase-painter would be likely to have scruples
;

bringing Triptolemos into the scene of the lesser mysteries, if he wanted a convenient figure to fill up a space.

about

As

for Dionysos, his

more intimate than with

connexion with Agrai may have been Eleusis, but he was sufficiently at

appear as the interested spectator at we gather any certain inference from either mystery. Nor the presence of Aphrodite with Eros if we were sure that the
at either place to

home

can

Agrai we might suppose that the vasepainter was mindful of the temple of Aphrodite in the gardens in that vicinity and those who imagine that the lesser were mysteries entirely captured by Orphism may see in the Eros on the vase the mystic life-power prominent in Orphic But this little Eros is charmingly playful and cosmogony. seems quite innocent of Orphism or any mysticism. And sits if with her arms muffled in her mantle as she Aphrodite had no part in these mysteries. Nor should one impute too
scene was
laid at
:

much theological know how they

Eros are among

learning and consistency to vase-painters we loved accessory figures, and Aphrodite and the most popular and appear in many scenes,
;

248

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

tion.

and probably without any mythologic or hieratic justifica We shall discover her again on another Eleusinian vase to be considered soon. Nor ought we to base any large theories on the presence of
the boy-Ploutos, a most natural accessory figure, serving also at most we may only believe as a balance to the boy-Eros
:

that he alludes to that side of the mysteries which looked to

His figure is poetical-allegorical merely, agrarian prosperity. nor can we say that he not, as far as we can discover, mystic a rather than to Eleusis to Agrai belonged
:

commonly supposed that Heracles was initiated at Agrai, and that therefore our vase-scenes represent the only But the myth that these latter were founded lesser mysteries.
But
it

is

honour is found only in quite late sources 1C8 21 and it may have arisen from his worship in the adjacent deme There is no indication that it was prevalent of Kynosarges. in the fifth and fourth century, the period with which we are now concerned. When Euripides mentions the initiation there is no reason for supposing that he is not thinking of Eleusis
specially in his
; ;

while there are reasons for supposing that Xenophon, who deals seriously with the myth, is thinking of the great
mysteries and of an initiation thorough and complete. the Dioscuri, no author associates them with Agrai
.

As for we are

merely told that by adoption as Attic citizens and at their own demand they were initiated into the mysteries 168 But the most weighty argument against the commonly
accepted opinion concerning these vases appears to have escaped the attention of archaeologists. The pinax of Nannion, if

teaches anything, teaches us that the lesser mysteries belonged to Kore and that Demeter does not even need to come to them. But in these two scenes of the initiation of
it
a

Strube,

Bilderkreis

von

Eleusis,

i.

14,

from the confusion of the

p. 47, &c., closely connects the mysteries

of Agrai with Ploutos, Epimenides, and Crete : the prophet comes to Attica

Eleusinion in Athens with a mysterydo not know temple in Agrai.

We

that Ploutos

was ever a
;

real figure in

and makes the Cretan Ploutos the cornerstone of the little mysteries: one wonders why. Strube s dream arises from a misunderstanding of a text in Pausanias

nor does Aristophanes in his comedy associate him with Agrai or with any mysteries,
Cretan religion

m]
Heracles,

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

249

Demeter is the seated, central, and imposing person we must then stands by her as a subordinate Kore age, abandon the evidence of the Nannion pinax, or we must place the scene on the Pourtales and Kertsch vases at Eleusis. It
;

is

a vice of interpretation to impute too

much

hieratic

meaning

or theological learning to vase-painters ; but we may believe that they knew the relative positions of Demeter and the

daughter in the greater and lesser mysteries, and that when they wished to distinguish the two ceremonies as they need not often have wished they could only do so in the way we

have observed and that they would use the same accessory figures for both scenes. The tablet of Nannion remains then as the only certain
;

representation of the initiation at Agrai. Usually it is permissible to suppose, and even to hope, that the vase -painter was not trammelled by the limitations

of locality.
the

He might wish to give an ideal picture of holy mysteries, and his imagination could people the scene with deities summoned perhaps from Agrai and the vicinities of the Athenian Eleusinion and the Eleusinian
from
regions
still

Telesterion, or
fore

further

aloof.

There
in

Aphrodite

and even Zeus

at Eleusis.

might be

present

sacred conversazione
best description that

And

this is

perhaps the

has been given of the beautiful but baffling relief picture on the hydria from Cumae now in It would serve no purpose here to St. Petersburg (PI. XVII). discuss the various and elaborate theories put forth about its

meaning

a
:

as all attempts to extract from

it

a definite

ie/od?

Aoyo? appear hopelessly unconvincing. probably to say that the artist had no profound meaning to express, no sacred drama in his mind to depict, but merely wished to

It is truer

group the beloved Eleusinian goddesses with various friendly and interested divinities who are enjoying a refined conver
sation in couples, while torch-bearers, the mystic branches
a

5
,

These are tabulated by Svoronos,

cit.

op.
b

p. 404.

the offerings of the mystae, and that the ears are visible I can find no other
:

Strube, Bilderkreis, p. 39, maintains that these branches are corn-stalks,

representation of corn-stalks in art at all like these bundles.

Greek

250

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

and the piacular pig

suffice to create a mystic atmosphere. wish to recognize the divinities, and in most cases we can but some escape us, and even the sex of two is doubtful, nor

We
is

there universal agreement that

all

the figures are divine and

;

that no mortal could be admitted into the group for might not some of the sacred functionaries of the state-mystery be

At least we supposed to enjoy the divine intercourse ? of usual Eleusinian the Mother seated in the discover group the centre conversing with the Daughter who stands holding a torch by her side and on her left Dionysos in somewhat
;

unusual attire but revealed by the thyrsos, the ivy crown, and surely by the tripod behind him, the prize at Athens of the a He is talking earnestly with Dionysiac contests in music
.

Triptolemos.

Then on

the right

we

see

Athena seated on her

native rock and wearing a helmet, but no aegis, and turning to talk with the sacred personage who carries the pig for sacrifice. As for his name, we shall never convince each other

one might venture to conjecture lacchos/ as this youthful form of Dionysos belongs specially to Athens, and this youth wears, not the ordinary myrtle-crown of the mystae, but a garland of ivy, and he might stand for the ideal catechu
about
it
;

men who

proceeded from Athena s city to Eleusis. But would an Attic painter in the fifth or fourth century bring Dionysos and lacchos as two separate personages into the same picture ?
l)

The literary evidence inclines As regards the female figures

scene, there
left
is

us to believe that he

would

not.

no harm

seated at each extremity of the in regarding the one on the extreme

at
right, a veiled matronly
is

as Artemis,

who was worshipped both

Eleusis, the other on the

a

Agrai and and stately

is

Svoronos
in

op.

cit.

p. 404,

&c.

elsewhere
often

that the

same personage

right

maintaining this

as

against
:

those

who see in the figure the itpoKrjpv

the

represented more than once in the same scene under different aspects

this latter interpretation entirely fails to

explain

compares Bacchus on the Attic tripod published in the Jahreshefte Oesterr. Arch. Inst.
2.

tripod : Svoronos well the long-robed youthful

such

has some few analogies in its favour, as the marriage-scene in the

pyxis of Eretria; but it is against the usual practice of the Greek art of
the best age, and he applies it somewhat recklessly vide P. Gardner,
:

Taf. 5.
b

Svoronos

principle

of

vase-in-

Grammar

of Greek Art, p. 205.

terpretation

which he adopts here and

X X
w
H

in]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER
who appeared on

251

form, as Aphrodite, Eleusinian circle.

the former vase in the

So

far as these

monuments have

carried us,

we

are

no nearer

than before to understanding the real bpai^va or drama of the But other vases have been supposed to reveal or mysteries.
at least allude to part of a mystic action.
It is

too often for

gotten by archaeologists, as well as amateurs, and therefore cannot be too often insisted on, that no Attic vase-painter would dare to depict the holy drama of Agrai or Eleusis by

means of any scene that bore any recognizable resemblance

the reality
;

to

And
his

might be brief. either for if would venture no probably foreign painter

if

he did

so, his artistic career

conscience was callous, the public conscience was Therefore the utmost we can expect to sensitive enough.

own

discover are guarded and distant allusions to something that may have really entered into the mystic and esoteric ritual.

And when
hazardous.

the art-record

is

of this kind, interpretation

is

always

The hydria from Capua, sometimes

vase
a
,

is

called the Tyskiewickz one of those that has been supposed to reveal to us
(PI.

something of the content of the mysteries

:

XX).

It is

a beautiful monument of the Attic art of the early fourth century and the type of the central group, the seated Demeter

and the daughter standing by her with the torches, is derived from Eleusis, and therefore we may assume at least an Eleu And one other figure at sinian atmosphere for the scene.
the stately young god holding the recognizable a on stone or mound of the omphalos and seated thyrsos must be shape Dionysos and Kore, descending as it seems from some higher place, moves towards him with her torches As regards the other as with a solemn gesture of greeting. figures, neither their forms nor attributes throw any light on the scene. There is a rough replica of this representation on the hydria from Crete mentioned above, of undoubted Attic export on which the central group reappears with little differ ence, except that Dionysos is not sitting on the omphalos/ but rather strangely above it. For the interpretation of the picture,
least
is
;
;

Figured in Mon.

d. lust. 12.

34;

Coll.

Tyskicwickz, PI. 10.

252

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

the omphalos if it is really meant for one does not help us. It has no resemblance to the famous one at Delphi, therefore we need not think of Delphi at all and we have seen that in
;

l probability there were omphaloi in Attica, perhaps one in the vicinity of Agrai, one perhaps at Eleusis. The most elabo

all

and ingenious interpretation of these two vases has been a who holds that the recently propounded by M. Svoronos is of Kore and here Dionysos depicted, which he te/ao? ya/xos
rate
,

thinks took place on the twelfth of Anthesterion, and with which the lesser mysteries were in some way connected and
;

he places the scene

temple of Dionysos v AijMvais, and the the rest of figures as representative of the temples regards in the vicinity. might be tempted to accept this expla
in the

We
;

nation, if there was otherwise any record of such a sacred marriage at Athens but there is none, and these vases cannot be said to fill up the gap in the evidence. For the scene Kore may be merely depicted looks not like a marriage
:

greeting Dionysos as a visitor at Agrai, or Dionysos-Iacchos at Eleusis and the vases illustrate for us nothing more with
;

clearness than the hospitable relations between the

god and

the goddesses

The only remaining monuments

that need be noticed here

as bearing on the central Eleusinian question are those that have been supposed to reveal the mystic birth or the nativity

But before of a holy child as an inner part of the mystery. considering the evidence in any detail, a cautious sceptic might maintain that if a holy birth was really enacted in the Telesterion or Anaktoron, for that very reason it would not be painted on vases and conversely, if we do find scenes on vases that
;

Op. cit. p. 450, &c.: his interpretation of this, as of other vases, rests on the principle that the vase-painters
often

ft

near the Eleusinion at Athens (Paus. i. 14. 4), and that she is holding not

aimed
:

at giving a

sketch-map of

a tambourine as but a shield.

b

is

usually supposed

the locality by means of certain personal I cannot feel sure about his forms
principle or regard his topographical exposition as convincing ; but his most

the

only example I can find of marriage of Kore and Dionysos represented in art is the gem of Roman

The

ingenious suggestion is worth notice, that the half-draped female seated up

period published by Millin, Gal. Myth. PI. 48, no. 276 Kore and Dionysos in

a chariot

drawn

by Centaurs, Eros

on the

left is

EVK Ac to, whose shrine was

accompanying.

;^^=^Si-*
>*,>

^ N
<

\l

^W^U^Tk, =^&%\

X X
H
<

m]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

253

look like the birth of a divine child at Eleusis, we may use these not of what was acted in the mysteries but of as evidence what was not acted in them, at least as an essential part of the

mystic

ritual.
first

The

on the other

to consider very briefly is the well-known picture side of the Kertsch pelike (PI. a). Perhaps no

XXI

vase-representation has been more minutely discussed than this, It has been interpreted as or with such diversity of opinions.

the birth of Erichthonios, though it differs markedly and in some essential points from the known representations of that
story it has been ingeniously explained by Professor Robert as the birth of Dionysos, who is just being taken from the cleansing waters of Dirke, a version which explains much of
:

the scene, but scarcely the central prominence of Athena and If either of these two interpretations were correct, the Nike.
subject would not necessarily concern the Eleusinian question. And in fact the only reasons a priori for considering this side of the vase at all among the monuments of the Eleusinian

analogy of the .subject on the obverse, and, secondly, the undoubted presence on the reverse side of the two great goddesses in the left upper corner, the one seated and the other standing according to the convention of the Eleu
religion, are the

sinian group-type. one in which Eleusis

should suppose then the subject to be and Athens as represented by Athena are The latter goddess seems to be standing equally interested. behind Hermes there can be no doubt about him, although he wears an unusually shaped petasos like a modern cockedhat and to be protecting him, while Victory flies behind and

We

above her pointing downwards. But Hermes, though remem bered in the preliminary sacrifice, has nothing to do with the and what divine birth was there that mysteries themselves could be regarded as a victory for Athens ? In the midst of all this doubt one may well question whether the vase is mystic at all. And the only really consistent and in some
;

respects satisfactory attempt to interpret it in direct reference to the mysteries has been recently made by M. Svoronos a who boldly challenges what may be called the orthodox view. He
,

Op.

cit.

p. 342.

254

GREEK RELIGION
;

[CHAP.

maintains that there is no holy infant in the picture at all that the resemblance of the object which Hermes is receiving to a swaddled bambino is illusory, the part of it that seems like
the outline of a

human head being merely due

if this is so,

to a flaw
is

on the
in

Certainly the rest of the outline of the thing wrapped to suggest a human or divine baby at all

surface of the vase.

there
in

nothing
this
is

up
:

the fawn-skin
so

whether

can only be decided by

St. Petersburg.

a minute examination of the vase in

else save a

new-born child could be thus presented, as brought up from the earth and sustained in the arms of the earth-goddess or one of her kind and received Could it be the sacred Upa, as into the hands of Hermes ? M. Svoronos suggests or insists rather, which before the beginning of the great mysteries were brought from Eleusis to Athens under the escort of the ephebi, and which are here represented as being brought by Eleusis herself from the cavern below the shrine of Plouton where they were kept throughout the year, as received by Hermes the tutelary and representative deity of the ephebi, and as safeguarded by Athena who guarantees

But what

victory

if

any enemy

in

the country should disturb the sacred

journey?

other personages are brought into line with this the pair above on the left are the two goddesses of theory: Eleusis who watch the itpd depart the female with the tam
:

The

personifying the station on the sacred way given the deities above, whom hitherto called has Zeus and Hera, are really Ascleone every Demeter of the in the city and the Eleusinion for Asclepios

bourine stands for

HX&>,

to which this

name was

pios
will

is

specially interested in this procession, in so far as the

they have been lodged in the city, be taken on his day, the Epidauria, from the Athenian Eleusinion past his temple to Agrai, he himself accompany
lepa or sacred relics, after

and M. Svoronos actually finds this unrecorded visit of Asclepios with the iepa to Agrai on an Attic relief from the bed of the Ilissos a showing Asclepios leading Demeter, followed by Athena and Nike, who carries the relics in two little round pots. This theory is skilful, and in spite of many detailed points
ing
;
,

a
Eph<

Arch. 1894, Uiv. 8

a.

m]

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER

255

which are not likely to command assent, may win general acceptance, though it does not seem at present to have attracted much attention one of the most important by-issues is the a question about Asclepios, which will be dealt with below .
;

if M. Svoronos were right in his identification of this need not follow him in his theories about the pro we figure, cession of the lpa from the Asclepieion to Agrai. The

But even

absolutely silent about all this, and no artlikely to speak to us so articulately as to fill up the void in our knowledge left by this silence.
literary record
is

monument

is

Looking, however, at the main theory and admitting

allurements,

its

we must
it is

ture essential to

bear in mind that part of the substruc a mere hypothesis for we are nowhere
:

told that those itpa were kept in an underground vault, or brought along covered up in a fawn-skin. And if that fawn-

skin which

we

we see in the picture or the small round pots which see in the relief really contain them, they must have been

unimpressive and disappointing little objects, and they could scarcely have included images of the deities, as we saw some
reason to surmise that they did.
the procession of the
tepa,

We may grant that this subject,

:

for art every one knew about it and could witness the procession it could be painted without impiety. Yet the painter was treading on very dangerous ground in dealing with them and we might suppose that he would hardly like to represent them in this
; ;

was a legitimate one

somewhat easy way, covered merely in a fawn-skin that shows the outlines of them, but that he would be tempted to enshroud them from the eye more completely, would bury them for
instance in a mystic chest. Therefore the last word has perhaps not yet been uttered

about

this interesting Eleusinian

monument.

But we seem further off than ever from the discovery of that holy Eleusinian babe called Brimos or lacchos that is supposed by some to have been made manifest at the most awful moment
of the mystery.

The last monument that need be questioned here, for it has been thought to prove and to illustrate the mystic birth at
a

Vide note,

p. 278.

25 6
Eleusis,
is

GREEK RELIGION
of Constantinople

CHAP.

Museum
it

a hydria found in Rhodes of Attic work, now in the XXI b). When a few years ago

(PL

a it aroused excitement and noticed and described had for it was given out that Brimos, the holy infant, hope, and Eleusinian whose very at significance found been last, existence had hitherto hung by a thread attached to a very

was

first

late

and suspicious

literary record.

And

no one of those who

have dealt hitherto with the vase has been able to avoid of Hippolytus. Looking without quoting the gnostic formula see the we at the figure of the earthprepossession
picture,

and up out of the ground as she was wont goddess a male infant sits on the top of which lifting a horn of plenty, his hands to a goddess who, though out and stretching turning
rising

she wears neither aegis nor helmet, is now known to be Athena, b as she certainly bears a lance in her right hand ; on the left
of the central drama are two figures characterized just suffi as Kore and Demeter, on the right is ciently to be recognized a dadouchos starting away in surprise just above the centre in his car, and before him a goddess or priestess is
:

Triptolemos with what may be a temple-key indicated above her shoulder The half-clad if we like we may call her Artemis UpovvXaia. female on the left and the youth in the attitude of Jason on
:

the right may as well remain nameless, for in vase-painting such accessory figures may have had a purely decorative value, and we cannot be sure that the vase-painter intended to name

them

himself.
is

But where

is

there

any

mystery

in all this

the holy babe Brimos or lacchos or a mystic birth ? Where The baby is plainly Ploutos, the incarnation of the cornucopia, no more a mystic figure here than in the Munich group of

and the art-language is more than usually Kephisodotos that through Demeter s gift simple and articulate, proclaiming of corn to Triptolemos wealth is brought to Athens, and that
;

a
cf.

Reinach, Rev.Archtol. 1901, p. 87:

us the very revelation of the mystery,

op.
b
cit.

Miss Harrison, Prolegom. p. 526, refuses to Fig. 153 : the former rightly

p. 387.

to the regard the vase as giving the key Eleusinian mysteries; while according

Dr. Fredrich of Posen, who kindly sent me a minute description of the

vase from Constantinople, describes it as a staff ending in a point at the top.
<

to Svoronos,

who

thinks that the child

Bpi/ios,
it

Ploutos here

Kovpos

gives

It is, therefore,

not a sceptre.

X X
w H

^
;

?T^

JlS5f(lgi / ^[$F^
\<

^S
:

^"

"

:>

5te

^l

in
if

MONUMENTS OF DEMETER
one wished
for

257

more

esoteric information

he might apply to
this,

that priestess with the key. There was nothing to offend the religious conscience in and the vase-painter seems to have been a prudent man.
In fact

we

what were the lepd What road. shown, what were the elements of the passion-play and the forms of the mystic drama, concerning these questions we may conjecture and may theorize on the fragments of evidence that we can collect. But the art of the age of belief would not dare to reveal them, and when the world ceased to believe art fell silent or took to other themes. Nevertheless, Greek art con tributes much to our knowledge and appreciation of the Eleusinia
;

are not likely to find what was the actual revelation or

we seek down

this

to our

knowledge not merely of

all

certain antiquarian

the preliminaries of initiation that might be safely depicted, the tepyvofyopia, the purification, and even the sacrament to our appreciation, for the art speaks as plainly
details,

but of

as the literature concerning the deep impression that these mysteries exercised upon the religious imagination of Athens

and the Greek world and it is the artist rather than the poet who has shown us with what stately and beautiful forms the Eleusinian goddesses presented themselves to the mind s eye of
;

the worshipper.
Finally,

we may

believe that the influence of the mysteries,

the Eleusinian combining with the Dionysiac in filling men s minds with milder and brighter thoughts about death, may

have helped to modify certain forms of art and to suggest new themes. The inner force working in Greek art from the sixth
century onward, making for the creation of more spiritual and brighter types for the embodiment of the powers and the life
of the other world, may have been a spontaneous movement due to the artistic temperament of the Greek but no doubt
;

drew strength from the mystery-cults, of which the influence The ruler of the grew ever wider from this age onwards. lower world is no longer the god of the stern and inexor able face his countenance becomes dreamy like that of
it
:

Dionysos, or benignly thoughtful as that of Asclepios, or of that god whom Plato imagined to hold the souls captive in
FARNELL.
Ill

258
his realm

GREEK RELIGION
by the
spell of wise speech.

And

after the fifth

with century vase-painting came to people the lower world heroic under happy groups of united lovers, idealized perhaps

forms

peaceful converse by the side of her a Even daughter in Hades, and love is about and around them the old anger of the mother against the ravisher of her child
:

Demeter

sits in

seems to be put aside when, as in the tenderly depicted scene on the Hope vase b we see Demeter peacefully taking leave of her daughter, who turns to embrace her before she goes down
,

to her appointed place for a season, while the bridegroom gazes And on the well-known Eleusympathetically at the pair.
sinian relief of Lysimachides, the mother and the daughter, the one pouring a libation to the other , are seated together in

hospitable

communion by the
the goddess
Gythion,

side of the

wedded

couple,

the

god and
Vide VIII b.
b
p. a

(PL

I).

relief at

p. 226, PI.

right with the long curls

who greets her

Dcnkmaler,
End.
I,

Baumeister, 422, Taf. 7.

is Demeter, daughter with a libation certainly this is the more matronal figure, but she holds, not the sceptre as
;

Eph. Arch. 1886, HtV. 3, no. I : the goddesses are hard to distinguish. Philios in first publishing the relief
maintained
that

Philios thought, but

two torches; and

indicate
offers

these

more

frequently

who

in other representations

Kore, a

the goddess on

the

libation to her mother.

PLATE XXII

To face page 259

Vol.

HI

CHAPTER

IV

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

ideal of Demeter is presented us in a few monuments is among the most interesting products of Greek but only, for it was especially art, a late blossom of the soil of Attica
;

THE

the Attic religion and art that spiritualized and purified men s imagination of her. The archaic period was t unable to con

much to its development, and it was long before the mother could be distinguished from the daughter by any organic difference of form or by any expressive trait of countenance. On the more ancient vases and terracottas they appear rather as twin-sisters, almost as if the inarticulate artist were aware
tribute

of their original identity of substance. monuments of the transitional period it

And

even

among
to find

the

is difficult

any

representation of the goddesses in characters at once clear and miss this even in the beautiful vase of Hieron impressive.

We

the divine pair are seen with the style is delicate and stately, and there is a certain impression of inner tranquil life in the group, but without the aid of the inscriptions the mother would not be
,

in the British

Museum a where

Triptolemos:

known from

the daughter. large bust or mask, probably of sepulchral significance, in the British Museum from Tanagra, which may belong to the beginning of the fifth century, shows us an interesting type of the chthonian goddess wearing a

stephane with long hair parted over a very low forehead and falling in masses over her shoulders and with delicate maidenly
features (PL
Italian

XXII)

in spite

of the absence of expression the

find in early

work has something of the same charm that we

:

we may venture, without images of the Madonna to be too to name her Demeter-Kore. wishing precise,
a

Vide supra,

p. 236.

2,

260

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

Nor was

regarded as distinctive of the one

there even a conventional type of costume generally and the other. The sombre

expression which is characteristic of some of the sculpture of the generation before Pheidias would be consonant with the character of the chthonian powers but as it was an art-con
;

vention of that age, individual character

it
;

does not subserve the expression of and we cannot for instance distinguish

a Demeter from a Hera

by means

of this merely,

any more

than by the veil and the matronal forms. Yet one monument of the pre-Pheidian epoch has already been mentioned, which is of some significance for the higher development of religious
sculpture*, the

Thebes.

bust found in the necropolis of of a slightly earlier date, deserves mention here (PI. XXIII), a marble relief found at Eleusis, showing the mother enthroned, holding sceptre and corn-stalks
terracotta
,

And

another b

and crowned with a low kalathos, and the daughter stand ing reverentially before her holding torches. The work has certainly an impress of the solemnity that hieratic sculpture demands yet there is a delicate charm in it also Demeter s glance is tranquil and bright, and there is the shadow of a smile on the lips. The flowing unbound hair of the mother is a noticeable trait we might have expected to find it as
;
:

a characteristic of the daughter, but Kore s hair is carefully pressed in a coif. But the sculptor imagines the elder goddess
as the poet of the

Homeric hymn imagined her d and on the 6 great Eleusinian relief we find the same trait once again We note also that in this earlier relief it is the mother that
,
.

wears the richer costume, while

in the later art

it is

usually

draped in a fashion of archaic simplicity that disappears soon after this date. The work is immature
Kore,
is

who

here

Vide supra, p. 227. Ath. Mitth. 1895, pl 5c There is no real reason for doubting that this figure is Kore Ruhland, Die
b
-

have intended this, but may merely nay e followed the law of isokephalia, so as to bring the two heads into the

same alignment.
d
1.

Eleus. Gottinnen, p. 60, supposes her to be a priestess only on the ground of her
shorter stature, -certainly
if this

279, vide Philios, Ath.

Mitth.

Demeter

1895, p. 252. e For similar treatment

coin, Overbeck,
8. 9.

cf.

Roman

stood up, she would be far taller than the other person, but the artist need not

K. M.

2,

MUnz-Taf.

PLATE XXIII

To face page 260

Vol. Ill

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

;

261

the other works of this period yet it is one of the first examples of a cult-type prevalent at Eleusis that is inherited, as we shall see, by the more developed schools. Looking at the products of the great Athenian circle of Pheidias and his contemporaries and pupils, we are struck with the absence of any mention of the Eleusinian deities in the unless indeed we admit the copious list of their works an of elder Praxiteles into that great company phantom -figure him the of to and attribute Demeter, Kore, and lacchos group a This silence of the record is in the Eleusinion at Athens it may be that the probably no mere accident mysteries were already provided with their monuments of worship, of
like
;
.

defective style, perhaps, but archaic holiness ; or it may be that the great masters were commissioned to embellish the Eleusinian shrines, but that their statues being included among
*

the lepd or mystic objects escaped record. Nevertheless the Pheidian hand has left evidence of itself on the Eleusinian

ground.

We ought first to consider whether we can discover the forms of the goddesses and their attendant figures amidst the surviving remains of the Parthenon sculpture. The con
troversy concerning many of the divine personages in the pediment and on the frieze has continued long and still con tinues but one result of archaeological criticism is beginning
;

to be accepted, that in the two seated goddesses near the b we have the mother and Dionysos of the east gable

Yet we should rather call them the daughter of Eleusis. in for twin-sisters, bodily forms and drapery they are strangely alike and it would seem that just in this maintenance of an ancient tradition of their unity as an identity, Pheidias did not
;

care to break

away from archaic art. Only their countenances, where the individuality of the personal nature might have
masterfully
displayed,
Anzeig.

been
a

are

unfortunately

lost.

The

Vide
p.

Kalkmann, Arch.

whom
is

1897,

136, who believes in the and tries to reconelder Praxiteles

he regards as a Triptolemos : it impossible to discuss this complex

Michaelis, Parthenon, Taf.

hypothesis here.
b

group from the Berlin and Cherchel Demeters, the Kore of the Villa Albani, the Eros of St. Petersburg
struct the

6jE F:
}

Brunn-Bruckmann, no. 188.

262

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

fragments have a priceless value for the history of sculpture but for the religious ideal we gather merely an impression of the loving tie that binds them together. The arm of one
;

embraces the shoulder of the other they do not appear dis turbed by the dramatic action in the centre, but to be engaged As regards the west gable, Demeter Kore in conversation.
;

and lacchos may be there, but we cannot clearly discern them a But amidst the company of the deities on the frieze
.

the highest degree of probability recognize the goddess who sits by the side of the question Her form has able deity that is nursing his knee (PI. XXIV). and she of all the and alone divinities bears breadth, ampleness is far that more likely that symbol designates a torch, and it

we may with
in

Demeter

likely to

here the Eleusinian goddess than Artemis or any other divinity be present in such a group b may note also,
.

We

though such arguments are in themselves inconclusive, that in drapery and partly in the gesture of the right arm the figure resembles an undoubted Demeter in an Eleusinian relief There is certainly some individual character in the forms and
.

some

significance in the pose of the arms, a certain meditative

is

dignity, but unhappily the countenance

lost.

An

original
in

Pheidian

Demeter, then,
d

is
.

not wholly preserved

the

Parthenon sculpture-work

But we are fortunate

a

in possessing a series

of

reliefs,

most of

The group

in the left corner of the

the goddess towards the right corner,

seated god with the serpent and the

preserved in Carrey
nudity, but
it

drawing

it

used

female figure nestling into his side has been interpreted as Hades and Perse-

to be called Aphrodite because of its

is

probably male (vide

:

phone by Bloch

Roscher s Lexicon, 2, 1369, because an undoubted copy of this group has been found at Eleusis
in

Loeschke, Dorpater Programm, 1884) if so, there were three boys in this
gable, and one of

them may well have

1889; but vide Philios in Eph. Arch. 1900 (IltV. 1 2) who rightly refuses to draw any conclusions from the proin

been lacchos: more cannot be said at

present.
b

That Kore

is

absent

is

no

fatal

venance of the copy;

it

was found outside

the

the holy precincts, not far from

objection; the economy that governs the frieze-composition would account

for this,
c

Fropylaea : it is very unlikely that this genial and very genre couple are the god and goddess of the lower world. As regards lacchos he may possibly be
the naked figure seated in the lap of

Vide Vide

PI.

infra,

and Kore
metopes.

p. 265. pp. 265-266 for Demeter in Carrey s drawings of the

XIV,

\
V
..#**"

M
\

^1 w
\
:\
l
!

m
/,v

t i
i

:%

PLATE

XXV

To face page 263

Vol. IJI

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

soil,

263

them found on Eleusinian

pair were Pheidias.

that

show us how the Eleusinian

found at

commonly imagined by the contemporaries of The most celebrated of these is the great relief Eleusis and now preserved in the Central Museum at
It

Athens (PL XXV).

may be

fairly

regarded as one of the

of religious art that has come down to us greatest from antiquity, a noble example of the high style in hieratic solemn stillness pervades the group, and a sculpture.

monuments

certain tranquil air of the divine

life

and world.

The

formal

beauty of the chiselling can only be felt in the presence of the The lines are still wonderfully clear beneath the original.

dusky and

partially

defaced surface, and the contours of

the features are very delicately raised against the background. The eyes of the goddesses are deeply set under the lids, and

and earnest expression to the face the cheeks are not quite so broad nor the chins so long as on touch of the more ancient style the Parthenon frieze. seems here and there to survive for though the organic forms
this imparts a spiritual
:

are largely and fluently treated, some of the lines are rather hard, and something of the earlier exaggeration may be faintly

discerned in the contours of the

slightly turned

boy s

limbs,
find

downwards

as

we

still

and the lips are on vases of the

middle of the fifth century. As regards the composition of the figures, we discern an architectural symmetry combined with a perfect freedom, for in the inclination of the heads, the
pose of hands and feet, in the disposition of the drapery and the system of its folds there is a studied and a finely conceived
variety.

The work need not be

frieze,

earlier

than the date of the

it

Parthenon
later.

and there

is

nothing to suggest that

is

then are these figures and what are they doing ? The goddess on the left with the unbound hair and the simpler

Who

drapery used to be often taken for the daughter but a com parison with other monuments sets it beyond doubt that this
;

is

Demeter, and that the goddess on the right with the more

elaborate drapery, the peplos drawn over the chiton across the body and falling in a fold on the left shoulder, the hair

bound with a

chaplet,

is

Kore.

The boy

is

more probably

264

GREEK RELIGION
;

CHAP.

Triptolemos than lacchos

we explain
that

the action

the

now

and only on this assumption can current view is probably right

while

Demeter is giving him corn-stalks, indicated by painting, Kore is placing a crown on his head. Yet the drama
;

has nothing of the air of a mythological scene

a mystic or hieratic pageant.

it

is

rather

may regard this relief then as a striking monument of that religious style in which the Pheidian circle achieved so much, and with some probability as itself inspired by some
group which a master of that school wrought for the There are other reliefs that are related to service of Eleusis.
free

We

this as the other free copies of the

a

same original and that assisted in establishing the identity of the goddesses.
first

have

The

(PI.

XXVI a)

was found some years ago

in

the excavations

of the Acropolis and is now in the Acropolis Museum. The work belongs to the close of the fifth century the chiselling
;

of the marble

is

wonderfully

warm and

genial,

and the dignity

of the Pheidian

and

is combined with a subtle Attic grace the goddess on the left in the simple sleeveless Doric chiton of wool to be Demeter, for the last letters of her name are preserved at the top of the slab there

manner

ease.

We

know

Kore, draped more elaborately, as often happens at this epoch, in two garments of finer texture arranged about her limbs as on the larger relief. Demeter s
fore the other

goddess

is

left

on a

hand, raised behind her daughter s shoulder, was resting sceptre, while her right hand was extended towards

Triptolemos, of

whom
now

his familiar serpent.

The
in

the only sign that remains is the coil of other relief (PL VI b) was found at

XX

Rhamnus and

is

with variations,

Munich h The group reflects, though the same original the drapery is virtually the
. :

same, and, in many essentials, the pose of the figures only here it is the daughter who raises her hand to her mother s shoulder, while Demeter s hands are lowered, the missing right
;

holding out perhaps a libation-cup to the worshipper towards whom her head is benignantly inclined or perhaps it is again
;

Triptolemos to
a

whom

she intends to give a libation.

The

Eph. Arch. 1893, Uiv. 8, p. 36. Vide Eph. Arch. 1893, p. 38

Furtwangler, Hundert Tafeln nach den

;

Bildiv. d. Glyptoth. no. 27.

PLATE

XXVI

To face page 264

Vol.

HI

X X

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

and
it

265

surface of the relief has greatly suffered,

has lost

much

of

its

charm, but

it

belongs probably to the same age as

the

last.

Probably of somewhat earlier period than these is the relief mentioned already a showing Athena greeting the goddesses of Eleusis and inscribed with a decree concerning the bridging of the Pheitoi on the sacred way, which we can date at 421 B.C. (PI. XIV). As in the Acropolis relief, Kore s hands are lowered,
,

and the torches which are to be imagined there are seen here, and again Demeter raises her left hand, but now merely to lift up a lappet of her mantle and again we see the same drapery and the same disposition of the folds. Another monument of
:

the Eleusinian worship that ranges itself with these, a relief from Eleusis now in the Louvre b , shows us the goddesses receiving a swine-offering, Demeter wearing a kalathos and

holding out a libation-cup and turning her head benignantly to the worshippers, while Kore holds two torches in her right hand and ears of corn in her left (PI. XXVII a). The long curls
other smaller

of Demeter are a noticeable feature in this work, while in the reliefs we find the shorter hair that is more in

accordance with the

sculpture.

Pheidian

taste as

shown

in the

Parthenon

reminiscence of the type to which these figures conform reappears in an interesting relief, of which a part was found in

and which we may It is no myth that is here approximately date at 400 B. C. represented, but a cult-drama Triptolemos is not starting on
the Plutonion at Eleusis (PL
b),
c
. :

XXVII

his mission in his serpent-car; for his seat

is

not a chariot but

a throne, and he sits receiving worship from the mortals In front of him stands Demeter, with her left approach.
raised as in

who arm

behind him

the same drapery while Kore, again holding the torches and wearing chiton and peplos disposed about her body as before.
;

PL XIV, and wearing

is

Finally, in Carrey s drawing of one of the south

a
b
e

metopes of

Vide supra, p, 237. Overbeck, Atlas, 14.

Published in
its

PI. 6
2.

but the right interpretation was

first

complete form by
1895, p. 255,

given by Rubensohn, Arch. Anz. 1896, pp. 100-102.

Philios in Ath. Mitth.

266
the Parthenon
a
,

GREEK RELIGION
we may
detect the

CHAP.

same group

of the

two

goddesses, the dress of both appearing to conform to this now well-established type, and Demeter raising her left hand some

what as

in three of the

examples we have noted, though with

a different intention.
archaeological evidence then enables us to figure in our imagination some famous and impressive group of sculpture
that stood on sacred ground, probably at Eleusis, but certainly not in the Telesterion or the Holy of Holies, else we should

The

never have received even a distant copy of it b and it seems to reveal the handiwork of the Pheidian school. But none of
;

the surviving copies, not even the great Eleusinian relief, pre sents us with such a countenance of Demeter or Kore as could
satisfy us

and could serve as a standard.

Nor do we

find

it

among those free statues surviving in our museums which on the insufficient ground of a similar treatment of the drapery
have been derived from this original Eleusinian group of the c fifth century There was another and independent group of
.

article

Michaelis, Parthenon, 3. 19 : vide by Pernice in Jahrb. d. d. Inst.

The latter work Album d. AntikenSamml. Wien, Taf. 26 is an early ex

ample of the style of drapery that appears on the Eleusinian reliefs and of which the figure of Kore on the vase of Perugia is
perhaps the
2,

1895 (Taf. 3), as priestesses.

b

who

regards these figures

made by recent by R. von Schneider in Album der Antiken-Sammlung Wien, Taf. 26, Kern in Ath. Mitth. 1892, to discover the forms of the p. 138 chief idols of the mysteries seems to
attempt
archaeologists
e.g.

The

earliest
:

p.

1370)

it

(Roscher, Lexicon, appears again in the

Villa Albani statue.

these

But neither of

me

useless

for

if

anything

in

the

mysteries was likely to be sacred and and the tabooed it would be these
;

Kore of the Duval Collection (Ruhland, op. cit. Kore of Venice (ib. 2. 3. 3) nor the 3) show us any attribute or character
works nor the
expression that reveals the person

istic

ateliers

would

hardly dare

to

make
profit

ality of the goddess.

The same
a

is

true

copies for public trade. c I regret to have found

in

of
little

the

Cherchel

figure

striking

Pheidian

work
of

earlier than the

Par
;

the

elaborate

attempts

made by
such
as

thenon

and

the

Berlin

statues

distinguished

archaeologists

von Schneider and Furtwangler and more recently by Ruhland to discover

copies of this group in the Cherchel * Demeter, the Demeters of Berlin

they agree merely in drapery with the Demeter on the great Eleusinian relief

but this style was a Pheidian fashion and was freely used for different person
the Samos-Athens relief, a The ManBrunn-Bruckmann, 475 tinean relief shows us one of the muses
alities, e. g. in
.

and the Capitoline Museum, the Kore of the Villa Albani and the still earlier bronze statuette of Kore in Vienna.

draped

in the style

of Kore.

Certainly

XI x;

w H

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

267

the two goddesses which Attic religious sculpture had created before the end of the fifth century for the service of Eleusis,

and which was evidently of considerable repute,

for

we

find

and even The group consists of the mother seated outside Attica a either on the mystic casket or on the stone border of the well the as she once sat in her sorrow or more rarely on a throne or or on front her in stands left, behind, right by her, daughter

many

free reproductions of
.

it

in different materials,

with torches.

The

example of

this, as

we have

transitional period has left us a notable seen, and the later ages loved to

reproduce it. We have found it on many of the mysteryvases of the fifth and fourth century, and it appears on certain fragments of the Panathenaic amphorae, on reliefs of the
century which attest its prominence in the public religion, and finally on the well-known relief of Lakrateides
fourth

now that the fragments of this large and important monument have been skilfully pieced together (PL II). These derivatives vary in many details and in the relative all that we can conclude with some position of the figures
;

security concerning the original is that it was a free group of sculpture of the transitional period representing the mother enthroned and holding a sceptre and the daughter standing

And this may have given birth to a new theme, Kore standing before Demeter and pouring her a libation, which we can discern in the fragments of a cylix of the finest Attic style of the earlier part of the
by her with
and
torches.

attractive

fifth

century

b
.

The group which has

just

been examined together with

article in
;

its

the Capitoline statue (Overbeck, Atlas, 14. 20) agrees in pose and gesture as

Ath. Mitth. 1892, p. 1 26 to the material which he there collected may

of
the
later

well as drapery with the Demeter in the relief (PI. XIV), but in the absence of significant attribute and expression the similarity is not sufficient to prove of personality ; witness the Demeter of identity of pose in the the south metope of the Parthenon and
identity

be added the fragments of an Eleusiniau

vase
red-figured
style

published Eph. Arch. 1901, Uiv. 2; and another fragment of a vase from Eleusis published by Philios in Ath.

Mitth. 1895, p. 249.

the daughter of Pelias in the famous

Lateran
*

relief.
:

Mon. d. Inst. 6, Tav. 4 cf. the fragments of a vase published Ath. Mitth. 1881, Taf. 4, on which we can
;

Cf. supra, pp. 226, 260

vide

Kern

detect the

same

scene.

268

GREEK RELIGION

CHAP.
fifth

cognate works, an achievement of the Attic art of the

century, made an important contribution to the development of the ideal conception of the two goddesses for it emphasized
;

the distinction, which was rarely expressed in the monuments of this period, between the more august and matronal form

and pose of the mother and the younger and virginal type
of Kore
n
.

The most

striking

example

in free sculpture preserved to us

from the age of Pheidias, of this ideal of the elder goddess, is the marble statue now in the Jacobsen collection at Copenhagen (PL XXVIII), which appears to be a Roman copy of an

Demeter is original of the great period of Attic religious art seated and draped majestically in Ionic diploidion and mantle across her knees, holding poppies and corn-ears in her left hand,
:

with a crown above her forehead and a

veil falling

down behind

her head.
to say

The
far

how

expression appears benign, but it is difficult the copy has here preserved the character of the

original.

We

can at

all

events discern in the whole figure

the impress of the great style that appears in the sculpture of the Parthenon and that could imprint a profoundly religious

aspect upon the works of this age. And the work has this further interest for us that we can regard the great Cnidian statue, the most perfect development of the Demeter-ideal, as
in

some sense a descendant from

it

b
.

school then, we may be fairly certain, occupied itself with this theme but as the original works have almost
;

The Pheidian

perished, we cannot estimate exactly how far they were able to work out a characteristic expression distinctive of the

countenance of the goddess

or to determine whether

it

was

they who imparted

a

to

it

that look of benign brightness that

(Czilts,

indicated

This appears slightly but delicately in the vase from Perugia

in

vol.

I,

p.

239), really repre-

published
p.

Roscher

Lexikon,

2,

Demeter. The similarity between the two does not seem to me to prove
sents
identity of person; and even when we are dealing with Greek art of the fourth

1370, Fig. 17.

b

Helbig in Fiihrtr, no. 874, and Bloch in Roscher s Lexikon, 2, p. 1360 consider the Jacobsen statue to prove that the later Ludovisi head, which I have described in accordance with the common opinion as a head of Hera

century it is not always possible to distinguish between a Demeter and a Hera when there is no external attribute
to decide,

PLATE XXVIII

To face page 268

PLATE

XXIX a

To face page 269

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

269

appears in certain terracotta images of this period found in Attica and elsewhere, one of the most typical of which is

produced on Plate
style

XXIX a a

We may surmise that this softer

less austere effect

aiming

at a gentler

and

commended

the handicraftsmen in clay modelling than to the great masters of this age in monumental marble and
itself rather to

bronze b
After

least, the highest achievement of the so far as it was occupied in the fifth Hellenic imagination, century with the forms of the two goddesses, is preserved by It is specially the the coins rather than by the sculpture.
all,

for us at

coinage of Kyzikos and in a still higher degree of perfection the medallions and tetradrachms of Syracuse that present
us with the
finest

types.

The

Cyzicene

electron

stater

published

c by Head shows

us a striking countenance of the

mother-goddess wearing a coif on her head and apparently the strong and broad treatment of the crowned with corn lines of the eyebrow, the outlines of chin and cheek, forms, the reveal the style of the great age, combined with a suggestion of gentleness in the pose of the head (Coin PI. no. 9).
:

The study of the Syracusan coins that show us DemeterPersephone is one of the most fascinating in the range of Greek numismatics and while a full estimate of their artistic
;

and

beyond our present scope, they concern us intimately here as the religious memorials of a community devoted to the worship of these goddesses, and containing coin-engravers who surpassed their brethren of the craft
is

historic value

throughout all Hellas in cunning delicacy of hand and per fection of achievement within the narrow limits of the art.

These Syracusan types of

this age, which are roughly con be temporaneous, may distinguished according as they present the type of the goddess of the early corn or the goddess of the harvest but this distinction is not one between Demeter, the mother-deity of matronly forms and of expression deepened
;

by

experience, and

the

young

virgin
b
c

of the spring.

The

* Bought by Lenormant at Eleusis and published in Heuzey, Terres cuites du Louvre, PL 18.

Cf. supra, p. 221. Hist. Num. p. 451.

270

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

former ideal does not seem to have attracted the Syracusan engravers either of this or the later period they chose only
;

the type of the youthful goddess, Kore or Demeter-Chloe, and the changes of the seasons which she controlled are only expressed by the different texture of the crown which she
harvest wears a garland of on a striking tetradrachm, probably earlier than 409 B.C. a which shows us a noble head of large style in the treatment of the features and with exuberant
wears.

Thus Persephone of the

ears
,

corn-spikes and

the artist is unknown, rendering of the hair (Coin PI. no. 15) but we may trace the effects of this impressive work surviving
:

Another and period of the of face the independent example harvest-goddess is the of of artistic merit but struck about Eumenes, coin-type higher the same time (Coin PI. no. 16): the crown she wears here is
in

Syracusan coin-dies of a

later

woven of the autumn growths of

field

and wood and

is
;

identical

with that on the coin of Phrygillos mentioned above the hair is more severely treated than in the type just described and
assists the impression of strength

and firm character which

the features convey. There is intellectual power stamped on the forehead and brow, but no benignity rather a proud in the face. reserve And in this respect the head of

Eumenes has

affinities

with the work of his greater con

is

temporary Euainetos. The chef-d oeuvre of the latter artist

the engraving of the

famous medallions that bear the signature Evaivtrov with the head of Persephone on the obverse and the four-horsed car with the flying Victory and the panoply on the reverse,

commemorative
Athenians c
.

in all probability of the

triumph over the

Museum

is

type, of which an example from the British figured on Coin PL no. 17, has been till recently

The

unrivalled perhaps
* b

regarded as the master-achievement of Syracusan art and by any other product of glyptic technique.
Gardner, Types, PI.
e.g. the
6. 19.

Syracusan coins of Pyrrhus

PI. no. 24).

has been discussed with great acumen and appreciation by Dr. Arthur Evans
in his treatise

and Agathocles (Coin

on

the Syracusan Medal-

chronology, historical significance, and artistic value of these coins

The

lions

and

their Engravers.

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

fame went
far

271

Its

and wide, and

states

device

by many Greek

it was borrowed for their coinand even by Carthage. The

detail

formal beauty of the countenance, the artistic fineness in the combined with a certain largeness of manner natural to

the great age, justify the highest estimate of the work. As regards that which more immediately is the present concern,
the aspect of the divinity which the artist wished to present, the same ideal of the earth-goddess possesses the artist as
before
:

Kore

emotion
fifth

her fresh virginal beauty, without in the face but with that touch of aloofness and
is

shown us

in

is commonly seen in the divine types of the century and the crown she wears is the symbol not of harvest but of the promise of the spring, for it is woven of the waving blades of the young corn. The hair is bound up as in
:

reserve which

the work of Eumenes, in keeping with the maidenly severity of the whole but certain locks are allowed to play freely as
;

if

the wind of spring were about her head. In fact the medallion of Euainetos might stand for the
it

embodiment of the Greek maiden-goddess of the spring, not that the fortunate discovery made some years ago of a hoard on Mount Etna has revealed to us a sister- type even more remarkable for its beauty and execution. This is
perfect

were

a medallion in the private possession of Dr. Evans, the Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, figured on Coin PI. no. 1 8, unique among the products of the engraver s art for its delicacy of execution and a certain daring of imagination. Its qualities

have been so eloquently described, and its place in the numismatic history of Syracuse so critically determined by
its

possessor, that there

is

little

that can be

added

here.

He

has convincingly shown that in spite of its salient resemblance to the type of Euainetos, it is the creation of an unknown and

some respects greater artist, to whom Euainetos was in a great measure indebted. There is the same ideal here as in the former work, but expressed with greater lightness and fine
in

ness of touch
life
it
:

and with more of the freedom and

is
{

fullness of

the treatment of the hair

astonishing for the impression

in spring,

conveys of the fanning of the meadow-gale

and

the locks encircling the corn-stalks

show us the

artist rejoicing

272
in his

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP,

the countenance

power and the play of his fancy. Yet the character of is mainly the same as in the work of
:

Euainetos

in spite of its surpassing loveliness

it

remains free

from sensuousness, severe and pure. And there is something added to the characteristic pride in the expression a touch of
;

melancholy has been rightly detected in the drooping corners of the lips, as if the artist might have wished to hint at the
other side of her destiny. find then that the art of the
fifth century and especially the numismatic art created at last for Kore a type of virginal beauty, scarcely touched with emotion, severely perfect in form, and in a sense pagan if such a word is ever in place
it embodied for the imagination the physical glory more palpably than any of the forces of our moral the earth of

We

because

and

spiritual

life.

the end of this period and by the beginning of the fourth century a distinct type for the mother-goddess is

By

She is given usually the veil and the gradually emerging. maturer forms proper to maternity, and the countenance is marked with emotion and the impress of experience. The full

embodiment of the highest conception of her was

reserved, as

younger Attic school, but still a rival of the greater arts, con corn-engraving, worthy The small Lesbian hektae of the beginning tributed its part.
*

we

shall see, for the sculpture of the

of the fourth century have preserved an interesting representa the ample brow, tion of the veiled Demeter (Coin PI. no. 19)
:

large surface of cheek, and strong chin are inherited from the older style, but the deep-cut eyesockets and a certain maturity
in the contours impart a special character to the face there is a shadow upon it and yet a certain brightness proper to the corn-mother in the upturned gaze a To nearly the same age of a Lampsacos, showing a head striking coin-type belongs
;
.

which, in spite of the absence of the veil, we can recognize as Demeter rather than Persephone on account of the fullness of the features, the shadow thrown on the face by the deep
a

Brit.

Mus.

Cat. Mysia, 19.

cf.

head

of

Demeter with

markedly

the Amphictyonic coin (CoinPl.no. 13) B.C. 346, on which we see a veiled

benign and bright expression.

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

and
the
expression

273
experience

cutting,

of

thought

and

(Coin

PI. no. 20).

But the coins have not yet shown to us that countenance of Demeter with which Clemens of Alexandria was familiar, the visage known to us cnrb rrj? a-vfjiffropas, by the touch of sorrow

upon

it.

The
,

earliest

example of

this

trait

which

is

very

rarely found in the existing numismatic monuments is a small a Cyzicene coin which shows the veiled head and the upturned visage with eye and mouth wrought so as to hint unmistakably

mother (Coin PL no. 21). the other hand, the daughter is usually characterized on the fourth-century coins by the fresh youthfulness of her features, sometimes by a certain exuberance of beauty, occa
at the suffering of the bereaved

On

sionally

by a

rich luxuriance of hair

and a look of bright

joyousness. coins of this

special and historically interesting series of period are those which follow the tradition

is seen on the Pheneos and Messene (Coin PL nos. 22, 23, 10) but the forms are simplified, the minute gem-like delicacy of the original has disappeared, and the

of Euainetos.

The
;

influence of his creation

dies of the Locri Opuntii, of

severity of expression is somewhat softened. Another characteristic type of Persephone-head in the fourth

century also bears affinity to an earlier Syracusan type, that namely of which an example has been given on Coin PL no. 15.

What

is specially distinctive here is the rich framework of hair that encases the whole countenance and flows down in waves

upon the neck, giving a marked picturesque effect which is enhanced by the crown of corn. The coins of Agathocles and Pyrrhus struck at Syracuse show us the endurance of this artform in its native place (Coin PL no. 24 Pyrrhus). But the most beautiful example of it is found on the fourth-century coins of
this characteristic rendering of the here in perfect accord with the exuberant charm of the face, in which the succulent freshness of youth is lit up with an inner brightness that attests the divinity. Nowhere among

Metapontum (CoinPl.no.25);
is

hair

Published

and

well

described

by Prof.

Gardner,

Types,

PI.

10.

14,

p. 174.

274
the

GREEK RELIGION
monuments of the
fourth century

[CHAP.

do we

find

any higher

ideal of the spring-goddess than this. But it would be wrong to give the impression that the numismatic artists of this period were always careful to dis

tinguishin such a manner as the above works indicate between mother and daughter. The old idea of their unity the of substance still seemed to linger as an art-tradition
:

just been examining appears on a fourtha and must have been used here to coin of Hermione century who was there the only form Demeter Chthonia designate And even at Metapontum, that the corn-goddess assumed. where coin-engraving was long a great art, a youthful head crowned with corn, which in its own right and on account of

very type we have

resemblance to the masterpiece of Euainetos could claim the name of Kore, is actually inscribed Damater b
its
.

Turning now to the monuments of

plastic art,

we

find the

record of the earlier part of the fourth century as silent as that of the fifth concerning a Demeter or a Kore wrought by any of

the great masters in marble and bronze. may surmise that the image of the benign and tender mother was in the

We

mind of Kephissodotos when he carved his beautiful group of Eirene holding the infant certainly it is thus that we should imagine the Attic Demeter of this generation, and indeed the
;

form of Eirene is closely akin to the Eleusinian ideal of But it is not till Demeter which has been already noticed c
.

the period of Praxiteles that the record speaks clearly. There is reason for supposing that the consummation of the
ideal of these goddesses
least three

owes most to him and

his school.

At

him by

groups of the Eleusinian deities are ascribed to ancient writers, unless we allow the phantom of an
in the

elder Praxiteles to arise

and lacchos

and claim the triad of Demeter, Kore, temple at Athens, where Pausanias saw the
.

143 In mysterious writing on the wall in Attic characters of the the for no reason is authenticity doubting any case there

group of the mother and the daughter and Triptolemos

a

in

Brit.
I.

Mus*

Cat., Peloponnese, PI.

7.

18 (in the
c

Museum

of Turin).

30.
b

Vide supra, pp. 264, 265.

Overbeck, Ktmstmyth*, Miinz-Taf.

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

275

or of his bronze representa which must have contained at To the same sentence in which Pliny least two figures. mentions the latter work, he adds the mysterious words item b Now Karayowa is one of those popular descrip Catagusam tive titles by which the Greek public often loved to designate a favourite monument but its meaning in this place has been much disputed. If the work was a single statue, then we could be content with the interpretation which has been pro
,

the Servilian Gardens at

Rome a

tion of the rape of Proserpine,

posed and often accepted

a spinning-girl

but the context

might seem to suggest some connexion with Persephone, and that Pliny s short-hand note contains a it is conceivable reference to two connected groups dealing with different parts of the Kore-legend c one the violent abduction, the other the
,

peaceful return of the goddess to the lower world, whither the mother, appeased and reconciled, leads her back with her own

hand.

Such a theme

as the reconciliation of

Demeter with
the genius of

the chthonian power might

Praxiteles,

commend

itself to

and would harmonize with the spirit of the Eleusinian faith and the idea is revealed on the Hope vase mentioned above and on other monuments. But Pliny s text has been compiled with too great carelessness and disregard
:

for relevance to allow us to feel secure concerning

any

inter

pretation of this phrase. At least we are certain that the great sculptor worked in the service of this cult, which would be likely to attract him

with the appeal of

a

its

plaintive story

and with the charm of

N. H, 36. 23. N. H. 34. 69 (fecit ex

Plin.

acre Praxi-

teles)
c

Proserpinae raptum, item Catas

a person up from the Inferno ; and the passages quoted in support of Urlich s view are fatal to it ; for instance, the
return of Aphrodite to

gusam.
Urlich
12

Eryx was

cele-

Observ. de arte

Praxit.

p.

started

the opinion, which has

brated by a festival called Karay&yia Athenae, p. 395 because Aphrodite

been accepted by some recent scholars, could that Kardyovcra designate

came back
land
is

Kardyeiv

across the sea, and to put into but the Karaycayrj of

Demeter * bringing Persephone back from exile : certainly her sojourn in the shades might be called an exile, and
the verb
is

Kore

in

Syracuse was celebrated in the

used of the exile

return.

autumn, when the goddess descends into the lower world, and in regard to Kore in particular the word could have

would be most incongruous that such a word should be used for bringing
But
it

no other

sense,

T 3

276

GREEK RELIGION
it

CHAP.

the world of nature that

arises

reflected.

The

question, then,

in any monument. We look in vain for any clear token of it among the crowd of Graeco-Roman figures that people our museums. But fortunately a few monuments have come down to us of actual fourth- century sculpture, and these deserve

whether we can trace

his

handiwork or influence

existing

careful attention.

One
a

of these
in

is

a life-size terracotta head

the sanctuary of Persephone near and see a strong and noble Tarentum, published by him. of full almost matronal forms, with some luxuri countenance,

found by Dr. Evans

We

ance of hair, but

(PI.

XXIXb): we

much trace of these in the fragments of a marble group found at Delos, now in the Central Museum at Athens, representing Plouton carrying off Kore from the midst of her nymphs. The surface of the fragments is too defaced
to allow a sure

tain traits, is it easy to discover

reserve, even coldness, in the expression recognize the style of Magna Graecia in cer but not a touch of Praxitelean hand or feeling. Nor

much

judgment of the technique but it is probably Attic work of the close of this century. There are no clearly Praxitelean features that we can recognize in the heads of
;
.

the divinities, which are fortunately preserved b On the other hand, a head of Demeter from Lerna, of colossal size, in the museum at Argos, is reported to be an

work of the fourth century after the manner of c But it is our own National Museum that contains the of two goddesses that most clearly reflect the images
original

Praxiteles

influence of the last great Attic sculptor.

statuette of

The one is a marble Kore found by Newton during his excavations at

Budrun

in

of the surface

the sanctuary of the Cnidian Demeter. The working is soft and warm, and the lines of the face and

though the forehead

ft

the rippling treatment of the hair recall the style of Praxiteles, is a higher triangle than is seen in the
Hell. Journ. 1886, p. 30, PI. 63.

Eleusis throw any light on the Raptus

He

has

deep sunk

eyes

and a

protruding forehead, traits proper to the character. Her face is a rather full

Proserpinae of Praxiteles (Eph. Arch. 1893, ntV. 14). c As far as one can judge from the
publication, the expression is merely one of mild earnestness (Overbeck,

and her eye-sockets also are rather Nor do the fragments of an Abduction-group from a pediment at
oval,

deep.

Taf. 14. 20).

PLATE

XXIX b

To face page 276

Vol. Ill

PLATE

XXX

To face page 277

iv]

IDEAL TYPES OF DEMETER-KORE

277

Cnidian Aphrodite or Hermes. She holds the pomegranate her right, and the unusually high kalathos on her head is the well-known emblem of fruitfulness. Her face is delicate and
in

maidenly, but the veil that falls denotes the bride (PI. XXX).

down

the back of her head

If anywhere outside Athens, the influence of Praxiteles would be strong at Knidos. And it was here that Newton found one of the masterpieces of Greek religious sculpture, the Cnidian Demeter, the only satisfying embodiment of the god dess in free sculpture that has come down to us from Hellenic times (PL XXXI). The mother-goddess is seated on her throne in a stately and reposeful attitude, her limbs fully draped in chiton and mantle, of which the lines and folds display the
intricate

treatment that came into fashion towards the close

of the fourth century. The workmanship of the lower part of the statue is lacking in clearness and effect. It is in the

character and story of Demeter are presented with a strange power of imagination in the face, where in the grace and sunny warmth of the

head where the mastery

lies.

The

countenance one seems to catch a glimpse of the brightness of the corn-field translated into personal forms. Yet the features bear the stamp of her life-experience, and the shadow
of her sorrow
is

upon them

like

To

call

her the

Madre Dolorosa

cloud blending with sunshine. is only half the truth she is

;

also the incarnation of the fruitfulness

and beauty of the earth.

it

The

face

is

Praxitelean chiefly in the sense that

is

a great

his mastery in selecting and portraying certain mental moods but it differs in some features from what we know of his work. We might surmise that his sons were com missioned to execute it for Knidos after his death a For the purpose of this chapter the quest is at an end. The

example of

later

works

sionless
a

fall far short of the Cnidian, being either expres or selecting for expression one quality only, the

There

is

some evidence

that the

such as the very high forehead.

in

A head

Cnidian Demeter was famous enough to be copied in ancient times. The veiled

the British
is

Cyprus

Dali in of the same type, but the

it

Museum from
is

Lansdowne House, a good Graeco-Roman work, resembles

head of Demeter
it

in

cheerful expression in

more pro-

nounced.

closely in pose

and

certain features

278

GREEK RELIGION
.

a The Demeter benignity or the melancholy, of the goddess of the British Museum and the Persephone of the Syracusan

this religion for the Hellenic imagination,

medallion remain the chief art-records of the significance of and both contribute

to our

own mental

inheritance.

We
Cnidian

owe

to Hellas the ideal

in religious art of the

a

mother and the maid.

:

The Demeter-head of the mysterious Demophon is not so important as his

Artemis, for
its

but the expression does not

soft

appear very profound, merely

benign.
I

and

surface

is

far

more

am

inclined

to

place the

damaged.

The markings

of the face

head

later than the fourth century, in

the maternal character, and the lines down the centre remind us of the

show

spite of

Mr. Daniel

s interesting article

in the Hellenic Journal, 1904.

NOTE ON THE LAKRATEIDES-RELIEF

The goddess
Demeter on the
throne
:

(PI. II).

is raising a lappet of her mantle over her shoulder like on the god s Attic relief mentioned p. 265 (PI. XIV)

arm which terminates in a ram s head. Chiefly for this reason M. Svoronos, in a long and elaborate Bed argument, Journ. Internal. Arch. Numism. 1901, maintains that and 6 fa6s are none other than Hygieia and Asclepios. I cannot find

we

see a sphinx supporting the

17

his

arguments convincing.

It

is

true that a

Roman

relief in

the

Athens, probably a faithful copy of the cult-statue of Asclepios by Thrasymedes at Epidaurus, shows a ram s head and a sphinx carved on the arm of the throne (Cavvadios, rAuTn-a, no.
Central
at

Museum

174); but we know that much of the Asclepios type was borrowed from Zeus, and Thrasymedes may easily have taken this trivial decorative motive from some Zeus-type of Pheidian work ; for the ram belongs par excellence to Zeus, and is rarely found in the ritual

and the sphinx on the throne of Asclepios is ob from the throne of Zeus. borrowed Again, on the famous viously scene on the Kertsch vase (PI. XXI a), we see a god enthroned above on the right, much in the pose of the Zeus on the Parthenon frieze (whom no one doubts but M. Svoronos), and his commanding position in the
of Asclepios;

scene and the victory flying just before him constrain us to call him Zeus, and here again we see both the sphinx and the ram s head,
the latter perhaps alluding to the ram-sacrifice associated with Zeus But M. Svoronos insists that this Kertsch Meilichios at Eleusis.

PLATE

XXXI

To face page 279

Vol. Ill

APPENDIX
figure also is Asclepios.

279

If the artist intended this,

is

why

did he try to

deceive his public?

For as the vase

earlier

than the work of

Thrasymedes at Epidauros (circ. 370 B.C.), a ram s head as an ornament was not likely to suggest Asclepios to any one. We should

On the other hand, it is a hound at least. a priori most improbable that in the great Athenian inscription 180 which cannot be later than 421 B.C., Asclepios and Hygieia should
require a serpent or
,

prominent place in the Eleusinian from the allies when we know that the Epidaurian God only came to Athens first in a private about And when B.C. came, 420 way they were not vague they
their

have already

won

way

into a

ritual,

and already be receiving

tribute

nameless deities (such as the fobs gevmos of the old Attic inscription, C. I. A. i, 273, a deity whose name was unknown or forgotten) nor
:

was there any mysterious reason why the Athenians should avoid pronouncing their names on the contrary we know that they were at once officially called Asclepios and Hygieia both at Athens and Eleusis, and were always so called down to the end of paganism
:

(vide UpaKTiKd, 1898, p. 87, shrine of Asclepios at Eleusis with dedica

tions

from the
6*bs

latter part

of the

fifth

century

AZKAHPIOI).
was ever

And
styled to the

M. Svoronos appears wrong

at

in saying that Asclepios

Athens

highest

v\lfiarTa>

obvious that they were set up to Zeus (TW Ait occurs), and one of them was inscribed on a column above ~ which was an eagle (C. l.A.%, iO2 b ; i32 a k \ 148). The worship of fj 6ta and 6 6c6s survived at Athens till the time of Hadrian, and
cures,
it

god commemorate

at

V^HTTOS vaguely: none of these inscriptions Athens were found in the Asclepieion though they
:

is

a>

Eleusis shows no and both derive Asclepios necessarily Asklepian It may be added that it is dangerous to their forms in art from Zeus. base any argument concerning personality on the throne-ornament of the ram s head it probably belongs to the mere tradition of decoration, for we find it with the sphinx employed in the same way on the thrones of the sacred females on the Harpy-tomb, having no more inner meaning than the swan s head carved on the back of one of the thrones or the Triton under the arm of the throne of the male figure The most recent and satisfactory account of the whole there.

never touched Asclepios

the banquet-relief at

trait.

Only

6 6c6s

Lakrateides-relief
p.

is

by Heberdey

in the Festschrift fiir Benndorf,

in,

Taf. IV.

CHAPTER V
CULT OF THE GOD OF THE LOWER WORLD

ALTHOUGH this worship is among the minor phenomena of Greek polytheism and never attained any great significance
for Hellenic religious history or civilization, yet some questions of interest arise concerning it, and some facts of importance may emerge. The discussion and exposition of them can be

brief in the present state of our knowledge. The citations and other kinds of evidence collected below suffice to show that

the god of the lower world was worshipped over a wide area of the Hellenic world, appearing under various forms and names, as Plouton or Plouteus, Zeus Chthonios, Zeus EvfiovXevs,

whom Zeus Meilichios had affinity, as Zeus 2/conVos, Klymenos, Trophonios, and, very rarely, Hades a But it would be going beyond the evidence to maintain at once that his worship was a common inheritance of all the Hellenic
with
.

stocks.

Some
some
;

of these cults may, for

for

all

we know, have been

of late origin, and Eleusinian influence

sible for

we have

may have been respon seen reason to believe that there

;

was an ancient Plouton-cult and Ploutoneion at Eleusis, and that Eubouleus was one of his synonyms there and we may sup pose that these appellatives were engrafted thence upon the ritual of other Greek states. The consideration of the names
is of some value. Homer knows the nether god as AiSrj?, the brother of Zeus, the husband of Persephone, and in some sense a god of vengeance, who sends up the Erinyes in answer to the
a

Vide Zeus, R.

20.

55-61.

CULT OF THE GOD OF THE LOWER WORLD

,

281

a and the germ of prayer of the wronged father or mother a moral idea that might develop and fructify is latent here.

In one passage only the name Zev? Karax^oVtos is applied to him, and a theological view of some importance is revealed, which appears again in the Hesiodic formula of Zeus x^oVios. And in the theology of Hesiod this nether Zeus is not
*

merely the grim lord of the dead, but the beneficent god of fruitfulness to whom, as to Demeter, the husbandman will pray
for a rich harvest.

The

religious significance of the title

is

then the same as attaches to Trophonios, the nourishing god who lives below the earth in a realm of ghostly terror, and yet Plouton, is a mantic healer and the fruitful power of life, or to the Attic of the in dramatists, whose name first appears pages long before the Attic Now in the older stage of religion, owing to drama arose the magic power of nominalism, a god or the concept of a god could develop under one name and not under another.

but was probably heard at Eleusis

b
.

14

For some reason the name Hades remained barren, a word of taboo or teratology, of no avail for the kindlier purposes of and the It is specially noticed by Pausanias worship. in nowhere that statement his confirms evidence we possess
the Greek world was

opened
It is

worshipped, except in Elis, where there were mythic reasons given why he should be And the Elean worship was honoured under this name 21 the temple was only surrounded with mystery and awe once in the year, nor might any enter save the priest.
. :

Hades

not hard to account for these

facts.

It

was natural

to

Greek

to avoid the superstition, as has been already observed,

mention, wherever possible, of the personal names of the chthonian powers and to substitute for them appellatives Or a name which might which were generally euphemistic.

be useless as pass muster in poetry or in ordinary talk might a spell to conjure with in prayer, if it connoted nothing good.
a
b

Demeter, R.
in the

10

Zeus, R. 59.

Rubensohn regards the Eleusinian

Ploutonion as
der erste

Mittelpunkt des localen Kultus, Athen. Mitth. 1899, p. 49; cf. his Heiligthiimer

worship

Ausgangspunkt des Eleusinischen Kuldown to late times as * der tus and

von Eleusis, pp. 60-6 1 the reasons for this extreme view are not convincing,
:

vide supra, pp. 137, 138.

282

GREEK RELIGION
the

CHAP.

And

oldest

name Hades was one of this sort. Probably the name of the nether god that was accepted generally
tribes
felt

by the Greek
it

and hence predominant

:

in the oldest

to be inefficacious and ill-omened, as the poetry of and of prayer developed perhaps because logic spell-ritual of that very poetry of Homer s in which it was invested with
associations

was

of gloom, or still more because of its original meaning, if we believe, as we have a right, that it meant the unseen one a Obviously a ritual-name so uncanny as the unseen had no such fructifying force for those who were
c }
.

praying for crops or a favourable sign as names like Plouton or Eubouleus 39 Nor would it be likely to be cherished by the mysteries which aimed at brightening the conception of death and of the world beyond death. The name Hades
. *

then remained efficacious only in the ritual of imprecation, and in the popular religious phraseology marked the inexorable

and posthumous vengeance 38 The terror he inspired was averted by the devices of euphemism b and later by absorbing him in brighter deities such as Dionysos. Such being a short sketch of the facts, a question of some
god of stern
justice
.

interest for comparative religion presents itself. Did the various Greek tribes bring with them into Hellas the concep tion already matured and traditional of a male divinity who

ruler of the nether world? This hypothesis is quite but the evidences from other cognate races does not possible, seem to corroborate it c nor can we trace back the conception
,

was the

of an Inferno to the Indo-Germanic period while some of the races, both Aryan and non-Aryan, that have possessed it d die Hel in the Teutonic imagined a queen of the dead
; ,

north, Allatu at Babylon, rather than a king.

Nor

in the

The suggestion that the word meant the earth-god or Zeus in the earth,
from
Class.
al-foijs

&

(afe)

(vide

Mr. Cook

in

chief of the blessed dead, a celestial, not a Chthonian power, p. 171), nor in the Teutonic Handbuch der (Golther,

1902, p. 172), fails to account for the bad omen of the name

Rev.

Germanischen Mythologie, p. 471). Nergal the god associates himself

<*

and philologically is not convincing. b Vide supra, pp. 144, 145.

c

No

god of the nether world appears

(Macdonell,

with Allatu (vide Jastrow, Die Religion but BabyL Assyr. vol. I, p. 473) Allatu appears to have been prior (vide
:

in the Vedic-Iranian religion

King, Babylonian Religion,

p. 37).

Vedic Mythology, p. 169,

Yama

the

v]

CULT OF THE GOD OF THE LOWER WORLD

283

legend or personality of Hades can we discover any clues pointing to an aboriginal connexion with northern or middle 8 For it is probably illusory to interpret Hades Europe
.

KAuroTrcoAos

as

a Greek equivalent of

death as the

rider.

Hades was no god of horses

ally ride after his prey,
in his chariot
;

like Poseidon,

nor did he habitu

though he once carried off Persephone

;

the horse in Greek mythology does not seem the chthonian significance b to have possessed always a
great god/ a reverential title of Plouton on the coins of Adessus, c who is not necessarily connected with the Thracian rider

appears as another type on the coins of that state

there
is

2
;

finally,

no sign in early Greek legend or superstition that the dead were supposed to ride along the road to the lower world.
In spite of recent attempts at explanation, the origin of the the traditional view that epithet KAuroTrooAos remains doubtful
;

the god was called famous for his steeds/ just as Pindar styles him xpuo-TJmos, the lord of the golden reins/ because he carried
off

Persephone

in a stately chariot, is not convincing,

but

is

as

good as any that has been

offered.

On

the other hand,

if

we suppose

that the cult-figure of

Hades was an independent product that developed on Greek soil after the Hellenic settlement, we may consider the causes
to which

can hardly its growth and diffusion were due. seek these in ancestor-worship, which gave rise to such per sonages as Aiakos and Minos, the judges of the dead, or Amphiaraos or Zeus- Agamemnon, chthonian hero-powers of
certain localities, but never sufficiently free

We

to

become national high gods. the Greek genealogies severely leave

a

from the local ties Hades was no ancestor, and

him alone d

Or

did the

We may
=
the

believe that the

"AiSos

Tarn-

kappe
of

Kwerj, the cap of

epithet from the close association the horse with the departed hero,
c

of

darkness: but

it is no special perquisite Hades. On the other hand, the Greek Cerberus appears to have travelled up into Teutonic lands

Vide Jahrbzich

d.

d.

Inst.

1898,

p. 162.
d

The Klymenos
:

in

the

Minyan-

(Golther, op.
b

cit.

p. 473).
:

Vide supra, pp. 59-61

Stengel,
,

Archiv, Religionsivissensch. 1 905 supposes Hades to have acquired this

Neleid genealogies shows no trace of a Hades in disguise the name is a very obvious one, and might be expected to recur in different localities (vide Roscher
,

Lexikon,

s. z .).

284

GREEK RELIGION

CHAP.

nether god arise originally spontaneously out of nature-worship as a god of fruitfulness, the supporter of the life that springs

from below the

soil,

<e/}eV/3tos

as perhaps

Empedocles

calls

him a ?

or any departed hero, becomes a naturally fructifying power and the Mycenaean period probably possessed certain male divinities of vegetation
;

The buried ancestor Erechtheus,

such as Hyakinthos and Eunostos. But these seem to have been sporadic cult-phenomena due to local and special causes.

And

the evidence of the

is

name Hades,

if

the

interpretation

accepted above

correct, suggests that the aspect

under which

presents him is the earlier, and that it was not in the character of Plouton, but as the lord of the dead, that he
first

Homer

emerged.

might have arisen as the mere male counterpart to Demeter-Persephone, as the husband of the earth-goddess,
to
fill a gap in the social theological system, in accord with the patriarchic trend of Greek polytheism. And certainly in some cult-centres, such as Eleusis, and again at Hermione,

He

where as Klymenos, the Famous One, he figured as the brother of Chthonia and the husband of Kore, he seems to have occupied a subordinate position as a secondary god b But this was not necessarily the case elsewhere at Elis, for
.
;

instance, he existed in cult, not as the shadow-husband, but as an independent and isolated power. It is more probable that in the pre-Homeric, perhaps in

the aboriginal Hellenic, period the personality of Hades Some belief in emerged as the counterpart of Zeus himself a world of souls, some concern for the life after death, even
.

Hera, R. 14*.
it is

In the verse that

doubtful
if
<f>epta-

Plutarch quotes
@ios

is an whom epithet of Hera Empedocles regards as the personifica-

Orphic-Zagretis elements. c Even in the Mycenaean age the Egyptian cult of Osiris who as male
divinity of the lower world and as judge of the dead has a close resemblance to Hades may have influenced

tion of the air

b

or of Aidoneus.
:

Demeter, R. 34

it

is

probable

that the

Klumenos

in the

Argive story,

Hellenic

belief.

The

evolution of the

toldbyPartheniosc. isfromEuphorion, who commits incest with his daughter Harpalyke, and whose son is cooked by
her
a sacrifice, has arisen from a forgotten Hades-cult contaminated with
in

Assyrian Nergal appears to have been similar to that of Hades ; originally a

god of the dead, he becomes a god of fertility and beneficent, according to

Jastrow, op.
cit. i, p.

473.

v]

CULT OF THE GOD OF THE LOWER WORLD

ancestor-worship,
age,

285

be ascribed to the early such an age be lacking in And as the living had their high theological speculation. so the would need be felt of a high god for the god, religious world of souls and as Zeus ruled above, so a shadow of Zeus The same deity could be made by the might rule below.
direct

must

Mycenaean

nor would

invocative power of appellatives to serve different and even the sky-god changes his nature by contradictory purposes
;

means of the ritual word K.aTa\06vios and the invocation of him by the shy and reverential name of the unseen one must have been very early, as evidently before the time of Homer the name Hades has lost its original appellative force and has acquired the stability of a concrete personal name. This evolution of Hades from Zeus would be the easier and more natural, if already the latter had acquired something of the character of an earth-god by his functions in the domain of vegetation and there are strong reasons for believing that he had already begun to take over these in a very early period of Hellenic religion a And that this was actually the origin
;
* * ;
.

of the nether god is strongly confirmed by a posteriori evi dence by the Homeric phrase Zeus Karc^o ino?, by the cults
;

of Zeus Trophonios, Zeus Meilichios, and Zeus Chthonios and Eubouleus, many of them having the air of great antiquity

and established independently

in

many

centres, finally

by the

occasional identification of the buried ancestor

Amphiaraos, Agamemnon who became a chthonian power with Zeus himself. On the other hand, we have two such phenomena as the grouping of Plouton and Hera near Byzantium 5 and
,

in Class.

by Mr. Cook, Rev. 1903 and onwards, on it is not Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak easy to agree with all his deductions or
series of articles
;

Vide

as that put forward

by Miss Harrison
13-28),
that,
for

{Prolegomena,

pp.

example, the cult of Zeus Meilichios arose from the supplanting of an older
autochthonous Meilichios by the later
Zeus,
fails to

his estimate of each part of the complex evidence, but his main thesis that in the
earliest period

explain

why

or

how

the

Zeus was more than a mere sky-god and tended to acquire the character of a vegetative and chthonian power is on the whole fairly established.

sky-god

god

became an usurping nether and the philological probabilities

are against this view, as MeiA.t xtos is a word of later growth than Zeus within

On

the other hand, such an hypothesis

the

same language.

286

GREEK RELIGION
at
,

[CHAP.

Koroneia 12 the nether god taking the if the emer place of Zeus in such associations. And even all these facts and followed of of were Hades independent gence a path we cannot track, the facts remain of value in the history of religion. As was shown in a former chapter, they exhibit the early trend of Greek religious thought in the direction of monotheism. Further, they prove that the contrast between

Hades and Athena

the upper and nether powers in this religion, though it existed and had sometimes to be reckoned with, was not pushed to the
violent extremes of theologic dualism
in

the lord of life becomes and Zeus transcends the ancient some sense lord of death,
:

god have already a nor is any been incidentally noticed in a former chapter minute study of the monuments, which are comparatively few,
:

limitations of departmental nature-worship. The artistic representations of the nether

of necessity here.

We

find in these, as in the cults, that the

:

name Hades was

carefully avoided

it

appears only on the

two sepulchral wall-paintings of Orvieto and Corneto, in both of which the form is more repellent than in pure Hellenic art, the Etruscan artist representing him with a cap of a wolfs or b a dog s muzzle and holding a spear encircled with a serpent The Greek vase-painters, whose works are the chief represen tations of this theme that have come down to us from the earlier periods of art, show us the type of the beneficent god
.

of fruits, Plouton with the cornucopia, rather than the gloomy features of the god of the dead, and only hinted occasionally at the underworld aspect of him by such a trait as the massed

and overhanging

hair,

which on the Volci vase

in the British

characteristically painted white (PI. XXXII a). His close affinity to Zeus is expressed not merely by dignity of figure and pose, but more especially by the eagle which appears not

Museum

is

infrequently as his attribute, usually surmounting his sceptre

a

Vol.

i, p.

105; vol. 3, pp. 222, 224,

local heroes
it

225, 257, 276.

Lexikon, i pp. 1 807-8 the serpent Men. d. Inst. 9, Tav. 1 5 is the usual symbol of the nether world
, ;
:

Roscher

but Greek art rarely used as a badge of Hades-Plouton the Cerberus by the side of the statue of
;

Hades

in the Villa

Borghese

is

encircled
;

and was attached

to

many

chthonian

powers, Zeus, Meilichios, Asclepios, the

by a serpent (see Roscher, i, p. 1803 Helbig, Fuhrer, 935). c Vase of Ruvo in Carlsruhe-Winne-

PLATE

XXXII

To face page 287

Vol III

v]

CULT OF THE GOD OF THE LOWER WORLD

.

287

and on one vase-painting placed on the top of his cap a On a vase that is earlier in style than any of these we have the
remarkable example of a Zeus-Trinity that includes Hades, And the same which has been noticed in a former volume b idea, though expressed with less insistence on the identity of
.

personality, is found on the vase of Xenocles, where the three brothers are represented in animated converse, and Hades is

distinguished by no attribute at all, but merely by the gesture of the averted head ; and we may accept the explanation that
this
*

is

an expression

unseen

in art-language of the name of the who hides his face (PL XXXII b). The latest art-record

of this simple and natural conception of a trinity of brothers is perhaps a late coin of Mitylene of the imperial period, showing
us the three side
22

by

side,

and the inscription

0eol

fapaloi

MvTiX-fjvaicav
this, for

but

it is

the type

may

unsafe to read theological dogma into have arisen from the casual juxtaposition

of their three temples on the Acropolis, or on the heights above the sea c However, in the dedication found at Mitylene to
.

feld,

no.

388
i, p.

(published

Roscher

family

the question remains open in

1810) : Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases, vol. 4, F. 332 : Vasensammlung zu Petersburg, no. 426 (the eagle

Lexikon,

spite of Milchhofer s attempt (Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 53) to prove that they cannot be divinities : one does not see

sometimes
PI.
a
i c.

painted

white)

cf.

the

why

the Greeks

who

habitually placed

statuette in the British

Museum,
Vases,

vol. i,

images of divinities in graves should

never venture to carve them in relief
outside
:

Brit.

Miis.

Cat.

vol.

4,

on the other hand, the argu

favour of the

F.277. b Vol.

ments
i,

in

hero-worship

genuine ness of this vase has been doubted

vide Roscher, op.
c cit. i,

p. 104, PI. I.b: the

theory are strong, and

:

we know such

p. 1799.

Mr.

Cook,
a

in

Class.

Rev.

1904,

It is worship was rife in Lycia. certainly tempting to detect Demeter and Kore in the seated personages on

p. 76, is over-rash in tracing this triple

cult

back to

Lycian

pre-historic ArgiveZeus- Trinity. finds the

He

west-front, though we have no proof of their worship at this early date at Xanthus (vide Demeter, Geogr. Reg.

the

same

trinity in the three

male

figures

enthroned on the Harpy-tomb, ib. But it seems idle to draw p. 74.

religious deductions from this mysterious monument, until one can find ground
for a decision

s. v. But if we believe the Lycia). seated male to be a divinity, a chthonian or other trinity is a hazardous

whether the male and

offer

female personages there receiving

ings

for the multiplication of the figures may well be merely a convention of art-language ; the same divinity may be intended on each of
;

assumption here

from the

women and from

the

warrior are the deities of the lower

the three sides of the tomb, though he appears once without his beard. Mean

world or the heroic ancestors of the

time

we may doubt

if

a Greek

god

288

GREEK RELIGION
all-seeing, to Plouton, set

Zeus the

and to Poseidon, the gods of

:

up by a lady in gratitude for a safe voyage, we may discern dimly the idea of a divine One-in-Three for having mentioned the Three, she adds that she was saved by
all salvation,
*

the Providence of

God a

personality of the nether god was strengthened, as we have seen, in Magna Graecia, and the art-type modified, by his In the Hellenistic period the cult fusion with Dionysos.

The

received a further stimulus from Alexandria and the establish

ment of the worship of Sarapis by the

first

or second

Ptolemy
.

4 The as the religious bond of his Graeco-Egyptian kingdom the of this cult and the question concerning records authorship

of the cult-image lie beyond our present limits. It may suffice to note that though the name Sarapis is probably Egyptian, the monuments of the worship, which spread itself over a large area

our era yielded

of the ancient civilized world, and only in the fourth century of in the struggle with Christianity, are entirely

Greek

and some of them

statue

may

original

that

Ptolemy

reproduce features of the introduced from Sinope or

Antioch.

The

attributes, such as the calathos Cerberus eagle

cornucopia, are derived

from the monumental tradition of

;

Hades-Plouton and Zeus the nether god

while the mildness

joined with melancholy that we detect in some of the better busts may descend from the original cult-image and accords

with the refined conception of the more advanced world concerning the god of death 40
.

Greek

would keep a small bear under

throne.

his

The

precise significance of the

:

religious value lies in its illustration of the belief in the correlation of birth

the

Harpy-tomb we may never know in main a Hellenic work, its general

-and death,
a

Vide Poseidon, R.

s.

v.

Lesbos.

CHAPTER

VI

THE CULTS OF THE MOTHER OF THE GODS AND

RHEA-CYBELE

THE primitive earth-goddess has been discovered in various parts of the Hellenic world, under various forms and names and there still remain certain worships that claim a brief con
;

a name of some potency once on and of abiding interest in the history of religion, the Mother/ the Great Mother/ or the Mother of the Gods/ We find her cult occurring sporadically about the Greek main land, and of considerable importance and some antiquity in Boeotia 16 Athens 19 and Arcadia 26 while Akriai in South Laconia boasted to possess her oldest temple 25 Her divinity was prominent in the Attic state church for besides an altar
sideration, consecrated to

Greek

soil

dedicated to her in the

Kerameikos near the

she possessed a temple in the council-hall, which came to be used as

Agora

19c

a festival was held in her honour, in which she received a cereal oblation called sort of milk-porridge 19a have also some TJ ra\am, a
>

a record office of the state-archives

19b

We

traces of her cult outside the ancient limits of the city least we hear of a Mother-temple at Agrai/ and of

;
*

at

the

Mother
earliest

Agrai/ and her images not apparently of the have been found in the cave of Vari on a We have nothing that suggests a late date for Hymettus
in

period
.

the introduction of her worship into Attica ; only, under this name at least, it does not seem to have belonged to the
aboriginal religion
;

the earliest
a

monument
20.

that

we

possess of

Vide Apollo, R.

FARNELL.

Ill

2 9o

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

the Attic cult, a terracotta figure of the goddess with a lion in her lap, a work of the sixth century B.C., is no trustworthy
for it may have been an object of Finally we may remark, what will appear of importance, that she was indifferently styled in common Attic 19b speech the Mother or the Mother of the Gods

chronological datum,
19m
.

import

<

From
ing

Boeotia
or
18
,

we have

clear evidence of the recognition of

the Mother
cities
16
"

the Mother of the

Gods
it

in

some of the
this
it is

lead

but we cannot follow

back under

name
181)

to a date earlier than the fifth century B.C.;

*

Tanagra At so far that has bequeathed us the earliest monument. Corinth the temple of the Mother of the Gods on the slope of

the Acropolis is described by Pausanias, who mentions also in his account of this state a reXerr) Myrpos, a mystic service of the Mother/ with which Hermes the ram-bearer was in some

way

connected, but the context and the phrase are too obscure
21
.

for precise information

Arcadia 26 and we have reason for believing in its great antiquity here, for it was associated on Mount Azanion with the worship of the mythic She was also honoured with a shrine by the ancestor Azan a sources of the Alpheios, where two lions were carved as her 25 d temple- warders giving to the place the name of the lions ford and along the banks of this river on the way to Elis there appears to have existed a very primitive and rustic cult of Heracles and the Greek Mother of the Gods, in which

The

cult

was more prominent

in

b a prophetess gave oracles to the folk of the country-side Coming into Elis we find an altar and a temple erected not

earlier

this special

than the fourth century, dedicated to this divinity under name 2T and some cymbals of ancient bronze
:

technique discovered at Olympia, though apparently conse crated to the temple of Zeus, may have been associated with
the ritual of the
*

Mother
for the

C
.

We
a

need not

further through

its

present follow this cult-appellative other settlements in Greece and the islands,
Stat.

Vide Lact. Plac. ad

Theb.

Chrys. Or.
c

4. 292. b Vide

i, p. 59 R. Bronzen von Olywpia, Text,

p. 70.

the long narrative in Dio.

vi]

CULTS OF MOTHER OF GODS, RHEA-CYBELE

291

this

but at once consider the question that naturally arises. Who is Great Mother, who is also called in cult and in secular

speech the

Mother of the Gods ? Were she only called the we mother/ might be content with regarding her as a vague
,

8 aspect of the earth-goddess viewed from her maternal side and we might believe her to have originated in that stratum of religion which gave birth to such immature personal forms as the corn-mother and we might raise the theory of nameless In fact we might be satisfied with the Pelasgic divinities. hypothesis that various settlements in prehistoric Greece may have just worshipped a local divine Mother/ about whom no more could be said. But more is to be said about this par
* ;

ticular

Mother/
77

for she also

of the Gods/
lative

inseparable is of far greater importance, for, like the Christian It also implies a fixed religious T] 0eoroKos, it implies a dogma. system, no amorphous world of vague and unrelated mimina,

titles

enjoyed the style of the Mother McyaArj M^TT/JO and Mijnip r&v being of one personality. Now this latter appel
6eG>v

but a plurality of definite divinities grouped according to some Such a grouping would arise, for principle of correlation. instance, when a number of kindred tribes, having already
attained to an advanced anthropomorphic religion, were drawn into closer relations, or were obliged to take over certain

indigenous deities of an earlier and perhaps conquered race the need for systematization would make itself felt, and the
:

It may well priest or the poet would be at hand to supply it. have been under such circumstances that Zeus, for instance, was affiliated to Kronos, the fading divinity of an older race of

whom the leading Olympians belonged. the pre-Hellenic or proto-Hellenic goddesses was likely to acquire the august position of the M??r?7p ? be be certain that one of the she would may fairly many
men
than those to

Who then among

6e>v

We
a

shapes of the earth-goddess,

if

not Gaia herself, for the affinity

(v
"Aypais

istic

Various goddesses of the polythesystem might occasionally be called

:

is

the cult of the

the mother of the gods cf. Meteres or Cretan

: .

Athena for instance (Athena, R. and Demeter at Kyzikos (Demeter, R. 55), and possibly at Agrai, though I think it more probable that this Mrirrjp
Mrjrijp

66),

e nurse-mothers/ R. 38 on Meter by Drexler Lexikon, vol. 2.

in

Vide article Roscher s

292
of the MeyaAr;
it is

GREEK RELIGION
MTJTTJP

[CHAP.

with the earth

is

amply

attested

a
.

But

genealogy that Gaia or Ge was not under this name actually identified with her, though the poets may have occasionally used language sugges tive of such a belief 5 Nor, again, was Demeter wholly, though her personality and her very name brought her into the closest relations with the 6e&v MTJrrjp, and the two were often associ
religious
.

clear from the cults

and the

ated intimately in cult and in the vague syncretism of the b may suppose that Demeter s family-legend and poets personality had become crystallized in the Greek belief before
.

We

the necessity of finding

room

in the

system

for

a mother of the

gods had

arisen.

Our

earliest genealogist,

Homer, regards no

term

single goddess as the Oe&v M^rr/p in the full application of the in one passage he speaks vaguely of ocean as the source ;

whence the gods sprung, Tethys his spouse yet

;

as the
in the

0&v

yeVecru,

and of mother
that

same context he shows

he regards Rhea as the mother of Hera, as elsewhere he d speaks of her as the mother of Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades

Hesiod, gives the Cretan legend in full, enlarges the of Rhea, giving her Hestia and Demeter for her chil family dren as well as the former four e but we are not aware that he
,

who

used the term Ot&v

example Homeric hymn 1 in which the religious conception is pan theistic and the unnamed goddess is regarded as the source of all life, human and divine, but the description is picturesque and precise, and exactly answers to the contemporary or at least the later ideal of Rhea. Then from the fifth century onwards the three names, the Mother of the Gods or Great
,

as a personal appellative. The first in actual literature of this use is the fragment of the
M.r\rr]p

Mother, Rhea, Cybele, are used indistinguishably in the litera ture to denote one divine personality, and we may suspect that the cult-ideas attaching to the various shrines and altars of the
MTJTTJP
QeG>v

were influenced by

this fusion.

The

alien

element

that infuses itself into the Greek worship of the Great

a

Mother

Vide Ge, R. 28
:

Tfj U-fjrrjp at
17

Ery-

b
c

Vide R. 55 and Demeter, R.

//. 14.

7.

thrai

Ge

is

called
:

Mcya\rj 6cd at

201.

d Phlye, Ge, R. i6

cf.

Rhea-Cybele,

15. 187.

R.

12.

Theog. 453.

vi]

CULTS OF MOTHER OF GODS, RHEA-CYBELE

;

293

will

first

be considered shortly but the primary question must be discussed whether this identification of Rhea with the 6e&v M?}r?7p of the Greek mainland is an original fact explaining the

religious dogma expressed by the title, or whether it is one of those later syncretisms so common in all polytheistic religions. Modern theory seems to incline to the latter view a, and to

an aboriginal Hellenic Qt&v M/yrr/p and But if this view is correct, the Creto-Phrygian Rhea-Cybele. the former personage with her dogmatic appellative remains an unsolved mystery. To test it, we must consider the facts of the Rhea-cult outside Crete. And what strikes us first is that the name Rhea itself was apparently not much in vogue in the The oldest religious archive that con official cult-language. tains it is an inscription from Ithaka of the sixth century B. C. 30 but in early times the Arcadians seem to have appropriated the story of the birth of Zeus and the worship of Rhea, which we find on Mount Lykaion and on Mount Thaumasion near 26f The name of Rhea is well attested for both Methydrion these cults, and the latter at least, where the sacred shrine was a cave into which none but women might enter, is not likely At Athens a joint temple to have been a late importation b of Rhea and Kronos stood in the temenos of Zeus Olympios 19 where Ge also enjoyed honour and Rhea s cult is well attested 27 and possibly existed at an early at Kos 37 and Olympia 40 These statistics of Rhea-worship are at period Byzantium the and record that has come to us is pro though very scanty, conclude we can that the goddess under this bably incomplete,
distinguish between
;

name

We find

did not play a very prominent part in Hellenic religion. also that at Athens and Olympia at least her shrines
;

and altars were distinct from those of the Ot&v MrfTrjp and hence the conclusion has been drawn c that they were originally two distinct personages. But such an argument is fallacious.

The power
a

of the divine
Rapp

name was transcendent

2,

in

ancient

So, for instance,

in his article

on
p.

Cybele, Roscher s 1660. Showerman,

Lexikon,
in his

mountain, it is not clear from the words of Callimachus 26f whether women were
forbidden altogether or only pregnant

recent

treatise

on the worship of Cybele and the great mother, is not explicit. b As regards the shrine on the other

women,
c

e. g.

by Rapp,

loc. cit.

294
the same religion would demand two
;

GREEK RELIGION
divinity, with

[CHAP.

two different appellatives, and appellatives were always liable to detach themselves from their owner and evolve a new cultaltars,

personage.

Thus,

if

the Greeks found in Crete a great mother-

goddess called Rhea, to whom in their desire to adopt her into their system they affiliated Zeus and others of their Olympian
group, her cult could easily pass forth to other Greek commu nities, trailing with it sometimes the name Pea, sometimes the
title
f)

Mrjr?/p

r&v Oe&v, or simple

77

MTJTJ/P.

that something like this actually happened we may be inclined to believe when we weigh certain facts in the ancient

And

records that are sometimes overlooked.

Mrjrt]p

The

cult of the Qt&v

on the Greek mainland is by no means very widely extended, and it is imbedded in just those localities where we have clear proofs of Cretan influence. In South Laconia, which boasted to possess at Akriai the oldest temple of the mother of the gods, the traces of the Cretan religion were a At Olympia 27 we have the ancient legend fairly numerous
.

of Kronos, that gave its name to the hill above the Altis, and the worship of the Idaean Dactyli and the Kouretes for proofs of early Cretan association *. In Arcadia the story of Rhea
1

was widely

diffused

actual cult of the

though it did not apparently touch the Mother of the Gods and it is probable that
,

Heracles came to be associated with her on the Alphios owing to his curious affinity with the Idaean Dactyli, which explains

Demeter at Mykalessos in Boeotia d The Arcadians may have had direct relations with Crete e or Cretan myths and cults may have filtered through into the country by the valley of the Alpheios. As regards Attica, its
also his association with
. ,

close prehistoric connexion with Crete is reflected, as we have seen, in many cults and legends ; the cereal oblation in the
Britomartis, vide Artemis, R. 131 Pasiphae, Aphrodite, R. 103; cf. Apollo, R. 34 d , Apollo Delphinios in Laconia.
;

8.47, 3; Arne, 8. 8, d Demeter, R. 8.

e

2.

Vide Evans,

Mycenaean Tree and

Vide Paus.

5.

4, 6

5. 14, 9.

The

Cretan symbol of the double-axe has been found at Olympia, apparently in

Pillar Cult, Hell.Journ. 1901, p. 129 ; Immerwahr in his Kiilte u. Mythen

connexion with the worship of Zeus.

c

Arkadiens, p. 213, &c. denies Cretan influences in Arcadia, but without criti-

At Phigaleia, Paus. 8.41,2; Tegea,

cism of the whole question.

vi]

CULTS OF MOTHER OF GODS, RHEA-CYBELE

of the Mother

295

ritual
ritual.

may

have been derived from old Cretan

In Boeotia the figures of Demeter Europa at Lebadeia and of the Idaean Heracles at Mykalessos a are cult-tokens of a Cretan strain in a land where evidence has also been
b gathered of the existence of the mysterious Cretan script and the story of Rhea and the divine birth was rife in the
;

c and Chaeronea d country, for instance at Plataea Finally, we have recent evidence from Epidauros of the coincidence of
.

the Mother and the Cretan Kouretes in the local worship 24 The inference that these indications suggest has received the
.

strongest confirmation

by the

in the field of Cretan religion that

recent epoch-making discoveries we owe chiefly to Dr. Arthur

The curtain seems to be partly lifted that concealed the The influences of so brilliant prehistoric past of Hellenic life.
Evans.

and long-enduring a civilization as that which he has revealed, and is still revealing at Knossos, must have been potent and The far-reaching in religion as well as in art and politics. boast of the Cretans which Diodorus unsuspectingly records, that Greece derived most of its religion from their island, need not now be set down merely to that characteristic which St. Paul and others deplored in the people of Crete though the claim was no doubt excessive, there was an element of reason in it. The facts which the above-mentioned writer has gathered and weighed in his able treatise on the Mycenaean tree and pillar cult, and in his various reports concerning the
;

excavations at Knossos, are sufficient to convince us that the central figure of the old Cretan religion was a great goddess of
fertility,

a male deity also received indication is some that he played a sub but there recognition, ordinate part, standing to the goddess perhaps in the relation
of maternal character
:

Demeter, R. 3, 8. Vide M.Salomon Reinach in 1} Anthropologie, 1900, p. 197, and my note in Class. Rev. 1902, 137 a, b.
b
c

maternity in the Cretan religion is illustrated also by the Cretan cult of the
the Meteres, Holy Mothers who were transplanted at an early time from

Pans.

9.

2,7.
1901, p.
108,
Pillar

Crete to
is

Engyon

in

388

Sicily

their

d
e

Id. 9. 41,6.

e.g. Hell. Journ.

(
:

temple spoken of Cicero as that of the

Verr.
4.

erroneously

by

Magna Mater/

Fig. 4

Mycenaean Tree and

44.

Cult

the prominence of the idea of

296
of son to mother a
:

GREEK RELIGION
women were prominent
is

CHAP.
in her

worship,

though the male votary

goddess

frequently found.
in plastic

Of

this great

we

are presented with a fairly complete picture

by

representations on seals,

and

was of ample form and large breasts, among her emblems she was therefore a mother-goddess, the source of fertility and life. The snake was also consecrated to her, and the most interesting idol of all, which was found in
:

and pictorial art. She and flowers and fruits are

one of the temple repositories of the palace in the chapel of the Sacred Cross, represents her with snakes coiled round her waist and arms, and before her was a figure of her female
b we may venture votary brandishing a snake in each hand then to regard her also as a chthonian goddess, a deity that
:

might be concerned with death and the life of the tomb. She was also a warrior-goddess, armed with spear and bow and helmet a representation that is of most value for the present c purpose shows her thus standing on a peak as a mountainmother, Mrirrjp opeta, and guarded by lions (PI. XXXIII) and
;
,

many

other

monuments

prove that the lion was her constant

.

and familiar animal. Finally, there is reason to think that the axe was consecrated to her as it was to the god of Knossos e Here then is a great religious personality revealed from the second or third millennium before our era, to whom the later creeds of Europe may have been deeply though unconsciously
indebted
of Crete
;

is

the sanctity of the cross in the aboriginal religion in itself a momentous fact. It is no wonder that

the discoverer himself

is tempted to regard all the later Hellenic goddesses, such as Artemis, Athena, Hera, and Aphrodite, as mere variant forms of the great Cretan

Such a hypothesis probably claims too much, and we must reckon as probable the view goddess-worship was an aboriginal Aryan heritage, and many goddesses possessing a fixed name and character
mother.
for Crete
;

even
that

that

may

a b

HelLJourn. 1901,

p. 168.
,

holding lions on Mycenaean gem, Evans,

op.
44.
e
cit.

Vide Evans, Report of Excavations

Hell. Journ. 1901, p. 164, Fig.

1902-3, p. 92, Fig. 63.

c

Evans, Report, 1901, p. 29, Fig. 9. e. g. Cretan goddess guarded by or

Vide Eph. Arch. 1900, Uiv.

3. 4.

PLATE XXXIII

To face page 296

vi]

CULTS OF MOTHER OF GODS, RHEA-CYBELE

297
It
is

have accompanied a Hellenic migration from the north.

enough, at least at present, to assert the belief that here in the Cretan great goddess we have the prototype of the Hellenic

Mother of the Gods, the Hellenes in Crete giving her this name and spreading it to adjacent shores, either because they found her regarded in the aboriginal cult as the mother of God, or
because they assimilated her to their own Olympian system by giving her this position out of respect for her supremacy in the

preceding cult-dynasty

and we may discern in the story of Rhea and Kronos a reflex of the stone-worship of Minoan The mother-goddess probably possessed many per Crete.
:

sonal

names among the Eteocretan population.

to

We may sup
her worship at
38 b
,

pose that Rhea was one of them, a

successfully traced

name which has not been

:

any Hellenic stem

Knossos, of which Diodorus records certain

relics

belonged

evidently to the prehistoric period. The monuments tell us most about the Cretan great mother but we may gather something from the literature also. The

a worship was probably orgiastic and ecstatic in the earliest 38a times and in their ecstasy the votaries might prophesy, as
,

did the Galli of Cybele 57h and the priests of the Magna Mater at Phaistos 380 The religion may also have developed certain
.

of mystic communion with the divinity, which were dominant in the Sabazian Cybele-ritual of Phrygia the lovestory of Pasiphae may be a degraded record of a sacred office
ideas
;

It may have possessed some ritual of bap tism and the concept of rebirth, such as are found in the sister- worship of Phrygia the legend of Rhea regenerating in her cauldron Pelops may be derived from some baptismal

misunderstood

rite.

The

orgiastic dances in Crete

and

Phrygia were officially performed by men or eunuchs but probably in Mi;

noan Crete the dancers were more freon a seal-design used quently women in the palace of Knossos the goddess was represented amid rock-scenery with
;

1901, p. 19: certainly took part in the orgies of the Galli, and are prominent in the Sabazianism which

of Cretan Excavations^

and

in later

times

women

attached
b

itself to the

Attis-Cybele

cult,
.

vide R. 13, 36; Aphrodite, R.

n8 g

Vide Dieterich, Eine Mithras-Lip.

a female figure apparently performing an orgiastic dance, vide Evans, Report

turgie,
parallel.

136,

who

quotes a

Hindu

298

GREEK RELIGION
now ask how

[CHAP.

We may

far the early Hellenic cults of the

mother of the gods preserved the forms and character of the No doubt she was stripped of much ancient Cretan worship. that seemed superfluous, her axe, her serpents, and her Minoan costume she seems also to have lost her orgiastic character, But until the missionaries from Phrygia restored it to her. her picturesque epithet opeta was a reminiscence of her hillworship in Crete, and she kept her lions, the clearest token that the Hellenic Mother possessed of her ancient Cretan home a and in Arcadia it seems she retained the mantic
:

The Hellenic functions that belonged to her at Phaestos. is of her illustrated the relief in best Attic conception by
Berlin in the form of a
inspired
b
i>aio-/cos
,

wrought about 400

B.C.,
for

and
the

perhaps by

the statue carved

by

Pheidias

Metroon, showing the goddess of benign and matronal form enthroned, holding the tympanum, with the lion couching
peacefully at her feet (PI.

XXXIV)

she wears no turret-

crown, but a simple stephane, the monument is instinct with the bright and tranquil spirit of true Hellenic religion.

This

spirit

was disturbed

in the fifth

and

later centuries

by

the tumultuous wave of Phrygian cult that brought with it the names of Attis, Sabazios, and Cybele and it only remains to
;

consider very generally the influences and effects of this tide. It is the generally accepted opinion, based on very strong evidence, that the Cretan Rhea and the Phrygian Cybele are

Anatolian populations and European Phrygo-Thrakians found in a Minor the same in character with her whom Asia goddess
earlier
;

one and the same goddess of the

that the incoming

The

earliest

monuments

that

we

it is

possess of the lion-goddess in Greece are the terracotta from Athens already mentioned (R. 19), and the figure in the

monument

of interest to note that a very similar of early date was found at

Olympia, and may belong to the Cretan tradition there, vide P. Gardner, Hell. Journ. 1896,
b

treasury of the Siphnians at Delphi, Bull. Corr. Hell. 1895, p. 573 (possibly

PI. 12.
is

The

i/cuWos-form of the relief

18b
,

of Argive work)

the interesting archaic

seen also in the fifth-century

at

monument
in later

tripod belonging to All Souls College, Oxford, supported by three female figures
tradition

Tanagra

and

is

common

standing on lions, preserves a Minoan and a Mycenaean form of pillar,

Athens, vide Milchh6kr,Museen Athens, p. 22 it is not clear whether it represents the 6a\a^r] of the Phrygian
reliefs at
;

but

we need
names

not attempt to find perfor the supporting figures

:

goddess,

sonal

PLATE

XXXIV

To face page 298

Vol. Ill

vi]

CULTS OF MOTHER OF GODS, RHEA-CYBELE

a
.

299

the Hellenes found in Crete

goddess
gian

Matar Kubele,
,

as she

She, too, was a great motheris styled on the earliest Phry

monument 43

itself

probably a derivative of Minoan

religious art

name may

a goddess of the mountains also, whose very have been derived from cave-worship, which was
~
;

a prominent feature of the native cult 53 54 and to her, as to her Cretan counterpart, the lion was specially consecrated. goddess of life and fertility, she was also a goddess of death,

closely associated with the ritual of the

tomb b

Moreover, her

highest degree orgiastic, agreeing also with the Cretan in the strong attraction it seems to have possessed for the belief in the death and resurrection of the

worship was

in the

Stone-worship was prominent in the Phrygian as in the Cretan cults 576 and may explain the curious Phrygian c legend that Cybele and Agdestis came forth from the rocks
divinity.
,

of the great goddess 58 59 being associated with a rock called Agdus near Pessinus, her And as we may believe that Rhea and religious capital
the

name Agdestis, which was

11
.

title

Cybele were merely a double growth from the same root, so, when Phrygian influences had permeated the cities of the Asiatic Greeks, the cult-names which were still held separate 6 by the ritual are blended indistinguishably by the poets: Apollonius Rhodius, for example, making his Argonauts dance a hoplite-dance like the Kouretes in honour of the mothergoddess of Kyzikos
a

54b .

For instances of early connexion of

:

be one of the

many names
;

for

Cybele

Crete and Phrygia, vide discussion of Apollo Smintheus in vol. 4 the view
expressed in the text
is justified

her originally bisexual nature reminds us of the similar

belief about Astarte,
tainly

derived from mountains

by Prof.

and there are

in

cer-

Ramsay on ethnological grounds in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, vol.

i,

foreign

elements

the

story

pp. 94, 358.

b

given by Arnobius : for instance, Nana, the daughter of King Midas, appears
to be the Babylonian goddess.
e

Vide Ramsay, Hell.Journ. 5, p. 245, cf. R. 71, Dionysos, R. 63. c Vide Arnobius 5. 5 birth from rocks known in Mithraic and other
&c.
: ;

The name

of

Rhea does not occur

:

legends, vide Dieterich, op.

cit.

p.

218

and

in

Archiv

f.

Religionswissensch.

the Asia Minor cult-documents Kovpyres are found once only in Anatolia, namely at Ephesus where they were associated with Leto-Artemis 75
in
:

1904, p. 17. d Pausanias

mentions

mountain

we can trust Apollonius Rhodius 5tb we must suppose that the Idaean Dactyli
if

called Agdistis, near Pessinus, where Attis was buried, R. 60 Agdistis may
;

had intruded

into the Cyzicene worship.

300

GREEK RELIGION
complete history of Cybele-cult
requires

[CHAP.

A
It
is

separate
religion.

treatise

and transcends the

limits of a

work on Greek

only desirable here to note its salient features, so as to form some impression of the influence it exercised upon the
religious imaginations of the later Hellenic

and Graeco-Roman

world.

Our knowledge
derived
chiefly

from

late

of this religion on its more inward side is sources only, such as Sallustius 571 and
,

from

Arnobius"

)7e
,

who however draws

his account

from

Timotheus, a contemporary of Manetho. But for our present purpose it is not necessary to determine how much in the later
ritual

may

forms.

when it The character of the whole

ecstatic,

have been an accretion upon older and simpler records probably present it mainly as it appeared was beginning to win its way across the sea.

The

was strongly emotional, ways at communion with the deity. Thus the frenzied Gallos was himself called the male counterpart of the goddess and the highKv/3r?/3os at Pessinus was himself Attis 57g a divine priest-king, priest
service

and mystic, aiming

,

in

various

enjoying at one time great secular as well as religious power through his union with the godhead the catechumen attains
:

to a divine existence through sacramental food a or through the blood-baptism of the taurobolion, whereby he dies to his
,

old

life

and

is

born again

b
:

or the process of regeneration

might be

effected

by a

different kind of corporeal union

.

with

the divinity, the semblance of a mystic marriage c Even the self-mutilation necessary for the attainment of the status of the

eunuch-priest
ft

may have

arisen from the ecstatic craving to

c

eaten

Vide Demeter, R. 219, I have from the timbrel, I have eaten from the cymbal I have become a mystic votary of Attis was the con;

clearly,

In the Sabazian ritual this emerges vide Clem. Alex. Protrept.

:

fessional formula of these mysteries. b The ritual of the taurobolion

d it p. 14 P. (vide Dionysos, R. 62 ) probably existed in the ordinary Cybelemystery, for the priests carried round

is

graphically

described

by Prudentius,

Peristeph. 10. 1076 : the priest standing in the pit drinks in, and is saturated

a iraaros, which probably means the bridal-chamber of the goddess, and the initiation formula contained the phrase,
I

have secretly entered the

Traaros,

with, the blood of the bull slaughtered on the platform above the votaries are
:

vide Demeter, R.

Eine

Dieterich, Mithras- Litiirgie, pp. 123, 126.

219;

cf.

sealed with the seal of the goddess.

vi]

CULTS OF MOTHER OF GODS, RHEA-CYBELE

301

assimilate oneself to the goddess and to charge oneself with her power, the female dress being thereupon assumed to com 51 Perhaps the solemn flpoVoxris , in plete the transformation.

which the catechumen was placed on a throne, round which officials danced and sang, was part of the mesmeric process which aimed at producing the impression of deification
the sacred
in the mortal.

The
;

to have been a sacred

central act of the public worship appears drama of the death and resurrection of

the youthful god a long period of fasting and mourning being followed by a festival of rejoicing. The mournful part of the
ritual

was

descent into hell

called the Kara/3ao-u 50 which probably denotes the at some time in this period the image of
, ;

the dead god was exposed on a bier. The fast ends when the deity arises, and the worshippers, as if reborn, are nourished on

milk

like infants

in their

conscious of divine communion.

for us the

joy they crown themselves and are Firmicus Maternus preserves

which he mocks
grief a light
is
"

very words of the most solemn part of the liturgy when they are satiated with their fictitious

brought

in,

and the

priest,

having anointed their

lips, whispers, good courage, oh ye of our mystery, for our God is saved for us there shall be salvation after And he adds a strange comment, truly the devil sorrows 5711 The correspondence to our Lenten and has his own Christs.

Be

of

."

Easter service
for at

Rome
its

a exact, even in respect of the time of the year the Attis-festival of the Hilaria a name which is
;

has

left

held about

sorrowful ritual of fasting and mortification must have belonged to the old Phrygian religion
.
:

March 25 45 ~ 50

impress on the

Roman

Christian calendar

was

The

the native legends reflect

cults of

appears cognate worship of Adonis, and in the pathetic legend and cult of the Bithynian hero Bormos. How far this dogma of the resurrection of the god was associated in the early Phrygian belief with the hope of human immortality
it,

and

it

in other

Asia Minor,

in the

is

not yet clear

a

we may

believe that this association

was

gather from Julian s sermon that the sacred tree which formed the
effigy of Attis

We

576

trumpets by which Attis was supposed to be aroused, then the mutilation of

the divine Gallos, and finally the Hilaria.

was cut at the spring equinox, then followed the blowing of

302

GREEK RELIGION

[CHAP.

achieved at least in the Graeco-Roman period, for Attis was Orphic god, the corner-stone of the Orphic of immortality, and the images of Attis found in the gospel
identified with the

necropolis
votary.

at

Amphipolis

15

suggest the hope

of the

dead

Finally, this Phrygian cult is marked by a strong prose The Traoro s or shrine, probably bridallytizing character.

chamber, of the goddess was carried round by wTpayvprai, or wandering priests, who sought alms and attracted votaries. Such in bare outlines was the new mystery that was striving for admittance into the Greek states at least as early as the
beginning of the
fifth

century

for before its close the

Phrygian

goddess had become so

familiar to the popular imagination

"

that the poets identify Rhea, Cybele, and the Mother of the 5 7 And Gods, the Cretan and Phrygian rites, without scruple
.

it

was

this religion that

,

Pindar ventured, with the sanction of

the Delphic oracle 13a to introduce as his own private cult at But the Hellenic states of the mainland for the Thebes a
.

most part refused to establish it only at Dyme and Patrai 29 do we hear of the state-church of the mother Dindymene and in the Peiraeus the cult was administered Attis by private 100 The Attic reliefs orgeones, who were merely tolerated dedicated to the Mother of the Gods in the fourth and following centuries present no clear features of specially Phrygian cult
:

grouped with familiar Hellenic b 19p The Hekate, possibly Hermes figures, such as Pan c legend that the Athenians murdered the first metragyrtes who ventured to show himself in Athens is discredited but the feelings of the more educated classes in Greece were cer
is
,
.

the lion-guarding goddess

tainly hostile. dislike of a god

character in

Menander s play expresses

;

his

the

who tours round with an old woman, and of who and the answer creeps into our houses metragyrtes
is

of Antisthenes to the mendicant priest

a

reported as follows
both
is

He would
for

have wanted no Delphic

introduction

Hellenized
cult
2

the

sanction

the

of the
;

~4
,

deity

and
is

the

and he

the

first

who

known

into Thebes and Hellenic M^rrjp Pausanias expressly styles the goddess a of Pindar s shrine Mrjrqp AivSv^vr] 16
6fS>v
:

to have applied the term MrjTrjp Btwv to

Cybele*.
b
c

but the poet appears to have completely

Vide Ath. Mitth. 1896, pp. 275, 279. Vide Apollo, R. 133
.

vi]

CULTS OF MOTHER OF GODS, RHEA-CYBELE

303

give no alms to the mother of the gods, whom the gods may 9 And the same feeling of antagonism support themselves
I
.

well-known passage in the De Corona in Lesbos no Gallos was allowed of Demosthenes to enter the temple, nor were women allowed to ya\\afr]v, or
finds fiercer vent in the
a
.

At Eresos

in the precincts in fact, accord 13 the female Pythagorean ing to the teaching of Phintys philosopher, no chaste woman should take part in the

perform the Phrygian orgy,

36

mysteries of the Mother The reasons for this prejudice against the Phrygian cult have already been partly considered in a former chapter. They were deeply founded in the tempered sanity of the
1

Hellenic spirit of the best period, to which violent religious ecstasy was uncongenial, and which tamed even the Thracian

Dionysos.

The Hellenes

of the mainland, less exposed to the

influence of the Oriental temperament,

by the sexual
that

was

were no doubt repelled aberrations and the diseased psychic condition reflected in the Attis-Agdestis legend, and which
;

prompted to self-mutilation and they may well have looked with suspicion on a ritual of communion that used a sexual symbolism, nor would they have sympathy with a religion that
tended to sacerdotalism.
then, touched rather the private than the national religious life of Greece, gaining strength no doubt as it was taken up and propagated

The Phrygian mystery,

by the

in itself

Orphic sects, but preaching no new morality nor being likely to reinvigorate a decadent nation. Even in the Aegean islands we have no clear proof of its
later
;

establishment as a state-cult
a

the Parian inscription

their general effect

32

seems

259-260, p. 313. The mysteries there denounced are the Sabazian but
;

on the temperament
;

the Phrygian formula VTJS CITTTJS reveals the presence of Attis cf. the similar
:

was sexually exciting the symbolism employed in the ritual may have been
gross, but it does not follow that the actual service was essentially immoral: we gather from Augustine that the
<

g opinion of Lucian, Aphrodite, R. u8 , vol. 2, p. 648, note c : Plutarch speaks

contemptuously
ayopaiov Kal

of

TO

a^vpriKov

ai

lavatio Cybelae

at

Rome was accom*7

,

Ttfpl TO.

nyTpaia. KOI ffepdireta

&QJHO\OXOVV KOI

ir\avwfji.evov -yeVos

who

panied by immoral songs not necessarily sung as

liturgy,

which were
the the

sold oracles to slaves and

women, De

and

part of from Arnobius that

Pyth. Orac. 25 (p. 407 B). b This may imply no more than that

repulsive story of Agdestis was acted in pantomime on the Roman stage.

304

GREEK RELIGION
interpret every as Phrygian, but only so when such features as the ritual of the Galli, or
;

to refer to a private chapel

and we must not

worship of the Mrjrrjp T&V

it is

0&v

accompanied by

the cult-figure of Attis, or by some of the local divine names of Phrygia or Lydia a Naturally, its chief triumphs over

by

Hellenism were won

in

Asia Minor.
to have been

Next
Kyzikos

to Pessinus,
55
,

its

main cult-centre appears

where

it

was

easily blended with the worship of the Hellenic mother Demeter and her daughter. It was powerful at Smyrna 71 , Magnesia

on Sipylon 63 and Magnesia on the Maeander 75 it attracted and partly transformed the Hellenic cults of Leto and Apollo b the divine mother and son, and especially the cult of Artemis, who was brought into closer relations than any other Greek c But the greatest divinity with the great Anatolian goddess career awaited it in semi-orientalized Rome and it was to its prominence in the imperial city that it owes its importance in the general history of European religion and the passionate
,
; , .
;

full

hatred that the early Christian fathers conceived for it. The account of it belongs to the history of the later paganism
;

and to the statement of the evolution of Christianity d

religious effects are not yet extinct in the

and

its

Mediterranean area.

In many essential respects it helped to prepare the way for for it familiarized the the higher religion which triumphed later Graeco-Roman world with the concept of a God that dies
;

and rises again, and it satisfied the craving for mystic com munion of the mortal with the divine nature. When it was supplanted by Christianity on the soil where it had been
rooted for ages,
its

unextinguished vitality germinated into

strange forms which struggled for existence under the names But its greatest contribution to the of Christian heresies.
religion of

Europe has been

its

insistence on the idea of the

;

and at times to Greek divine mother, the mother of God cult the to tie of human maternity: the seemed sanctify thought
*

Among
is

the

monuments

the turret-

the only personal badge that distinguishes the Phrygian goddess from

crown

Vide Artemis, pp. 472-487. Vide Showerman, op. cit. pp. 329;

the Greek M^rjjp Ofwv.

b

Vide

Apollo,

Geogr. Reg.

s.

v.

330 cf. Trede, Das Heidenthum in der romischen Kirche, vol. 2, chapter on Die Grosse Mutter.
<

Phrygia, Lycaonia.

APPENDIX
for those

305

who have true knowledge of things divine, says middle comedy, there is nothing greater than the Alexis of the mother hence the first man that attained culture founded
;

the shrine of the mother

Finally, here
cult

V
in this

we may

and there be able to

discern,

old-world Cretan-Phrygian glimmering through the

obscurity of savage legend, the conception of a virgin-mother, not yet crystallized by any systematic theology, but still offer ing opportunity and suggestion to the constructive dogma of

In fact the palace of Knossos has given us a clue to the ultimate origin of the phenomenon known as Mariolatry
later creed.
in

Europe.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI
The
in

Greek paganism

statement that the idea of the virgin-mother can be discovered is sometimes thrown out at random, and the

evidence requires cautious handling. Legends of miraculous con not both among savage are uncommon or ception parthenogenesis and advanced races b ; but as a clear theological dogma we cannot
the cases of Hera impute the idea to any purely Hellenic cult and Hera the bride, or of Demeter-Kore, are not to the point. A goddess of the same name might, without any mysticism or meta
;

nap6evos

physical significance in the various liturgies, be worshipped in one place or at one time as maiden, in another place or at another time as

mother. Therefore, because Britomartis means in the Eteo-Cretan language sweet-maid and Aphaia of Crete is a virgin-goddess, we have no clear right to speak of the great mother of Minoan Crete as a virginmother.

In regard to Cybele, however, certain

facts

come nearer

to

The birth-legends of Adgestis and Attis suggesting the mystic idea. both present the feature of miraculous conception: Adgestis is
begotten without a mother
napQevos
c
apf)Ta>p

and

Attis

Julian alludes to this legend by his phrase The is virgin-born without a father.

legends explaining these phenomena arise from a savage imagination, and, as they belong to a well-explored class, would not in themselves

be of great importance, unless they

a

may be supposed
c

to reflect actual

Stob. Flor. 79. 13.

Or.

5.

166

in the

same context he

Vide Hartland
Ill

especially vol. I, ch.

FARNELL.

Legend of Perseus, 4 and 5, and p. 131.

styles her

the mother of the gods.

306

GREEK RELIGION

Now we find that part cult-ideas that prevailed in certain localities. of the temple of the Mother of the Gods at Kyzikos was called the the house of the virgin. Is this a recognition of the virginnap0fv<av,
the

mother, or merely an allusion to the worship of Kore or Artemis who, as same inscription informs us, were united in ritual with the Mother 55 ?
Again, the Lydian
at

nymph Hippa
is

of Dionysos-Sabazios,

called

or Hipta, regarded as the nurse the mother in an inscription found

is

Smyrna, and in an Orphic

at the

hymn
.

addressed as

Koup?;,

the girl/

and

chthonian mother/ and implicitly identi But such evidence is very vague and fied with the Idaean goddess a admits of more than one interpretation Hipta may have been an
the
:

same time as

of the great Lydian Mother, and may have become a process of degeneration common enough in polytheism, regarded, by as the name of a local nymph, a Meter only in the sense of nursing-

obscure

title

mother, like the Cretan

Meteres

who nursed

Zeus.

The myths

that

are supposed to exhibit the virginal character of the Great Mother are doubtful and contradictory what they contain of genuine belief may
:

be a
a

character, of which and there, for instance in the story that Diodorus gives of the association between Cybele and the Amazons 35 or in the legend preserved by Arnobius about the in Samothrace b Gallos But Amazonism is not of cutting off her breasts daughter with and connected the ; virginity long euhemeristic necessarily narrative about Basileia-Cybele in Diodorus c which contains genuine
reflex of her primitive
still

Amazonian and warlike

memory might

survive here

elements of Phrygian mythology, Nor of a virgin mother-goddess.

is
is

inconsistent with the conception this anywhere clearly revealed in

All that we may venture to assert is that the cults of Phrygia or Crete. when this idea was propagated as a theological dogma by Christianity it might not appear wholly alien to the various stocks of Asia Minor

who had been nursed

a

in the older religion.

The

references

Mou<r.

BiA. Zpvpv.
.

Adv. Gent.
3. 58.

5. 7.

and Orph. H. 49 are given d among the Dionysos citations, R. 63

3, p. 169,

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

307

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

1

I.

(CULT OF GE.)
e

Horn.

//.

3.

103

oiVer
Tf) re KCU
2

cipv

frfpov XtuKoi/, (Tpr)v

p.e\atvavt
oXXoi/.

HeXtft)

Au

^fiei?

oro/zei>

3-

276:
ZfC
TTUTfp,
,

"l$T)6eV

/Lie&eW,

Kvdl(TT

JieyiOTf,

HeXtos $

6s
<cai

TTOI^T

e0opas Kai irdvr

at oi

7raKovfis }

KCU TTora/xot

Fata,

virevfpdf Kapovras
eiriopKov

dvOpuTrovs TivvaGov, OTIS K

VHflS pdpTVpOL
3

(TT.

19.258:
Zei/s TT/aira,
/cat

&aii/ VTraro?
>

*cat

re *al

HeXto?
Tivvvrai)

*Epiwe$ ,

at

^*

vxro

yalai

OTIS K

eniopKov

ofJiocrcrij.

Od.$. 184:
t

oro)

inJy

To8e Fala

>cai

Ovpavos evpvs

KOI TO Karft^ofjifvov
8

"Srvyos

vdwp

Hesiod, Theog. 479

TOZ/

p.fv

ol

e Se^aro

FaTa

ev
<

Horn.

^. 30

io-Trjv,

f)

<ppj3(t

eVt ^^oi/t itavff

OTTOV

fcrriv.

Ovpavov a
/3/oroj
6

dvfirjpe
:

Solon /Vfl^. (Arist.

(Tvufjuiprvpoir)

-4/4.

TO.VT

12) av ev dixy %povov

/W.

MTTJP
7

(JLfyiarr)

8at/MoVa)i/

Aesch. P^rj. 219:

SfvTcpov 8e ^p^ ^oar F^ re
/tai

(pdiTols

^e

Cf.
*

1.

628 quoted Hermes, R.

TTfdov Trjs

19.

Aphrodite. R. 115*.

Eur.Med. 746:
eya>

Trarepa 6

"HXtoi/

Trarpbs

TOVfJLOV.

3 o8
Frag. Chrysipp. 836
6
fj

GREEK RELIGION
:

Tata Meyt orr; KOI Aios At&jp,

fJifV

KO.I
dl>$pa>7TC01>

6fS)V yevt rcop,

8*

vypo/SdXovs crray 6v as vorias

7rapaSea/ze w7 TIKTCI
8e [Bopav (pCXd TC
ov<

fJLT]TT]p

naVTOtV
8

VfVOfJLlO Tai.

O7TICT6)

ra
9

/Liei>

ex yatay
:

eV
<|)vKr

yatav.

Soph. Aniig. 339

^foiij

Tf rav {iirfprdrav Fai/,

aKafjidrav aTrorpverat.

ci(p6iTov
10

Dittenb. Sylloge*, 837 (at

dTTr)\fv6fp(i>(Tev

Thermon,

in Aetolia):

tSiai/ OpcTTTTjV
11

VTTO

Aia F^v HXioy.

<pi\ov

Plut.

935

TO 8f Yfjs ovofta iravTi TTOV

*E\\r)vi

<nl

Tipiov, KOL
2.

rrarpyov
noun)

rjfjuv

&<nrcp

a\\ov nva
6f>v

ticov aepfffQai.
av&p<t>Ka>v

Porph. de Abstin.

32
cos

yap

eo-Tiv avrrj KOI

rjp.S>v

/ecu

eoria, KOI 8fT

navras eVt ravrr]S

rpotpov Koi p.rjTpbs

cos TCKOIXTCIV. KKivofjitvovs vprclv KOI (piXo&Topyelv

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER OF CULTS OF

w
Byzantium:
Dionys. Byz.

GE.

Anapl

Templum

Telluris supra

mare.
13

Dodona

vide Zeus, i3 k

Aetolia vide R. 10.

1 1

Hes. Theog. Delphi vide Apollo, R. 112,113, 114, n8: Schol. Fr. Patr. Mnas. Grace. Hist. 46). 3, p. 157; (vide Frag.
14

6 Harpevs ev
ai/ao-r^o-m.

rfj

rail/

AeX<piKa>i/

XPWP^

<rvvaya>yfj

Eypvorepi/as icpov

Bull Corr.

Hell.

1902, p. 65, Delphic inscr. mentioning

TO Fas icpov.
15

Thebes vide Demeter R. 139,

fifth

cf.

C. /. G. Sept.

i.

2452

(inscr.

early
10

Cent.) lapov T(ala)s (Ma)fccupas TeXeo-o-(popco.

Attica.
FT)

R. 5 KovpoTpo cpof, on the slope of the Acropolis, vide Demeter,

S. V.

Suidas
ev
TT/

KovpoTpo(pos.
leal

Ff}

TUVTTJ 8e Bvcrai (pcuriv

TLpi\86viov TO irpwrov
TCOI/

AfcpOTrdXet,

/3a)/n6i/

ibpvvaffOai \dpiv a7ro8i8oWa T^ y^

TIV\ ^eco TavTT/

Tpotpdav,

Karaa-Tfjo-ai

8e

VO^UJLOV

TOVS Bvovras

npoQveiv.

Antiq. Hell. 2. 1083 KaXXi as Aya^apxou F^ KoupoTpd^co (inscr. the Acropolis, now disappeared).

Rangabe found on

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

t>

309

r>}

OXup,7na,

on the south near the

Ilissos (in

the ?rept/3oXo? of

vide Apollo, R. 156. Dionysos 124 L : near the oXu/iTrios), of s.v. vide Cults Hades Athens. Cf. Hermes, R. i9 a Areopagus, Id. lW<rta or Ne/cuo-ia, in honour of Ge, vide Hesych. s. v. Teveo-ia.

Zeus

S.

V.

Qpaia veKiHTia

oi

8e 8aip,6via.

Qpaia Oveiv

Tf\Tr)

TIS,

tv

ij

TU>V

atpaiav

andvTa>v

mos
sinus

Leg. 2. 25 Nam et Athenis iam ille a Cecrope, ut aiunt, permansit, ocius terra humandi, quam quum
eyivovTo aVapxai.

Cic.

De

proximi iniecerant, obductaque terra

et

frugibus inibant propinqui coronati.

c

erat, frugibus obserebatur, ut tribueretur solum autem matris mortuo gremium quasi expiatum ut vivis redderetur: sequebantur epulae quas
:

Ge

Befjuf,

at Athens, vide

Seat in theatre) lepias Trjs

A(TK\T)7riov TavTrj

f C.2.A. 3. 350 (on Athena, R. 26 ee /uiSo?. Cf. PaUS. I. 22, I pera TO ifpbv TOV
.

npos

TTJV

AKpoVoXii/ lovcnv Ge/xtSoy vaos CVTIV.

Ge

at Phlye, vide

Dionysos, R. 21.

(p. 144,
\TIJS

Miller)

irpb

yap T&V

EXeuo-ti/t car/ fjivo-TTjpiatv, eariv

Cf. Hippol. de haer. 5. 20 ev rf) $\IOVVTI

1

A.TTIKTJS} \eyop,evrj p.fyaXrjyopia [? leg. rrjs \cyofJLfvr/s

.
. .

MeyaXrjs opyia
cKfivrjs

evrt

8e Tratrra? eV avrfj
ypn/i/oiei/a,

TroXXa p,V ovv eVri

TO.

cirl

ri}?

TraoTaSoy
rrpbs

eyye-

TTfpl

)V

Kai

nXourap^oy
.
. .

Troiflrai

Xoyous ev rots
eyyeypap.p,fvos

E/A7re5oi<Xea

delta

|3ij3Xoty.

"Eon

8e

irpfo-ftvTTjs

TIS

TroXibs

TTfTparbs

dioxwv [leg. TTTtpeoTOs] fVTfrafjifvrjv f^oav TTJV alcr^yvrjv, yvvaiKa drrofpfvyovaav

Kvvoeidf)
.
.

wore

(v\6ya>s

av TIS

etrrni
[?

TOVS Sidiavovs eyyvs TTOV TfXelf Trap

leg.
$\ouuria>v

avTois
6

TO. Ttjs

Meyd\r)s $Xoias lovopyia

opyia].

Marathon and the Tetrapolis

Tpdyos
7rap,p.e\as
. .

Prott-Ziehen, Leges Grace. Sacr.

EXa$>;/3oXion/os

26 (fourth century

B.C. ritual calendar)

.

...

rjj

eVi

TW

Tfj ev

yvats ftovs Kvovffa.

KCU oi Beo-pol

Proclus in Tim.

5.

293

drj

TOW

*A6r)vaia>v

eldoTcs

npoa-

Ovpavto KOI r*y TrpoTfXeii/ TOI/S yd/Jiovs.

g Pri) iiavftupa [ Av<nbG)pa], vide
Vit.

b f Athena, R. 26 35
,

Cf. Philostr.

ApolL Tyan.
es TO aori;.

6.

39

fQve TIS vntp Oqcravpov Ty

.

rf},

KOI ovdf TtS

TTJ

AwoX-

Trpoa-evxeo-Gcu

vnep TOVTOV &KVU

KCU

Trpoorevt-dpevos

Ilavdwpq.

Theophr. de Plant. Hist.

pvoio-iv
1

9. 8,

Vai/

TO

Trdvaices

TO

avrf^aXXeiv yap

TTJ yfj

irayKapiriav p-eXiTTOvrav.
KOTO. fiavTciav (inscrip
i.

ri)

Kap7ro(p6pos:

C.I. A.

3. 1 66

r^s Kapiro(p6pov
:

tion found on Acropolis, time of Hadrian

Trjs ayoX/^ta iKfTevoixrr]s vo~ai oi TOV Aia.
17

cf.

Paus.

24, 3

Be KOI

Pind. Pyth.

9.

177

eV

Chvpiriouri Tf
ib.

<a\

fiaOvKoXirov Yds dfdXois fv T(

KOI
avTrjs

<cai

iraaiv

CTri\a>piois,

Schol.

TO 8e

Trjs OTI

dyav ayeTai

eV

A0r]vais,

&s

<prj(ri

At8u/iO?.

3io
18

GREEK RELIGION
] d Zeus, ii3 \ Sparta: vide Apollo, R. 2i6
,

19

Tegea: PauS.
Olympia

8.

48, 8 npbs 8e

TG>

fepw T^S

ElXcidvias

eori

10

PailS. 5- I4?

IO

eVt 8e reS
eri

Faiw KaXov/ievw

<TTU>

/3a>/ios

eV

avrcp r^p, Te(ppas KOI ovros

fivai \fyova~iv.
21

ra 8e

dp^aioTcpa

KOI paw-flop TTJS Trjs av

/3a>/uof

eVi 8e TOW 6vofj.aofi.vov 2ro/uiov Qefiidi 6

TTfrroirjT

Near Aigai
lfpa>arvvr)v

in

Achaia

Paus.

7.

25, 13

1%

8e tepoV eVi-u/ 6

f7riK\r)criv

Evpvo Tepvov

aei T^I/

6avov 8e rols /laXiora opoias fcrriv dp^aiov yvvfj 8e i^ \ap,(3di>ov(ra dyia-Tevei p.cv TO OTTO TOVTOV, ov jj.ijv ovfte TCI
T)

TrpoTfpa eorat ir\eov

ei/os

dv8pbs fs rrelpav

dcpiyfjievr).

Tlivovarai

8e

at/xa

Tavpov 8oKip.dovrat.

Nat. Hist. 28. 147 Taurinus quidem (sanguis) recens inter venena est excepta Aegira; ibi enim sacerdos terrae
Plin.

vaticinatura
3-

sanguinem
:

tauri bibit prius

quam

in

specus descendat.

Patrai

vide Demeter, R. 258.

sacrifice to
I.
ri)
x&>j/i

Mykonos:
Thera
:

a,

vide Dionysos, R. 44.

3.

C.

G. Ins. Mar. Aeg.

Grec.

374 rds

iepov (fourth

century

B.C.).
25

Kos
B.C.,

Rev.

d.

Et.

1891, p. 361
6 Trpidpevos TCLV
TCLV

(inscription,

second cen

tury
2S

concerning finance)

uvav KVK\OV Yds.

KOI TOV

Crete: Cauer, Delect? 121 \o^ V v^\ Dreros, third century B. c.).
27

rdv

Qvpavov (oath of

Kyzikos
R. 86.
8

Trj Kap7ro(p6pos

with Poseidon Ao-^aXeto?, vide Poseidon,

Erythrai

inscription in Movo-.

K.

Bt/3Xto.

^vpv. 1873,

p.

105,

mentioning
10

cult of
:

M^p

Tfj.
.

Pergamon

formula of oath, Artemis, R. 50 f

:

30

Smyrna and Magnesia

r^ mentioned

in
1.

vide Athena, R. 850. At a TTJV *H\iov.

Cf. C. I. G.

3137,

formula of state-oath, 60, oath of Magnesia,

Iris inscription on rock-tomb Tfjs of Ma), Perrot, Exploration archeol. de la Galatie et Bithynie, p. 372, no. 157.
:

Near Amasia, on bank of the

= priest (?

32
83

Tauric Chersonese
Cults of

vide Artemis, R. 37 (in oath-formula).

:

Cf.

Themis Pas earth-goddess Aesch. Prom. V. 211

:

vide Cults, vol.

2, p.

495

b.

fjiol
<at

8e MTTjp ov% airat-

fj.ovov

Fata, TroXXw
fl

TO fJLf\\OV

KpaVo"iTO

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

a

311
MaKeoovias
TU>V

Macedonia

at Ichnai

Steph. Byz.
VTTO

s. v.

"tyi/at

TroXis

l%vaia 6 Qejus
TOTTOIS (cf.

diatKOfj-evr]

yap
6

TOV Aios KaTe\r)(p6r) eV

roils

I)(vaia>v

Artemis, R. 138).
TO
pavreiov

Hesych. s.v. tywuV x^P av

xareo-^e
<a\

T *) v

Ma-

8oviav

v0a
//.

ATrdXXeoi/

rt/Liarai

I^i/a7 6e/u?].

Hom.
l)

ApolL 94

\\vairi re Qefjits KOI dyaoroi/os

Strab.

435

(in
T?)S

Thessaly)

at
"lx"
>

OTTOV

17

06/xt?

Lycophr. Cass. 129

2.

HXtou 6vyarp6s

l^i/aiay.

(Cf.

Menand.
/cat

</<?

Encom.

(Heeren)

Trepi

8e KupivQlav KOI

lo-0/xov

6Vi

"HXios

Epirus: vide Cults,

vol. 2, p.

495

Thessaly

archaic inscription to

Themis under

the

Ath. Mitth. 1882, p. 223 (Lolling).

6

Tanagra
0~Tiv,

PaUS. 9. 22,
A^poStrj/s.

Ei>

Tavaypq napa TO

lepov TOV

Atoi/ucrov

0e/ii3ds
f

6 Se

Thebes: Zeus, R.
vide R. i6

H3 e
c.

K Attica:

h
34

At Troezen:

altar of

e^ufo s, Dionysos, R. 52.

p.

Clem. Alex. Protrept.

i(pos, KTC\S

19 P. 0e/u8os ra

airopp^a

opiyavov, Xu^i/oy,
?5

yvvaiKflos.
ycvvtofjievov e

EratOSth. Catast. 13 Mouo-aToy yap (^o-t Aia

Peas 0e /u8t.

vrro

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER II. (CULTS OF DEMETER AND KORE.)

Demeter
1

as earth-goddess.
:

Eurip. Bacch. 275

8
fffTiv

ArjprjTrjp
Fi)

6fd,
/caXet.
(pacrii/

ovopa
T^I>

8*

oTTorepoi/ /3ovXei

Artemid. Oneirocr.
ot
o-o(poi

2.

39
17

AT;/u^rfpa rg
/StoStopos

yv
t

TOI/

aurof e^f^ Xo yoz/

KaXeTrat.
ri

^etSeopop
ae/V.

yap

y^ xai

Kai

(pepeo-fiios

Sext.
?)

Empir.
2

Mathem.

9.

189

^ yap Aij^r^p,

(pao-iv,

OVK aXXo

eWi^

Demeter Xa/xy^

at

Olympia

Paus.

6. 21, i
Xap.vvr)s.

eVucXf/a-ii/ Xa/iuj/j;.
:?

Cf. 6. 2O, 9 tepeia

A^^rpo?
Paus.
9.

Demeter

Evpuirr) at

Lebadeia

39,

4 (in the grove of 5

Trophonios) eon

8e xai Ai^fiT/rpos lepoi/

7TiK\r)criv

Eupa>7r^9.

et

312
6

GREEK RELIGION
Tf TO)

Kanuv aiTw

Tpo$avty

KOL Ai^iqrpt

r\v

rnwoftafoipm
cv

"Evput-n^v

TOV

Tpofpwvtov

<pao-\v

fivcu Tporpov.
:

Cf. Evpvd&ta
4

Hesych.
:

s. V.

TJ

A^rjjp OVTUS

2*ap<pi

KOI

TJ

yf/.

Demeter x&wa

R. 37.

Demeter associated with Ge in cult. At Athens PaUS. I. 22, 3 cori Se

:

KOI Tfjs

Kovporpofov

Ka\ Arjf

Ifpbv
6

At Patrai

PaUS.

7. 21,

Ii lepov

A/^rpos

avrrj

fjifv

KOI

17

Trals eorao-t,

ro 5e a-yaX/za T^S T^? eVri Ka6rjp.fvov.

With Rhea-Cybele Melanippides, />^. 10 Bergk (Philodemus ias, p. 23, Gomperz) MeAai/iTTTri Si;? 8e Ar^rfpi prjTfpa
:
:

cf.

also Eurip. Helen.

8pofj.d8i

1301

optia TTOTC

/ccoXco

av

v\avra

vd-rrrj

Trora/Mtoi/

Tf ^fC/z
KVfj.

v8dra)v
ii\iov

f3apvj3pop.6v re
7ro$a>

ray ajroi^onevas

dpprjTov Kovpas.

Cf. Pind. Isthm. 6. 3 xaXfcoKporov . Trdpefyov Aa/LtaTfpos . AIOI/UOW. Vellei. i. 4 Cerealibus sacris aeris sonum cieri.
.

Schol.
ra>v

Aristoph.

Acham. 708 A^may

(Mtiller)

8e TTJV Afj/j.r]Tpa cKaXovv OTTO rov KTVTTOV

Kvp,pd\tov Kai TvpTrdvvv rov yevopevov Kara ^riyo-ii/ rfjs Koprjs.

ApollodorUS,

Frag. 36

A^i/ryaiv Icpofpdvnjv

rfjs

Koprjs (7riKa\ovfJLfvr)s
fj

TO \eyopcvov TI X ^V.
,

R. 119.
iKia

At Akakesion, Demeter and Despoina with At Amorgos, Bull Corr. Hell. 1888, p. 236
century
B.
c.).

(fifth

Demeter connected with

Trjs

the Idaean Dactyli: Paus. 9. 19, 5

MvKa\r)(T(rov
eVa.(rr?
/cat

AtjfjirjTpos

MvKaXrjaaias
(paa-iv

<TT\V

IfpoV

K\cic<r6ai

8e

WTO

eVi

WKT\

avdis dvoiytaOai

VTTO

UpaK\eovs, TOV de

HpaK\fa fivm
TOiovde"

TO>V

iSatW KaXoupevuv

AaKruXeoi/.

SciicvvTai 8e

amo&t

KOI flavpa
fj

irpb

TOV ayaX/iaros TWV

p.fVfL

TroSaii/

n^eacri ocra tv oirwpa ne(pvK(v

yf)

(pepetv,
fffTi

a dia navrbs

TeQrjXoTa TOV CTOVS.

Cf. 8. 31, 3 (at

Megalopolis)

8e KOI HpaK\fjs Cf. Xen. rrapa r/y ArjfjLTjTpL peyedos ^aXtora 7rrjx vv Hell. 6. 3, 6 (speech of KaXXt as- 6 dadoes to the Lacedaemonians) Xe ycrm 6 TpnrToXcp,os 6 TO. /cat if
rjp.Tcpos irpoyovos

AiJ/z^rpoy

Koprjs apprjTa

pa

gevois 8dgai

HpaxXfi re rw

vpeTfp<o

dpxnyfTr) KOI AioaKopoiv

TO IV

Demeter as goddess of vegetation and fruits. Demeter xAcfy (vide R. 5). At Athens C.
:

I.

A.

2.

631 (fourth

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

century
B. c.)

II

313

A^rpo?

xAd^s

Ifpfia (cf.

Demeter
1889,
KO.T

Eu^Xo?;, C. I.

private dedication).
Kepi;
TTJV

Del/. Archaeol.
Eto-i Soro?

p.

A. 3. 191, 130 A^rpt XXo *cu

j?

Kovporp6(pov

dveOrjKf

ovtipov

(Roman

period)
:

At Marathon and

in the Attic Tetrapolis, fourth-century inscription

Prott-Ziehen, Leg. Graec. Sacr. 26 Avdeo-Tijpivvos (TO crepov eVoy X\6rj Trapa TO. MetSuXov vs Kvovaa. Soph. Oed. Col. 1600
:

rd)S

ew^Xoou Aj^Tpoff

es

Trpoao^iov

ndyov jioXdWe (at Colonus).

Schol.
zb.
Ei>x\6ov

A^/MJ/Tpor

lepov

cVrt

jrpos

rff

aKporroXfC Kal

MaptKa
oXX* (v6v TToXecoy
eifJLi

6va~ai

yap ^e

del

8e rt/zarat

e*c

rrjs

/caret

rail

Krjrrtov

x\6rjs) Qvov&i re avr ^ 0apyr;Xia)i/os

t

Schol. Aristoph. Lysistr.

y

835 XXo ???

&>$

Aij/i^rpos ffpoy eV AxpoTroXei*

eV

o5

ot

A.6rjvaiot

Svovtri prfvos Gapy^Xitoi/os ,

^iXd^opds

(pr)<riv

cv $
y

Cf.

Diog. Laert.
CornutUS,
X<*pas,

2. 5,

^V.

23 Qapyrj\i)vos CKTT), ore KaQaipovcri TTJV rroXtv A.6r)vaiot. D. 28 nepl 8e TO cap ArjfJLrjTpi XXd/y BVOVCTI /iera iraidias Kal
xXotzoi/ra.

IdovTes

C.
i/cob?

I.

A.

2.

375, inscription of third cen

rrjs Ai^rpos, ? referring to this temple. tury mentioning Cf. the oracle brought from Delphi to Athens second century A. D.

B. c.

eamv
ov Xaoy
AfjfjLTjrpos
(TVfJLTras

CTOL

Trap

aKpas TrdXews

K\Tjei

-yXat;Ka)j"7riS
.

Adyvfjv]
.]

XXoirjs tfpov Kovprj^s re

rjvffiQr)
. .

ov nptoTov (rra^i;?

.1.

A then.
At Mykonos: Bull. Corr.
8vo8e/caTj;]

Mittheil. 1893, p.

93*

A^/uj^Tpt

XXdiy

ves

Hell. 1888, p. 461 T 8vo KaXXtoTf^oucrat,

8
6
AijXto?

a^ fj^fpa
see Ditt.
Trepl

[notrei5cwi/os-

Syll.

3^3.
Ta

Athenae.
SpdypaTa
df
.
. .

14, p.
T>I>

6l8D

2J)/ioy

fv

rw

jraidvuv (pao~i

Kpi6S>v

O.VTO.

Kaff
TTJV

aura irpoffrjyopevov

d/iiaXa?,

<rvva6poio-6cvra

ovXovs KOI touXovy, KOI

A^/u^rpa ore pcv X\6rjv ore 8e lovXw.

OTTO

rail

GUI/ rfjs

A^/u/rpof evp^juara)!/ rows re Kapnovs KOI TOVS vpvovs roi/s

Sr/jM^rponXot KIU /caXXiouXot.
ov\oi>

(is TTJV

6fbv ovXovs KoXovvi Kal iov\ovs.

TrXeloroj/

*cat

ifi

tov\ov

tei.

Euseb. Praep. Evang.

o-Ta^vo-t,
TTtpi
fj.r)K(i>ves

3.

Ii,

Karea-rfrrrai TO fipcras rrjs

Arjfjujrpos rots

Tf nepl

CLVTTJV TTJS

7to\vyovia$ crvfifioXov

(from Porphyry

Aya\p.dT<ov).

Cf. Callim.

Hymn

Cer. 45.

Festival of ra xXoIa at Eleusis, R. 18.

?
10

Goddess of pasture and

?

flocks.

A^TT/p

[or

Kve X?7j

Evpoo~ia in

Phrygia

C. 7.

(r.

3858

Ifpe a

3H
Ev/3orria$

GREEK RELIGION

= the

younger Agrippina
p.

Cities

and Bishoprics of Phrygia^

S. V.

(or Poppaea, Ramsay, 627) worshipped as Demeter. Cf.

cri>vf\06vTcs

Steph. Byz.

Aai/ot* Xt/zoO 5e yevop.evov

ot

citftoviav ycveo-Qai.

$peap[p]d[ov] at

Athens: C.
J.
Z>.

I.

A.

3.

375, on a seat in
Ai7/ir;rpos

the Erechtheiim.

Cf.

Hesych.

Errtxp^i/af

eopri;

Trapa

12

Demeter

TaupoTro Xo? at

Kopai

in

Boeotia
I

Aajidrpas
/cat

Tavp07rdXa>.

Cf. Paus. 9.

24,

C. I. G. Sept. 2793 (vravOa A^/xT/rpos *at Atoi/vcrov

:

SapaTTiSds eoriz/ tepa.

13

Demeter MaXo^opos
A^/Lii/rpoff
MaXo<pdpoi;*

at

Nisaia in the Megarid:

.

Paus.

i.

44, 3
r^
yiy

tpov

Xeyerat

TOVS Trptorovy 7rpd^3ara

eV

Qptyavras

Aij/iiyrpa

oi/ofido-at

MaXo<pdpoi/.

Cf.

month
71.

MaXo<pdptos

at

Byzantium, Philologus
14

2.

248.
:

At Selinus: R.
/3das,
</>e

Callim.

Hymn

Cer. 137

<ep/3e

pe

Goddess of corn and

15

cereals.
Ajy/zjyrepos
d<Tf]i

In

Homer and Hesiod

df TIS
fTTt

II.

13.

322:

21.

76*

Asp. 290; jEVy. 32, 466, 597, 805.

TTOITJTTJS

(Cf. Plut.
(llfroi

De

Isid. et Osir.

377

TQ)V 6cploVT(i)V
:

T^fJLOS OT*

ArjfJLYjTfpa

Hes. Theog. 969

Ar)}JLT]TT)p

fJLfV

TL\OVTOV eyetWITO, Sid dfddiVf

/ztyeto-

latri a)

JTpeot

epar^
K.pf)TT)s

<pi\oTT)Ti

vfi(S

eVt

rpiTrdXo),

eV niovi dfjuo).
:

Cf.

Horn.

<9</.

5.

125.

Hes. ^V^. 463

Ev^f(tpai Of Att voovica. Anunrtpt

^*

dyw

eYreXea ftpideiv A^/zi^repos Icpov aKTrjv,

dpxofjifvos
//. 2.
TO.

rrpwr

apdrov.

695

Ot 8

fi^ov

3>v\d.Kr)v

KCU ttvpaffov dvOefjioevra,

Ar]fJt.TjTpOS

TfJ.fVOS.

Cf.

Reapers song

in Theocritus, Id. 10.

42

Adp,aTfp TroXuKapTTe TroXvora^v, TOVTO TO Xdov

fijfpyov T
ttrj

KOI KapnifJ.ov OTTI p.dXi(rTa.

Corn-goddess
6

in Attica.
Plut.

Demeter

Trporjpooria:

158

E
;

Op/3pi

o>

Ati

Trporjpoffia

A^

*cat

^)VTaXfita>

IIo0-eifia>w

TTOV ^w/ios earat

(?

Ceremony

of the

TTporjpoaia in

Attica, in the vicinity of Eleusis

called also Trpoapwoupm, see Hesychius,

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

S. V.

II
yap

315
(j)a<riv,
a>s,

TrpOT/pdcrta).

Suid.

S. V.

ftpfO-io>i>77,

p.

1615

ot

fjtev

Xoi/jov irdfrav rrjv yr\v KCLTCHTXOVTOS, 6 6fbs eirre Trporjpoaia

Bvcrai

rrj

Arjoi inrep

GvtTiav
TQ>V

kdyvaiovs.

Ov

evcKa

x aP tcrT

W la
.

ircarrax6Qcv
.
.

A^iji/a^e

Kap7r>v

ras dnapxds.

Ib. Ilporjpocricu
e

tyiyvero

VTTO

Atf;;-

vatW
(Tias

VTrep irdvruv EXX^toi^ e

OXv/iTriaSi (aliter
TCOI/

OXv/iTTiat).

Cf. Isocrat.

Paneg.

4.

31

at
ro{)

jj.ev

yap TrXeTorai

TroXecov vTro/z^/za
a>s

r^s TraXatas evepyeaTroTrefj.Trovo i,

aTrop^aj

airov Kad
17

fKacrrov rov evtavrbv

rjfJLas

rats
KOI

8e cK\fnrov(rms TroXXaxty

Ilv^ta TrpoaeTagev drrofepew

TO.

pepr)
I
,

T&V Kapir&v
p. I

TTOlflv TTpbs TT)V TToXtV TT]V ^/JLCTCpaV TO. TTUTpia.

Cf. AnStidCS,

(Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Pluf.

1055 and Eq. 725.)

rvyxdvco 8
e<

68 (Dlnd.). Eurip. Suppl. 28

:

virep

86fJi(ov IXOov apdrov 7rpo6vovo^ TTpOS T0v8f (TTjKOV, fvdd TTpCOTO (fr

(f)pias vrrep yfjs r^o-Se KapTrtfjLOs

8e(Tfj.ov
fiei/to

aeap.ov TovS
dyi/aiff
/cat
c

e^ovo a
Svotz/
.

Trpos

eV^opms
.
.

KopT/s rt

Ar)p.T)Tpos
/cal

Eph. Arch. 1895,

pfvova-i
T>V

p.

99

Iepo<paVn/

KqpvKi

els

apiarov

rr]V eoprjyy

Trpoayo-

irporjpoo-iuv

HI

(inscription from Eleusis,

circ.

300

B.C.).

C. I. A.

467, 28 (Ephebi inscription first century B.C.) rw tepw fjpavro rovs /3oCs eV EXeuo ii t KCU (\CITOV pyrjcrav
2.
ei>

rots irpo-

5e
11

/cat

roly /zeyaXot? pvo-rrjpiois

<j)id\r]v

r//

re Aq/i^rpt

/cat

Kopr/.

Plutarch, Conj. Praec.

2K/pa>,

1446
roof

A^j/aioi rpeis

apdrous

lepovs
rfj

rrpwroz/ eVt

roC 7raXatoTaroi
Tre Xiv

(rnopwv

V7t6p,vr]p.a

Sevrepov 8e iv

Papta, rpirov Se VTTO

4.

[? TrdXti/],

rov KaXovp-fvov (3ovvyiov.

Serv.

^4^7/.

402 cum

vidisset

Minerva Cererem segetes invenisse, volens ipsa

ostendere Atticis
PaUS.

segetes parerent, aratrum dicitur 5e TO Pdpiov cnraprjvai Trpoxroi/ \eyov(Ti jot TO nediov 6 38, Kat irpS>Tov avr)(rai Kapnovs, Kal dia TOTO ovXats e ^ avrov

quo expeditius

I.

<T(f>i<rt

Kal TTOiflffBai Treppara cs ras Bvalas Ka0(TTr]K(v

al
TI^I/

cvravOa aXeos

TptTiToXefiou
1.

/3aj/x6s

deiKwrai.

Cf. Inscr.

20

TJJI/

aXw

/epai/

(329-8

B. c.).
t
.

Steph. Byz.

Paptoz/ irfdiov eV
1.

EXei/crti

Arch. 1883, p. 122, Ceres Raria, see Athena, R. 118. Paptay y Ar/pj}r^p. Eph. Arch.
^^>/^.

1883,

p.

119,
K
TTJS

43 (accounts of the
*Papias
fj-icrdos
.
.

ra/*uu

roll/

^eoli/

at Eleusis)

dvf\6vTL

ra>

Kadf)pavri

TTJV

Papiav ^o/pou

(329-8

B.C.).

Paroemiogr. Grace
6

Tajv TroXXa

dpa>fJLVcav

yap

(Sov^vyrjs
p.rj

A6f)VT)(riv

(Gaisford), p. 25 povvyrjs 6 TOV lepuv tiporov

Kara
TOI>

aXXa re TroXXa aparat,

18

Kal rots

Koiva>vov(Ti

/3tW uSaroy ^ Trvpos

Festivals of
1.

p.

128,

AXcoia and KaXapaTa at Eleusis Eph. Arch. 1890, 8 (inscription second century B.C.) virep wv oVayyeXXei 6
:

316

GREEK RELIGION
ra>v

Arjpapxos 6 EXeyo-ii/tW vnep

Qvviwv av edvcrev roty re AXcoioiy Kai roty

. . .

XXoi oiy

rfi

re Aqp^rpi Kai

Trj

Kopfl KCU roiy aXXoi? 6e oiy

. .
.

crvvfrfXffffv Se TTJV

TWV

KaXapaiooi/ Ovviciv KOI TTJV Tropirrjv eVreiXev

ftovXrjs Kai

tdvvf

e
<p*

vyieia KCU ator/jpia rrjs re

KOI (rvfipM^atv. Ib.

TOV Aquou Kat

7rai8o>i>

Kat yvvaiK&v KOI

r<av

<pi\a)v

1883

(p.

119,1. 47), inscription found

at Eleusis,

account of Eleusinian
.

expenses
raXai/ra
.
.
.

3298 B.C. eVi rrjs KeKpoTTi fioy Tre /MTrrr/s rrpvTaveias

/<&.

Sv\a fls AXtota

(JU<r6o>Ti)

PAPI(l)

p.

114 B,
.
.
.

1.

[ewl r^y

Kr;? Trpvramas]

rai

ras Trpoa-pdQpas AXcotois

Troirjo-avri

....

/^. 1883, p.
*s TO,

122 B,

1.

IO

roll 6ediv dpecTTrjpiav 6v(rai e/carepa

f^

P-

JSV^?

9-

Ahh
from

AXtoi a.

Cf. Z^. 1884,

ro>

^87, p.

4, inscription

Eleusis, AXwicoi/

Trarpiw
circ.
TTJ

ayaiw,

circ.

2oi B.C.

/^.

1884, p. 135, inscription from Eleusis

o-rpar?7yos
.
.

300

B. C., in

honour of the
TOV

e0ve 6e KOI rot? AXanois

TJV

re

ArjfjLTjTpi

Kal

rfi

Koprj KCU TOIS aXXoLS 6*0*15 ols Trdrptov

jSacriXetos- Ajy/i^rpiov Kat TTJS
rj)i/

inrep re roD AiJ/iou

.
.

TOV
Se
-

A6rjvaiti)v KOI

(3ao~i\to

o~r)s

7rapeKaXe(rei>
:

Kat TOVS TToXtra? anavras eVt

Qvvlav. KaXapaTa at PeiraeUS

:

The month
Olbia
:

KaXa/idiwi; at

Miletos

Arch.
:

Zeit.

vide R. 75 At 1876, p. 128.

C.

I.

G. 3663 A.
C O~TIV

At Kyzikos
ra AXwa
fjv

C. I. G. 2082.
^iXo^opos

Harpocr.

s.

v.

AXoJa* eoprr)

*ArrtK/y
1

(prjcri

ovofj.ao dTjvai OTTO

TOV

rare

roi>s

av^pcDTrous
e

(prjaiv eV rep Trept

ayerat 6e air^ Kara Neaip. Il6 (Demosth.) OVTOV ^rov iepo(pdvTov\ Kat ort St^coTT?; r^ era/pa AXwoiy eVt r^y eV r^ auX^ EXeixra t 7rpoo-ayovo~r) ifptiov 6vo~ftfv, ov j/o/u/zou oz/roy
ray 8tarpi/3as
Troittcr^ai Trept

ray aXcoy.

oprwj/ Iloo-etSewi oy fiijvos.

eV TavTij

TTJ f)p.(pa

tepeTa 6vstv y oi S

fKfivov ovo~rjs TTJS Owlets,

dXXa r^y
[

tepetay.
e

Schol.
^ABfjvrja
i,

Lucian, Z)/^/. Meretr. (Rhein.

fJivaTTjpia

Mus.
8^

25.

557)
.
.

AXoJa]
eVt
?
j

~ rr(pifx ov a A^/ix^rpoy Kat Kopjyy KOI

Aioi/ua"ou

riy

rwv

dp-TreAeor KOI ri; yfvo~fi

TOV aTTOKetpeVou
. . .

^f

oti/ou

[Tre/z/xara

rai alo~xvvais aVSpet oiy

.
.

e otKora

reXfri7 rty etadyerat

.

yvvaiKu>v

eV

KOI TratStat Xe yotrai TroXXat Kai (TKeop./zara

oti

dy re TroXvy TrpoKetrat Kai

ye p,oucrat
i

/Sptop.tiro)!

TT\T]V TOM* ezTretp^/ieVcoi

rai p.f(TTtK&), potay

KOI

/J.T]\OV

Kai opvlQ&v KaTOiKidicov Kat wail

KOI $aXarri ay

rptyXi^y

Se Kai ray

Tpanefas

oi

ap^o/rey Kai

eVSoi/ KaraXiTrdi^ref raiy

avroi

x<t>piovrai

e^co

Siap-eVovrey.

Eustath.

//. p.

77 2

>

25

e>7

KapTTtov,

e(f)

i]

KCU ra &a\vo~ia

e ^uero, eopr/}

^yero A^pryrpoy Kat Atofu(roi Kara

A.dr)vais

TIavo~aviav }
aXo>

aXwa

KaXovpevrj 8ia TO raly aTrap^aiy ptiXitrra eV

eiy

dnb

TIJS

rore Kara^paaBai (pfpovras

EXeuaiva
p.

eV

r}

Kai Iloo etSeoi oy

r

a Schol. Aeschin.
Adrjvaiois ev
rj

Parapresl.

90 (Dindorf) ra Kam

opr7

Trap*

ai napdevoi lepd rii/a Ai7p.;rpoy eV Kai/o!y ej3do-raov eVi

Kpa\TJs

Kctvr)<p6poi

^
19

ErriKXei Sta

Hesych.

J".

Z>.

eoprr)
:

A^p^rpoy

\\6r}VTjcri.
j.
z;.

Feast of ApKdSia in Arcadia

eKKaiSeKarw jSt/SXtw
Trepi

Steph. Byz.
(prjcriv

ATroXXo Scopoy eV rw
r

Trepi Gecoi

Ai^p^rpoy

on ApKuSta

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

p.e\\ovTfs 6vftv 01
i>$po)7roi,

II

317
TOV

Tavrrjv

yap

rrjv

Bvtriav o-vvcarrfja-avTO /zero

TTp&TOV (TTTOpOV.
20

Feast of GaXvo-ia at
d d

Kos

Theocr. Id.
i?

7.

31

6Sos aSe GaXvo-tds*

evTreTrXw Aa/^idrept

yap eratpot

aWpes
oX/3a>

Saira reXeCi/ri

aTrap%6iiVoi.
(sacrificial

Cf.
<at

Paton and Hicks, Inscript. 37

TeXe a Kveocra.

calendar) Ad/xarpt

ofc

21

Feast of npoXoyia in Laconia

AaKW^Wf.

Hesych.

s. v.

6vvia irpb T

TC\OVp.VT) V7TO

Titles referring to the corn-goddess.

Se eV Athenae. 4166 noXe Afytpayia in Sicily KOI Strovy ftvai StKeXtwraiy (prjalv *Adrj<payias iepbv rrpos TifMiov irapa c ev /cat ov AcX^oTs I/AaXt Soff, KadaTrep 7rX?;ertoi/ tSpucr^ai A^/ui/rpos ayaX/ia,
22

Demeter

/io>i/

TCOV

Ep/zov^ov

[?

leg.
:

o-Trtp/iov^ou],
Z^.

cV 8c

SxtoXw

raj

/SotwTiaKO)

MtyaXapTou
<cat

Kat

MeyaXo/xa^ov
oura)?

cf.
.

109
:

r^s Sirous AcaXou/neV^s

rifiarat.
first

A?7/>t;Tpos

IfiaXi Sos*

yap

Trapa

SvpaKoaiW
inscription

Cf.

month

Pyrasos in Thessaly
1891, p. 563
at
;

century
fifth

B. c. .#&//.

MeyaXdprtos at Z^//. C<?rr.

also at

Halos

ib.

1887, p. 371.

Feast of Megalartia
century B.C.; also at

Delphi: Delos: R. 91.

2*

ib.

1895, p.

n,
fj

inscription

A^ffta
a
P

Hesych. S. V. AXoxk: Theocr. Id.

:
/3o>/MO)

Aj;/i^rr/p, dvro

TOV dfaivciv

roiis Kapirovs.

7.

155:
ay eVi
(rcopa)

Trap Ad/oiarpos dXcodfios*

/ze

awrts eya) Trd^at/zi

ya

TTTVOV

a Se yeXdo-trat
e^oto-a.

dpaypaTa Kal paKavas fv dp.(poTpaicriv

24

A/za/a:
Kdp?;-

Suidas,
17

J. V.

p.

2 37

A/Wa,

17

Aj/pjJrTjp.

A^aia

5e,

17

Kal vrapot/zta
4.

A/zaia

T^

Afrviav peT^X^v.

Cf.

Didymus apud

Zenob. Adag.
TTpoo-ayopcvfTai
25

2O loropfT At 8v/zos on Ajuea /ie^j; ArjprjT^p TrapaTpoifrviois KopT; (Plut. PrOV. Alex. 41). Cf. R. 36. A^r/cria 8e
17
:

Ap.aXXo<po

pos

Eust.

Il62.

27

A^rr/p
31, 4

AfiaXXo(pdpoy,

at
Avryo-iScopa?
x-oi/

Phlye
/cat

PaUS.
Krijo-f ov

I.

vaos 8e

ertpoy
*at Kdpj;? IIpa)To-

Aios

irat

Ti^pco^y

A^yay

6vofjLa^op.fvo)V 6f(ov.

Plut. Quaest. ConV.

KOI
oTrep/jdrcoj

745

^/*ety 01

yewpyoi

T^V

OdXeiav

oiKeiovpeQa,
avrfi /cat

(pvrwv

ciiQaXovvTUV

Kal

firip.f\iav

a-a>rr)piav

aTroSidovres

dXX ov

6/Kata, e^)^!/,

xat
27

yap

vp.Ti

ea-Ti A?;/x?jrj;p

Aj^criScopa.
TI) I/
&ni"r

EXr/yrjpts (?)

Eustath.

//.

H97. 53
y^pav.

rPav
J.

E^-WP

"

Xe yoixu

ro UTTO T^S rqC ^Xtou

e\?;ff

Cf. Hesych.

3i8
*E\\r]yr)pvs
<al

GREEK RELIGION
Tfj Kal Ar]p.f]Tr)p.
TU>V

id. S. V.
.

Eyyrjpvs

f)

yrj,

napa

ArrtKoiy.

s. V.

Kavorty
28

f]

fK<pvo~is

trra^ixov

cir&wpov

Ar^/z^rpoy.

EuaXaxjt a

Hesych.

S. V.

Ar^-r^p
PaUS.
TTJV

on
34, 12

/ztydXay ray

aXeoy

Trota

Kal

TrXrjpot.
29

Qepiwaia at
TO

Hermione

2.

Ar^rpoy
opots,
.

de
. .

icpa 7T7roir)Ta.i

fappacrias,

p.ev

eVt rots Trpoy

Tpoifavlav

ro Se

Kal

eV

10

Kapirofpopos at
i/aoy,

Tegea

PaUS.

8.

53, 7 eort 6e

/cat

A^rpoy
I

eV Teyea

*at Kopj;s

as cirovo/JLa^ovfri Kapirofpopovs.

At EpidaUFOS
M>;vdSo)po?
.
.

Eph. Arch.
7rvpo(poprj(ras

1883, 153, no.

(? first

ATy/M^rpo?

Kaprro(popov
:

In Paros C. /. (?. 2384 f A^rpoy century B.C.). In Lesbos (Mitylene) Z$. 2175 A^T/rpoy /cat ^fcoi/ Kapirofyo
:

TroXv/cdpTreoi/

/cal

TeAeo-<po

pa>i>

(?

early

Roman

period).

At Ephesus
Kap7ro<p[o

see

R. 98. ?At Athens: C. C. /. G. 4082 Pessinus

:

/.

A.

2.

1545 Ai^rpjoy
Kap7ro<po pa),

pou

I.

At

A^rpt
Suidas,

dedication of

Roman
<al

period.
at

Kapnoi,

Athens end

S.

v.

opnvtos

\tp.o)V 6

crlros

ol

Op.7iWa

7;

Ar^/zJ/riyp

Xe yfTat.

Schol.
e i/

Nikand.

Alex.
i

45o"Op.7rai

ot /zeXtri 8f8eup.evoc Trvpoi

KaXXi pa^oy

5e 6folviv eVt
tfpetoy r^f

8ai(p.(v optrvas

TOVTOVS yap Ajy/zqrpi eQvov.

C.I. G. 524

na/iTrayd)

Hesych.

,9.

2.

Ila/iTraj/of

f? ria/xTrai/a)

HpancXeta.
s

flpia
Aop.iriai/6)

on coin of Smyrna:
KaiVapi 2f,3doT6)
:

Sallet, Zeitschr.

fur Num.

4.

s.

315

2/zvpi/atot Tj)f

Qpiav.

? A(/cp,aia

Anth.

PaL

6.

98, cereal dedication to Ar;ol

fvav\a<o(poiTi(TLV "Qpais.

34

the goddess of abundance:

Worship on the Isthmus of Corinth of Demeter and Eueteria = C. 7. G 1104 (inscription of Roman
1 .

period) rbv ncpifto\ov

Kdpqy
35
. . .

Ttjs

tepay vaTrrjs

/cat

rouy eV avr^ i/aovy Af)p.r)Tpos

Kdpr;y
/cat

/cat

/cat

TOiy i/aouy

rr^y

Evfrrjpias

/cat Ti}y

TO

IlXovra>vioi/.

Schol.

Soph.

6W.
dXXa

Ctf/.
/cat

68 1

(paat

ray ^eay [A^rpai/

/cat

Kdpr;v

^^ti/oty /z^ /ce^p^o-^at,

raty 0(r[Jio(popiaov(Tais rfjv

rr^y

TWV

dv0tv5>v

ore-

(pdvwv dnfipija-Sat
Kal rf)V /ziXa/ca
xat

xprjo-iv

6 S

"lorpoy,

Ary/i^rpoy

efj/at ore/z/za T^I/

/cat

...

/cat rui/

ipo(pdvTT}v 8e

/cat

ray

i(po<pdvri8as

TOP

ray nXXay tfpet ay

TOI/

fJLVpplvrjs
rr)

f%(w

crrfCpavov.

Cf.l d.
/cat

684

eV T^ Ntdj3/ o
t Stoi/

2ocpo/cX^y

KPOKOV (ivriKpvs

NidjS^ avarlQeraC

auro St roCro

ai/
ft>;

Socpo/cXcW

Soph.

O^.

Cd?/.

683

wip/cio-o-oy,

/neydXaii/

dfati/

ap^alov 0re(pai &)/za.

Cf. Schol. AristOph.

Ran. 333

/zvpo-iVw

<TTpdv<p

(<rrf)avovvTO

ol

p,fp.vr]-

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

. .

II

319
<e-

6 de ATToXXd&apos KCU TOVS 6fap.o6fTas

otKf/ooy

(ftrjal

8ia TOVTO pvpcrivT] ore

o6ai t
36

on

fX ft

?
"^P

$>wrov

^ 6fos Kai OTL rots \8oviots d^uepcoro.

(?

Cult of

Aa/it a

and

Avgrjaia

originally identical with

Demeter

and Persephone).
a

At Epidauros and Aegina

. .
.

Herod.

5.

82-83

Enidavpioto-tv

rj

yi}

Kapirbv ovdeva dvfSio ov

fj

8e Tlvdirj afyeas (KfXeve Aa/ii^j re KOI Avr)o~ir)s

dydX/zara

i8pv<ra<T0ai

[ol Aiyti/}rat]
}

ra dyaX/naTa TOUTO.

rrjs

T(

AafJLirjs /eat rrjs

(T<f)Tpr]s

vnatpfovrai
TTJV

avT<H>v

Kai
.

a^)a

fKo^iiaavro re KOI l8pv(ravTO TTJS

.
.

[Acaoyaiav,

I8pvcrdfjivoi 8e

6v<TtT)(ri

re (rfaa KOI ^opolai

TU>V

yvvaiKT]ioi(ri K

pronoun

iXdvKovro,

XP TY^)V
1

dTroftfiKWfjievav tKareprj

8at/zo-

vuv 8fKa dvftpwv

pi a? ywi/atKas-.

KaKots Se rjyopevov ol ^opot avftpa p,ev ovdeva, rap 8e tTri^aj-

^(rai/

8e Kai TOIO-I
c. es

EiridavpLOHri at aural ipovpyiai

flvl 8e
a<f>i

KOI apprjrot

Ipovpyiai.

86 (when the Athenians tried to carry off the

yovvard
CIVTO.
ff<pi

images from Aegina)

T(o
-d

ireveiv Kai TOV OTTO TOVTOV

xpdvov

%ovTa.
TO.

PailS. 2. 30,
8r)

fl86v Tf ra dyaX/uara \ev Klyivrj] Kai

a(j)io~i

Kara

avra Kada

Kai fv

EXeutrtw Qveiv

vopi{flv<riv,

Schol.
avrols
fj

Aristid. 3, p.
TLvOia CK
T>V

598 (Dind.) Emdavpioi

l\aiu>v

Xot/LtaJ

if>6eipovro

f xpr}o-fv

Tr)S

Adrjvds
Koprjs

rS>v

iep&v OTTO
Kai

i8pvo~ao-0ai

Ar}p.rjTpos

Kai

Aa/uiay

aKponoXcas dydX/iara Cf. Fouilles Av^tjaias.

TTJS

d Epidaure,

no. 51
i

6 lepcvs TOV

MaXedra
fifth

A7roXXtoi/o?
B. c.

Kai

6fS>v

A&aricav

Aa/xias Avgrjvias

cf.

inscription of

century

published by FurtTO>

wangler, BerL PhiloL Wochenschr. 1901, p. 1597, from Aegina, V eV Se TW TTJS Avgr)O-las \VXVLOV X^KOVV. Trjs Mvias QvutaTrjpia ^aXa
.

Kai yap PaUS. 2. 32, 2 es 8e TTJV Aa/ziai/ Kai ov ov TOV Kai avTov avTwv, Entdavpioi \eyovo-iv AlyivrJTai Tpoifaviots peTCVTiv (K ^.prjTrjs o~Tao~iao~dvTa>v 8e TWV tv rrj Xdyoi/, dXX* d(f)iKO 6ai rrapOevovs
:
AviJ<riai>,

At Troezen

6fJ,oia>s

TroXei

airdvrtov Kai TUVTOS

<$ao-\v

VTTO

TWV

dvTto~Tao~toiT5>v

KaTa\evo~drjvai, KOI

eopTTjv

ayovai atyio i Xt^ojSoXia ovofid^ovTcs.

S. V.

Cf.
rt,

Horn.

Hymn

Dent. 265
ToTs

Hesych.

Mdporroi/

tK

(j)\oiov

TrXey/ia

CTVTTTOV dXX^Xout

At Sparta
Amyclai
e
:

Collitz, Dialect. Inschr.

ib.

4496

4522 d

-rroXis

Avp. TipOKpaTCtav

Qoivapu-oaTpiav

Thera: C.

7.

G. Ins. Mar. Aeg.

3.

361, very archaic dedication,

\ttKaia Aa/ita.

Tarentum
?

Hesych.
:

J.

Z?.

Ad/xeia-

opr^ Trapa TapapTiz/ot?.

in

At Rome Paulus 68 Damium sacrificium, quod fiebat in operto dea quoque ipsa Damia et sacerdos eius honorem Bonae Deae
.

damiatrix appellabatur.

W.

Fowler,

Roman

Festivals, p. 105.

3 2o

GREEK RELIGION
as goddess of the under world. xQovta at
fj.d\i(TTa

Demeter
37

Hermione

Paus.

2.

35,

4-9 (on mount Pron)

TOVTO TO
a8c\<priv

TO

Se

\6yov

a^iov lepbv Ar)p.r)Tpos eortv eVt rou TIp&vos

KXvp,ei/oi>

ifpbv
Toi>s

Epp.tovf is p.fv
I8pva-ap.fvovs

&opa>vQ)s

TratSa Kal

RXvpevov XQoviav

fivai.
<pa<r\v

...

5 XBovla S ovv

T}

6f6s re avrf] KaXerrat, Kal

fjyovvrai p.ev

XtfoVta eoprrjv Kara eros ayovviv

aiiTOlS TTJS TTO/tiTT^S Ol

wpa Qepovs

ayovcrt Se OVTWS

tepeTj TO)V

6eS)V KOi OCTOL TllS CTTCTflOVS

dp%as

^OV(TlVj
Kf<pa\als

Se Kal yvvaiKes Kal avbpes.

o~TC(pdvovs.
vTfl

OVTOI XevKrjv

eV^ra
eVc

Kal eVl TOIS

TrXfKovrai Se ot crrcfpavoi

(T(picriv

ToO avdovs o KaXovatv

ol
S

K0(rp.oo-dv8a\ov t vaKivOov
Trop.Trfji

ffioi SoKflv ovra Kal peycdfi Kal

XP a
.

TO

Se TTJV
(3ovv

e ayovcriv firovrai rc\eiav

ro\>

dyfXrjs /3ovf ayovres

eVeifiav TTJV

iStao-ii/

fvrbs

j/aoO,

irpoafflfaav ras Ovpas.

Tea crapes
OVK

Se evSov vno\etcrefiov-

7r6p.(vai ypdcs,
(TLV

aurat

rrjv jSovv

eialv al /carepya^o/jei/at. ...

77

8 avrb Se 6
ov
rt
p.Tjv

[ayaX^a
,

Ai7/i7jrpoy]
oi/ re

eVi TrXe oy

raXXa,

yw

p.ev

etSoi>,

ouSe dvfjp
at

ovrc gevos,

Eppiovfuv avrutV povat Se

Trap

ovrotoi/

e crrti/

ypaet

Strabo 373
crvvrofjiov

Ep/ztoveOo-i Se T(dpv\r)Tai TTJV fls AtSou Kardfiaariv

flvaC Sto?rep OWK cvridfa&iv evravOa rots vfKpols vaiiXov.

Plut.

Fz/.

Pomp. 24 TOI/ eV Epfjiiovrj rrjs xGovias vewv. Hermione) p.eyiarTovs ovv UKOVCO jSoGs UTTO T^S
os TO
jSco/zoj/ C K

Aelian.
tepeias r^s

A ^/.
7

^fw. ii. 4 (at

T^S d-yeA^s xai ^yetv

e avras-

7rap\civ,

Aij^rpo? ayctrBai re Kal ols Xe yw

TT^I/ j^eVl

Athenae.
Xe
ya>i/

6246

Aacros 6

Eppiovcvs eV

rat ets

oureos

Aa/xarpa

/neXarco

Kdpai/ re
Se

KXv/xe i/oto aXo^oi/ MeXi/Sotav.

Trnp

Apollod.
avrrjv

I.

paQoixra.

[Aj;/jJ7T^pj

Epfuoviatv
:

OTI
C<?rr.

fjpiraorev.

Inscriptions
/$.

from

Hermione
6^.

-##//.

1889, p. 198 Aa/uaTpt, KXu/zeW

C. /.

1198
[rail/

Ad/xarpt XBovia with

Ep/x(ove
TO.
a>f

Au
/<^.

*Ao-<cXa7ria).

1193

aTroSe ^erai a TrAiy

y

(piKofppovcas
Xt^oj/ia.

rdv Tf Overlay av peXXft ayeiv a TTO\IS T&V 1197 ^ TroXts a TWJ/ Ep/itoi/ecoi/ NtKiv

A.(Tivaio>v

Ad/zarpt TO

Ai/Spam Sa Adparpt,

KXv/neV<u,

Kopa.
58

At Sparta: Paus.

3.

14, 5

A^rpa
So
?7

Se
Se

Xdoviav Aa/teSat/io j/ioi

Sta TO tepov TO
c

/zei/

(re /3eii>

(paat, TrapaSdi/ros ff(pi(Tiv

Op<^)ea)j,

e/i t 7

ef

Epp.i6vr]

KaTCfTTT) Kal TOVTOIS

39

XQoviav vop.i(iv
I.

ArjfjirjTpa.

^4M.
j

/*/.

6 (Anath. 31)
Kapnbv
OTT

aiyipaTT) ToSe Ilafi

/cat

ev/cdpTra)
7ra>ea

Atoi/ucra>

Kal AT/OI XdoviT) gvvbv fGrjKa ycpas.

AtTe o/uat S avrovs Ka\a

aora^va)!/.
:

/cat

Ka\ KaXbv

dfjLijaat

40

Demeter Me Xawa
IIo(rfi8>v6s

at Phigaleia

Paus. 8. 42,

A^Tpos
^tyaXetf

Se
ey

Ifpbv eVt/cX^a tv MeXatv^?*

oaa

/iei/

S) ot eV GeXTrovo*^ Xeyovo ti
ol
<r(pi<riv

rov

Te

/cat

Arj^rpoS) Kara ravrd

of
4>tyaXets

Se i7ro rrjs

A^^Tpos

(paalv ov% Imrov^

dXXa

rr)

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

e7rovop.aop.evT]v VTTO

II

321
TO ayaX/za.
KecpaXtjv be
7rpocre7re(pv-

ApKa&ooi/.

TrerroirjcrBai

Se

OUTG>

o~<picri

Kadefccrdai p.ev

errl Trerpa,

yvvaiKi be eoiKevai

TaXXa
aXXa>i>

TrXqi/ Ke(pa\rjv

Kai Kop.r]v et%ev linroV) Ka * bpaKovTcav re Kai

Kfcrav TTJ KtcpaXf)
TTJS x.eipbs rfv
<pa(rit>

6rjpia)v eiKoves

%iTa>va

be

evebebvTO KOI es aicpovs TOVS irobas

17

be\(pls be eVi
eVoi/o-

avrfj, TrepicrTepa be

opvis

errl rfj

erepa*

MeXcuvav 8e
73.
TO>V

GVTTJV OTI KCU

ol

fj

6ebs p.e\aivav

TTJV

eV^ra
TO.

ei^e.

II

cOwa

KaQa KOI
<a,

eVt^wptoi vofjiiov(nv } ovdev,

8e

OTTO

T(i

r aXXa Kai d/uvreXov Kapirov, KOI

TTCO

p.fhicrcrwv re Krjpia

8ev8pav TWV KCU fplwv ra /AJJ

roG
*:at

ey cpyacriav

fJKovra,

...

[a]

TiOcacriv eVi roi/ /Sco/uw co/co8o/Li^/MWi/ Trpo

o-TT^Xai ov, 6fvres 8e Kara^eoDO-if avr&v e\aiov

ravra

tStcorats re dz/8pd(Ti

dm

Trai/

eroy ^fyaXecov
8p)cra,
criiv

TW KOIVU

KaBecrTrjKfv es TTJV dvcriav.

Ka\ovfj.ev<ov

lepeia be crcpicriv
fie

ecrriv

f]

8e avrrj KOL

TWV ifpoOvruv

6 yeeoraros. oi

eiort

rcov dcrToov rpels dpi6p.6v.

Cf.

Horn.

Hymn

Cer. 42

Kvdveov de
41

/caXv/z/za

Kar* dfj.(pOTep(i)v jSaXer

U>(JLCOV.

Demeter
.

Epti/vr at

Thelpusa
TOUTW
*cat

in Arcadia (cf. Poseidon, R.

Tfjv
rfj

40

b
)

PailS. 8. 25, 4 KdXovcri 8e

AvrifJLa^os
. .

Eptvvv QeXnovcrioi

6f6v

6/MoXoyei 8e

crfpicri K.CU

errl

eniK\rjcreis

6ew yeyovacri, ToO

ev

fjn]vifjLaros

[lev eveKa *Ep

67TC TO)

u?,

on
ra>

TO

6vp.a>

Aovcria de xpfjcrdai Kd\ovcriv epivveiv ol ApKades,

\ovcracr6ai

Ad8a>j/i.

TO Se dydX/zard

eVn ra

T3

i/aw

^uXou ... TO
. .

fjiev 8rj rrjs

Epivvos

TTJV

re KLCTTTJV KaXovfJievrjv e%ei Kai ev

rrjs

rfj

8e^ta 8a8u

oo~oi

de Qepidos Kai ov A^/x^Tpoy

iffTaxrav
TJS
V7rei.\rj<p6Ts.

Aovcrias TO

ayaX/ua eivai

vop.iovcn } p.draia

rfjv de Ai^/M^Tpa reKelv (pacrlv eK

TOV

Hocrei8a>vos

Qvyarepa,
eVt TOVTW

TO

t>vo(j.a

es aTcXe orTOVff \eyeiv ov vofLi^ovai^ Kai ITTTTOV TOV Apfiova.

*Ap/cd8a)i/ TrpcoToty
"iTTTTtoi/

Se ?rapa

o~(picriv

IIoorei8coj/a ovopacrQrjvai.

Cf. the

worship of the npa^iSiW on Mount TiX<ovo-iov near Haliartos in Boeotia, Paus. 9. 33, 3, and the TiX<coo-o-a Epti/vs, Schol. Soph. Ant. 126. Tzetz. Lycophr. 153 /cat KaXXt /ia^os Epivvvv KaXei TTJV Ar)p.r)Tpa \eya>V
rfjv

p.ev

oy

ecme pp.T]Vfv

Epiwi* Tt\(povcrcraiTj t

Lycophr. 1040

rdppoOos Tc\(povcria
l

peWpa

vaiovcra

o"KvXa^.

42

Demeter associated with Poseidon

the sacred

in cult.

way from Athens to Eleusis: Paus. i. 37, 2 CO-TI de KOI Ze<pvpov re (Sap-os Kai Ai^Tpos lepbv Kai TTJS rratdos crvv be crcpicriv vide AQrjva Kai Uocreibw Covert np.ds Haloa/ R. 1 8. At Mykonos Dittenb. Syll. 373 (R. 9). Plut. 668 E ? At Troezen: R. 80.
{
:
:

On

(Quaest. Grenfell
Trpo

Conv.

4.

4,

3)

Aio

Kai

A^Tpos

vvvvaos

Uoo-eib^v.

Cf.

and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, &r)p,r)Tpos Qveiv A^eXww OTI TrdfTcai/

Kapiros.
HI

vol. 2, 221, col.

9
KOI

7roTap.>v

ovopa 6

A^eXwos

FARNELL.

322
42
1>

GREEK RELIGION
?

Demeter

EpKuz/i/a

Lycophr. 153,

cf.

Paus.

9.

39, 2-3. Hesych.

S.

V.

EpKrjvia

eopTTj A^/MJ^rpos.

Other chthonian cults of Demeter.

43

In Laconia
.

Plut. Lye. 27

TO.

TTtpl

ras raids

opiora

difKoa-p-Tjo-ev

avTos

943

Ty 8e ScoSe/mr?/ Qvaavras eSei A^/z^rpi A veil/ TO Trd^o? (cf. Plut. TO iroXotdy). Public TOVS veKpovs Ar)n,T)Tpflovs
.
*A0>/i>uIoi a>i>6[j.aov

inscription in

honour of the dead

at
KCU

Sparta

C.

I.

G. 1434 d
feat

TrdXt?

Apdrav Tf^ape rou ftiovGav aoxppovws Gythion Paus. 3. 21, 8 A^rpoy

:

(vcrffi&s Ad/zarpi
aytoi/.

Kopa.

At

tep6i>

Cf. relief of (?)

Graeco-

p.

period found at Gythion, with inscription (Arch. Zeit. 1883, 223, Taf. 13. I ) [TiViKparfTjs Ay]a$OKXeiui/ rr\v Idiav Gvyarepa Aa/zarpi KOI At Kainepolis, near Tainaron Paus. 3. 25, 6 eV Kopa xapto-TTjpioi
.

Roman

4t

Inscription from

Messoa

C.

/.

G.
.

1164
. .

Aap-arpt ^vo-f* \oipi8iov ap(Tfv,

.
.

aprov 8ia ffadpuv

apo-qs 8e ou

Aeo~7roii/a
(?),

^olpov ap&fva, aprov 8ia

IIepo-f<poVa

rrad/jcoy. IlXovrcovi

^oTpov aptreva^ aprov

Trpo^apea
45

^oipov apo-eva, aprov

Tv^a

^otpoj/ apo-cva.

At Tegea: R. 1196.
At Mantinea: R. ii9
Elis,
(1
.

46

47

on Mount Minthe near Pylos

TreSt ov.

Strab.

344

/z

d>

c\mi
virepKe

Trpoy

TW

6pei Tt/xcopievoi/ KOI VTTO MeMftOTtwi , *ai

A^fi^rpoff

aXao?

rov nuXtaKoO

On

the banks of the Acheron, a branch of the

o-<p65pa

Alpheios
48

Z$.

eKrerip/rai
Tov"A.dov.

TCZ

re

r^f Ar)p.r)Tpos KOI

rfjs

Koprjs Ifpa

VTav0a KOI TO

Cf. R.
:

1 1 8.

At Potniai

in Boeotia
:

R. 113.
40,
6,

}9

At Megara

Paus.

i.

on the Acropolis,
Se avro ftao-iXevovra

IvravQa KOI

TTJS

ArjfjiTjTpos

TO KahovfjLevov peyapov
:

Troirjo-ai

Kapa

eXcyoi/.

60

At Pares
66.

Herod.

6.

in

connexion with the

51

134 mentions the viro&Kopos T&V x^oviwv Qtwv vide R. 251; epicos pov A^rpos
^eo-/Lto<po
:

Hera R.

At Athymbra
EpfjLfl

in Caria

larpoxX^

Ar]p.T)Tpi

"Avovftt,

Kara Trpooray/Lia

roi) ^coC,

Adwppiavbs nXovram *al Kop?/ Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887,

p. 274.
52

At Knidos: Newton, Halicarn.

p. 714, Pl.lxxxix, no.

14

(Collitz,

Dialect. Inscr.

^dxwt Eppai.
ib.

3520) Scoorparos Aa^dprou Ad/zarpi Kovpai H\ovra>vi EntCf. the Dirae* inscriptions on leaden tablets (Newton,
Collitz,
i

p.

719, &c.

3536-3548) with the formula oWpoI

second Or
first

Ad/narpi Kovpat IlXovrcoi

B. c.).

6eois rots Trapa Ad/zarpi (?

century

Cf. inscription of

Herodes Atticus

at his

Triopian farm on the

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

II
6ea>v

323

Appian way, oi Kioves Aqpqrpo? Kal Koprjs dvddrjfjia Kal xBovlav (Kaibel, Inscr. Graec. Ital. et Sicil. 1390). C. /. G. 916 TrapaS/Soo/u rols /caraX&OVLOIS fools TOVTO TO f)pov <pv\aTTfiv, nXouraw Kai ArjfjirjTpi Kal nfpo~e<p6vr)
Kal

Eptwo-i.
1

R.

80, 226.

Demeter, Kore, Plouton, Eubouleus associated at Eleusis Chthonian character of Demeter in the Attic 0eo-fjLo<f)6pia

R. 75 f.

In Sicily: R. 129, 130.

Political
53

and ethnic

titles

and

cults.
:

Demeter
Demeter

IleXao-yis

at

ArgOS

Paus.

2.

22, 2

A^rpos
R. 232.
e

e ortv

lepov

(7riK\r]o~iv IleXao-yiSoff
54

aV6 rov
:

i8pvo~a[jifvov

HeXaa-yov,
1 1

cf.

At/3uo-o-a

Polemon. Frag.
e* eV
:
ra>

(Preller)

777

Apyem
8to Kai

o-rrapevTos

rov Trupwv

0-7repp,aro

A.ij3vr)s "Apyov
"Apyei.

/zeraTre/i^afiei/oV

ArjfjLrjrpos At/Sua-o-J/s tepop idpvcrfV

55
56

Demeter Aepwu a
Demeter
I.

at

Lerna

R. 233.
Boeotian Orchomenos
:

Kpio-ata eWSajuos at the

C. /. G.

S^/.
57

3213

Actjuarepi Kpto-jjj; eVtSa/^ii; aveQeiKf.

:

MufcaXTjao-m
58

vide R. 8.
in Phokis: Paus. 10. 35, 10 Ary^rpos Se eWfcXjjTO fepoV, Xi 5e tofjirjs
0oi>

Demeter

2rei/>ms-

criz/

Sretpt rtSoy iepof eortv eV SreTpf nXivOov nev rrjs

TOI! Ilfj/TeX^o-t

ro ayaXfia, SaSa?
f i TL

17

^cos e^ovtra

?rapa

Se

avr^

Taivims ayaXp-a dp%aiov

39

aXXo.

Demeter

Hai/a^ata

at

Aigion:
.

Paus.
.
.

7.

24,

3
/cai

E<pe}s

Se
i

Aii Ilara^atas eVri A^/zjjrpoj

iSelv
/xei/ 817

eon

Se o-pi(ri

2<ar;pias

ro ayaX/za o^Sei/i

TrXjyi/ reoi/

icpovfjievcw eort, Spcoo-t 8e

dXXa

\ap.(3dvovTes Trapa. TTJS dcov Trep-p-ara eVt^eopta d(f)ido~iv es 6d\ao~o av)

T7J

fv 2vpaKOvo~ais
60

Aptdovo-r]

<^aa\v

ai)Ta.
:

Demeter A^aia
*A^atay peyapa

in Boeotia
KivoCcrii/,

Plut.

^ Isid. et Osir. 378 D KOI Bouorol

"Eori

TCI T?;?

enaxdrj TTJV eopTrjv fKfivrjv ovofid^ovrfs^ &s Sia

ArjprjTpos ovcrrjs.

TTyv TTJS

Koprjs Kadodov eV a^6i

crnopifjios,

TTJS

8 6 prjv OVTOS Trept

Boteorol 8e
lepfiav

nXetaSa

ov *A0vp AiyvTTTioi, TLvavf^nSava 8

Adtjvaloi,

Aaparptoi/ KaXovcri.
/3iou

At Thespiai

Athen. Mltth.

4, p.

191

8ia
:

A^Tpos

Axeas

(Roman

Steph. Byz.
Tavaypaiovs

S. V.

Te<f)vpa

iro\ts

period). Botwriay

At Tanagra and Athens

d^)

Ttves 8e rovs avrovs flvai Kal

<j)acriv,

us Srpa^wv

Kal

E/caraios,

ov Kal Ff0vpai a

j;

Aj;a).
*

Strabo, 404
Te<pvpaloi
. .
.

KaXoCrrai Se xat Fecpupaioi

.

oi Tai/aypatot.

Herod.

5-

57

^
S

o tKeov 8e T^?
Te<f>vpaloi

X^P ?*
7

favTrjs drroXaxovres TTJV TavaypiKrjv p,olpaz/

61

oi 8e

vno\(i(f)dcvTs vo~Tfpov VTTO Botcoraii/ dvaxatpcovo-tv

ei/

^Adrjvas

Kai

o~<pi

ipa eern

AQrjvrjcri

tSpupcVa,

Toil/

ovfifv p.(Ta TOUTI XotTroitrii/

A0T)vaioi(Tt }

aXXa re

Ke^ajpi(rp,era

rwy aXXwv

tpoov /cat 817 Kai

Axaiirjs ATyp-^rpos

tpoV re Kai 6pyta.

At Marathon and
c.
:

in the Attic Tetrapolis, calendar-

inscription, fourth century B.

Prott-Ziehen 26

324
Kpios.

GREEK RELIGION
Cf.

Hesych.
A^attav

S. V.
?

A^am enWerov
Delos
:

Aj^T/rpos aVo TOV

Trcpi rrjv

Ko
/net/

Zxovs.
r/zroj TO)
rail/

Cf. R. 7, 109.
eV

vide R. 91.

Paus.
TTJV

5. 8,

8 rrpuros

*V
e<

firoir)<rcp

QXqi/ AVKIOS d(f)iKe(T0ai

MeXdVa>7ros

A\auav
es*Qiru>

es ArjXov

Y7T6pj3opeW TOVTWV
03S

eVei Se wSqz/

Ku/xaios

Kai EKaepyrjv
d<piKovTo

flo~ev }

fK
?

TOOI/

Y7rep/3opea>v

KOI avrai rrporepov ert TTJS A^aita?

:

es

AT/XOI/.
^T]p.ov
<

At Ikonion

in

Lykaonia

C. I. G.

4000 Ap^tepas A^atas (?)

X *P tv ^^

deKct[jidov TfrpaKoprjs TC Ocas TrpoTroAoi Kal Aiwvvcrov (inscrip

tion of late period, doubtfully restored).

61

Demeter
Demeter

o/ioXwia at

Thebes

vide Zeus, R. 133.

:

62

Ap.cptKTvovk,
rrj

near Thermopylae
A.vQr)\r) /ceirnt
.
.

Herod.
^Spoy
>

7.

200

Gep/zo-

TTvXeeoj/ KWfJ.r)

re tan,

ovvop.a

KCU

Trepi avr^i/

eupv? eV

TOJ &T)p.7]Tp6s T

IpOV A[J.(plKTVOvi$OS tdpVTdl KCU fdpai

ipov.

ClfTi

A/i(plKTUOO l KOi CIVTOV

TOV

*Afj.<piKTvovos

Bull. Corr. Hell. 1900, p.

142, Amphictyonic

inscription of the period of Alexander, mentioning Kovidaeus TOV vaov TOV ffji IlvXaiai TTJS A^/i^rpoy purdos. Strab. 429 eort 8e Kal Xiprjv pcyas
ai/ToQi
Kail

Ar)p.T]Tpos

lepov ev

co

Kara Traorav Hv\aiav Bvffiav ereXovv

ol A/u.(pt?;,

KTVOVCS

cf.

420.

Anth. Pal. 13. 25 (Callimachus)

A/epurios

A^/zj/rpi TJJ n^Xm

r/;

TOVTOV OVK ncXao-yoij/

TOV

vrjov

eSei/xaro.

Cf.

136;

Apollo,

R. 120.
62

AKavQia,

from Akanthos

in

Thrace

C.

I.

G. 2007 k OP^os]

AH^rpos]
53

AK[av0ias\.
?

Evvopia,

epithet of
p.

Demeter on fourth-century coins of Gela

Cf.

Head, Hist. Num.

124.

inscription found in the Peiraeus r

Bull. Corr. Hell. 1879, p. 310, mentioning a dedication to the 6fj.6voia TOV KOIVOV B. C. 302.
\TU>V

Demeter as

0uurc0rcair],

64

Demeter

0eo-/Ao0opos

and

Geo>ua

Diod. Sic.
fjv

5. 5

[A^rrjp]

Kad ovs diKaiorrpayelv i6io~6r)o~av 81 Callim. H. Demet. 19 (popov eVoj/ojuao-^i/at.

fl(rrjyTj(raTO

airiav (pao~\v avTr^v

KaXXtov

o)5

no\ieo~o~iv

eaSora Te6p.ia 8S)Kev.

Vide
a

infra,

R. 74-107.
in

Demeter A^oreX^y
TTJS 8r]fj.oTe\ovf

Amorgos
TJJ

Rev.
T<

d.

Et.
.
.

Gr. 1903,
.

p.

166
TTJS

(fourth-century decree) e8oe

ArjuqTpos

/3ovX^
.
.

KM
.

S^w-

eVa&j) ^ Ifpeia

ftaayyeXXei

rrepl

TO iepbv

Trjs

A^/x^rpos

on

at

yvvaiicfs eio-tovtrat.
65

Dedication at Halikarnassos

Hell.Journ. 1896,

p.

217

Hai/rau/eYr?
(?

AIOTI/ZOV roO ^Apews [tepartvo-ao-a Kat Kopjy KOI AijjpT/rpi

TO>

Ajy/xa)

second

century
66

B. c.).

Festival of EXfu&pia at
p.

Athens

in

honour of Demeter and Kore

ay&va KaTco Kfvao fV
TJJ

Eph. Arch. 1890,

74

[^t^wnnSjys]

(irideTov

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

Kal
TT)

II
C.

325
C-

Kopj; TTp&Tos

vrr6fJivr]fj.a TTJS

TOV bfjpov f\fvdepias, B.

2843.

&
for

123 (Eleusinian
neglect of duty)
1:7

official to

supervise weights
rfi

and measures fined

dpaxpas ^iXiay.
:

o(pftXe

ro>

Icpas

A^rpt

Kal rff Kopr)

Demeter
Ata
/cat

in the
/.

formula of the state-oath.

Cf. C. I.

At Pheneos
period)

R. 235.
POV\T)V

At Athens: C.
ofjivvvai

G. 736 (inscription of

Cimon s
A.
2.

TTJV

In the Oath 578. of the Heliasts Demosth. in Timocr. 151 eTro^vvvai Ata noo-8a> Pollux 8. 122 WJJLVVOV Se [of St/cao-ral] eV Cf. in Callipp. 9. rpa.
ATroXXcoi/a KOI Ai^j/rpa.
:
a>

<5tKaoTJ7pi

ArroXXco

Kal
7rarp<5oi>

ArjprjTpav

KOI

Ata

/3acriXea.

Cf. Schol.

Aeschin. in Timarch. (Dindorf, p. 31) rovs 6/wW, ATroXXtom TOV narpwov Kal A^/zjJrpai/ KO\ Aia, ? oath instituted 0^(rt AetVap^os by Solon. See
&>$

Hesych.
08 S

s. v.

rpds

Qcol.

At Syracuse,

6 p.eyas opKos
refievos

Plut.
5t8ovs
KOI

Dion. 56 %v
TJ)I/

8e TOtoi Toy.

TO raif

Qe(Tfjio<j)opa)v

nia Tiv

iepwv TIVGW
KaiofjLevrjv

77ept/3aXXerat TTJV iropcfrvpida rrjs 6fov

Xa/3cbi>

SaSa

dnof

o KaXXtTTTros- Trept/zetVas-

r^i>

eoprfjv ^s w/zoo-6 ^eou

[

Cf. Diod. Sic. 19. 5 irapa^Ofls

TToXtrwi
09
<w/ioo-e

8pa TOI/ (frovov ev rois KopeiW. Aya^oxX^s] els TO Ar][j.r)Tpos ifpbv VTTO

TO>V

p.r}8ev fvavTiaBrjo-fvOcu, TTJ Sj/jLto/cpaTia.

Demeter invoked in treaties of alliance, e. g. between Athens and C. I. A. 4. 54^, with Zeus, Athena, and Poseidon. Between Between Athenians, Arcadians, Erythrai and Kolophon ib. i. 9, 13. Achaeans, Eleans, and Phliasians see Xen. Hell. 7. 5 before the Ail rt5 *OXv/*7rt battle of Mantinea C. 1. A. 2, addit. 57 b evgao-0ai

Keos

T&>

a>

KOI

TJ]

Adijvq

TII

IToXtaSt Kal

T?J

ArjfJLrjTpi

Kal

Trj

Koprj Kal rots ScoSe/ca

70

2tKua)i/tot$-.

City-goddess of Sicyon Hesych. s. v. Of Sardis Apoll. Tyan. Epist. 408

:
:

TrjV 7r6\iv Kal

71

ou^t A^/ujjrpoy

fj

8e 6ca (j)t\dv6p(oiros.

AJ/^TTJP

Si^^o pos
"EpKiW
17

worshipped
Oovpia
\ova~a
/.

as

war-goddess
;

in Boeotia

Lycophr. 153
Bottorm
i

*Epivi>s

&i<t>r)<p6pos

see Tzetzes,

ib. fv Tfj

Spurat
at

Ai^/i^rpa

i<pos.

Cf.

worship
VIKUVTI

of
rot

Demeter
SeXti/cWtoi
A6r}vav t

MaXoipopos

SelinUS.

Roehl,

G. A. 515
?

Sta MaXo^opoz/ KU! 8ta naat/cparetav.

Plut. Ellfll, 6 ftra

rw

p,ev TJJV

rw

6e r?jy ArjprjTpav ftoridoixrav e\6elv.

Demeter
birth.

NtKT/^opoy at

Henna

R. 158.

Demeter as goddess of marriage

72

(?)

and

Plut. Coniug. Praec. i, p.

1

138

/xera TOV naTpiov dea-fiov, ov

V/JLIV

TI

rr)S

A^/i^rpos

fepfta crvveipyvvp.evoi$

c<f)r)pp.oo~ev.

De

Isid. et Osif.
"ividt

37 7

TTOIS

OVTC
1

Arjp.rjTpt TTJS

TWV cpwTiKoiv eVt^eXeiap

rot? -ya^toi? e^o?
"*E(f)vyov

perco-rt, aXX*

;
.

7^.

Pl OV.
J.

Alex.

6 AftJwfOW eV

^i/

dp.<pi6a\fj

iratda

XIKPOP aprtov
^.

"\eyttv

KOKOV,

vpov

ap.fivov."

Cf.

Hesych.

326
yafj.r)\ios

GREEK RELIGION

alii

6 els TOVS ydpovs 7rco-<r6p,evos TT\CIKOVS. Sei V. Verg. Aen. 4, 58 dicunt favere nuptiis Cererem, quod prima nupserit lovi et condendis urbibus praesit, ut Calvus docet et leges sanctas docuit et cara

iugavit corpora connubiis et

73

magnas

condidit urbes.
ras Sc Xo^ovo-as
o/noa-ao-oy
TO.

Paton and Hicks, Inscr. of Cos 386

jYa Auparpi] rats
. . .

tep&>cr$at

fie

reXeup.e i/atS

Kai raiy e 7Tti/fp,(peuop.eVai9 rj^fv

r)\o[ievq,
(?

TreiTOjSoXoy
c.).

didoixrcus u7roXeXu(r$ai

aX\wv

di/aXeop.arcoi

iravrav

third century B.
74

Qf(TfJ.o(j)6pos

(vide R. 64):
0eoyio<popia

Herod.

2.

171

*ai TTJS

AT^rpos
euoro/ia
at TTJV

oi Tffpt, TTJV
7T\r)v

"EXXrjvfs

KaXeovcri, Ka\ TCIVTTJS pot

at Aui/aoO
5i8iiaorcii

Tre pt

oaov

avrfjs

OCTIT)

eVrt \eyciv.

Qvyarepes

rjcrav

ravrrjv e^ Alyvirrov
fiera

(ayayovcrai KCU

ras ncXaayicoriSas yvvaiKas.

17

de

(ava<TTa(TT)s

HeXoTrovvrjaov VTTO Acopif cov e^aTrtoXero

TeXer?;,

oi 6e

fJLOVVOl.
75

The

eeo>io<popia

(cf.

R. 35).
1.

In Attica:
TraScoi
l

a Arist.

Thesmoph.

280 wGparra,
1.

^ao-m,
TT}

Kao^v^v TWV

Xa/x-

oo"OJ/

ro XP*)P ^ v ^pX f
0-^0X17.

^ ^^ T
294
1.

*l

s Xtyi/uos.

3 76

p-eV^ Irwy Qe(TfJLO(popia)v,

T)

fid\ia-ff

f)plv

1.

fiouXotr -yap
|

OVK e^ecrr

duoveiv rwv \6yvv.

eV^"

1.

78

eVei i/Oi/y OUTC ra diKacrTrjpia

peXXet

St/ca^ieti/

ovrf /3ovX^f
|

eSpa,

eVei
es

rpirr;

Vri 0f o-p.o(popta)i/
|

77

p.eV^.

1148
|

^Acer*

ev(ppoves iXaoi,
crep-i/a

noTviai,
|

a\<ros

vfJ.fT(poi>,

i/8pas

ii/

ov ^e p,t? clo-opav

opyta

^foif, iva

Xap.7ra<rt

<paiverov

a/x/3poToi/

o^ir.

^4z.

1519 aXX

&)(77repet Gecr/Liotpoptoty
.

vrjOTtvopcv.

IsaeUS.

3.

80

eV TO)

5/;p,a) KfKTr)fj.evos

TOV TpiTa\avrov OIKOV

T)i>ayKafTO

av vTrep T^S
at rait

yap.fTT]S
8rjp.oTS)v

yvvatKos KOI Qeap.o(p6pia cariav yvvaiKas.

8.

19

ai re

ywcuKes

peTa ravTa npovKpivav

CLVTTJV

pera

T/}S

Ato/cXeovy yui/atK
(Keivrjs.

fls TO. Qfo-pocpopia, KOL TTOiew TCI

l}

vopi^opeva per

Schol. Arist. Thesmoph, 841 ra

p.ei/2r/;i/ia Trpo
e

Svclv Ttov

(Phot.
TTJS

S. V.

STTJVIO.

oprj)

A^Pi/o-ti/,

eV

e Soxei

17

ai/oSos-

A^rpoy,

cXoiSopovvTo

ev avTy VVKTOS at yvi/atxey aXX^Xots

Sexar?/
[nvai/ex^tcoi/ovl

E^ouXoy).
c

Schol. Arist.
. . .

Thesmoph. 86
eVSeKarfl
vrja-Tfia

eV

AXip.o{Wi 0eo-/io^)opta ayerat.

Trap
eVtotff
<cnt

nvai/e^ttoj/o?
rpto-/catSeKar^

01/080?
(z</.

1.

592
(Cf.

Ka^oSo?) SooSeKarT?

KaXXtyeveta.

Artemis, R. 73).
(popiois

Schol. Arist.
.

Ran. 341
J.
eis

ro
z;.

Kpeo<payeti>

eV rots eeo-p.oeVSeKar?;
[?

...
oura>

TO
ore

^oipoo-0ayeti
at

Hesych.
aWp^oj/rat

aroSo?

17

rou

Ilvai/e^i&ii os
<pdptoj/]

yvvaiKcs

0ea-po(popiai/

ets
v

0eorpoex

KaXetrat.

Plut.
7}

Fz /. Demosth.
rj)!/

30

*careWpe\//e
TU>V

8e

Se ica roG nuaj/e^teofos p^fos eV

(TKv6pu-noTUTr)v

0eo-p
vrjcrTeiav

ayowai rrapa r ^
t

^ea>

vrjffTevoixriv at yui/at/ces.
.

0ea-/^o(popia)i/
0o-p.o<popt o)i/

r^

/ueo^i
T)

Alkiphr.

3.

Athenae. 307 F i/Ov eVrwaa 39

17

ayopev

(TfpvoTaTT)

rvv
rj

topTT)

fj.ev

yap

"Avodos

Kara r^f irpuTTjv yeyovev

f)p.epav

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

N7/0Ta
8e TO r^fifpov clvm Trap* *A.6rjvaiots eoprderai, ra
eniova-av Qvovcri.
Qeo-fjaxfropia (cod.),

II

327
8e es
:

Photius,
i>d(KaTTj

S. V.

p.

KaXXtyeWta 87, 21 GeayzocpopiW f)p.epai 5

icdOoftos.

Ov.

,#/<?/.

10.

431

Festa piae Cereris celebrabant annua matres Ilia quibus nivea velatae corpore veste Primitias frugum dant spicea serta suarum,

Perque novem noctes Venerem tactusque In vetitis numerant.

d Theodor. Therapeut. 12. 73 (p. 176, 9)
"

viriles

"

epa>Tr)6el<ra

nocmua
Kara

[eu>o>]

yvvf) OTTO

dvdpos

fls

TO

Qeo-fj.o(f>6piov

KaTficriv

Schol. TheOCF. 4. 25 Hap&evoi yvvaiKfs

Te\(TT)S ray vopifjiovs /3i/3Xovs KOI
KOI,

/cat

TOV fttov
vrrep
r>v

crcfjival

TTJV

f]fj.pav TIJS

ifpas

Kopvcfrwv avrS)V

dvfTi6f(Tav
f

axravti \iravfvovcrai dTrrjp^ovTO els EXeuatva.

Clem. Alex. Protr.

p.

16 P.

at

0eo>io</>opiabv0-ai

TTJS

poids TOVS KOK-

KOVS 7rapa(j)v\dTTov(Tiv

e<r6ietv.

Apoll. Bibl.
^i6iStao-at*

I. 5)

I>

ypt

Tt ?j

l"/*^,

a-Kay^aa-a TTJV 6cov cVot^(re

trKcuTrreti/

8ta roCro eV rois Qfarpcxfropiois ray yui/aiKa?

Z)^-^.

Xeyovaiv

(cf.
roi/

Horn. #.

203-205).

Theodor. Therap.
Trapd

3.

84

(p. 51,

33)

KTfva TOV yvvaiKflov Tols

dgiovpevov.

QecrfJLO<popiois

TWV TT\to~pevo3V yvvaiK&v

Tip.rjs

h Plin. 24. 59 Graeci lygon vocant, alias agnon, quoniam matronae Thesmophoriis Atheniensium castitatem custodientes his foliis cubitus
sibi sternunt.
i

Clem. Alex. Protr.

p.

14

ra

4>epf^arrr/y

a>0oXoyia

Kat TOV

nd\a6ov

KOI Tr)v apTrayfjv TTJV VTTO AtScov/cos KOI TO o-^iV/za TTJS Tfjs KOI ray vs TOV EvftovXecus ras o-vyKaTcnroOfio-as Taiv Ofoiv, 81
fjv

aiTiav ev Tols
>VTas

Qeo~p.o<f)o

plots /zeyapi-

ovTfs %oipovs eK/3dXXov(7i [leg. (J-fydpois

e/z/3dXXoi;(rt], TCIVTTJV TTJV

Qo-(j.o<popia,

p.v0o\oyiav ai yvvaiKfs
dppr)To<p6pia,

TroiKt Xcos

Kara rroXiv eopTdovo~i,

TroXvrpoTTQ)? Tr}v

&epe<pdTTT]s

KTpayaj>Sovo-ai

dpirayrjv.
eo/>

Scholiast,

Rhein.Mus. 25 (1870),

p.

548

Geo-fjuxfropia (sic)
.
.

ri7

p-vo-TTjpia rrepie^ovo-a, ra de avTa KOI 2,Kippo(f)opia KaXemu* TOV Ev/3ovXcws pnrTelcrdai TOVS %oipovs fls ra ^dcr/iara TTJS

els

ovv Tipfjv
KOI TTJS

Arj[j.rjTpos

Koprjs.

ra 8e aaTre^ra

ro>v

fpfiXrjQcvTcov els

ra peyapa KciTavcHpepovaiv (sic)

ai

dvT\t]Tpicu Ka\ovfj.fvai yvvaiKts, Ka6apfvo~ao~cii Tpiwv r][j.pS)v

els TCI

KaTajSaivovcriv

aSvra Kai ai/eveyKao-ai

Kai
ra>

C7rirt0ca<Tiv

cVt

TU>V

l3(op.S)V

a>v

vop.iovo~i TOV Xa/i-

ftdvovTa

anopw
Trepl

(7vyKaTa/3aXXoi>ra

ev(j)opiav

feiv.

\eyovo~i

de

KOI

dpaKOVTas Kara)

eii/ai

ra

^do-/Ltara,

ovs ra TroXXa

ra>z>

PXrjdtvTuv KaTCO~6ieiv.

810 Kat KpoTov yiveadai ra 7rXd(r/xara fKclva Iva

TCI

OTO.V

dvT\a)O iv ai yui/aueey, Kai orai/ djroTi6oi}VTai rrdXiv

ol

dva%<i>pr}(T(i>o~iv

dpaKovTfs

oi-s

vopigovo-i (frpovpovs

T>V

de

aura Kai dpp^rocpdpta KaAeirat, Kai ayerat rov avTov \6yov

328
fftovra Trept TTJS Ttov

GREEK RELIGION
Kapna>v

yei/eo-eo)?
e<

KOI Trjs

TUV

av6pu>ira>v

cnropas,

dvctfpe/u/ziy/jtaru

povrai dc Kavravda cipprjra ifpa

dpaKOVTcov KOI dvbpwv

orearoy rou O~ITOV KUT(TKvaorp.tva,

Xa/Li/3ai>ot>(ri

o-xn/J-dTfov.

fie

KMVOV 6a\\ovs 8ia TO rro\v-

yovov TOV (pvTov.

txeivd Tf KOI

e/i/SdXAovrat 8e
<k
>

/cat

els TO.

peyapa OVTWS Ka\ovp,va ci&vra

fls (rvvOrjfjLa TTJS

xip ot
f)

f tf&n
/cat

ffapev, KOI avrul dia TO TroXuroKoj/,

rcoi/

yerfVewy

TG>I/

Kapncov
Aj/jUT^rr/p

dvdpairwv

Geoyio^opia /caXetrat Ka66ri

naff ovs rr/v

Oeo-fj.o(p6pos

KaToi/o/xd^erat, Ttdflaa

vop.ov fjroi 6eo-p.bv

Tpo(pr)v iropifo-0ai Tf KCU KaTfpydfcffdai

dvdpamovs

8(ov.

k Plut. p. 378
yvvciiKfs fv
^

(De hid.
aiff

et Osir.
Kadrjfjievai.

69)

<al

yap

A^i/Tjo-t

vr)<rrevovo-iv

at

060-//o<popt

X a tJ c
-

"

Hesych.

S. V.

At cay/xa

6v<jia

yvvaiKwv ev Tols

0e<rp.o(popots

TIS cv dnopprjTa T\ovp.evTj VTTO TOW TO avTo KOI aTToSt coy/za vorepoj/ fKKrjdrj.
A0r)VT)<ru>

m
11

Id.

S. V.

ZrjfjLta

6v(ria

TIS

d7ro8i8opevr}

vnep

TG>V

yivopfviov

(?)

eV

Walz,

7?^^/. Grace, 4, p.

462

yo fios

TO I? Qco~fJ.o(popiois \veo-6ai TOVS

Cf.

z$. 8,
:

p. 67.
i
.

At Halimus
(TT\V IfpOV.

Paus.

31,

AXt/uovo-iW

e(o-p.o<j>6pov

At Kolias

Plut.

Vit.

Sol. 8 TrXeuo-a? eVi KcoXiaSa /utra ToO

aTpaTOV

Koi KaraXa/3a)j/ avTodi Trdo~as ray

ywaucaj T ^ Aiyp^rpt
t

r^

irdrpiov 6vcriav

f7TlT(\OVO~a.S.

At Peiraeus: C.
drjfj-apxov

/. ^4.

2.

573 b (fourth century

B.C.) eVt/ieXeZo-^at
OTTWS dv

TOV

p.Ta

TTJS

Icpfias TOV del 8rjfMapxovvTa TOV

Qco-po<poplov

fjirjbfis

d(pTovs

povs

TTOIWO-I

Qidvovs o-vvdyei p.r)8c iepd evi8p(va>VTat nr)8e KaQap/x?8e npos TOVS ^w/zous /xr/Se TO peyapov Trpoo-t axrij/ aj/eu r^s ifpeias
d<picl

/i^Se

aXX* ^ orav
o~Kipa

77

eopri7

TWV
d\\r/v
;

Qfo~fj.o(popi(ov
rj/j.epav

KOI 7r\rjpoo-iai KCU Ka\ap.aiois

KOI

TO.

Kai

Tiva

o~Wfp^ovTai at

yvvaiKfs

Kara TO Trarpta.
TTpofSpi az/ T* atr;

E^rjfpio-dai neipaicvcriv
8i8ocr6ai Sriyz/iotcrt
r
/cat

cf.

1059.

(Cf. Arist. Thesm.

834

2/a

poir.)
1

At Eleusis

Aen. Tact.

rats

dyovo-ais fv EXtuo-tj/i (referring to the

76

Afyvniov yvvaii t period of Pisistratus).

ra>i/

0eo-p,o(popia at
raii;

Eretria

Plut. Quaest. Grace. 3 1 Sta rt roly

pt ots at
/cat

Eperptecoi/ yui/atKcy ou Trpos- Trup

j

aXXa

Trpoy jjXtov onTuxrt

ra Kpe a

KaXXtyeVctai/ ou Ka\ovo~iv
77

eeo-pocpopia

at

Megara: Paus.
2,

I.

42, 6

eo-ri

5e

<at

A^rjTpos

iepbv
. .
.

Cf. 43.

near the

Prytaneum, HcVpa Avai&iiQpa

*cai

a
Trjv.

ra>

rrto-ra ,

orf TTJV TratSa eVXafaro ^rovcra,

Xoya>

cvTcivQa

dvf<d\(yev

fotKora 5e
?
0fo-/io<po

rw

baSxrw es

^fj.ds ert at

Mfyapca)!/ ywat/ce?.
:

78a

pm on the Isthmus of Corinth

Serv. y^w. i.

430 apud

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

II

329

Isthmon anus quaedam nomine Melissa fait. Hanc Ceres sacrorum suorum cum secreta docuisset, interminata est ne cui ea quae didicisset aperiret ; sed cum ad earn mulieres accessissent, ut ab ea prime blandimentis post precibus et praemiis elicerent ut sibi a Cerere commissa patefaceret, et in silentio perduraret, ab eisdem iratis mulieribus
discerpta est.

ee0yxo(popia

in Sicyon,
eo~Ttv

on the road

to Phlius

Paus.

2.

n,

3
<al

nvpaia Ka\Gvp,(v6v
Kdp^y.

aX&os, lepbv 8e ev
ol

avr<n

lipocrracrias

Aq/uqrpos

IvravOa

e(j)
r

CWT&V

oVSpey foprrjv
/caart

<iyovo~t 7

rbv 8e
Nu/i<pa>i>a

KaXovKal

p.(vov rats yvvai$.v

opraeti/ Trapei

KOI a-yaXfiara Aiovvcrov KOL

Ai^rpos

Kdpjfs TO TrpdcrooTra (paivovra eV r

79
eeo-p.o<po

Nu/xcpaW canv.
6.

pta in

Aegina: Herod.

91 KarcKpfvyei npbs TrpoGvpa

A^-

rpos Qf(TfMo(p6pov.
;0

Qf(rp.o(p6pia at
^rjfjiTjTTjp

Troezen

vaov eVrt
31

0(r/xo^)opoff,

Paus. 2. 32, 8 vrrep 8e rov notrScoj/os rbv AA^Trou, KaOa \cyovo-iv, ISpvcrafifvov.

06o>io(o/>ta

at

Epidauros:
Trpo

Diod.

Sic.
TT)I/

(Excerpt.} 32.
els

ad

fin.

Xeyerai 8

IITTO Ttyaji/

on

TOV /ieraXaj3eii
appe<rtv

ArjfjLTjTpos eyeyevrjro, KOI TO.

82

rots

avdpa fJLOptfrrjv ieptia TTJS aopara Idovaa Kpiviv ccr^fv ao-e/3etas.

S. V.

6eo-/io0opia in

Laconia

Hesych.

Tpir)p.fpos

Qea-potpopta VTTO

Oear/jLOtpopia at

Aigila

PaUS.

4. I 7,

eo-ri

Ai ytXa

rrjs

cvda Ifpbv iSpvTat ayiov A^/i^rpos* cvravQa eVto-rafici/os o Apiorro/ieVr/s, KCU avrw ra? yvvaiKas ayovaas eopriyv.

ol

aw
rrjv

83
eeo>io$6>a

in Arcadia, near
/iei/

Pheneos: Paus.
Geo-jui as

8. 15,
ro>

ol
t

8en>ei/oi

6fbv

enoirjaavTO
(

Afj^Tpos vaov
,

UTTO

opet r ^ KV\\T]VTJ,

KaTfO Trja avTO 8e aur ^

84 ?
eeo>to<pdpia

feat

reXtr^f rjvrwa
:

/cat fvi/

ayovcrtv.

at

Megalopolis
Cf.

Paus.

8.

36, 6

A^rpoy

KaXovp.evT)s
-yi;j/ai^i

ev eXet i/ad? re Kat 0X0*05* roOro crraSiots TreVre aTrcorepca r^s TrdXecos,
s

8e

avro eoroSdy eo rt
85
?

p,di/aty.

R. IO^

eeoTuxpo pia near Pellene in

Achaea

Paus.

7.

27, 9 TO

Milo-aioi/,

tepov A^T^rpoy Muo-tas.

idpixrcurOai 8e avro
^/lepaii/

(f)a<riv

avftpa Apyclov.

ayovcrt
foprij?

8e

/cat

oprf}V

rfj

A^/i^rpt evrav6a
etc

enra*

rpm;

8e

focpa

rrjs

vnc^lacriv ol avftpes

TOV tepoC, KuraXfiTrdpei/at 8e at

dfrfXavvovTOL 8e ov% ol

"yfi/atKey

8pS>o~iv

fv

rfj

VVKT\ OTroVa
rS)V

i/o/uos

eoTtv auTais
es 8e TTJV

i/8pey /zdi oi
TU>V

aXXa

Kat

KVVWV TO appev.

7riovo~av d(piKop.evcov es TO tfpbv

eff

avftpSav, at

re e s O.VTOVS KOI dva pepos

ras yvvaiKas

ol

avdpts yeXwrt re es aXXi^-

xpfavrai Kai

o~Ka>fji[jiacriv.

Cf.

R. 253.

In Boeotia.
Gevpocpopia at

Thebes

PaUS.

9. 16,

5 ro 8e

rr^s Ar)p.rjTpos If pop

TTJS

33
Qeapo(p6pov KaS/zov KOI
ayaX/ia ovov es (rrepva
17

GREEK RELIGION
T>V

aTroyovav oiKiav TTOTC flvai \eyovcri.

TO>

&T)fj.r)Tpos

5e

e oVii> eV

<pai/epa>.

Cf. 9. 6, 6.

Xen. /&//.
TJ/

5. 2,

29

/3ouX^ eicdQrjTO fv
.o(popiaeii/.
0fo>io$dpia

TTJ

cv

ayopa OToa

8m

TO ra? ywaiKas eV

Kafipeia

at

Koroneia: C.

/.

<2.

>//.

2876

57

Qftrp.o<p6pat

in

Phokis

Paus. IO. 33, 12

A^rpos

Se

Qeo-pcxpopov
KOI
avrfj

Apvfjiaiois

lepov

COTIV dpxaiov,

KOI aya\p.a opdov \{0ov TreTroiTyrai*

Of(rp.o(p6pia eoprrjv ayovviv eWreioi/.

18

Qeo-fjio(p6pia.

in Lokris

Strab.

I.

60

Trepi

Se

"AXTrcovoi/

Qe(rp.o(popia>v

in
fjfiepai

Thrace (Abdera)

Athenae.

2, p.

46 E eWt

al

ruv
rr]v

fveffTrjo-av, dcrjdeiatov [ArjfJLOKpiTov] ^17 airoOaveiv

Kara

Travrjyvpiv, OTTO)? fopTacraxri.

10

ec(rpo<p6pia

at

Pantikapaion
AiJ/z^rpt

C.

/.

G.

5799

fepca

^M TP

OS

Gfo-/zo(/)dpov.

7^.

2106

Qfff^opfo (private dedication,

circ.

300
11

B.

c.).

Gco-p.o(p6pia
yui/^/MOj/evet

at

Delos

Athenae.

09 E A^aiVas
Tail

TOVTOV roO aprou

2^/nos eV

oy8oa>

AT/XtaSo? Xeywi/ rats

Qe<rfJLO(J)6pois

yiixaQaC etVt Se
(pfpovrwv dxatvrjv

aprot /if-yaXot, KOI eopri) KaXetTat p.(ya\dpTia,

o-Tfaros
6ft7rXeeoi>

eViXfyoi>ra>i/

rpdyov.

Bull. Corr. Hell. 6, pp. 24-25, temple accounts

~
l

of Delos,

circ.

180

B. C.,

xo

Ps

<>

Qwnofaptov KaGdpat
rfj

(1.

198),
rfj

fls

9fO-poKoprjs

^)o pta TTJ ArjfiTjTpt vs

(1.

tyKVfJuov (1.

2OO),

icpeiq TTJS ATjfJLrjTpos

rrjs

Cf. year 1903, p. 72 (inscription, circ. Metageitnion, ^olpoy TO 66o-/xo(poptoi/ KaOdpao-QaC vs

201).

250

B.C.), in

month
TJJ

cyKvpaiv ey Qvviav

&7}HT)Tpi Ka\ tocTTf

92

TTJ

Kop^

IfpHov Ka\ Alt Eu/3ovXfi ifpc iov.

:

eeo-pcxpopia at
?
6c<Tfj.o(p6pia

Paros

vide R. 50.
:

Cf.

Hera, R. 66.

)3

at
at

Mykonos
Rhodes
i.
:

vide R. 250.
in
in

0eo-/io0opia

inscription

the month 0eo-/io0dpioy mentioned on vase-handle, Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 133. Inscription

C. I. G. Ins.

Mar. Aeg.

157

(first

century

A. D.)

mentions a

colle

gium

0eo7zo$opiaoTei>i>.

On
^
L/I.

the coast of Asia Minor.

at

0eo>u>(pdpia

Gambreion

Qeo-fiofpopiov

mentioned C.

I.

G. 3562.

Dlttenb. Syll.
0eo-p.o<popia

47^
at

TOIS ayvio fj.o is rols Trpo

TO>V

0ecr/>io0opi(yj/.

Smyrna:
Erythrai
:

C. /.

.3194

fj

avvodos

TG>V

(JLVCTTUV

rf)s

p.cyd\r)s Beds Trpo TroXecoj

7

0f o-juocpdpov

^r}p.t]rpos (? first

century
1

B. C.).
17

0fo-p.o(popia at

.#//.

Cwr.

Z^//. 4. 157,

60

/3ovX)

ical

Zaxrifjujv

icpaav Ar)p.T]Tpos Qevpofpopov.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

)8

II

331

Qeo-(jLO(p6pia at
TTjo-i

EphesOS

Herod.

6.

16 VVKTOS re

-yap

dniKaro fs avTijv

KOI COVTWV

ywaiQ. avToQi
VTTO

6eo-po<popta>i>.

fices

ArjfJirjTpi

Kap7ro(pdpw KCU

9eoy*o<pdp<a

KOI

Yearly mysteries and sacri the deceased Qeols veftaaTois (

Roman
99

emperors)

T&V pvo-Tav, Bull.

(?)
:

Con

Hell. 1877, p. 289.

Oo-fjLo(p6pia at

Priene

C. I. G. 2907, dedication to the hero

Qfo-fiocpopovs dyvds Horvias e/t
<pupeo-t

Androclos,
100

who saw

in a

dream

eecrpxxpo pta at Miletos

Parthenius, 8
ro>

cv

MtX^T<a

eea-p.o<poptW

Ka\ o-vvr)0poio-ficv(i)v yvvaiK&v cv

fepca,

/3pa^t>

rqs TrdXfcos

a7re\;et.

Steph.
1

-Byz.

S. V.
.
.

MI\TJTOS.
.

Ai Svpoy eV a Vp.Troo iaKo is

raij/

(prjariv

on npwTov
<el

p.ev

AeXfy^ts

eVaXetro
oi

eira IIiTUOvo-a OTTO

exet TTLTIKOV KCU OTL

irpwTov TTITVS e(pv.

.
.

yap

fv Tins Qccrp.o(popiois TTLTVOS K\d8ov VTTO rrjv ort/SaSa

ri0c<r6(U.

KU\ eVi Ta

TTJS

K\5)vov TTLTVOS ArjfjLTjTpos iepa

Egypt and
101

Africa.

Qfo-fjiocpopia at

Alexandria

Polyb. 15. 29,

veu>

8.

Cf. 15. 27, 2

rraprjv
.

els

TO QfCTfj.ocpopf ioVj dveatyp-evov TOV

8id TWO. dvcriav fTTfTflov,

Arsinoe

Schol. Zeitschr. f. Erdkunde, 1887, p. 8r, street called Geoyxocpopi ov. Arat. Phenom. 150 Trap* Alyvn-riots Kara TOV Enxpl fJ.rjva ore cv Ae o/m
)

yivTai 6
102

rjXios,

17

TTJS

Kop?ys &p7rayr] TfXeioOrai.

eeo-p-otpo pia at
Trjs

Cyrene

Suidas,

S. V.
e

Qeo-pocpopos
padelv.

on

BCITTOS, 6 Kvp?;-

vrjv KTiVas-,

6eoyio(popoi; ra /uvorT^pm

-yXt xcro

Cf. Aelian

Frag.

44 /iTa

T^

tfpas

oroX^j 6Xai Te\ovp.fvai

. .
.

JJLVO-TIKWS (T(p(iKrptai
<al

Kai aipovcrat ra

^^)^
de

KaraTrXeas
raiv

^ovo~ai TOV aip.a.Tos TCIS ^elpas

^pt(ra/xeVat^.

ra

COTTO fjifVTOi [rjo-av

e /c

tepaW

Sicily.
103

Qeo-pocpopia

at

Syracuse:
6o~p.>v

R. 68.
ev

Athenae. 647
(prjart

A
yvvaiKf ia,

6 2vpa(cd(7toy eV
e /c
0eoyzo<popia>i>

rw

?repi

"SvpaKovcrats

TOIS
(pfj@ata

o~T]O-dfJiov

KOL

/xeXtros

Knraa-Keua^CT&u
*cat

Ka\fio-6ai

Kara

Traaav

StxeXiiai/

/zvXXoi^s
fj.ev

TrfpifpepccrOat

rats
e<7rep.7T6t

Plat.

Episl.
7rp6<pa(Tiv

349
a>s

D
TCIS

/cai

npu)Tov

CK

TTJS

axpOTrdXea)?
Karai/covi/

(vpwv
6v<riav

yvvatKas tv

rw

K^TTCO,

eV

eya>,

Seat
. .

TWO.

df)(TjfJLfpov.

Diod.

Sic. 5-

oi

Ka7 a T 7? 1
"

SwceXiW
crrropos
TTJS

r^y

&rjp.r)Tpos
Xafjiftdvfi.
TTJ

TOV Kaipbv

TT)S

6vo-ias TrpoeKpivav cv
8e<a

ta TTJV

dpxn v
n<avv[JLOV

TOV Q-LTOV

eVi 8e ypepas

Travyyvpiv ayovaiv

6eov TavTrjs,
fj.ifjt.ov-

Tf \afjL7rpoTrjTi TTJS TrapacTKevrjs p.eyaXoTrpeTreo TdTrjv Kal

TTJ

diao-Kcvfj

fjicvoi

TOV ap^alov

(3iov.

e 6os

be

o~Ttv

avTols ev raurats rats

fj/jLepats

atcr^poXo-

yiiv Kara ras yrpos aXX^Xovs optXtay Sta ro T^J/ 6ebv eVt

TTJ Trjs

Kopqs dpnayrj

XVTTOVp. fvrjv y\do~ai Sid TTJV alo~xpo\oyiav.

104
eeo>to<pdpta

at

Akrai

C. 7.

G. 5432

KaXXtyei/ei a

tj^aV

(late

period).
105

? 6f0>io(pdpia

at

Katana

Cic.

/>/

F^rr. 4. 99 sacrarium Cereris

332
est

GREEK RELIGION
:

apud Catinenses ... in eo sacrario intimo fuit signum Cereris quod viri, non modo cuiusmodi esset, sed ne esse quidem sciebant. Aditus enim in id sacrarium non est viris sacra
perantiquum
:

per mulieres ac virgines confici solent

illius
*

sacerdotes Cereris atque fani antistitae, maiores natu, probatae ac nobiles mulieres.
.
. .

PEnna:

Lact. Div. Inst.

2.

republica et seditionibus
Sibyllinis

et ostentis,

cum repertum

Gracchanis temporibus, turbata esset in carminibus

antiquissimam Cererem debere placari, legati sunt Ennam igitur Ceres, quam videre maribus ne adorandi quidem licebat. gratia (Cf. Cic. in Verr. 5. 187 teque Ceres, et Libera a quibus initia vitae atque victus, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse
missi.

Haec

dicuntur,

quarum sacra populus Romanus a Graecis

adscita et accepta,

tanta religione et publice et privatim tuetur.)

106

In

Italy.

il

Verg.

A en.

4.

57

mactant lectas de more bidentes

legiferae Cereri

Phoeboque patrique Lyaeo.

Pat

Serv. Verg. Georg. i. 344 nuptias Cereri celebrare, in quibus revera vinum adhiberi nefas fuerat, quae Orci nuptiae dicebantur, quas praesentia sua pontifices ingenti sollemnitate celebrabant. Cen-

Rome:

sorinus

D.

A at.
r

c. 1 7

ludi Tarentini in

renuntiarunt xviri uti Diti Patri et Proserpinae campo Martio fierent tribus noctibus et hostiae furvae

immolarentur (from Varro).

b

Pompeii

C.

I.

G.

5865

(votive

inscription)

fcpcta

107

Neapolis:
Icpia &f)(jLTiTpos

C.

/.

G. 5799 (votive inscription,

Cic.

Roman

period)
;

Qfapofpopov.

Pro Balbo 55
.

sacra Cereris

quum

essent assumpta de Graecia, et per Graecas

dotes, et Graecia

semper curata sunt sacer

sacerdotes video fere aut

omnia nominata.
fuisse.

Has

Neapolitanas aut Velienses

l8pv(TavTO
[ot

Cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. ray dvcrias avrfj dia

Ka.6"

Rom.

i.

33

Ap/caSeVj Aq/zj/rpos
o>s

ttpoi/, /cat
u>v

re KOI
yvvat<u>v

vrj(pa\iov$ edvaav,
107

"EXX^trt

vofios,

oiidtv 6

f]p.as

^XXa^ei/ xpovos.

4. 609 Proserpinam raptam a Dite patre Ceres cum incensis faculis per orbem terrarum requireret per trivia earn vel Unde permansit in eius sacris ut certis quadrivia vocabat clamoribus.

a Serv.

Verg. Aen.

diebus per
sacris.

Id. Eel. 3.

ulularent et

compita a matronis exerceatur ululatus, sicut in Isidis 26 consuetude fuerat ut per trivia et quadrivia flebile quiddam in honore Dianae canerent rustici ad red-

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

dendam
108

II
in

333
triviis

Cereris

imitationem, quae

raptam Proserpinam
S. V. ETTiXvo-a/zeV//.

clamore requirebat.

Demeter
El\fidviS)V
S. V.

m\vo~apfvr)

Hesjch.

EXeu0a>*

KOI pia

TQ>V

KOI

fTTMWpov &f]pr)Tpos irapa Tapavrtvois KOI SvpaKovffiOts.

(V
AaKeai/zoi>t
17

ovTG>s

Arjprjrrjp

iSpvpevrj

riparat.

S. V.

Arjpr]rpos fittovvpov.
109

S. V, eTroiKibirj.

ArjprjTrjp

ev KopiV&o.

(inscriptions

Demeter Kouporpotpo? at Athens: C. 7. ^4. 3. 372 and 373 on seats in the Erechtheum) Kouporpo<pov e AyXaupou (referring to the worship of Demeter in the Aglaurion)
:

KoupoTpd(pov Arenas.
109

Cf. R. 9.

a Serv.

Verg. Aen.
:

nuptiis esse contrarios

execratur

et

58 alii dicunt hos deos quos commemoravit Cererem quia propter raptum filiae nuptias Romae cum Cereri sacra fiunt observatur ne quis
4.

patrem aut filiam nominet, quod fructus matrimonii per liberos constet. Id. 3. 139 quidam dicunt diversis numinibus vel bene vel male faciendi potestatem dicatam ut Veneri coniugia, Cereri divortia, lunoni procreationem liberorum.

Persephone: vide Ge, R.

110

i.

Horn. Od.
fls

10.

491

AiSao dopovs KOI

cTraivrjs

Hfp(T(poveir)s.

ii.

217

IIep<T(p6via,

Aios 6vydrr]p.

II. g.

568

TroXXa de KOI yaiav 7ro\vcp6p^r]v \ep(T\v aXo/a

KiK\r)<rKov<r

AtiS^j/

KOI firaivrfv Tlepa-^poveiav,

Trpo^vv Ka6e^ofj.evr] } dfvovro 8e daKpvcri ^0X7701,

TratSi

dopev
e

6a.va.rov

rrjs

r)fpo<polTts

Eptvi/s

eK\VfV

Epeftca fpiv,

dpelXi^ov rjrop e^ovcra.

Hes. Theog. 912

Avrap 6
TJ

A,T)p.T)Tpos

7roXv<pop/3;s

es
r)V

Xe^os

rj\0fi>,

TfKe HepcrfCpovrjv XeuKobXevoi ,

rjs

A idavevs
Zevs.

fjpTra<rcv

Trapa prjrpos

eScoxe 8e prjTtera

Chthonian
111

cults of

Kore-Persephone as queen of the lower world.

R. 42 11 )
fie
:

At Lebadeia
T.^

(cf.

Paus.
...

9.

opov Kopi;

Arjprjrpos 7raiovarav.

TTorapov vaos EpKvvrjs,

5e cv
flfflV

pev npbs TTJ O^^T; roG QVTW napBevos XV va *X OV(ra * v Ta s X P (T LV e 1

e<rrt

39, 2 3 KOI

<paa-i

5 fvravOa

"Eptwav

TW

(TTTT/Xaift)

TO

iTorapov re at Trrjyai Kal

dyaKpara opdd,

TTfptci\iypevoi Se
"EpKVVll.

a\)TO)V

TOtS (TKTjTTTpOlS

SpUKOVTCS

flfV

8e QV TpOCpWVlOS KOI

Kai avToOcv loixriv fg TO Trpoo-w roO opovs, Koprjs ccrrt Ka\ovpevrj Orjpa Kal

0ao-iXeW vaos.

Liv. 45. 27 Lebadiae

quoque templum

lovis

Tro-

334
phonii adit
:

GREEK RELIGION
ibi
. .

sacrificio lovi

Hercynnaeque
4.

facto,

quorum
f)

ibi

templum
112 ?

CSt.

(Cf.

Porph. de Abst.

l6

iepbv

eppe(a rr?7s

<purra.)

At Thebes: Schol. Eur. Phoen. 682

Se5oV0at yap ras

.

Q^as

rfj

Hepo~e(p6vr) VTTO TOV Aios dvaKoXvTTTrjpia, cos Eu(popi coi

118

At Potniai

PaUS.
. .

9. 8, I

r)[j,r)Tpos
<r(pi<n,

Kal Kop^f.

ev ^pdz/eo 8*

UOTVIWV eVrir epeima Kal KOI aX\a elprjfJieva) ftpwcri

rcoi/

ev aurois

a\aos

OTrdcra Ka6fO~TT)Kf

KOI es TCI fj.eyapa KaXov/jieva afaaariv vs

veoyvtov

TOVS 3e vs TOVTOVS
.

es TTJV firioixrav TOV CTOVS &pa.v ev

114

AcoSo)^
:

(pacr\v eTri^avTJvai

At Athens

Eur.

Herad. 408
/ze

(r<pdai

K\cvovo-iv
rJTts

irapQtvov Kopj;

Ar)fj.rjTpos,

eVrl iraTpbs evyevovs.

avaaTpe(pov<Tiv

Dem. In
Hesych.
vdptai.

Conotl.

I2 59

W^v

OTTO
/.

TOV
2.

<bcpf<paTTiov.

S. V. *epf(^arrioi/*

TOTTOS ev dyopa.

C.

A.

699 (schedule of
Kal

accounts found on Acropolis,

3.

circ.

358

B. C.)

A^rpos

293 (on a seat in the theatre) lepers Aj^rpos KOI

PaUS.
TTJ

3.

145
115

TlXovTcavi KOI Kopj; ev^apio~Trjpiov (late period).

At ArgOS

2.

22, 4

d<piaa-i

8e Kai vvv CTI es TOV fto&pov Kato-

XafiTrdSay Kopiy

A^/z^rpos.
:

Cf.

R. 253*

Paus. 2. 36, 7 irX^viov 8e avroC irfpi$o\6s e Argolis, near Lerna KCU TOV U\ovT(t)va apncKravTa, cos XeyeTai Koprjv TTJV Ar)p.r)Tpos vide R. 233. Cf. Corp. Inscr. Lai. 6. 1780 sacratae TO.VTT) (paviv

apud Eleusinem deo Baccho, Cereri et Corae, sacratae apud Laernam deo Libero et Cereri et Corae (A. D. 342). 116 At Hermione R. 37.
:

117

At Sparta
pas"

PaUS.

3.

13,

AaKtSat/zoWoi? 5e
oi
tie

Wi

vabs

Kopjjs

Sarm

7roir)o~ai
;

8e TOV

Qpa<a

Op(pea \eyovo~iv,

A/3apii>

u(piKop.evov ej

Y7T6p/3opea)i/

vide

R. 27
118

a.

At Gythion

Cf. Apollo, Tsountas, Eph. Arch. 1892, p. 21. see R. 43. At Messoa R. 44. At Elis see
: :

R.47In the Altis: PaUS. rw

5.

15, 3

n^oi^rai 8e

Kal Aeo-TrotVats

6
ovd

Se rats Nv/x^at? ou vop.iov(riv olvov ov8e rats Aeajroivais fjiovats

eVl TO)

KOII><

/3a)/ia>

TrairtBi/

^ewv.

In the
.
.

Heraeum
"Afij/i/

20,
*X
l

IlXovrwy Kal Aioif (ros Hf po~e(f)6vr) de Kal Nupcpai

$r)

eVl Se T^ xXfiSt

6 nXovrcoi/ K\elv
*cat cos

\e yov(Tiv en* avTrj TOV KaXov/zei/oj;

eirdveta iv ovdels avdis e

y^P KK\el(r6ai re two

roO nXourcovoy

avTOV.

In Arcadia, Persephone-Despoina. H9a At Lykosura PaUS. 8. 37, I drrb Se

:

AKa/e^o-tov rcVo-apa? araSious

2 ?rp6 5e roO j/aoC A^/uqrpi re eVri /3co/i6s P v r *) s Aeffwoiwyy. Qewv de aura ra ayaXKOI erepos Aecnroivr), /xer OVTOV 8e MeyaX^s MrjTpos. w Kat a re 6 ev AeVyroa Kade^ovTat Kal ro V7rodr)fj.a 57 Aij^Trjp fiara, dpovos

dnex

T0

if

/<at

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

TO VTTO TOIS noaiv eWti/ evbs 6/zotW Xi
17
$oi>.

II
e
K<U

335
raCra epya.
eVt

Aa/zo(coi/TO

juep

oui/ ArjpfjTrjp
.

8a8a eV deia

(pepet,

8e
TJ)I>

eTepav

X e^P a

eTTifteftXrjKev

T)I>

AeoTTOti ai

17

8e AfQ-iroiva o-Krinrpov re *ai r^v Ka\ovp,evr)v Kiarrjv eVt rot?

T>}

ydVatrti/ e^et, TJJs 8e e^crai

T<a

i>7S

ayaX/uaTt eo~Tr)Kev AvvTos

TTJV

TO lepov Tpacprjvai
KCU TOV
i,

KI OTJJS. ... 3 Trpos Se r^s Aeo-Troia wwXTfiew)v Trape^o/nei/os Se ot Ae&noivav VTTO TOV AVVTOV, KOI flvat Tirdvav
<rxW
<a<rt

fia r^9

TQ>V

"AVVTOV.

...

TO 8e e? Kovprjras, ovroi yap

virb

T>V

aydX^droiv

KOI

TO.

fs Kopitftavras cTreipya.cr(j.Vovs eVt ToG fidOpoVj yevos 8e oi^e

TO.

/cat

ou Kovpyres,

cs

TOVTOVS
TT\TJV
.

Trapirjfu

fnurTdpeitos.

TO>I>

8e

rjp.epa)V ol ApKafifs

Sevdpav airavrav
TTJS
Aco"iroivT]s
. .

poias f(rKOp.iovcriv es TO iepov. ...

ccrTi

Trapd 8e TOV vaov

Meyapov
T&v

Ka\ovp.vov, KOI TfXfTrjv Tt

Spaxriv evTavda KOI Ty Aecrnoivrj 6vovo~iv lepda ol ApKtiScs ?roXXa Te KOI acpdova.
6vfi fMV
8fj

avT&v

Kao~TOs O,TI KKTrjTai

Icpctoiv

Se

ov Tas

<pdpvyyas

w(T7rep eVi Tois aXXats Ovo-lais, KeoXoy de O,TI av TV^T; TOVTO CKUCTTOS

TOV
yav,

6vp.a.Tos.

TCLVTTJV fzaXtcrTa 6eS)v

IlooreiSaii

o eftovo iv

ol

Ap/ctiSfff TTJV AecrTrotiriK\T)(riS es

OvyaTepa Se

aiT^

os
.
.

<pao~iv

elvai KOI Ar]fj.r)Tpos

TOVS

TTO\\OVS CO-TIV avrfj KCU AeaTrotj/a

Trjs

8e Aco~7roivr]s TO ovofjia (dciva es TOV?

aTeXe o-Tovs ypdfpetv.

Ifpov Qpiyiea
<rre

v-rrep

8e TO Ka\ovfj.vov fjifyapov fo~Ttv a\o-os TTJS Aecnroivrjs

.

\l6a>v

Trepte^o/zei/oi/.

vnep Se TO aXaos KOI Imriov Hoo~io S)voSj

aXXajv
eto"t

narpos Trjs AeanoivT)?, Kal

KaXovfjievrjs Aeo-TToiVay

6e5>v

j3a)/MOi.

8. IO,

IO

TTJV

lepav

T^y

Despoina

at

Ritual-inscription from the temple of Lykosura: Eph. Arch. 1898, p. 249 /*g e^earo Trapepnrjv
e\a<pov.

eXpvTas cv TO lepov
flp.aTio~iJ.ov fJ.T)8e

TO.S Aea-TTOiVa?
p.r)8e
1

JJLT)

\pvo-ia oo~a

p,r] [ii/]

ai>a

#e/za, /i?;8e Tropfpvpeov

dv&ivbv

p-fXava, /z/Se
/A?;8e

vTroS^aTa /^Se
/nr/8e
.

SaKTiJXtoj/

....

/i^Se
p.rjo

Tay

Tpixas

a/xTreTrXey/iei/as ,
p,r)8e

KfKaXvp.p.evos,

ai/0ea
.

napcpfprjv

p,v0-0ai KVfvo-av
Kijpiot,

6r)\aojj.fvav.

Tbs 8e dvovTas

xpeea&u e Xata pvpTOi,

Cf.

oXoats alpo\oyr)p,f vais, dyd\p,aTi, p-dxavo-t \fVKais Xv^i/i oif, 6vp.tdp.a(n

dpo)p,ao~iv

p.vpvq

TOS

8e

Qvovras
site

TO.

Aeo~7roiVa

6vp.aTa

6vrjv

6f)\fa,

inscription found

on the

of the temple at Lykosura: Dell. Arch.

Ifpfvs TCLS Aeo-TroiW.

1890, pp. 43-44, mentioning the

/3. p.

Ib. pp.

43
>

ret

NaKao-iTTTTOs ^tXiTTTrov av^p

TO.

aya^os

cbf Kat

arro

npoyovwv

Ka\a>v

Kal eVSo^coi/ Kai TTfTroirjKOTav

Te TrdXet Tail

A.VKovpao~ta)v KOI Tots ^eot?

TO

8iata
SaTrai
To>v

Te vvvducicns Kal lepaTfiais KOI TfKvav KopetTjJaiy

.

at eV Taly XoiTratff
.
.

atff.

eVeSe ^aTO 8e

at TOI/ Ifparfiav Nt/cao*t7T7ros Tas A.fo~noivaf.

f<

Te

xPW&Ttov
.
.

TTfO-ovrwv Tols p.v(TTr)piois diredtoKfv

TOV Idiov

(3lov Tto

<pio~KG>.

dvfVfVKaTtoO-av 8e ot eVtfteX^Tat TO ^j)^)to-fia TO ypa(pfv es TO ypap.-

p.aTo<pv\aKiov

TO ev

MeyaXa

TroXet.

Cf. Ib. p. 44, HO. 2,

and

p. 45, no. 5

for dedications of

Megalopolis at Lykosura.

b In the territory of Megalopolis

8.

on the Messenian border

ai &rjp.r)Tpos,

Paus.
Epp.ov

35, 2 ciyaX/uaTa ov p.fyd\a Aeo-TrotV^s Te Cf. R. 44. HpaK\eovs.

<a\

eTi 8e

feat

336
Other chthonian
c
?

GREEK RELIGION
cults in Arcadia.
Palis. 8. 31,
7rept/3oXoi>

At Megalopolis:
deai
.

ro de erepoi/ irepas rfs a-Tods Trape/zeydXcoi/.

2a>Tetpai>

Xerat TO irpbs rjXtov 8vo-p.S)v

fj-eydXat
Af]fj.f]Tr]p

6evv iepbv r&v

.

at 6V eltriv at

KOI

K.6prj f

TTJV

"Koprjv

8e

Ka\ovcriv

oi

ApJcaSes
$

Kal rrpb avriov Kopas tiroujtrtv ov /zeydXay, ev ^treoo-t re

Ka6r)Kov<Tw

<7(pvpd )

Kal

dvBwv dvarrXewv e/carepa rdXapov eVt

AafjLo(pa>vTos

rfj Kf(puXf} (pepet*

cu/at de

Gvyarepfs TOV

\eyovrat.

Eph. Arch. 1896,

2a&>i/

p. 122,

Achaean
.

decree at Lykosura in honour of . noXvxdppov Me-yaXorroXfiV?;? /cby fiev dnb Trpcorcof rr]v TfXerfjv TWV MfyaXcoi; tiftov rrapa rdis ApKacri
.
TG>V

lepo(pavTa>v

dva<TTT)(rai

fiKovas
ot

avrov

^a\<eas

lt

eTriypcxprjv
"

Sdcava

MeyaXoTroXcirrp

Amatol TOV ifprxpdvTrjv rav

MeyaXcov
(l

6ea>v

(circ.

I2O

B.C.).

?At Mantinea: R. 249, 149

:

a.

6 ? relief representing Demeter Kore and Tegea Cf. R. 30. worshippers, Arch. Zeit. 1883, s. 225.
120

Hades with

At Mykonos
At Paros
:

see Zeus, R. 56.

;

121

see R. 50
:

Hera, R. 66.

122

At Amorgos

Zeus, R. 55 K
Suidas,
/cat

123

At Rhodes

S. V.

Ao-<poeXos.

Ilfpo-e^o^y KOI
VTftyovcriv.
r.^

\6ovio>v

lepov

KOI

PoSiot T^I/ Kopj/v

124

TT)v*A.pTfp.iv

a<7<po8eXa>

Near Tralles
Kafir)

Strab.

649
eorti/

eV

T^

6S&>

nerav T&V

Tpd\\fa>v
rj

KOI

rijs

NVOTJS

T&V

Nv<ra<a>v

OVK

ana>0fv

rrjs

TroXews A^dpa/ca, eV

TO

IlXovTWJ

toj/

fx ov Ka*

X(roj TroXvTeXes KOI vcuiv IlXoi;Ta)i ds Te KOI K.6prjs} Kal TO

TTJ

Xapa>vioi>

avrpov virfpKtlfKVOV TOV aXtrovs Oavpao-Tov

<a\

(pixrd

\cyov<ri

yap

817

TOVS voo &o fis

7rpoo~exovTas ralr
KCO/ZT; irXrjcriov

TU>V

6eu>v

TOVTO>V

Oepuireiais (poiTav
efiTre/poiy
TO>V

eice icre

Kal fitatratr^ai ev Ty

TOV avrpov napa TO IS

T>V

iepew,
.

oi eyKot/ueonrai TC vrrep OVTCOJ/ Kal

diaTUTTOvo iv (K

ovelpav ray Ocpaireias

ayovcri Se TroXXaActs ety ro avrpov Kal ipvovo~i (JLCVOVTUS Ka0* rjo-vxiav

fv 0a)Xea) ffiTtw ^copis eVt TrXei ous rjp.epas.
roo-T^Xevd/zefoi 7rpoo-e^ouo-t
. .

em KaOdirep

eari S ore Kal idiois evvnviois ot

rots Se aXXots advTos eVrti/ 6 TOTTO? Kat oXedpios.

.

Travtjyvpis d
fjLfo-Tjuftpiav

(V rots A^apd/eots crvvreXetrai /car eros.

Tore 8e Kat Trept

e(pr](3oi

TTJV

vnoXafiovTfs Tavpov of (K TOV yvpvao-iov vcol Kal

o"rrovbrjs

yvp.vol

XtV

dXrjXtfjLp.fvoi P.CTO.
6a>v

dvaKop.iovo~iv els TO avrpoV d(pf0fls Se fjuKpbv TrpoeX-

TTtTrrei

Kat ZKTTVOVS yivcTat.

Inscription found near

2oXoeo>i/

Acharaka

Bull.
dfols

Corr. Hell. 1883, p. 402 6 A^/zos 6

Trarp&Jots
dvtSrjKf.

Kdpj;

Kal

nXovTcaw
NVO~T]

Id.

^l88l,

p.

232

0eoyd/ita

\v

(Roman
1

inscription).
125

At EpheSOS

Move-.

Kal

Bt/3X.

Euayy. S^oX. l88o, p.

80

fepe ws

nXovTuvos
126

Kal Koprjs, in

reign of Vespasian.

InCaria: R. 51.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

127

II

337

AtKnidos: R.
?

52.

128

At Sinope

see R. 262.
AIDS
r?;

At Kyzikos
ez>

App. Mithrad. 75

Ae

ym
10

17

TJ-dXiy fprrpoiieiov viro

Kdp?; 8o0j}mt, Kat trcpovffiv avrrjv ol KviKr)vol

77

/zaXiorra 6e)v.

e7re\dovo~r)s 8e rrjy eopr^y,

6vovo~i fiovv fieXaivav^ ot /xef

eVXarroi/ 0776 (r/rou, jueXatva Se

/3oCs-

e* TTfXayouff Trpos avrovs Stei/qZw<r.

Cf. Porphyry,

Zte ^(^/.
ra
t

i.

25 (same story in Plut.

Steph. Byz.
TT/JCDTT?

mentioning the
rrepl
eo-ri

festival
.
.

0>epe0arria).

s. v.

fievpiKos
(prjcrlv

HV^IKOV

AyadoK\f/s 8e eV
Kopr)
6
2a>retpa

Trepi
:

Kv^t /cou
j^W//.

on

&(pcrc<j)6vr)S.

at

Kyzikos

C0rr. ^//.

1880,

p.

473 Kvfun/iwv
pat.

^fos exprjae

fVtrfTeXeKare TO o-cor^pta irpar-

ra 2a)r [rovres Kopa]

iepfvs Kdpr/y Scorc/par.

at

Oxford found

at

p. 475, n. 5, inscription mentioning Archaic inscription on fragment of marble cup Kyzikos Aeo-Tro i/^o-t Roehl. Inscr. Graec. Antiqu. 501.
z<5.

Cf.

C. /. G. 3671, inscription,
Tp.evccr<ri

Roman
honour
Kal

Koprjs.

Games
.

in

period, from Kyzikos: QaXepfjs eV of Ko pq at Kyzikos Strabo, 2, p. 98

:

Ei/So^or

nva

K.viKr)vbv Oecopbv
.
.

<nrovdo<popov

TOV

ra>v

Kopetwy aySavos

e\Btiv (Is AiyuTrroi/

Kara TOV

devrepov EvepyeV^y.

Cf.

Rhea-Cybele,

R. 55129

At Syracuse

Diod. Sic.

5.

01 8e

Kara

rfjv

StKeXtW

eVarepa
.

r5)v
TTJS

6f)V Karebfi^av Qvaias KOI Travrjyvpfis eVeow/iovy avrais TToirja-avrfs . . TOV TOV fJ.ev yap Kop^y rfjv Karaya>yfjv fTroirja avTo Trept TOV xaipbv ev
<o

O-ITOV

Kapnbv rereXeatovpy^a-^ai
de

o-vvcftaivcv.

5.

4 ad

init.

TOV yap UXovratva

p,v6o\oyovo~i TYJV dpTrayyv

TroiTjordpevov drroKOfiia-aL rr/v Koprjv

f(j)

appaTOS TrXrjviov
Trpbs
fj.ev
fj

T&V

2vpaKovo"ii/

nrjyfjv

dvflvat

TT^V

ovofJLa^ofjifvrjv

Kvdvrjv,

/car

fviavrbv ol Supaxoo-toi iravrjyvptv errKpavrj o-vireXouo-t, Kal Bvovviv ot

iSioorai

ra (Xarrco Totv iepfiwv,

drj^.no~ia

fie

Tavpovs (3vdiovo~iv ev
rj

TTJ

\ip.vr].

Cf.

R. 104.

Hesych.

S. V.

Epniovrj.
tepcoo-iW/i>

ArjfifjTrjp
C

Kal

Kopr;

ev
Kai

Schol. Find.

OL

6.

158

t*\ V

Ifp a)I/

&f)M TP os

Aiof AiTvaiov ev SiKfXi a oc 8ta8o^^s T^XiVou roO rrpoyovov avT&v.

130

At Gela

Herod.
.

7-

153

oiVryrcop 6 eV TfXrj rjv CK VT)0~ov

T^Xov

TTJS

fnl
rcoi>

TpioTTt ep Keifievrjs

di>a

^pdi/oi>

8e auroO ot aTrdyowt yevopcvoi iepocpdvrai

!1

At Akragas: Find. Pyth.

12. 2

<&epo-(j)6vas

ZSos.

132

At

Selinus,

Persephone

nao-iKpareia
:

R. 71.

133

At Katana, Persephone j3aeXis

Karai>ai[<oi/j

C.

I.

G.

It. Sic.

450

Bao-tXis

(inscription of doubtful authenticity).

In
134

Italy.
:

Lokri Epizephyrii Livy 29. 1 8 fanum est apud nos Proserpinae, de cuius sanctitate templi credo aliquam famam ad vos pervenisse.
FARNELL.
Ill

338
Diod.
rS>v

GREEK RELIGION
Sic.

Exc. de
iraXiai/

Virt. et Vit.
icpa>v

470 (Dind.

vol. 4, p.

101)
etvai Xeyerai Kai
It.
:

Kara

TTJV

TOVTO [r&

TTJS Ufpo-ffpovrjs

iepov]

dia

iravrbs

dyvbv

virb

TO>I>

ey^capiW

TCTrjprjO-Qai.
*

C. I. G.

Sic.

631

dedication
[av0ri]Kc

on bronze helmet found

(early fifth century).

in

agro Locrensi

[ifypxpova

/xe Sei/ai

AtTomi:

Arch. Ep. Mitth.

KCU.

8.

8,

21, inscription

of imperial

period, IfparevcravTos IlXovraw

135

KOI ATj/Aijrpt

Qfa Kdp#.
2.

Persephone Adeipa
6v<rias]

in Attica

C.

I.

A.
S.V.

741

(time of Lycurgus)
rj

\K
l

TTJS

rfj

Aacipg.

Et.

Mag.

AdetpcT

IIepcr(p6vr]

irapa
rfjv

Aesch. Frag. 275 (Schol. Ap. Rhod. 3. 846) on 8e A.6r)vaiois. fv rw E^y^rtAco) (TvyKaraTiQeTai Aaipav Ilp(Te(povr)v KaXovcrt Tip.o(r8cvrjs
TTJV

KOI

Atcrx^Xoy fv ^vxaycoyols (pcpaivfi,

Hfpo-ccpovrjv 6K8e^d/Lte

Off

Aaipai/.

Cf.

Pollux,

i.

35 AaetpiYqy mentioned
PaUS.
I.

among

the
a(f)

officials

of the Attic
6vo/j.d^ovo-iv,

mysteries.
ol fiev

38, 7

EXeucrli/a 8e ^pcoa,

ov

rrjv

noKiv

Eppov
//. p.

Tralda elvai KCU Aaet pas-

QxeavoC Ovyarpos Xeyou(Tt.

loropec 2ruyo?
ol
a8f\<prjv,

Eustath.
KOI
eonee,

Hom.
(firjcrtv,

648, 37 Adetpai/
e>7r

<bepeKv8r)s

OVT(OS ?x lv
TroXf/Lu ai/
j;

*
7"P

vypas

ovcrias rarrova-iv

rraXatoi T^V Adetpai/.

flvrjTai

Ai6
ou

Kni

r^

A^/ir/rpt

vop.iov(Tiv.

orav yap

avrrj

[Aaetpi;]

ncipeo-Tiv

A^rpoy

tVpeta.

Attic

Tetrapolis inscription, fourth

Prott-Ziehen, Leges Graecorum

century

B. c., Fa/z^Xiwi/oy

Aa/pa

01? Kvoucra,

Sacrae 26.

Kop/ [nfpo-e^o i^] or

^ Hat? associated with

:

Demeter

in cult.

we a At Pyrasos in Thessaly
KOI Kdpa, third

Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891, p.

562

Ad/iarpt

century
in

B. c.

b
(?
. .

At

Ambrysa
TCLV

Phokis
Ib.
virep

second century
.

B.C.).

C. /. G. 1727 2567 rav Adparpa Kai

:

Ad/zarpt
rai/

*al

Kdpa

Kcopav Apxfditca
idpixraro
(first

/zero

7Tfpio~Taaiv

ros

TroXeos

f<

ro>v

I8ia>v

century
o

B.C.).

At Thermopylae: Bull. Corr. Hell. 1898, Amphictyonic inscription from Delphi, At Opus G^r. Reg. 7Tfptj3dXov r^f KdpTjy.
TG>J/

p.

6vpwp.dT<i>v

479, fourth century T&V eV TlvXais TOV

187

At Lebadeia:
:

Kdpj/y

iXov/w; e^pa; see supra, R.

t

in.

188

At Anthedon

KOI rrjs TrdXcws Ka/3e/pcoy iepbv

rrjs IIai86s vaos.

PaUS. 9. 22, 5 Av6r)ftovioig pdXiard TTOV Kara pt a\aos nfpl avro fan, 7r\rj(riov oe A

is9a

At Potniai: R. 113.
eVrii/ oXo-oy

Near Thebes: Paus.

TO Ifpov

9.

25, 5

A
8e

Kapfipias Kai Kdp^s

corf\6flv de rots TehfaQelcriv

Ka(3fip<t)v

evn TOVTOV

TOV

a.\ffovs fTTTa. TTOV (TTabiovs

T&v

d(peo-TT]Kf.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

Thebes
:

II

339

Eur. Phoen. 68 1
rdvfie

yav

av

8i<avvp.oi

deal
Kal (p[\a

lie po~f(pao~o~a

TTav~<t)V

avao~o~a )

Trdvrwv

fie

Ta

rpo(j)bs

fKTTjcravTo

nefjiTTf

rrvpcpopovs

Beds.

C.

I.
140

G.

Sept.

2468 [Aaparpi
:

K}TJ

Koprj.
:

Near Plataea

R. 238.
>

At Skolos

Paus.

9. 4,
fie

A^rpos

fie

Kal

6 vaos, rjnicrea Koprjs fv rols epetTrtots OVK e eipyao-p.ez/os

TO.

Kat rais 6fals tori

dyaXfJLdTa.
141
?

in the

museum
OVTTfp

At Tanagra Bull Corr. Hell. 2, p. 589, PL 26, Third century B. of Tanagra, cm tyopa.
:

2, c.

inscription

of Tanagra:
TToXlOS

Rev.
TO)

d.

fit.

Grec.,

1899,
KT)

p.

71,

1.

inscription 4 fiavTcvopevas ras

KT)

lapo)

TOf

Aa/UdTpOS

TO?

Kopaff TTOTfpa

OVTl

tadl/rfff

Tavayprjvs Kada

<r)

viovv eVt ro (3e\Tiov

eV
TroXti/,

eWerq

^ nfTcXpfpovrvs ev TOV rotrov TOV

ras

Eva/xepia?

ei

6
KJ)

AyroXXtoy e^pei^e dias

oilro Trolpev ei^o/tei/cor
1.

Trpo^aori Sas

vTecpdw
OTTOOS
3>v

8eKeo-6r)

eV

aya${j ^aXXoi/raj

avr^s r^s ^f^s*

1

KaTaaKfvacrdfirj TO lapov ras Aaparpos eV 770X1 ...

faafifJ-fv rfj /S^Xo/zeV?/

rav yovvrjKtov fTravyeiXdadrj

142

p.rj

TrXtoi/

nfVTf 8pa%p.ds.

At Kolaka

in

Lokris
/cat

Collitz, Dialect.

Inschr.

1490
c

EX7r/iW

ifpaTfiHracrav Aa/xarpi
143

Kopa.
:

At Athens and Attica

Se es
TT^J/

see R. 9, 16, 18, 42 a 65, 75 a

,

Paus.

1.2,4 VrfA&fwow
fie

TrdXii

7T\r)O iov

vaos

(O~TI Aiy/z^rpos
fie

aydX/iiara

auTi^ re

*rai

jy

TraTs /cat fiafia e ^coi/

"laK^os

yeypaTTrai
I.

eVt reo roi^fo ypdp,fie fie

p.aaiv

ArTiKols epya
6
ecrriv
[lev

elvai

Ilpa^ireXovs.
TreTTOiTjrat
I

14,

i>aoi

wep r^

Kprjvrjv

A^p.^rpoy
I.

Kat Kdpjys

eV

TW TptTrroXepou

a-yaX/xa.

31,
:

IIpoo-TraXTioiy

tepoV.

At Phlye
:

vide

R. 26.

fie eWt /cat rovrot? Koprjs Kat ?At Skiron see Athena,
:

R. 27^,
144

9
.

At Corinth

R. 34.

Paus.

2.

4,

fie

T<I>

MotpS>v

[vaos]

KO.\

6 Ary/M^rpos Kai Kdp^y ou

145

<pai/epa

e^ovcrt ra

dydXpara.
:

Near Sicyon
1

R. 82.

At Phlius

Paus.
eV
fie

2.

13, 5 eV

fie

rfj

dfcpoTrdXet

>fai

aXXos

TrepijSoXds"

eVriv tepos A^/iTjrpos,

avrai rods re Kat ayaX/xa

Ar)p,r)Tpos Kal TJJS rraidos

Ka6r)fjiva

dydXp,ara

dp^ma.

(below the Acropolis) Ajjp^rpdf eorrti/ fepoi/ Kat b At Hermione Argolis, R. n5 253.
: ,

R-37146 At Bouporthmos
Paus.
2.

(a 34? & eV BovTrdp^/zo)

mountain on the coast near Hermione)

TrfTroirjTai

p.v lepov
2,

Af)p.r)Tpos Kal Tijf naidos.

340
147

GREEK RELIGION
Between Hermione and Troezen
fv 8f aura) &r)p.r)Tpos Koi
:

Paus.

2.

34,
if

6 eo-n de EtXtoi

Xo>pioi>,

Kopqs

rrjs

A^/u^Tpos

pa.

At Troezen

cf.

the cult of

Damia and Auxesia, R.

:

36.
Cf.

At Epidauros and Aegina

148

R. 36.

Fouilles

d Epidaure 42

Aea-TroiW Aid(pai/ro5 ifponoKqcras KUT ovap.

In Laconia.

Sparta, R. 43

vide Apollo, 27 a

b
c

Gythion

R. 43.

Helos

R. 240.
:

Amyklai

C.I. G. 1435
Eo-riav ir6\os

9 TrdXts
6(ri<os

rrjv

o-oxppoi/eorarT/i

Etvapiav

rrjv

Qwappoo-Tpiav KOI
yf)<rci(rav

KOI (vayws KOI

^fyaXo^vx^s Xtrovp-

raiv Qeaiv.

Ib.

1449

^ TTO\IS A.vpr)\iav Kop?;.

Eua^pa), nS)\ov roiv dyico-

raroiv Bfoiv

KOI yfvofjLevrjv, Ar)fJ.r)Tpi

In Messenia.
i49a

Andania: R. 246.
:

In Arcadia: R. 107. Tegea R. 30. Megalopolis: R. 119. PPallanThelpusa: R. 242. Phigaleia R. 40. Lykosura R. 119.
: :

tion

PaUS.
:

8.
ib.

44,

eV

Se

HaXAavrtlp

Kdpr;?

rrjs

A^/J-T/rpo?

tfpo i/.

Mantinea
tfpdv

8. 9, 2 eort 8c xat Aioo-Kovpwv

(cat

KOI Kdprjs erepco^i &f)iJ.r)Tpos

uiroa-fteadw. Trvp 5e (vraiiQa Kaiovai, Trotov^fvoi (ppovrida pr) \ddrj (r(pi(riv

Cf. R. 69.

b Schol. Pind. O/. 6 7. 153 TroXXot

Kdpfia, AXeata,
"Ep/xata.

yoi/rai dyaives ev

ApxaSia,

Au<aia,

Elis: vide R. 47, 118.

U9 c Achaea.

At Aigion

PaUS.
:

7.

24, 2 Kopjjs TC 7r7roiT]Tai [iepbv] rfs

A^rpoff

cf.

R. 59.

Patrai

R.

6.

The
15

Islands.

Delos: R. 91.
:

h
c

Mykonos vide Zeus, R. 56. KeOS Bull. Corr. Hell. 1905,

:

p.

356 QtXoxdpovs

yvvr) lepcta ycvopevr)

A^r/rpi Kol
d Paros
e
^
rS>v

Koprj.
:

vide Zeus, R. 55 a
:

Amorgos
Syros
:

Zeus, R. 55

C. /. G. 2347*
(late period).

[fe pfiaj

rwv ovpaviav
c.
?

6eS)V ArjfjiTjTpos KOL

:

Kopas

o-f/ii>ordra>i/

3-

355

Kovprjs

C.I. A. Mar. Aeg. 2347 inscribed on rock in precincts of temple of Apollo

Cf.

Thera

(very archaic).

Samothrace
Lesbos
:

vide Geogr. Reg.

s. v.

Demeter and Kore

as 6co\ Kapnotjiopoi, R. 30.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

151 ?

II
*al TTJV

341
Ka>pai/

Crete.
.

Hierapytna
vnep
TTJS

C. I. G. 2567 rav
.
.

Ad>arpa

ApxediKo.

TToXecos

iftpiHraTo

(Roman

period).

Ib.

2568

Seals ArjprjTpi Kal Koprj (private

152

dedication of
7,

Roman

period).
Koprjs napd\\r)\a

Byzantium
(Wescher).

Dionys. Byz. p.

A^rpos

KOI

[lepd]

Asia Minor.
153

Sigeion

C. I. G. 3636

[ff peta]

A^Tpt
l

KOI Koprj.
2,

Aigai: Ergamungsheft des Jahrl. deutsch. Ins/. 1889,

ai
(n<evd(rr)v

p.

42

eVayyfXXapez

apyvpa irpoo-una Awparpos Kai ras Koppaj xat raiv vvvvavuv

i54a

KCU xpvo-axr?i/ KC

"

Gyv*]* T as re
B. C.).

6ea>v

(second Century

Erythrai

Dittenberg. Syll 370,

/ou

1.

72, inscription circ. 278 B.C.,

KdpTys.
1.

mentioning priesthood, Ai^rpor

b Caria.

A^rpoy
Knidos:

90

Athymbra

R. 51.

R. 52.

Halikarnassos

R. 65.
Sicily.
155

Syracuse: R. 103, 129.

Diod.

Sic.

u. 26

6 TeXon/

fiel

rcii

\a<pvpa)v

KdTeo-Kevaae vaovs dioX6yovs ^T]p.rjrpos Kal Koprjs.

Cf. rd Kdpeta at

Syracuse, R. 68.

Persephone
156

Uaa-iKpareta
:

Gela: R. 130. R. 71.

:

At

Selinus,

Demeter MaXo^dpos and

Akrai

C. I. G. 543

NU/A^XOI/

lepwvos p,vap.ovcvo-a$ ayvais Oeais.

Cf.

543^

lepciTfvovTOS 6(cav dyvtov KaXXtyei/eia.

z 3.

157

At Tauromenion:
f)

5643 ^al?
A^/iJjrpor].

dyi/als

x aP l(TT

W lov

>

Hesych.

j.z;.

fepa IlapQevos
158

A^JU?;TT;P [?

17

Henna:
.

Cic. F^rr. 4.

festos dies anniversarios agunt, celeberrimo

107 ubi usque ad hoc tempus Syracusani virorum mulierumque con-

ventu

Cereris Ennensis.

mira quaedam tota Sicilia privatim ac publice religio est 108 nee solum Siculi verum etiam ceterae gentes

nationesque

Ennensem Cererem maxime

colunt.

109 qui
et in
ita

accessistis

Ennam
Liberae.
acre
fuit

vidistis

simulacrum Cereris e marmore,

altero

Sunt ea perampla atque praeclara sed non

antiqua.

templo ex

quoddam modica amplitudine ac singulari opere, cum facibus, perantiquum, omnium illorum quae sunt in eo fano, multo antiquissino ante aedem Cereris in aperto ac propatulo loco signa mum.
duo
. .
.

sunt, Cereris

unum, alterum Triptolemi,

et

pulcerrima

et

perampla

insistebat in

manu

Cereris dextra simulacrum pulcerrime factum

Victoriae.

Tarentum

vide Geogr. Reg.

s. v.

342
Carthage.
159

GREEK RELIGION
Diod.
.
. .

Sic. 14.

77 pera
TWV

de TavTa

navav

TTJV iroXiv 8eio-ioa.ifj.ovia.

Kal deos

ov TrapfiXrjfpoTes 8e ev rots tepoTy ovre Kopyv ovre A^/xrjrpa, TOVTCOV

TToXlTtoV K(lT(TTr)(TV
E.X\r)va>v

Ifpels TOVS

TTi(TT}fJLOTdTOVS

KOi

fJLTCt

7rd(TT

ray 6eas

ipvcrdp.6i>oi

ray Ovuias roly T&V

edeaiv ciroiovv.

Titles of
160

Kore

referring to vegetation
:

and

agriculture.

Kap7TO(pdpoy
:

R. 30.
S. V.

b IIoXv/3oia
Koprj. c

Hesych.
S. V.

6f6s ri9 VTT evioav ficV

"Kpre^is

vno

Cf. McXi/Sota, R. 37.

:

^>Xota

Hesych.

$Xoidv
:

TYJV

Koprjv

Tr]V

6eav OVTCD

Ka\ov<Ti

Ad/caji/es-.

Month

SXouurios- at
\ir\v TIS.

Sparta

Collitz, Dialect. Inschr.

S.

4496.

Hesych. s.v.
rail/ fjirjvcov

$\vr)(rios

Steph. Byz.

V. OXioOs

AaxeSai/iOftoi Se

eva

MeXtrcofijjs

Porph.

</^

Alltr.

Nymph. 18

raj A^/nT/rpo? lepeias

rrjv

a>s

rrjs

xOovias dfas
Cf.

/Livo-ri Sap p.c\i(r(ras

.?.

ol rraXatoi

exdXovv avTT)V re

Koprjv

/^.eXircoSr;.

Hesych.

z;.

MeXro-at.

(ras AeX(pi 8os avro/j.aro) KfXaSw.

"

Find. Pyth. 4. IO6 XP^PV* &P&UHTCV fj.e\{(TSchol. 2(5. fJ-fXicraas 8e Kvpias p.ev ras TTJS
" >s

^fj/jLTjTpos iepfias
.

J riK
<paal
Ka.Taxp>l<

&* Kul

^acras 8ta ro rou ^coou KaOapov

OTI 5e KOI ray TTfpi ra iepa dtaTeXoixras vvp(pas MeXtatras eXeyov,

Mvaaeas
1

Tlarapfvs d^^yftrat
.
. .

Xe ycoi

ai>eu

-yap

ov re
Nup.<pa>i

Arj/aT/rpos

Ifpov

TI/JLO.TCIL

OVTC

ya.fj.os

ov8e\s avev
:

Nvp.(pa>v

cru^reXetrat.
J. V. TLpoxaiprjTfjpia.
T]

161

Festival Of Flpo^atp^r^pta

HarpOCr.

hvKovpyos

(V

rfj

T&V KpoKtoViSav
oTriei/at
57

8taSt(cacria

eopri^ Trap ^drjvaiots ypcXpofj.ei

[leg. dyo/zei^j

ore doKcl
?

Kdp?/.

See Athena-chapter,
a
.

vol. i, p. 292,

R. 28.

162

Marriage and child-birth. a at Athens: 0fo>io(pdpos

:

R.
:

i7

At Delos

R. 91.

?At

Priene
t>

R. 99.
:

At Syracuse
S. V.
rj

R. 68.
Pollux,
I.

Xetpoyoi/m

Hesych.

IIcp(Tf(p6vr].

37

Koprjs Trapa

SucXtcoraty, QfoydfMia KCU

Avdeacpopia.

Cf.

R. 124.

Independent worship of Kore-Persephone apart from Demeter. i63a ? At Athens: R. 114, 135. Sparta: R. 117.
b

At Megalopolis: Paus.
6ta Travrbs TO ftddpov
*
)

8.

31, 8 rou vaov 8e rwv

o/cra)

/zeydXcoi/ 8eu)v eVriv

Ifpov ev de^LO. Kal Koprjs

Xidov de TO ayaX/za TroSaJv

pdXto-ra

raii/iai

8e

es TOVTO TO ifpbv yvvai^l p.ev

TOV
es
:

7rdi/ra

IO~T\V

^ (ivdpes ov nXeov 77 arra^ Kara ero? CKCKTTOV XP OVOV R. ii9 a .) ? Pergamon, Kore-Mise Despoina-cult, (Cf.
p.

CIVTO

eVtWt.
6,

Ath. Mitt.
:

138
c

*Ai>0iy

lepeia MUTT;

Kdpj; rov

|3a)/z6i/

dvedrjKf.
:

Kyzikos
R. 134.

R. 128.

Nisa, near Tralles: R. 124.

Lokri Epizephyrii

? At Erythrai: Dittenberg. Syll. 370, inscription mentioning hood of Kdpjjs Scoret p^s, 1. 83, circ. 278 B.C., but vide R. 154.

priest

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

d ra
?

II

343
eti/

At Hipponion (Vibo-Valentia)
\(>pLa

Strab.
CK

256

dia TO evXct/icwa

TTfpiK.fip.fva

KO\

dvOrfpa

TTJV

K.6pr)v

StKeXiay
e#et

dcpiKvel.o Oai 8fvpo

dvdoXoyrjo-ovaav
ffTfCpavrjirXoKflv,

f<

df

TOVTOV

rats

yvvaigiv eV
flvai

ycyovff dv8o\oyelv Kal

a>vr)Tovs

wore TOLS fopTais

alo"^pov

<TTf<j)dvov$

tyopfiv.

Cf.

inscription

from Hipponion, Orelli-Henzen,

Inscript. vol. 3, p.

143,

no. 1476.
6
?

Akragas
KOI

R.

131*".

Alexandria: Strab. 98 E#SooV nva KVIKTJfls

(nrovdo(p6pov TOV TWV Kopeicof dy&vos eXQetv 6fo)poi> ItTTOpfl [nocreiSowosl Kara TOV devTcpov Evepyer^i

vov

A iyvnrov

The
164

Eleusinian and other state-mysteries.

cult

Local

of Eleusis.
:

Horn. H. Dem. 473

77

de

\Ar]p.r)Tr]p\

Kiovo~a

QefjuaTOTroXois (3ao~i\fva t

Set^e,

TpinToXefjLW re Ato/cXei re n\r)iirirc0,

pir)
6*

EvpoXirov Tf
dprjo-p.o(TvvT)v

KeXew

ff

fjyrjTopi

Xa&v,
opyia naai,

iepcov Kal

fne(j>padfv

TpiTTToXe/zo)
0-fp.vd,

re

UoXv^eivco T } eVt roiy 5e

TTCOS

ra r

ov
/Lieya

earn Trape^tfiey ovre

TI
6fS>v

OVT

d%fiv

yap

o~e/3as

270:

dXX

aye /not vr]6v Tf p.cyav Kal /Sto/Mop VTT

Tra?
drjjios

aurw

Tfv%6vTa>v

inral

TroXti/

at?rv

re ret^oy,
KoXa>i/&).

KaXXt^opov KaOvnfpQfV,

eVi Trpov^ovTi

Fame
165

of the mysteries.

a
s

OVTIS l&wv fKflva KoiXav

vno

Soph. 0. C. 1050
Xa/zTrao-tz/

axraty,

ov TTOTviai
QvaTolcriv

o~(p.va
<al

TiBrjvovvrai TfXrj

lav

K\f)s eVt yXcacro-a /3e/3a*e Trpoo-TrdXc

Soph. Frag. 719

Keli/oi

&>

rpttroX/Sioi

/Sporcov,
es

01

ravra Sep^^ei^res re X?;

roi(rSe

/udXaxr*

"ASov*

yap

p.6vois
e xet

e xet
Ka<a

^v

eWi,

rots &

aXXoto-i

Travr

d Eur. Z^-rr.

/wr. 613:
I8o)v.

344
6 ISOCr.

GREEK RELIGION
Paneg.
28
TTJV reXer^i/, f)s ol /ufrao-^ovrff

irepl TC TTJS

TOV

tov j3i

TcXfVTTJs

Kal TOV

vv/JLTTavTOs
I, p.

alSivos

f)8iovs

TOS c\ni8as
.

e^ovcri.
. .

Cf. Arist.

Eleusin. Dind. vol.

421
Cf.

f)8iovs

X eiv TOS e\nl8as

Kal OVK fV O-KOT(O

Kal /3op/3opaj Kfio~op.evovs. f

R. 223^.

Anth. Pal.
TWV

u. 42
KTJV

(referring to the mysteries):

a)Ol<7lI/

OTTO

aKT)8ea,

KCVT

&V

?KT)ai

S 7f\(OVQ3V

glS

OVflOV

\a(Dp6T(pOV.

Eleusinian cult taken over by Athens. Paus. I. 38, 3 TOVTOV TOV Evfj.o\7rov afptKeadai \eyovo-iv
Hoo-(i8a)vos TraiSa oi/ra Kal Xiovrjs
a)s
TO.
.

KaTaXvovrai 8e eVt

roto-fie

TOV

E\evo-iviovs
8e iepa

S TO.

aXXa Afyvatav KaTrjK6ovs ovras

I8ia Tf\f1v TTJV

TOW

o-(pds

ndp.<pa>ff

Bfolv Evp.o\iros Kal at Bvyarepfs re Kara rai)ra icat .

"OfjLTjpos
.

8p>viv

al

KeXeoC
8f

Ka\ov(ri de

TfXevTrjvavTos

K^pv^
}

vtatTcpos
Kal

XeiTrerai

T>V

nai8wv,

ov

avTol KrjpvKfs OvyaTpbs

Ay\avpov
167

Epfjiov TraiSa civai \eyovo~iv,

i.

aXX OVK

EvfjioXnov.

Cf. 205^.

30 (Tellos, in time of Solon) TTpbs TOVS da-TvyciTovas f v EXevo-ti/i @or)6f)o-as Kal Tponrjv
aTreOave AcaXXttrra.

Herod,

Troirjo-as ran/

TroXf/iiW

Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 1014 Hpa/cX^s- emo-Tas r)iov

p.vfio-0ai

Wos

8e

Adrjvaioif gevov pr)

fjivclv.

fjifj

$ov\6p.tvoi ovv XCo-at ro edos /z^S aTroJaai TOV

(iicpytTTjv

Hpa/cXe a enevoyaav p,i*pa p-var^pia 6up.frdSora.

Kal roCro
Traifias

Initiation of aliens

through adoption, Plut. Thes. 33

[TOIS

[TO
&>y

/lu^^i/at] inr^p^v avTols

Atoo-Koypots]

Acpt Si/ou

Trot^o-a/neVoi;

nvXto?

Hpa^Xea.

Cf.

Apoll.
9

^/ ^/.

2. 5,

12.

Mysteries open to the whole Hellenic world

(?).

before the

sixth

century

Horn. H. Dem. 480

OTTatTTfv

oXftios os TaS

firix^oviojv
afJLfJlOpOS

dv6pd)7ra>v

OS

QT\r)S

IfptoV,

OS T

OV

TToff

6fJLOLO)V

aio~av fx ft
170

$>@Lp*v6s

nep

VTTO

6<b(o

fvpdtfVTt.

Soph. Antig. 1119:

E\evo~ivias

TrayKoivois

&TJOVS

V KoXlTOlS.

Xen. Hell. 6. 3, 6 XeyeTat fjifv TpmTo Xe/xos 6 fjpercpos irpoyovos TCL A^/x^Tpoy Kal Koprjs apprjTa iepa TrpuTois &vois dclai Hpa^cXet Tf T v^Tepa) ap^yeYfl xai AtocrKopaiv Tolv 7roXiTati>.
vpeTepow
TT)I/

Herod.
TTJ

8,

65

opTjyi;

ayouo-i

A^yatoi
TQ>V

Kovpjy, Kal

avT&v TC 6 (Bov\6fjLVOS Kal

(V TaVTTJ Ty OpTTJ I

ai/a Travra 6Tta TTJ MrjTpl Kal aXXcov EXX^wj/ p.vfTai Kal T^V

(ptoVrjV TTJS

d<OVlS

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

172

II
rcoi>

345
/uvaTJjptW

Isocr.

Paneg. 157

EfyioAir&oi KCU KfjpvKfg ev

e

ri)

reXerf)

Kat rots aXXots /Sap/Sopots

ipyecrBat.

TWV iepwv

cooTrep

rot? dv8po(j)6vois,

Trpoayopevovai.
173

Admission of women:
8) 0eas e^d^ez/a,
TO!? dpprjTois
etSoz/

Aristid. Eleusin. (Dind. vol.

Tra/ZTrXTjtfetf, fvdaifj.ovcov

i,

p.

415)

oo-a
KU>V

/zez/

ycveai

dvo~pa>v

KOI yvvai-

ev

(pdo-uao~iv.

Cf. Aristoph. ^?^w.

6
o~o(pio~Trjs
:

409-412.
a)v

(Dem.)
.

Kara Nfatp.
i3ov\r)6r) KCU

135
fj.vrj(rai

Avo~ias
avrfjv.

yap

Meraveipas

eoacrr^s

Of

slaves

Theophilus, Frag. Com. Graec.

vol. 3.

Meineke,

p.

626
TL

KCtlTOl

(pr](JLl

KOi Tt

Spdv

(BovXfVOjJLaL

Trpodovs diruvai TQV dycnrrjTov deaTTOTrjv,

rov rpcxpea, rbv

"EXXrjvas,

(ra>Tijpa f

81

&v eidov vofjLovs

epVTjOrjv

e^adov

-ypd/M/Ltar*,

6eots.

Cf.

R. 182.
State supervision
:

174

official

management
eVei

order of ceremonies.

Period of Solon and Pisistratus.

Andoc. de Myst. Ill

/j

f]

yap BovX))
i>arepaia

KaOede io-dai e/zeXXe Kara rov

os

KeXevei

rfj

ran/

jJ.va Trjpiaiv

fbpav

Ttoielv

ev

ra>

Fifth century.
175

C. I. A.

to

financial

i. i, fragmentary inscription found at Athens and other arrangements before B. c. 450 ot 8e

:

relating
lepoiroiol

Tap,ievea-[6<av

axnrfp KUT dp]^rjv ev

KCLI

rw

EXevatvt tepw]
?

TOV eVt
.

rw

^cofj.a>

If
1.

pea Ka\ [TOV icpca\ rolv Bfolv

TOV itpea ro[0

$eoC]

Xa/i/SaWii

Ib. B,

4 G7rov8as

clvai Toicri pvaTrjcrt Kal Tols eiroTrTrjariv Kai rots aKoXovdoicriv Ka\

a\\oi(n rots TOVT&V KU\ ABrjvaiOKTiv anao-iv.

TOV McTayftTVi&vos
ftfXpt 8eKaTT]s
y
t6p<

ap%iv

Se TOV ^pdj/oj/

TU>V

o-irovo tov

fjujvos diro bixopyvias Kal TOV BoJjdpo/iieoi/a Kai TOV

io~Tap,ei>ov.

TOS Se o~7rov8as eivai ev

Trjo~i

TrdXe&iv, oTav
e oXet^ocrt

Hvavo^iavos \pwvTai rw
p,v<TTt)piounv

Kat A.6rjV(tioicriv

e/cet

ev Trjo~iv avTfjartv TroXecriv.

rols

Tas o-rrovdas eivai TOV

YafjLrj\ia)vos fjirjvbs OTTO di%opr)vias Kal

TOV

A.vdeo~Tr)pic*)va Kal

TOV

*E\a(pr)(3o\i(i)vos p-f xp 1 SfKaTrjs tcrra/zeVov.

176

Early
["Edo^o-fji/ [ri;

fifth-century

inscription:

Ath.

Mitth.

1899,

p.

253
:

BovX^] KOI rw

S^w*
alya
: :

o[r]f napai^ar7;[s eypafi/xareve*

:

TrporejXcia

\6ve\v TOVS

iepOTToiovs
:

EXevcrtviwv

Evayuvito
:

"Kdpto-iv

Kat ...... f\v ........ Kpt]6v [

[

[r
:

EXjaxn^tco T]^

TeXeo-tSpd/zo)

Tpi[7rroXe/iQ>

olv

(?) nXovrcoji/t

ev

TTJ

eopjrjy]

(the

same

in

more fragmentary

state in

C.

I.
177

A.

i. 5).

Plut. Pericl.

13,

during the administration

of Pericles, r6 ev

346

GREEK RELIGION
1

Te\fo~T^piov rjp^aTO

fj.ev

Kopoi/Sos oiKoSo/Aeu

TO de OTTOIOV

CTTI

rou

dvaKTOpov SevoKXrjs 6 XoAapyeus fKupixpoae.

178

Strab.

395

"EXfvais

noXis, ev

17

ro

TTJS

ArjfJiTjTpos

ifpov rqs

EAevo-ti ias

Kai 6 JJ.VO~TIKOS OTJKOS ov KaTo~K(vao~fv

. .

lurlvos o^Aoz/ Gedrpov de^aadai

dwdptvov

TIfplK\OVS f7TlO~TaTOVVTOS TCOf

epya>I>.

Decree referring to the older temple found at Eleusis Ath. Mitt. 1894, p. 163 TOV Petroi/ TOV Ttapa TOV "Acrreooj yffyvpuxrai Xidois \pu>yLvovs
:

179

EXevaivoOev TWV

KaOrjprjiJievwv

TOV

veu)

TOV dp^aiov

cos

av

TO.

Ifpa

(pepwiv
50

at

fe

petai acr^aAeorara.
-5^/7.
drjp.(p

Dittenb.

13, inscription
.

found
dno

at Eleusis (?

420

B. c.) edogev

TTJ
/cat

/3oiA^ Kal TO)

Tr)i>

d.7rdpxfo~dai Tolv
l

Oeoiv TOV Kaprrov Kara ra Trarpta

TG>V

fj.dvTiav TTJV
t)

AeA(p<ii

A.9rjvaiovs

<aTov

p.f8ip.v(ov
8r)(J.ovs

K.pi6a>v

pr)

e\aTTOV

fKTca

eyXeyetv 8e TOVS 8r]p.dp^ovs Kara TOVS

EXfvcrivoQfv

KCU vrapafit-

dovat TOIS IfpoTTOiols Tols

EAeuo-tWSe.

aTrap^eo-^at 8e KOI TOVS

Kara
TOVS
.

rairra.

KeAeverco de Kal 6 IfpocpdvTTjs KOI 6 8aSoi)^or p.vo~TT]piois

"EAA^i/ay

rov KapTrov Kara ra Trarpta Kat

TTJV

ri]i>

p.avrfiav TTJV ey

fVayyeAAeti/ Se

(3ov\r)v

Kat

r^o-ti/

aAA^crtv TroAecn
fj.ev

t/

OTTOI

av

doKrj avTrj
)

dvvaTov dvai, Aeyotra?

8e
JUT)

Kara d

A
Se
: .

KOI ot

o~v/j.p.a^oi

(Kfivots

eTrtrdrroi/ras
rr)i/

KfAeuoi/ras
e

air.

fdv fiovKuvTai, Kara ra Trarpta Kai

iiavreiav

r/)i/

Af\<pwv

rous IfpoTToiovs dno

8f fioapxov

p.ev

TOV TrcAai/ou Kadori av Evp.o\7ri8m f^yrjo-iavrat,

OTTO
roil

xpvaoKfpav Tolv 6foiv eKarepa

ju<

Kai rail
K.pi6a>v

nvp&v

KOI

rw Tpt7rroAe
4

Kai

rw

^ea>

Kat r^ ^ea Kat

reAoi/ Kat r 7}

A.dr]vaig. ftovv ^puaoKfpeof.

Eu/3ouAw, tepeloi/ tKao-ro) raj 8e aAAay Kpiflds Kal nvpovf aTroSora>

P.CVOVS TOVS ifponoiovs p.fTo. Tqs ^ovXrjs dvadf}[j.aTa dvaTidevai Tolv Oeolv
(TTiypdcpeiv

Kai

TOIS

aVatfi^ao-t,

rcoi

tnrap^o^voiv

roO Kapnov TTJS aTrap^r^? jdvede^tj Kai rois 5e raura Trotowcn TroAAa dyaSd etvat Kai evKaport
OTTO

Kal 7ro\vKap7riav olTives av /i) aStKco(rt

A.6r)vaiovs

f/5e T

Inscriptions of fourth century

!1

and

later periods.
tfewpoi

C. 1. A.
e<p

2.

442, prayer

of the Milesian

at the great

mysteries,
182

vyieia Kal

auTrjpia TOV dr/aov TOV A&rjvaiaiV Kal irotdttv Kai

8r]p,ov Kal TratScoi/ Kai

yvvaiK&v Kal TOV TWV MiXrjaiwv

yvvaiK&v.
officials in

Eph. Arch. 1883,

. . .

p.

no

(the AoyoSoo-ta of Eleusinian

1.

the time of LyCUrgUS, B.C. 329-328) A,

Kai TOfiiutv TOIV deolv
Qeolv.

Aoyoy eVto-rarwi
Btoiv Kal

EXeva-ivodev
Tap,ia rolv

ro

7rept6i>

Trapa
VT)<TWV

Tafjiiaiv TOIV

napa
:

...

1.

eyri o-nov8o<p6pois

els fJ.vo~TT)pia
.

ee-TjyrjTa is

EvfjiO\7rio)v els

evyr) p.vo~TTjpiois

ra /ueyaAa ... 1. 4 1 eTrto rarais els dv&iav p,vO"rr)piois.

IlAovrcow f.
1.

Ib. B,

1.

46

firap^f) (sic} AtjUTjTpi Kal Kdp?/ Kai

(Cf.

1.

4 TOV

fiuubv TOV nXovTuvos Kal TOV ftvubv TOIV Oeivolv.}

46

eTTicrraraiy eVt

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

(Is

II
v

347
. . .

&iovvo~ia 6vo~at

ir\iv6oi

els
!

TO
1
f

EXfucrtVtoi
JLVr)~ ls Suolz/

TO

cv

Aorei

o~vv

TTJ

KOfjiicjf)

an*

A-yeXdoroi; neYpay.

TCOV 8rjp.oo-icov.
.
.

1.

49
f)

xotpoi Sv
lepeia otKei.
[UTTO

Kadrjpat

TO lepbv TO EXevalvi

KOI

TTJV

oiKiav

TTJV

Ifpdv ov
*>

1.

30

TCOV fjLicr6coudTcov\

(pio-dcoo-fv 6 (3ao~i\evs Kal oi

ndpedpoi Kal ol
1.

eincrTaTai ol
13

E\fv\aiv6dev Kal
4.

ol eVi/ieX^TCu TCOZ/J fj,vo-TT}picov (cf.

33).

C. I. A.

323^
errl

enfidr) ol C7Tl(JLC\T)Tal TCOV fjLVO-TTjpicov ol xeipoTOvrjde vTCS

TOV eviavTov TOV

Ar]p.r]Tpi KCU TJJ

TloXvevKrov (ipxovTOS Tag Te 6vo-ias

rjv,

Wvvav

T^ T6

Kdpj; KCU TO IS aXXoiy deois ols TraTptov

vnep re
/3acriXeco?

TIJS

Bov\rjs

KOI TOV

8rjfj.ov

TODV A.6rjvaio)v Kal Tratdatv KOL

yvvaiKwv Koi TOV

AvTLyovov.

Cf.

614^
C.
/.

184

A.

4.

104^

(B. c.
.

e\fa&at TOV
TO) ev

8rjfJLOV

Sexa civdpas

352-1), see Bull Corr. Hell. 1889, TOVS Se alpeflevTas diKafiv ev TW

.

p.

443,

ao~Ti

Trepl

T<i)V

opcov Ttov dp.(pia 0r)TOVfJiev(i)v TTJ$ Icpas opyddos

.
. .

8e TOV /3acrtXea Kal TOV lepo(pdvTr)v Kal TOV SaSoO^oi/

Kal Ei /LtoXTTiSay KOI

T&V
Ta

a XXcoi/ TCOV AQrjvaioov TOV j3ovX6p.evov.

lepa ^copia /caXTat Ta
185
d(pifpa>p,fva

Cf. Bekker, Anecd. p.

287 opyds

Tols Beols.

Eph. Arch.
B.
.

1887,

p.

176,

inscription

from Eleusis

(third

Century

Kal TO) A^/ao) eVftS/} oi eVi/ieXr/Tai TWV fivo-mC.) edogfv rfj Bov^fj Tas Te 6vo-ias f 6vo-av, oo~ai KadfJKOv avTols ev TW ci/tauTO), TTJ T
TI]

Kal

Koprj Kal Tols a XXots deols ols naTpiov

TJV,

vnep

TTJS

BovX^s Kal
evyos
Kal

TOV

ArjfjLov Kal

iraLow
K TCOV

Kal yvvaiK&v

edvaav de Kal

TO.
.

Trpo6vp.aTa, Kal TO
. .

irapeo-Kevao-av
TTJS

ifticov els TTJV KOfj,i8rjv

TCOV lepav

e7Tfp.e\T)dr]o-av 8e
a>o~avTCj)S

aXaSe

e Xacrecos

Kal Trjs

EXevalvi

laoK^ov tiTroSo^s*

8e Kal TCOV
TO.

irpos

"Aypav

fjivo-Trjpiwv

yevopevcov dls tv TCO eviavTa 5ia TO o-WTfXelo-dai

TO.
E\fv<rtvia

E\fvo~ivia
2.

dneo-TeiXav de Kal es
icpols
ois

6vfj,a

Tavpov.

Cf.
<p

C.

I.

A.

3*5

ro *

edvov

[ol

eVt/^eX^Tai TCOV
aXXa>i>

fjivo~TTjpicov]

vyieiq Kal

o~coTT]piq TTJS (Bov\r)s Kal

TOV drj^ov Kal TCOV

oo-ot flalv

evvovs Kal (pi\ol TOV

185

(early third century B. c.). a Bull. Corr. Hell. 1900, p.

Treidrj

96 (second century

B.C.)

e5or
d

rots

yeyovcvat Kal

aweiXe^^at
/Si ou

Tf^yiTcov o~vvoo~ov trap

TrpcoTov } iov
is,

6 8rjp.os anavTcov TCOV ev avdpatrrois

dyadcov
is

ey pev TOV 6r)pico8ovs

fycvrjdr) TTJS irpbs

fj.fTrjyayV TOVS dvdpcoirovs

irapatTios 8

dXX^Xovy

KOtvcoviaf, elcrayaycov TTJV TCOV

p.vo~Tr]piQ>v

Trapddocriv, Kal did TOVTCOV TrapayyeiXas Tols airao-iv 6Vt

eV dvOpcoTTOis
f)

peyurrov dyadov

eo~Tiv

Trpbs eavrovs

XPW

t-S

Tf Ka *

vricrTt?,

ert 8e TCOV cjodevTcov VTTO TCOV

o/Jiolcos

ufcov nepl TCOV avdpcoTrcov voucov Kal TTJS TraiSeias

de Kal TTJS TOV KapTrov

\>\pr)o-Ti.av

Trapadoaecos ISiq uev

dfaro TO

dcopov KOIVTJV Se TT)V e| favTcov

Tols

186

C. I.

A.

2.
.

Saou (ipxovTos

Ditt. Syll. 467. fdoev TCO OT]p,cp

347 (inscription B.C. 100)

. .
.

eVeiSi)

ot

(<pT]j3oi

348
Koarp-rjTOV KOI

GREEK RELIGION
TOV tepews TOV
rfj
OTJ/JLOV

KOI

TO>V

XapiTUV

Kai

TU>V

ffrrjyrjT&v eVo/

o~dv TC TTJ

Apre/uiSt

AypoTepa

ev oVXots eTroir)o~avTo 8e KOL T?)V v7rarrdvTT]o~iv

"IO.KXOV

rois Ifpols ev oVXots KOI 7rpofTTfj,^av avTa, Kai TOV

coaavTws, fjpavro 8e

Kai Tots /ivoTTjpiots TOVS /3ovs ev

EXevaiiu r ^ 6vo~ia KOI avToi efBovdvTTjo av ev

t

TW

7repi/3oXw roi) tfpov.

187

C. I. A. 3. 5.
01

Ditt.

-S>//.

387

(?

period of Marcus Aurelius)

Eu/ioA7ri8&>j/

7Tft8f)

Trept

TO)!/

fj,vcrTr)pi(i)i>

vo/jioi

Trpoo rarrouo t TW yevfi rwr

evKocr^icos

OTTCO?

ov aej 7rapa7reyn(p$ei ?7 ra iepa

.

EXeuo ivd^fi

cis affrv
ra>v

Xfvo-tVaSe
e(pr)jB(i)v

SeSo^^ai
ayeiv

ra>

87/i(u,

Trpoora^at

TW

Koo-pTjrfi
rrj

Kara

TO.

ap^ala
.
.

v6p.ip.a
.

EXeutriVaSe TOVS

6<pr)[Bovs

Tpirr) enl
/Mf

8eKa TOV Bo^Spo/zitoi/os

ti/a

T^ TerpaSi eVt 6V*a

. .

TrapaTre/n^too-ii/

Ta tepa
Tolv

xp 4

ToG

EXfuaeivtoi;

TOU

{ITTO

T ^ TroXfi
t 4

eVetS?)

Kai

(ftatdvvTTjS

Beolv

ayye XXet
Trovcra

aTa Ta TTUTpta T ^ tfpe/a T^y &6r]vas cos ^ei TQ tepa Kai i) 7rapa7re/w Kara TO. avTa Se T ^ Ivdrr] tVi 8tKa TOU BojySpo/itcoi/os crTpaTid.
4

TO) Koo~p.rjTrj Ttttv

(pr]j3a>v

ayeiv TOVS ffpfjftovs TrdXiv

.

EXevo"ftVa(5e

^eTa TOV
(pavepav
Kai TCO

(Txrjp-aros TrapaTre/LiTTOi

Taf Ta tfpa.
t

yevevOai 8e
jSovX^ Tcoy

T^Z/ yva)^r]V Tavrr)v

^)

Kai T.^ e

Apftov Trayov /3ovX ^ Kai

T?/

Kai

TW ifpotyavTy

ye i/et TCOV EvfjLoXirio cav.

!8

C.

/.

A
;

3.

267, inscription on seat in the theatre of Dionysos,

E^rjyrjTov e| EurraTpiScov ^ftpoToz/^Tov (? Eleusinian, vide

Hermes

20, p. 12,

Dittenberger)
ArroXXcoi/iOj/

cf.

^. 241

Ilutfoxpqo-Tot;

Erjyr)Tr]v eg EvfjioXnidcov.
ieptvs Ilvdtov

E^y^ToO. 720 (at Eleusis) Eph. Arch. 1895, p. 107 Tifiepios

e

Ib.

KXavStoy

ATroXXwros, fr)yrjTr)s

EvuoXniSaiv.

Bull. Corr.

Hell. 1882, p.

436

(inscription

from Eleusis

later

than Marcus Aurelius)

QopiKiov TOV OTTO
M<ipKoi>

39

Eph. Arch. 1883,

. . .

p.

78 ACVKIOV

Me/u/itoi/ cVi
.

/3a>/i<u

p.vrjaai Ta 6tbv AovKiovOvripov . vide R. 175. Cf. inscription,

Kai

AvTOKpdYopa

AvptjXiov

Bull Corr.

Hell. 1895, p. 119:

Kai

o~o(pi77

K\fivbv Kai

crffjivwv

(pdvropa WKTQIV

&r)ovs Kai Kovprjs ayvbv opas irp6no\ov

6s...
Avaovifyv TC
*

tpvi]<rev

dyd<\vTov
1.

Eph. Arch.
at Eleusis.
190

ib. p.

109, inscription,

24 (B.C. 329-8) TOV

C. I. A.

2.

597
TO.
.

6 ndpedpos TOV paatXevs

C7Tp.e\T)6r)

(inscription fourth century B. c.) eV Ka\a>s Kal (piXoT/yucos (JLCTO. TOV yevovs T&V
1

T&V

Trepl
. .

(jLvvTrjpia.

Ib. 4, p. 4

fjiveiv

de flvai Tot? ovo-i

TTJ

Kai EvpoXTTiScoi/

TOVS /ZVO-TOS TOVS EXevo-ti/i /jLvovfievovs ev

av\fj, TOVS Sc

fv ao-Tft pvovnevovs ev

TW EXevo-m w,

fifth

century

B. C.

Dittenb. SylL* 651 (Eph. Arch. 1890, p. 83), decree of the

Eumol-

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

II

349

pidai found at Eleusis, eWiST) TXrjTrdXe/nos TO roO nXourcovos ifpoi/ KctXooj *cat Sa ey /j,v<TTrjpi(ov ratv raivrcu avrov . . vepciv Se /^lepi
,
ai>To>

KCU

1895, p. of citizen ...

AOVKIOV
,

oor)fj.nfp Ev/xoXTTiSan/ evacrrco. Eph. Arch. in honour time the from of Antonines, Eleusis, 113, inscription

rcof

Trpoy

"Aypav

1.

7 IfpoCpavTovvra
fir\
r<u

KCU rov avTOKparopa /nv^crai/Toy

.TzV

AiipjyXioi/

Ovrjpovt d\s

eret ayayoi/ra /ivor^pta Kai

roOro /cara TO

KCU Trpoa-eidpvaavTa
(?

Ev/noXTTtST/i/

do the

last

words contain some special reference

arvvayayovra eVfi (?) KCU eVtXe yoi/Ta to the

emperor
191

initiation).

Bull. Corr. Hell. 1895, p. 113 IloVr; Iloo-eW Mapadaviov dvydrrjp

lepofpdvnv vfoorepas
.
. .

TTJV eavrrjs rrjdrjv,

ralv 6ea.lv evo-e/Seuu eveKa (first

;

century A.D.).
Eleusis, B.C.
rrpea^vTfpas
.

Cf.

Eph. Arch. 1883,

fK

p.

126

y,

11.

4-5 (inscription from

roiv

3298)
. .

T&v 6rjuavpS)v T&v EXeuaii i

vearepas.

deoiv

eK TOV rr\s

TOV

TTJS

m
ifpcias
193

Bull. Corr. Hell.

4>Xaouia9

1895,

p.

113, inscription from Eleusis,

eVt

(first

century

A. D.).

Eph. Arch. 1894, p. 176, inscription found at Eleusis (late imperial period) mentioning Eleusinian (and other) sacred officials,
y

&a,(DVT)d)6pos
EgrjyrjTrjs

ifpocpai/TTj?

ifpcxpavriftes

8vo.

[6]

d(p

carrias

and E^yTyTtu
.

Tpfis

IfpoKijpvg

laKxayayos.

cirl

Uvp(p6pos
Adrjvrjaiv

$aidvvTT)S
tVpetat.)
.
.

Kopr/s* navayfa
194

Uavayrjs. (Cf. Hesych. S. V. Uavaieis leg. Vide Eph. Arch. 1900, p. 79 [tepeta] &r)nrjTpo$ (second century A. D.). Cf. R. 182, 208.
.

nal

a
.(6^

Eph. Arch. 1883,

p.

146 ovvo^a

KaXXio-Tco

es yepas

d0avd.Ta>v

dyxidvpoi Arjovs KOI Kovprjs

SatS^<pdpou,

ovSe

p.e

VVKTCS (?)

A^

v xaXXtoi Xa/^Tro (j.fvai.

Eph. Arch. 1885,

p.

150:
ArjfjLTjrpos

Hvpocpopov

virtipoxpv

"H

re

KOI

Avravlvov opov KoftfidSo)

195

C.
Ib.

/.

A.
6

3.

919

epprjcpoprjo-aa-av

ry A^/i^Tpi Ka\

196

393

a<p

eoTTias p,vr)6f\s TTOIS.

Cf. 406,

443445.
TTfpt
TTJS
ai/

197

Andoc.

TTfpt /UVO-T.

IIO

Karyyoprjo-av Sc /xou
S*
i/d/>tos

/cat

iKerrjpias

KaraQfiriv tyob
p,v(TTrjpiois,
198

eV

T(5

EXevcrw ia),

e irj

TraTptos,

6?

TfOvdvai.
27roi/8o^)opoi
:

The

Aeschin. T^Z/J. Legal.

eVayye XXovo-i pdvot

133
TCOI*

rots

o-7roi>8o(popo

i?

Tot? Tas

/ivo-T7/pi<ji)TiSas

o-xrovSaf

<T7T(i(TaVTO.

Cf. R.

75*

350
199

GREEK RELIGION
The
EnrijueX^rai
:

Arist.
TO>V

Ath. Polit. 57
7rifj.\r]TC0v

Se

ftaaiXevs

TTpMTov
/ze

ovs 6

8rjfj.os

exflpor6vftt Svo

anavruv, tva 8
av
.
. .

Evp.o\7ri.8cov eva 8e KrjpvKuv.

/3ao"iXeus,

LysiaS,
r^eoz/

/car. *Ai/SoK.

AvdoKidrjs

Aa^?/

aXXo
eV
T&>

77

xat

Qwidafi
ra
e

KOI

t>7rep

cv\as everai Kara ra Trdrpia, ra

/Lief

ei>8d8e

EXeufrtftco,

ev

TW

EXeucrTi/t fepw, KOI TTJS eoprrjs eVi/ieX^aerat p.vorTrjpiois.

200

Thg

lepoTrotoi
rfjv

Pollux,
Af/Xoi/,

8.
rrjv

107
eV

SfKO, ovTfs
"Bpavpwvi,

lepoTToioi] e^uoi/
rr/v

Qvvias ras
r^i/

7rfVTO.fTT)pi8as,

(Is

rtov

Hpa/cXet coi/,

EXfuo-iVaSe.
of

Lycurgean

inscription referred to supra, R. 182,

mentions

tepoTTOtot of fK EovXrjs.
201

The
IO

E^yi^Tai
rolff

vide R.

180, 182, 186,

188, 193.

Lysias,

ar.

dypd(pois [vopois] Ka6

ovs Ev/noXn-i &u t^yovvrai.

dv6pa>7ra)v

Andoc.

MVOT. Il6 & KaXXta^

,

TTCLVTO^V

ai/oo"ia)rarf,

KrjpvKvv &v,
ifpcxpdvTTjs:

01)% oo-iov (TOi

^T]yelcr6at.
:

202

Anth. Pal. Append. 246

6y TfXfras dve(paive KOL opyia ndvvv^a HIHTTCIIS

Ev/ioX7roi;,

irpo^eoiv

ifJi(p6f(T(rav
:

OTTO.

Eph. Arch. 1883,

opyia

p.

81 (rXauKo?)
etyaive

TTCKTIV

Pporols 0aeo-t /i)3pora Arjovs

(IvafTes,

SfKaVa)
/zaxdpeoi/

^ Ka\bv

e<

^X^e Trpoy a^avarous* ov (JLOVOV tlvai fJ.V(TT7]piov,

<a<6v

rov 6d.va.Tov OVTJTOI? ov

dXX

dyaduv.
fiv(TTr]pi.a
/cat

^
c

HeSVCh.

s. V.

i(po<pdvTr)s

(JLVcrrayatyos,

Itpfvs 6 ra

Luc. Ae^i^af. IO eWvy^dj/a) SaSou^w

Aeivtai/
o-vpovo-iv

re

ai

ipo(pdvrrj

rots aXXoif

dpprjTorroio is

ay8rjv eVi
et3a>y

riyi/

dp^^i/, eyK\ijpa
Q)o~iu>6r]O~av

endyovres, ort
dvowvfjioi re eiai

a)v6p,a(v avrovs, KOI ravra fv

KOI ovKfTi ovop.a.(TTol a)s av

on
^5^

e^ ovirep

fepd>j/iyxoi

yfycvrjfjievoi.

d Philostr. Fz /rt
fepd.

yl/>^//.

4.

18

6 Se lfpo(pdvTrjs OVK e jSouXero Trape^eii/ ra

Arnob.

^4</z>.

G ^/.
1

5.

25 Eumolpus, a quo gens

illud

ecfluit
et

Eumolpi-

darum
4.

et ducitur

clarum

apud Cecropios nomen

floruerunt Caduceatores, hierophantae atque praecones.

.
.

qui postea Tac. Hist.

Timotheum Atheniensem e gente Eumolpidarum, 83 Ptolemaeus quern ut antistitem caerimoniarum Eleusine exciverat, quaenam ilia
.

superstitio,

quod numen,

interrogat.
"^ v

f Plut. Alcib.

22 (in the indictment of Alcibiades) ex OVTa

e^o)i/

otavnfp IfpofpdvTrjs

deiKVvei ra fepd

irpoo-ayopfvovTa. KOI eVoTrray rrapa

7ri8wi/ KOI

ra

vdfj.ip,a

TOVS de a XXout eraipovs fj-vo-ras KO\ ra Kadco-rrjKora vno re Ev/zoX.

KijpvKwv KOI

T&v

fepeeoj/

Tutv e

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

Max. Tyr.
h Paus.
rov
TT)I/

II

351

DlSS. 12. 6

e7r^pa<raj/ro

avro) K^puKe? Kai Eu/ioX7ri 8ai.

rfj

2. 14, i, at
/cat

Keleai near Phlius,

aXXore

A^p/rpi

Si

eWuroO
r6i>

TeXer^v

ot

Kara eras ayovo~i.

fKa(TTt]v

iepotydvTrjs 8e OVK eV

/3ioi>

a7ro8e SeiKTai,
Xa/i/3di>a>i/ }

Kara 8e

reXer^!/

eWii/ aXXoy

o-<pi

cnv atperoy,
z/oynt-

jyv

6e\7] } Kai yvvaiKa.

T?)I/

Kai ravTa fiev

8id0opa

rcoi/

EXevcrm

ra 8e ey avr^v
i

T\errjv eKfivav eort

plfjujais.

Stobae.
ecr6ia)v

vol.
fj

4, p.
nlvtov

73 (Meineke), quoting from luncus

6
Trpecr/SuT^s

Trept

y^pwy,

roi/

Tf
a(ppo8i(Ti<Bi>

a.7T^6fj,vos

wcrirepel

Schol. Arist.

Ran. 372

TOVTOHTIV airavdS)

?rapa r?)y rou lepoffiavrov KOI

ev rfj TroiKiXr) crroa. TTpopprjcriv TTJV

1

Hippol. Philosoph.
8ia
Kcovfiov

5.

8 (Miller, p. 115) 6 lepocpdvTTjs

evvovxi-

Kai rra&av dnr]pTicriJLevos TTJV

aapKiKrjV yeveaiv
>cai

VVKTOS ev
lepov

Tf\5)v ra fteyaXa Kai app^ra pva-rrjpia /3oa

KeKpayf

\eya>v

TCKf TTOTVia KOVpOV Bpl/UO) BplpTj.

m
n
. , .

Aelian, Frag. TO
ev6a
STJTTOV
ra>

a^p

rty

^v

oamep

&6r]crfv eavrov es
rjv.

TO peyapov

<f)epa>v }

ifpocpavrr)

/zoi/<u

7rapf\6eiv de^trov

Walz,

^?^f/. Graec. (Sopatros), p.

121

KOI TrXeou fx MV

apvyrav

8ox>v

7Tidvp,el rrjs ipo(f)dvTOv

KaTaxovaai

(j)an/rjs.

208

l(p6(pavrif

vide R.
"itrrpos

191,

193,

194.
flvai

Istros ap.
(TT/ifia
rrjv

Schol. Soph.
KOI
TTJV

O. C. 68 1
/^it

8*

rrjs

ArjftrjTpos

fjLVppivrjv

XaKa

KOI TOV lepocfrdvTrjv 8e Kal TOS

lfpo<pdvridas

Kai TOV SaSoO^oi/ KCU TCIS

a\\as
204

Ifpfiay pvpptvr)? ?X 61Z/ VTftfravov,

<J>iXXeI8ai

PhotlUS,
fj

S. V.

yevos CCTTIV

*A.6f)Vfl<ri

fie

TOVTWV

rj

Upeia
17

TTJS Ar]fj,rjTpos

KOL Koprjs,

fivovaa TOVS pixTTas fv EXevaivt.

^vr]arc Kai fj.vel
.

Plut. de

Exil.

Ev/noX7rov or
205

K QpaKrjs fJifTaaTas

TOVS

"EXXr;i/ay.

~ e f Aeschin. 3. l8 TOVS tepets Kai 66, 172, 190, 2O2 Tas lepeias vnfvdvvovs etvai KeXeufi 6 i/o/iop, Kal ov p.6vov I8ia aXXa Kal TO. yfvr], Cf. C. I. A.. 2. 597* TvfjLO\7ri8as Kai HrjpvKas /cat TOVS a\\ovs aTraira?.
KypvKfs,

R.

Walz, Rhet. Graec.

dr]noo~iq rrjv crKonrjv.

vol.

8,

p.

Il8

irpb

irdvTcov

eVirarrei

[6

iepoKrjpv]

a Aa8oC xo?:

R. 184, 189,
IfpocpdvTai
fj.fi>

202,

218.

Schol. Aeschin. Fals. Legal.

TLvfjioXTridfov,

Dind.

p.

82

&r)p.r)Tpos

dno

AaSou^os 8

OTTO

^ Arist. Eleusin. Dind. vol.

noo-6i8a) Te Kai
Epfjirjv

I,

p.

417

EvjuoX7T/8ai
ol 8e

re

/cai

Kr/pvKfs fs

avafyepovTts lfpo(pdvras,

SaSou^ouy

Trapei ^oi/ro.

c
TT)

Aelian, Frag. 10 (Suidas, p. BouX ^ (BouXat a Bernhardy)

t

8570,
TTJ

s.

v.

<al

Kopy

8ia re

AaSovxa) Ei/^ai/ro 8e ai TWV iepocpavT&v Kal TOV

o~a)Tr]p{av avTols.

352
d Schol. Arist.

GREEK RELIGION
Ran. 482
eV rot? A^vatKot? dySxri TOV &iovvo~ov 6 KCU ol vTraKOvovrfs
/3oa>(n*

KaTf\O)v Xa/M?ra5a Xeyet* KaXetre 6f6v

TrXovroSo ra.
e

Xen. Hell.

2. 4, 2O KAeoVptro? 6 vide also Dionysos, R. 1243.

rcoi>

fj.vo-T(ov

*f5pu.

For the

Female
on

oaoovxos

C. /.
etTre
e/cet

(9.

1535.
"X^p?

L.UC. KardVXou?

22
rot?

p.oi,

fT(\fo~6rjs
;

Kvi/tovcf,

ra

ovx

6>ota

ra cvdddf

eu Xe yets*

t5ou yovv

307

Euseb. Praep. Ev. 3.12 (from Porphyry)

6 p(V
ipo<f>avTT)s

eV 8e rot?

nr

p.v(TTr)piois

fls

fl<6va

TOV
r/)

ft?

ov* r?)i/ j^Xt

(cat

/iei/

eVt ^co/ua} et?

Cf. Apollo, Geogr.

Reg*

Delos

(two

Krjpvxfs CK TOV yevovs

TO>V

Krjpvicav

TOV

TT)S (jLvo-TrjpivTiftos

officiating in the
S. V.

worship of the Delian Apollo).

rwv
.

208

YSpai/o?
TTfpt

Hesych.
TC\OVVTtoV

ayi>to-r77?

E\(v(rivia>v.

Pollux,

I.

35

pV(TTr)pi(i)V

KOI

TC\OV[J.Vtol>

lepotydvTCU

SaSoC^Ol KTjpVKfS
l

o"7roi>8o(popoi

iepfiat

navaytis nvp(popoi
/cat

vfj.vu>8ol

v/j.vr)Tptai vp,vr)Tpi8fs,

yap

KCU xovpoTp6(pos rt?

^aetpi r?;? icat

6Va rotaura,

iSta

TU>V

209

a<p

eVria? TraT?
Icraios

vide supra, R. 193, 196.

ev
rai

Harpocr.
a^)
eo~rta?

s.

v. dtp

etrrt a?

p.vd(rdai
TJV

Trpo?

KaXvScova*

fjivovfjifvos

TrdvTws.

Lex. Rhet.

p.

204

acp

ecrrias
fivrjdds.

fj.vr)6r)vai

t<

rail/

A6rjvaid)v K\f)p(6 4.

Xa^cov ?rat?

?j/ioo-/a

Porph.

</<?

Abst.

5 oVep yap eV rot? /iuar^piot? 6

p,vovfj,fva>v

a0

(arias Xtyojiiei/o? Tral? 6? avri

Trai/rcov

rav

aTro/xftXiVo frat ro 6(lov t d/cpi/3co? ftpwv ra Trpocrrcray/xei/a.

Time,

ritual,

and order of the ceremonies.

for

Vide R. 175
mysteries.
210

date of the

woM
p.

for

the lesser

and greater

Lesser mysteries at Agrai

vide R. 168, 175, 185, 190.

a Plat. 7?^. 2, p.

364 E
27.

(cf.

Gorgias,

497 C)
5e

o>?

Trpo

rip

/ueyaXo>i>

ra piKpa TrapaSoreoi/.

Steph. Byz.
u nvcrTTjpia
c

J.

"Aypa

^oop/ov
rcoi/

eo-ri

ri}s

Arrt/c^y eV

<u

ra

7riT(\flTai

p,ip.rjij.a

Trtpt

rov Aidwaoi .
fie

Schol. Aristoph. Plut.

K.dprj,
TO.

846
. .

/nuo-r^pia
/cat

fivo

rfXetrat

roO

fViavTov

A^jyrpt Kat
/cat

niKpa

/cat

ra ^fyaXa,
jjcraf

eVrt ra

/ni/cpa o)(nrep 7rpoKd6apo~is

7rpodyvfvo~is

Ta>v

/ifyaXcoi/

5e ra pey /LtcyuXa r^? Aj}/MT;rpo?, ra 8e

6 6e fj.vovp.evos TO
d<pavio~0fj

/ii/cpa

HfpaecfrovT]? rr)? avr^? Ovyarpos.

Ip-drtov, o e cpo pet eV

r^
4.

p.vr)O~fi )

ov8e7TOTf aTreSufro, p.f^pis av reXeco?

r7

SiappueV.
TO.

Diod.

Sic.

14

^W?

7p

Trpo?

roi/

Kadappbv TOV KfVTavptov (povov

ri/zaio a.

/JUKpa

p.vo~Tr]pia

o~vv(O~Trjo~aTO )

TOV

Hpo/cXea

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

^
Plllt.

11

353

Demelr. 26 eypafyev

[Aij/^rpioy] ore /SovXerat napayevofievos evdvs

TO>V

fjivr)&T)vai

Kal TTjv T\eTr]v airao-av OTTO rSov fiiKp&v a^pi

rjv

enoTTTiKuv irapaXa-

fielv

TOVTO S ov 6ep.iTOV
TO.

ovSe yeyovos Trporepov, aXXa ra fiiKpa TOV

eivanrrevov 8e

pi&vos ereXovvro,
OTTO
T>V

be p,eyd\a TOV BoqSpo/uiwz/oy

p,eyd\o)v eviavTov

diaXeinovTes

eTo\p.T)(rv avreirrflv Hvdodcopos 6

Clem. Alex. Strom.

T>V

5. II (p.

688-689
piKpa

P.) OVK dne^rcog Spa KOI

ru>v

pvaTTjpl&v

Trap*

"EXXrjo-ii/

ap%i
KOI

p,ev TO.
TO.

Kctddpaia naBairfp KOI rots ftapftdpois TO

p,v(TTT}pia
TO.

Xourpoi .

Mera raOra 8
7rpOTrapa<rKvr)s

e ar!

&a07caXiaf nva
TO>V

inrodecrtv

CXOVTU KOI

ra>v

p.f\\6vTa>v y

8e ^leyaXa, Trept
rfjv

<rv[j.TrdvTa>v

ov iiavBavfiv ert VTroXetVeTat, eirotrreveiv 8e KOI jrepivoflv

irpa.yp.aTa.
*

re
<pv<riv

KOI ra

C.

I, A..

2.

3^5
fjv

^^P*1

^^ airayyeXXovo iv

of

7rip,e\r)Tal
.

TO>V

(JLVOTrjpiav

6v<rlas

fGvcrav ev TOIS Trpos

ev Ty 6v(rla
TO.
<ro>r^pta

"Aypav

/Muortypt ots-

firfiSrj

8e ol

irpoTcpov T

TO>I>

/zeyaXcoi/

[JiV<rTr)pia>v

eTrep,e\f]6r](rav
/cat

TTJS

Bvalas KOI vvv TeBvuaa-i

raty Beats virep TTJS fiovXrjs

TOU

StjfJLOV.

Himer. Or.
TO.

3.

3 (p. 432) vvveap

cai

4 vvv nXovo-ia

p.ev

iXto-o-ou

u
ra

$ia(pavf)
pv<TTt

va/nara,

ra^a S)

are

[?

AT/ovy]

fjLavreveTai jraXtv 6 Trorayioy

]pta.

Cf.

Himer. ^V/.
TOP

10, 16

Trap*
TOI/

iXio-o-oO /ivoriKaT?

o^aiy.
roiff

Polyaen.
eXarrotri

Sirat.

V.

17

iXto-croi/,

ov

Kadappbv

TeXovai

^ SuidaS,
Cf.
i

J.5y.
,?.

*Aypa
"AypaC

Ajjfi^rpoff
%a>piov

ffpoy e^a) r^y TroXecay Trpoy

eo>

TW

Hesych.

A.TTIKOV

Tqs TroXecoy lepbv AqpjjTpos.

Athenae. 253^ AoCpty

avTov TOV
\

Se

6
eby

2a/ntoy
01
/cat

ci/

T^ SevTepa
TU>V

Kal

eiKo<TTf)

T&V
I

i(TTopiS)v Kal

ldv<pa\\ov

/ze ytorroi

6eo>v

Kal 0t Xrarot

TTJ

TrdXci irdpeLoriv

evravda yap A^/i^rpa

Kdpjjy /ivor^pta
|

&r)p.r)Tpiov

ap.a naprjy

6 /caipoy*

^^

fieV

TO

trefjiva TTJS

epxeff iva notary.

Date of the greater mysteries: vide R. 175, 187.

211

Plut.

Phok. 6 (referring to the battle of Naxos) EvUav

Kal irapel^ev oti/o^di^/Lta Xa/3pi ay *A6r)vaiois naQ*
e<acrTov

8e p.eyd\ois

p.V(TTr)piots

eviavTov

TTJ

eKTTj

em

deKa TOV Bo^Spo/iicoj/oy.

Ibid. C. 28
e

Et/ca8i

yap

17

(ppovpa EorjdpoTrepTrovari.
[TTJS

fjnS)vos elo-rjxfy p-vorrjpia^v

ovruv, y TOV "laK\ov

2,

aoreoy

EXeu<riVa8e

Philostr.

Vit.

Soph. Kayser

p.

104

ovop.a p.ev

817

TO>

Trpoaoreiw

EXeuo-ii/afie
aytoa-ti/,

Xeaxpopov]
avaTrawovo-ti

lepa 2u/c^
.

ra Se

E\evcriv66ev lepa

eneidav els

aa-rv

C.

/.

Hadrian, found at Athens, now

G. 523 (inscription about the time of at Oxford), on the i7th of BoedrorpvyT/roj/ AtovL-o-o) KOI roTy

mion

ArjprjTpi

Kop7

8e\(piiKa:

on the l8th

aXXoty

FARNELL.

Ill

354
212

GREEK RELIGION
Eph. Arch. 1887^.3: inscription from Eleusis (third century
9

B.C.)
ols

yivopevrjs rqs (0~TpaTT)yr]KV.

(rtvltov.

Travrjyvpfas

r>v

E\V(Tivia>v

TU>V

fieyd\o)v ev
TTJV

rots

ertviv
TCOI/

Cf.

ib.

1883, p.

123,

1.

46

irevTfTTjpida

*EXeu-

Ritual.
213

Hesych.

S. V.

Ayvp/xoV

rwi/

fj.v<TTT)pio>v

rjp-epa TrpaTT].

214

The

irp6ppr)o-is,

R. 172, 202 k
o~r]fjLoo~ia

Luc. Demon,

p.

34

eYoX/zTjo-e &V

TTOTC KOI

A.6r)vaiovs

epuTrja ai

rijff

npopprjaeots aKovcras, 6ta riva alriav

aTTOK\fiov(ri TOVS j3ap/3dpovr.

Id.

Alex.
del

p.

38

TeXeriyv crvvia-rarat.
fffjiepoiv

KOI dap.ev
rfj
T)

Koi

lepocpavriaf rpiu)v
rjv,

erjs

Tf\ovp,fVT)S

KOI
rj

cv

7Tpuppr](ns

eooTrep

A^^w/o-t, TOiavrr)

ft TIS

adeos

Xpianavos
8.

EniKovpfios TjKi Karda-KOTTos ratv

i/r

opyiav (pevyera).
.

Pollux,

90

fie

/uv(7T?;pta)i/

Trpoe oTTjKe

irpoayopevet de rots fv

atria

Hesych. S. V. "AXaSe /zutrraf R. 185. Hesych. S.V. Pciroi cv

PeiToi, pcoypoi

216

rjfjLepa

TIS

rwv

AOtjvijcri (j.varrjpitav
flff\v ol
-rrpos rrj

vide

rfj

AmKfj 8vo
TTJS

Kal 6 p.ev Trpb?

rrjf

TTJ

^aXdrrj;

TrpecrfUvTepas

6eov

vop.l(trai

6 8e Trpbs rb atrrv

vccorepas

oOev rovs \ovrpovs Ayvi&crQcu TOVS tiidaois. Cf.

vol. viii, p. 1

Paus.

i.

38,

i.

Walz, Rhetores Graect,

14 (Sopatros)

/ue

XXcoy

8e TOIS Kadapo-iois roif TTpb rfjs TfXerfjs fvrvyxdvciv.

Tertull. de Baptism. 5

Certe ludis Apollinaribus

tionem
116

et

et Eleusiniis tinguuntur idque se in regeneraimpunitatem periuriorum suorum agere praesumunt.

a Eur.

Ion 1075
et/cdScoi/

Toi/

7ro\vvpvov

6(6i>,

rrept

(taXXt^dpot(rt

Trayats-

Xa/i7rdSa Qewpov
"

avnvos o^erai.

Cf.
.

R. 164.
.

PaUS.

I.

38, 6

EXeucrm oiy eori

at
yvi/at/ccy

(ppeap KaXovpfvov KaXXt^opoi/

feat
r/a-ai/

cv6a 7rpS)Tov

E\V<rtviav

xopbv

ecrr^a-ai/

eV

TTJV

6f6v.

Apollod. BibL I,C.

Uerpav
fKa6i(T

5,

I,

eVt T^y an-

(Kfivrjs

K\T]fal<rav

Aye Xaoroi>
Cf.

l [Ar)p.r TTjp^

napa TO KaXXt ^opov (ppeap

cniKadi^ei
/AJ)

Ka\ovfj.evov.

Clem.

Protrept. p.

16
els

(ppeaTi
^Of,

\virovp.fvr).

TOVTO Tols

fj.vovp.fvois

ert

Iva

fioKotej/

of

TerfXeo /itfot

p
w

^V. J/^-. 429. 42

Trpbs Tas icpovpyias

H/iepoKoXXe ff
Affrjvalot
o>s

(poiviKovv fpiov diairenoiKt^fifvov,

XpG>VTcii

QeoSwpos

Havayfjs 7rpoo~ayopcvet ev

TW

TrpooTw Trepi KrjpvKtov yevovs.

^ Phot.
Tro Sa

J. 5^.

KpoKovV
Kal

ot P.VO-TCU a)s

(pao~l

KpoKrj
of

rrjv

detav X f P a Ka 1 To
<cpd/ca)

"

dvaSovvrat

\eycTai TOVTO

KpoKovv

Se

OT4 eVt ore

Ka6ai-

povrai.
6

Himerius,

vii.

2,

p.

512
qpepov

ATTIKOS
Tpo(pfjs

vop,os

EXevo-u/aSe

tpepeiv AceXevet *ai dpdyp.aTa }

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

Plut.

II
>

355
686v

Aldb, 34

Gvo-iai

Kat xopeiat Kat TroXXa

VTT*

TCOI/

fyapevuv Ka6

orav e^eXauvoxrt TOV

"laK^ov,

dvdyKrjs c^eXewrero.
Kr)<pio~o~bs
. .

Strabo,
TTfdiov,
<p*

400

IIora/Lioi
f)

8*

eicrip

6 /zeV

pttav
S. V.

fit

8ia TOV
.

ov Kai

avdpa

ye(pvpa Kai ol ye(pvpio~fiol.

Hesych.
(Is

Yccpvpts

[eVt rfjs

TWV ycfpvpas] Kade^opevov

e

eV EXevo-ti/i /uuar^picov

[? ayo/nej/coi/j

(Tuy/caXfTrro/ifi/oi

ovopdrav
Sevrj

o*Ka>^/zara

\tyeiv
oi

TOVS

ev86ovs

TroXtras.

Suidas,

J. #.

Tc(pvpis

KOI en-ftVaicroff

yap Tftyvpaioi

^eVot,

For

the la/c^ou vnodoxr) vide R. 185.

217

Moral

tests applied to candidates

otrot -yap TO Tf

Liban. Or. Corinth,

vol. iv,
KOIVU>

p.

356 (Reiske)
368
[?

aXXa Kadapols
TTJV
*

flvai rois [tvcrTais Iv

<pa>i>r)V

irpoayopfvova-i, olov ras ^elpa? rrjv tyvxyv,

"E\\rjvas

flvai.

Cf.

p.

TO Krjpvypa Touro K^purrerat,

leg. eire]
oo-Ttff
a-^)a)i/

oortp ras ^etpaj

(pwvrjv]

^17

Kadapbs

A0r)Vaia>

Xe ye

[Lobeck, em.

davveros.

(Lobeck*S

emendation is proved by the citation of the formula in Theo Smyrnaeus, De Utilit. Math. p. 15 (Hiller), and by Origen in Cels. 3. 59.) Suet.
Nero,
c.

34

Peregrinatione
impii
est.

quidem

Graeciae

et

Eleusinis

sacris,

quorum
interesse

initiatione

et scelerati

voce praeconis summoventur,

2, c.

non ausus
I8elv

Apollod. Bibl.
eneiSrjTrep
ep-vfjOij.

5,

12

Hpa^X^]

^17

dwdpevos
ayvio-Oiis

ra pvo-Typia,

OVK

rjv

f]yvto-fj.fvos

TOV Kevravpov (povov

VTTO

EvpoXnov roVe

Andoc. De Myst.
TO>V

33

(p.

36,

Baiter) eav pr) /ieraXa/S?/ TO TrepnTov pepos

fi

tyrjfpuv Kai aTi/ito^ 6

evSelgas
rj

Kr)(pio~tos ouToo-t,

OVK egfffTiv aurw

els

TO lepbv

TOW

Qeolv elarievat

drro-

b Rules of abstinence
el

Liban.

loc. cit. KOI I8ia TroXii/

TO

el

TOV Kal TOV %

(Mvaraytoyols

Tovde eyvo~a), ov KaBapbs Trdpei

KOL TroXX?) TOVTOU

napa
fj8ij

TOIS

e Tn/ze Xeia.

Paus.

I.

37, 4 (beans tabooed)

oo-Tts de

Tf\Tr)v E\fvo~lvi

fldev

rj

TO.

Ka\ovfjieva *Op(ptKa eVfXc^aTo, oidev o

Xeyw.

Porph.

De

Abstin.

4.16
KCU

TrapayyeXXeTai yap Kat EXeuo- tVt

potay Te KOI ^Xtoi/.

aTre ^eo-^at KaToiKtStcov

6pvi6a>v

KOI Ix^vaiV

Kva>a)i/

Cf.

R.

8.

Plut.
io-Tf.

De

Sollert.

Tp/yXai/ 8e TOVS ev *EXeuo-tw p,vo~Tas 0-f^op.evovs

Ov. Fast.
noctis,
cibi.

Anim. 35 4. 535

Quae quia principio posuit ieiunia Tempus habent mystae sidera visa
218

The

religious service in the TeXea-Trjpiov.

a Luc.

De

Saltat.

TcXeT^i/ ovfie fiiav

f<TT\v

evpflv avev
/ivo-T^pta
8fl TO.

b Clem.
&<nrp

Alex.

Protrept.

p.

P.

TO.

A\Kipid8rjv Xeyovo-t.
T>V

Synes. in Dion. p. 52 c

/ztKpa

cVo-

Trrevo-at yrpo

pi6i><av

KCU ^opcCo-ai irplv Safiov^jjcrat Kat 6a8ov^^o-nt jrplv

iepo(pavTr]O~ai.

Clem. Alex. Protrept.

Kai TJ)V 7T\dvr)v Kai

p.

12

AT/CO

5e KOI KopT; Spafia

fjdr)

fyeveo-drjv

T^

apnayrjv Kai TO irtvdos avTaiv EXevcris SaSov^et.

A a

.356

GREEK RELIGION
.
.
.

a famulonim Apulei. Melam. 6 Per tacita secreta cistanim et per et illuminarum Proserpinae tuorum draconum pinnata curricula nuptiarum demeacula et luminosarum filiae inventionum remeacula et
cetera quae silentio tegit Eleusinis Atticae sacrarium.
e Tertull.

Ad Nat.

ii.

p.

Ceres passa est?

irpbs
dvapid(Jir)Tos
ftrjfJLOS

Cf. Asterius,

30 Cur rapitur Cereris sacerdos si non tale Encom. martyr, p. 194 (Combe) OVK
KO.I O.I

V TO (TK.OTft.VOV
p.6vrjv ;

O*fUKt\ TOV

lfpO(paVTOV TTpOS TT)V tfpfiav

o-ftcvvvvrat
bv<rt

ov%

at Xa/nTrciSey

KOI 6 7ro\v? Kal

ovcdra)

TTJV o-urijpiav

avT<av

ftvai

i>op

TO.

fv

ra>

napa

rail/

Lact. Div. Inst. epitom. 23 His (Isidis sacris) etiam 7rparro>i/a. Cereris simile mysterium est, in quo facibus accensis per noctem
dvo

Proserpina requiritur, et ea inventa

ritus

omnis gratulatione

et tae-

darum

iactatione finitur.

f Plat.

Symp.

p.

2IO
oifi

A
ei

raCra ra (pcoTtKa
olos T

ttrcor

K&V

<ri

p,vr)0eir)s,

TO.

8(

re Xca Kal eVoTmcca OVK

&

Himer. Ed.
T

IO,

4, p.

176 ou

fu/iTjo-a/iei

os TOV P.VOTIKOV vopov, os

CTTOTTTT)

KOI pVOTT) pfpi&l TOV \pOVOV.

t Stobae. from Themistius (Plutarch) ncp\ ^vxfjs

(vol. iv, p. 107,

6pyia6p.fi>oi
.

Meineke)
TrXairu
TO.

TOT? irdo-xei nddos olov

Trpoira
/cat

of

reXeratp p,cyd\ais

TrepiSpo/zat

K07T<a(is

KOI oia O-KOTOVS TIVCS VKOTTTOI nopflai

Kal are Xeoroi, f ira irpb TOV

idpa>s

T\OVS QVTOV ra

8civa 7rdj/ra, (ppiKij Kal Tpopos Kal

dirfjvrrjfff,

Kal QdpjSos.

K of TOVTOV (pus TI 6avpdo~iov

Kal roVoi Kadapol

Kal

~\ip.>vs

fdfgavro, (puvas Kal ^opetay

Kal crepvoTTjTas aKovo-paTuv ifp&v Kal

fjor)

ayioiv

f^ovrfs

fv

dls

iravTfXrjs

Kal

fiffivr]p.evos

f\fvdfpos
oo- iois

Kal afpfTos irepu&v

fO~Tf(pav<ap.fvos

opyidfa Kal

o-vvfO~Ttv

Kal

Kadapols dvopdo~i,
i

Plut. de prefect, virt. p. 8

6 5

eWoy yfvoptvos

Kal

/xc

ya

IStov
(pa>s

k
Ta)V

Walz, Rhetores Graect,

dvaKTOpav yfyfvr]p.ai Kal

vol.

viii,

p.

114 (Sopatros)
apa

eVet ovv

cio-o)

fj.vo~Tr)s

&v

ifpofpdvrrjv

Kal dadov^ov Tfdeap.ai

Themist. Or.

5.

71

?&>

ToC vfv

TO.
.

TrporAcia

fjLvfjO-as

fli

ra dz/aVropa
(late

TTJV Tf\frrjv KaTa6f)o-fTai.

Cf. R.

2O2 m
:

Inscription from Eleusis

period) Eph. Arch. 1883, p. 79

3)

/iuorat,

rore

^t

t?5fr*
.

dvaicropov fK 7Tpo(pavfvra
.
.

Nv^li/ (V dpytwuls.

Cf.

R.

206*>.

1X1

Tatian, In Graec. 8
KVfi.
d*

Zei>?

TTJ

Bvyarpl o-vyyiyvfTai, Kal

*cai

f]

GvyaTrjp

air*

avTov
t

fjiapTvpfjafi,

fj.oi

vvv

EXew<7lff

opuxuiv 6 HVOTIKOS Kal

TTJV

Op<pfvs

o
at

Gvpas

fnidfo-6f fteftrjXoif

Xt ywi/.

Albatvcvs dprrd^ft

Koprjv

Kal

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

d^as avrov yfyovacri /uvor^pta*
a7rara>i>Tat

II
6vyarepa
Kai

357

/cXaiei

ArjfjirjTrjp

TTJV

8ta Tot s A.6r]vaiovs.

n Max. Tyr. DtSS. 30 e AOKOUO-I 8e

fopras Koi TfXeras
Aioi/uo-a>
6e>v

/not

/x^fic

Ti7P

apxn v

aXXot Tives
aAa>

rf

ye<opyoi

Trpamu fiev fnl

^opouy, TrpwTot 8e eVi

A^^rpi

opyia.
Aflj/i/atoi
/cat

Hippol. Philosoph. p. 115,

*cai

Miller,
TO
fteya

fnifteiKvvvTcs

rots

fTTOTTTCvovcri
<7tO)7T^

BavpavTov

/cat

TeXetoTaroi/

fTTOTTTtKOV fJLV(TTT)plOV } CV

TfO

P Plutarch,

Frag.

XXiii. of Se dp^aioi KOI irpoiiairfpov f&ircipov Kal dfj\ov

219

Prayer, mystic formulae, sacrifice.

Lysias, 6. 51 QVTOS
fine
rfj
<j)a>vf]

fi>8vs

oroX^v fjupovnevos

TO,

lepa

dfjivrjTois KO\

TO, diropprjTa.

^ Procl. in Tim. 293 C eV Tots

dva[B\e\lsavTS
e/3oo)v
vtf,

EXero-tytots

if

pots fls pfv TOV ovpavov

KdTaftXtyavTfs 8f els TTJV yrjv

ve,
cve,

Aglaoph.

p.

782 emends

which

is

TOKVLC (Lobeck, found in the parallel state

ment of Hippolytus, Ref. Omn. Haer.

c

5. 7, p.

146).
TO
e/c

Clem.

Alex.

Protrept.

p.

18 P.

Ko-rt
eXaftov

o-vvdrjua
ACIO-TJ^S,

EXcvo-ti/twi/

fjLva-Tijpioiv

evrjcTTeva-a,

cmov TOV KVKe&va,

is

fyytvcrdpfvos
evicra<ra

(MS. fpyao-dufvos) dnt6ep.rjv

fj

Ka\a0ov Kal oc KaXa^ov

y KIVTIJV (cf. 2$.

Bau/Seb T^V AJJO), opeyei KVKf&va avT,^).

AthenaeUS, 478
TTJV

IloXefio)!/

eV

TW

Trepi

TOV 8/ou K(p8iov

/cat

(jirjai
ava>

pera de
(av
^io-t

TavTa

T\TT)v

TTOtet icot cipet

TO

c/c TTJs

^0X0/177?

W/^et oo-ot

emend. Casaubon)
KCpajJlfOVV
Op/ill/Ot,
fX.

TO

Kepvos

irfpKvrjvoxoTes.

TOVTO

eon-tv

ayyeroy
ej/

OV * V a
VT<p

TTOXXOVS KOTvXlVKOf? KKO\\T]fieVOVS

TTfpOt,

fVl(Tl 8

OVTOl?
KVdfJiOl,

fJ.r)K(OVCS

XfVKOl,

KplOdl,

TTtVot,

Aa$VpOt, S^pOt, (pOKOt,

tptov aTrXuTov.

(fiai, /3po/uos,

TraXd^tov, /weXt, eXatoi/,

otoj/

o?vos, -yaXa, otoi/

6 8e

TOUTO /3aorao-ay

\iKvo(f)oprj(ras

TOVTUV yevfTcu.

Cf. Pollux, 4.

103

TO

Kfpvotyopov opxypa
6 Schol. Plat.
ctf)ayov,
<

otiS*

OTI Xt /cva ^ fa-^apidas (frepovTts.

Trpoff
.

Gorg* 497 C eXeyeTo

102,

TOJI/
.
.

p-vovfjicvw TOVTU

fKTvpndvov
Cf.

KvpfBdXov fmov,
(p.
f

Kpvo(j)6pr)O-a

VTTO

TOP naffTov vnedvov.

Firm. Mat. d? ^rr^r. 18

TTfnoiKa.

Halm)

<

TV/ATTQI/OV /Se/Spoxa, e

cv/i/3dXov

yeyova
^T.

p,v<rTT)$

ATTfa>s.

Hom.
|

Dem. 2O6
fj

otvov

iv\f](Ta(Tj

8 aWj/fvo-*
*cat
v8a>p
|

T^ 8e (AiJ^i;Tpi) SeVas MfTtivetpa 8/Sou p.eXiqo fos ou -yap 6fp.irov ol e0ao-/cc nivfiv olvov fpv6pov t
|

avwye 8 ap*
g
?

aX<pt

SoOi/at p.i^a(rav

irU^fv y\r]\(avi

Tepfivrj.
TO.

Animal

sacrifice:

Schol. Arist.

^w.

282 OVK fr}v

358
KOI U(po-c(p6vT]

GREEK RELIGION
ego>

dfpietv

in the TTfpi^oXos of the temple, R.

176, 180, 186.

S)

Arist.

Ran. 337:
AT^rpos
KdpTj,
KpeS>v.

iroTvia TroXvTi/ifjre
TySu /zoi

o>?

npocrfTTVCvo-f

xoipa toi/

Cf. PlatO,
Kav6dpa>

./?<?/>.

378 A.

Plut.

/^0.

28

MVO-TTJV

\ovovra xotpidcop

<-V

\ip.fvi

KTJTOS crvfeXa/3f.

220
aiiro)

The
ei>

feast of

nX^o^oat
reXevraia
eV ^
dixriv

Athenae. 496

nXrjpoxdr;

xp^rm
/ie*

de

EXfuo-tvt T

TO>I>

pHmjpiuv
TrX^/no^das

^ftepa,

^
.

Kai OTT avroO Trpoa-TTJV

ayopfvovffi

TrX^/io^oas
TTJV

6vo

7rX7;pd)O-ai/res,

Trpoj

civaroXas
rjv.

de

irpbs

di/tora/ufi oi,

dvarpenovo-tv
.

ejrtXcyovres

p^

p.vr)p.ov(vfi

S ainS)v Kai 6 TOV II(ipi6ovv

ii/a

7rX?;/ioxdaf rd(r8

es \66vtov

Hesych.
pov<Ttv t

J. V. rr\ijfj.o\6rj. rrj

vcTTfpaia fjfjxpq

T>V

pvOTTjpuov

KOTv\t<TKovs

77X77-

ovf KaXovcri
.

TT\T] pandas.

Pollux, IO. 74:

TO>I/

dyydov
281

reXfura/a ^peoin-ai TT}

r^/zepa:

The ETtt&wpiW
i]i*.epa.
fevp>

PhiloStr. Fz /.

^4/)(?//.

4.
/cat

l8
ra

*H!/

/ij/

ST)

ETTifiaupiW
(leg.
tfp"

Ta

Se

ErrtSavpta /xera Trpdpp^o-tv

tfpeta

fovpo

v ide Rhein. Mus.

TOVT\ 8e
o\^e
enofjLiarav

1902, 4)

/uufli

Aft/wuW
8r)

irdrpiov

fnl

6v<rlq

dcvrepq

AcrxXrjTrtoC

ei/f/<a,

ore

fjjvijvav

avrov

rJKovra

Eiri8avp66fi>

pv<rrT)pi(0v.

dfjLC^rja-avTfs &
icpo<pdvTT]$

ol TroXXol

TOV

fivfiffdai
TO,

nepl TOV
^177

A7ro\\<avtov

t\ov

...

6 8c

OVK e/3ovXero

nap%ip
/XT)

fepd,

yap av

TTOTC p-vfja-ai ydj/ra,

/irjfie

TT)V

EXcvo-ifa afot^ai

ai>#pa>7ra>

ra

Sai/idj/ta.

Cf. PaUS. 2. 26, 8.

TTJS T( roi

Arist. Ath.

Pol 56

nofjin&v

Xetro [6 np^coi/J
222
?

Ao-KXr^Trioi ytvofJLfVTjS OTCLV ot/coupcoo-t

Mystic doctrine.
<&

August.
iste

Cz ^.

ZW,
dc

xx.

De

Cereris sacris Eleusiniae, de quibus

Varro

nihil interpretatus nisi

quod
Xryfi
/XT)

attinet

ad frumentum.
vofj.o6Trjo~a.i,
-

Porph.
KOI
TO>V

de Abst. 4.

22

(pao~\

Kai

TptTTToXf/ioi/ ^Adrjvaiois

avTO)V Tpcls CTI SevoKpaTrjs

v,

diapeveiv *EXfuo ti/t

Tovo~o~e

yovcls

Beovs KapTTols dyd\\eiv

^iwa

o~ivfo~8at.

Cf. the aypacpoi

v6fj.oi }

R.

20 1.
scere

Cic. Alt.

i.

9 T

Ev/ioX7rt8a)i/

Trdrpta.

Cic. Tusc.

i.

13 remini-

quoniam

es initiatus

TOW

Vpy0~iav Dion. p. 48 A AptororeXr/s

rradfiv
/cat

as ov\ olov re

quae traduntur mysteriis. Isocr. Paneg. 28 aXXow rot? fj.cp.vr]fjfvois dicoveiv. Synes.
j)

a^iot TOVS rfrcXfcr/ieVovs ov paOriv ri dtl

dXXa

Siare^^vat yevoptvovs SjjXoj drt

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

223
?

II

359

Moral influence of the mysteries.

a Horn.

H. Dem. 366-369:
Tifnas &
TO>V

<r\f)(rr)<r6a

/ner

aQavaToun peyioras,
eo-o-erai

5*

ddiKrjcrdvTav T HTIS
fifj

^/zara irdvra

o? Kev

Ovo iaio i Tfov

/zefoy
d>pa

fXdoTctBirai

vayea>s

Zpdovrcs
:

cvai<ri(M

T\OVVTS.

b Arist. -faz.

455

IJLOVOIS
o<roi

yap

f^iiv

rpuos Kal (peyyos iXapop eo~Tiv

ev~

p.pvf]p.c6

afffii

re diriyopcv

Tponov ncpl TOVS

Kal TOVS
c Id.
l8ia>Tas.

fvovs

886

Ai^jLtJjrep

f)

0ptya<ra

rrjv

eprjv

^peVa

civai p.c

rS>v

vwv aiov
(

^VCTTJ/PICOV.

^ Andoc.
dvOpwiruv
edcure TO)
6eolv
e
rrj

De

Myst.
/cat rfj

p.

44 Baiter
31
fj.ev

prjrpl

Bvyarpi, iepevs
Jrpos

125) O-VIHOKCI 6 iravrwv o-^ffrXtwraros ouS &v Tijs prjTpbs Ka\ rtjs dvyarpos
.
.

6*>.

Ib. p. 36,
Tip,6>pf)(TT)T

8c TOVTOIS

H(fj.vr](rd

Kal ewpa/care Toiv

fjt,rj8ev

TO. Ifpd,

Iva

TOVS do-cftovvTas
ourcoy
w(/)eXz/>ia

aw^re

5e TOVS

dSiKovvTas.
eV

Arr. Epict.

iii.

21,

422

<f)avrao-iav

ep^ojuetfa

on

errt

Traidfiq Kal

7ravop6<ao-n

yivTai TOV

T&

/ivo-rjypta, ourcoj

/3iou KaTeo~Tddr].

DlOg. Laert.
o>s

vi. 2,
"A.8ov

39 Agiavvruv OVTOV
npofdpias
ol
ra>

[Aioyevrj]

Adrjvuiuv

fj.vr)6rjvat
(/)?;,

Kal

\yovTa>v

fv
Kat

pfp.vr)p.fvoi Tvyxdvovcri, FeXotoi/,

^opj3opa>

el

A-yjjoriXaos
/ie/zuj;/zeVoi

/uei/

ETra/Afivcb^Saff cv

Sta^oucrti/, evreXfts 6V Tivep

eV Tals

paKapuv

vt)0~ois co-ovrat.

s Sopatros, in

Walz, Rhet. Grace.

8.

114

eo-o/mi dia T^V

reXfr^

Trpo?

irdo~av dpcTrjv fToipoTaros*

Groups of Eleusinian deities. = Demeter and Kore: vide R. 175, 180, 182, 183, 185, Andoc. 187. Inscriptions, Eph. A rch. 1894, p. 195, and 1896, p. 37.
224
TO>
df<*>

De

Myst. 124.
6 6c6s

Cf.
ij

R. 191

irpeo-fivrcpa

Kal

17

i/ecortpa.
:

225

and

Bed =

? Plouton and Persephone

vide inscription
1

on

relief at Eleusis,

Eph. Arch. 1886,

3.
TO)

niv. 3 Avo-ifjMx

5 !

avefyKf 6ca

6e<a.

C.

I.

A.

2.

l62OC;
1

1109
^6o>

Kooyiqrqs e^jScoi/

iepcvs

Qfov
rj

Kal

Qeds

vide R.

80

mentioned

in

company with

Bed

and

226 To) and Plouton vide R. 182,190. Inscription, circ. 100 B.C., on Eleusinian relief, Eph. Arch. 1886, niv. 3 (cf. Ath. Mitth. 1895,
^eo>

p.

262, n. 2) AaKpaTeidrjs Sworparov

iKapievs

iepevs

Bfov

Kal

Qeds

Kal

GREEK RELIGION
Ev&ov\fo>s
. .
.

xaptorrjptov
.

Aj^rpt

KOI Koprj KOI

&o>

KOI

f a KOI

Ev&ovhfl

<ivf0T)Kcv.

nXovrcoi

TpiTrToXf/ioy.

0ea.

&c6?

for restoration of inscrip

p.
6

tion

vide

C. I. A.
TOV Beov

2.

Heberdey in Festschrift fiir Benndorf, 948 (circ. B.C. 310) Tovadc eTTtotyaTo
ra>

in,

Taf.

4.
[rf)v

ifpocpdvrrjs

K\ivr)v OTpwjerai
:

IlXouram
vi.

/cat

TTJV

Tpa7i{fav

/co<rp)o-at]

KOTO, rr)v pavrfiav

Eph. Arch. 1895, p. 99 ^ T oG nXovrvvos Upfia inscription from Eleusis, circ. 300 B. c. 227 Bed and 6 6(6s: vide R. 180. Eubouleus, in conjunction with Votive inscription found near the Ploutonion at Eleusis, fourth
Hermes,
p.

see

106.

17

century B.C. Eph. Arch. 1886, p. 262 EvftovXel BavKifcvs

ros
.
.

Aid(pav-

dvf0r, K av:

vide
i

Zeus,

R. 55*, 56.

Cf.

Dionysos, R. 132.

C.I. G. Add. 23470;

Triptolemos.
228

a te epigram identifying Eubouleus

and Hades.

Arr. Epict. DtSS.

ras

I. 4,

30

TpiTn-oAe>G>

Ifpa

KOI

Trot aveo-TaiccKnv ort

rjfjifpovs

rpo(pas rjfuv (dance.

oyiow irdvrfs avQpwCult at Eleusis vide

:

R. 176, 183. Paus. I. 38, 6 E\v<rivlois de eort R. 17, 164. At Athens: R. 143. C. I. A.
mentioning fcpw TOU
229

p.ev TptTrroXe/iou vaos.

Cf.

3.

704, late inscription

TptTn-oXe/xou.

Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 47 lepevs

vide R.

&T)HT)TpOS KOI TplTTToXf/iOV 6 A/U0t^6Oy.

The Goddesses and lacchos

.

115^

43j I7I)

^6 185,
)

186, 193, 205^, 2fi, 2i6 f

a Arist.

7?w. 324:
& TroXim/Ltoif w *IO.KX
}

dva

tv
Trept

nvvauv

Kparl (rw ftpvoiwa

[jLvpratv.
/

<rrf(pavov

340

eyttpe (pXoytas Xa^iTraSay

x^P

7*

Tiwicr<ry,

VVKTfpOV

395

Nil/

/cat

roi/ TOI*

upaiov Gebv Trapa/caXetTf

o-vvfpnopov
Trj(rdf
TTJS

wfiatcrt,
"ittKXf

\opcias.

7rO\VTlfJiT)T,

flfXog fOpTTJf

rjdiorov fupuv, dcvpo crvvaico\ov0ci

irpbs rf)V 6f6v.

Soph. Antig. 1119:

e j/

KoXnois, Bar^eG.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

C

II

361

1146

l(

TTVp TTVfOVTQlV

TTOI

Atbs
2)

7rpo(pdvT)6

NatW
rajutai/

0-0?$-

apa

Qviauriv, at

TOV

Newly discovered Delphic Paean

p.

to

Dionysos,
%

Bull.
.
.

Corr.
.

HelUn. 1895,
i>a

403

p.o\fs P.VXOVS
dfJL<pl

EXeuoivos dv
. .
.

[dv6ffio)^dfis

[edvos

cnrav

EXXaSoy yay

fvvafTais

fjjOTrrats

opytc&v oofiaw

"IO

Soph. Frag. (Strabo, 687)

NCo-av,

fjv

f Plut. Aristid.

27 TO la^etov
i.

Xryo/uei/oi/

(at

Athens).
lacchi.

Verg. G^^r^-.

166

Mystica
ut

vannus

Serv.

ib.

alii

mysticam quod ipsam propter capacitatem congerere soleant, et Libero et Liberae sacrum facere.
k

sic accipiunt,

vannum

vas vimineum latum dicant, in

rustici primitias

frugum
dwiav

Harpocr.
e ort.

S.V.

AiKVo<j)6pos

TO \IKVOV irpbe

na<rav

reXer^

/cat

Hesych.

S.

V. A.iKvirr)s*

Trl6fTov

&IOV\HTOV airb

TOW

\IKVU>V,

tv ois TO.

Koifianrrai.

^
aura

Photius,
/cat
<p8f)

S.
rj

V. *IO.KXOS
fjpfpa

&iow(Tos fnl TW /iaora)

rjv

Kat fjpatf TIS,

/cat

rj

cir

Ka6

els

avrbv

r)

iravfjyvpts.

Cf. la/c^ayw-yds
et

and

Kovporpd^off, R. 208.
est ipsa
1

Lucr.

4. 1 1 68

At tumida

mammosa
ft/cay

Ceres

ab laccho.

Schol. Aristoph.
.

Ran. 326 Mta

<nw

rS>v

pvoTrjplav CO-T\V

17

fv

TJ

TOV

laK^ov fgdyov&w

8pvrai T^ A^j/rpt 6 Atdwtroy.

rfj Aij/Lt^Tpt

Hcp(r(p6vT]s avrbv elvai, ol de

flvai rov"laK\ov ol Se y

(rvyyefecr^at,

rbv avrov.
.
.
.

Arr. Anab.
6
v

yovv aXXot Se erepov Atai/vcro^ 2. 1 6, 3 A^mtoi Aiow(rov

ei<rt

01 (paa-i

rbv Atos Kat Koprjf

ov^t Tfp
07;/3ata),

<ref3ovo-iv

/cat

la/c^oy 6 pvo-TiKos TOUTCO

TW

cVaSerai.
-Sa//.

m
n

Lucian, Z?^

39

[17

rov op^oroC 7roXv/ifx^ia

. . .

t<rra>

(TTrapa-y/ndi/.

Strabo, p. 468 ^laK^dv TC KOI

Trjs AfjfJirjTpos daifJLOVa,

Atdia/o-oi; icaXoi/o-i

/cat

TOV a

(JLV(TT7)pi<t>v,

362
Eur. Cycl. 62
:

GREEK RELIGION
Ov
TaSe Bpd/uoy ov raSe
6vpo~o(p6poi )

dXaXayjiot,

OVK oivov x\o)pal crrayoves

KpTjvats irap

v8po\vToist
Nvp,<pav

ovd* fv Nuoxi /zero

ai>

Acppodirav.

230

Dionysos-cult at Eleusis, R. 18, 211.

1

Archil.

Frag. 120, from

Eleusinian
:

the loftaKxeia

A^iqrpos

dyi/J}?

KCU Kdp?;? TJJV iravrjyvpiv acftaiv.

fourth-century inscription in honour of Damasias the

Theban
.

Eph.
rov de

Arch. 1884,
dv8pa>v

p.

71
rfj

irapao~Kvao~as
rfj

\opovs 8vo, rov

TO>

p.tv Trai Scoy,

.

firfSuKfv

Aqurjrpi Kal

K6prj KOI
rolff

Atow(ra>

di/etTraro)
.
. .

... 6
OTTO)?

OT]fji.a.pxos.
fij/
dvaypa(f>T)

Aiovvcriuv r&v EXfutrTi t

TpaywSotff

fTFt/ieXecr^a)

rdSe TO

\lrr)(picrpa

Kal (TTadfj ev

TW

Atoi/u(riaj.

Aioi/uo-iW raj Trarpiw dywi/t *EXf utrlw.

Cf. $. p. 109.
205*".

Eleusis and the Anthesteria:

vide R.
.

83 Connexion between Connexion between

Cf. 1883, p.

Eleusis

and
Suid.

the
S. V.

Lenaia,

R. 2O5 d
foiKf
2.

I29 e
ralv

Kt0To(popos*

fie

Cf. Dionysos, R. 62*, 119^, ra? ulcrras lepas flvai Atovixrov Kal

Qealv.

Cic. de Nat. Deor.

62

Hunc

dico

Liberum Semela

sancteque Liberum cum Cerere et Libera consecraverunt, quod quale sit ex mysteriis Diod. Cf. R. 78 b ii5 b . intelligi potest. Geogr. Reg. s.v. Tegea.
nostri maiores auguste
,

natum non eum quern

Sic.

4.

25

Hpa/cXf;?]

^ereV^e TUV
rrj?

tv

EXeuo-m

Mov(raiov roO
p.v<rTr)pia>v

Georg. i. 7 ideo simul Liberum et Cererem posuit, quia et templa eis simul posita sunt et ludi simul eduntur. Cf. i. 344 licere Cereri de vino sacrificari;
Tf^fTrjs.

opcpeto? vlov rare Trpoco-Tr) KOTOS

Serv. Verg.

pontificates

namque hoc non

vetant

libri.

Cf.

R. 7.

Affiliated cults.
231

Ephesos

Strab.

633

ert vvv ol

TO

ycvovs

AvSpojcXov] ovopd^ovrai
7rop<pvpav

j3a<rtXeiff

e^ovrcs rivas Tipdf, npofdpiav re fv dycotri

/cat

enioypov TGV

ftao~t\iKov yevovs, o~KiiTO)va dvrl (rKrjirrpov, Kal TO. lepa rrjs *E\evo~ivias &f)p.r)Tpos.

Mykale
s

Herod.

9.

97 dniKopfvot
NctXew
T<

Trapa ro
TTJ

TO>V

HorvifOV ipbv
ipov,

TTJS

MvKaXrjf
<&tXio-Tos

Taio~(va re Kal SKoXoTrdewa,

i8pv<raTo

ArjprjTpos *E\evo-ivir)s
ema-Trofjifvos eVl

TO

6 Ilao-ucXe os

KoSpov

MiX>Jrou

KTHTTUV.

At Keleai, near Phlius

282

vide R. 202^.
rfcXao-yiV,
?

At Argos, temple of Demeter

:

associated
o>?

in
e?

local
"Apyo?

myth with Eleusis

PaUS.

I.

14,

Xeyerai ovv

A^/xqrpa

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

\6ov<rav

II

363

He\aoyb$ Sfgairo OIKW

i/orepov 5e Tpo^tXoj/ lepo^avrrjv (frvyovra

*E\V<rivos

\0elv
283

e (pao-ii/ e$ TTJV ATTIKTJV Kal yvvaiKa re

yrjfjuii

K.T.X.

Lerna: vide R. ii5 b

co
Epa>rioi>,

KOI Kovprjs 6foiKf\ov ifpotydvnjv

TTI J;?

Kvdaivw
I

C. I. A. 3, 718 (third century A. D.) A^oC? Trarepa o-rrjo-e So/zois KXeaday KeKpo|

ao(f)bv epvos

pa

Km

auroy
|

Atpz/atW ddvrav Ivov edeKTo yepas.

Trpoy

PailS. 2.
[?

3^j 7

^* Atpva

(TTIV

^aXacrtr^,

/cat

rcXeTj)!*

Aepvaia
Afpi/atcoi/

Afpi/cua] ayovviv cvravQa

*tXa/i/*a)i/a

ArjprjTpi.

37-3

Karaor>j(rao-#<u

5e

roil/

Y^V TeXfT^i/ ArchelaOS

I

^>ao-t.

Arch.

Zeit.

1863, 75,

inscription

of

eV A-epvy

S*

eXa^f i/

/nvtTTtTrdXous datdas.

234

Megalopolis: Paus. 8.31, 7 Karaor^o-ao-^at

^eaii/
/ie-yaXa>i>

5c ourot MryaXoTroXirats

Xcyovrat Trpwroi/ TWI/

T^I/

TeXenji/,

/eat

ra
8p<bfj.t>a

TO>V

fv

EXevcrTi/i eort /zt/x^/iara.

235

Cf.

119.
:

At Pheneos,
iepov

in

Arcadia

Paus. 8.15,1 Qevcdrais Se

Kal ayova-t
1

/cat

Arj^rpos
EXcvcrlvi.

f<mv

fniK^rjffiv

EXeutrtWay,

rfj

6f<o

Te\ert]vt

ra

dflQ}p.fva

Kal Trapa a(picriv ra avra (paerKovres

KaOearrrjKfvai.
fie

a<piKea-$at

-yap

avro?? Naoi* Kara /zdWeu/m eK AeX^)wi/, rpirov

efvai TOJ/ Nadi/.
voi/,

dnoyovov Eu/ndXTrov

Ilapa de T^S EXevcrtw as TO

rjpfjiocrpevoi

tepoi/ TrcrroirjTai IIerpo)/ia

\i6oi dvo

Trpos

d\\rj\ovs peyaXot.

ayovres de irapa

eros

rjvriva Tf\eTT)V p.elova ovofjidfcovo i,

rovs \i6ovs TOVTOVS TyviKavra dvoiyovcrij Kal

TTJV rcXcrrjv KOI
3?evea.T>v

Xa/3oj/rey ypdfj.p.ara

e^

avTa>v

e^ovra ra es

avayvovres es

CTTJJKOOI/

Totv

P,V<TT>V

KaTefavro ev VVKT\ av6if

ro>

rrj avrfj.

8e oi^Sa TOVS iro\\ovs Kal

opvvvTas vTrep peyio-Tuv

Ilerpto/LiaTt Kat eTriQrjpa

eV avrw
lepfvs

irepifapfs fvriv,
7repi^ep.ei/oy
dfj

*X OV

fvrof

ArjUTjrpos
V TT)

Trpoo-nTTov KtSapiay.
KO\OVfJifVrj

rouro o
pdftftoiS

TO

[JlfigoVl

T\Trj

KOTO \6yoV

TIVU TOVS

[MS.
286

ejri^^oi
:

tow]

iraiei.

Epidauros
century

Eph>

Arch. 1883,

p.

228 (injunction to the invalid

HTrid^ Eheuariviats (inscription

visiting the temple) Kotvfj

first

dvo-ai AavcX^Tncp

A. D.)

ib. p.

second century
237

A. D.).

26 A^oC? n-poTroXos nat^oroy lepws (inscription Cf. R. 221 the ETn&njpiW fj^epa.

Alexandria: R. 2026. Livy, 45. 12 Ad Eleusinem, qui locus Schol. Callim. Cer. i o quattuor milia ab Alexandrea abest.

ToXe/iatoff
ia,
a>pi(T[jiVT]

KOTO

p.ip.r](riv

T>V

Atirjvaiwv

f6rj

nva

fv ols Kal

rjpepq

eVt

TOV Ka\d6ov TrpooSov. t6os yap yv fv o^rj^aTOf ^)epeo-^at KaXa^ov ey Tipyv TTJS
TTJV

Hymn.

Cer. i:
To>

KaXd^o) Karidvroy

rov KaXa^oy Kartdi/ra

fi^r*

OTTO

ro>

reyeo?

/A^T*

avTodev

1*%

Traiy

p.^Te

-ywa

364
121
x** s
fl *

GREEK RELIGION
Tov Ka \a6ov \cvKOTpixes iniroi ayovri
Teo-ffapes,

&s d/uv p,eydXa 6cbs evpvdvacro-a

\evKov tap XevKov 8c Bepos Kal

rj^el
?
/cat

Xp.a
aXXo

fyepoio-a
<puXaet.

(pQivoirwpov,

eTos

5*

els

Independent worship of
Boeotia.

Demeter

EXfvo-ti/ta

or EXeuon a.
Kal Atovvo-ov KOI
TTJ

238

Kopai: PaUS.
lepd.

9. 24, I evravOa
/cat

^^rpos

paTTtSoff COTIV
f,
239

Aeyovtrt de ol BOKBTOI

TroXtV/uara a XX a irpbs

*A6f)vas Kal
:

EXevaiva, oiKeivOai.
4,

Plataea

PaUS. 9.

"Eo-n

8e KOI

^^rpos
/cat

cVucXiprur
TOI>

EXfv<rti/t aff

ifpbv cv
i/ao?

nXaraia it.

Plut. Arist. II (outside the city) VTTO

Kt^atpoiya

eoriv dp^atos iravv A^/i^rpoy EXeutru/iay

9. 62.

Kop^s- Trpoo-ayopevo/zei/oy.

Cf.

Herod.
240

Laconia.

On

EXevtrtw a? eorriv fepov.

*A.(TK\T)7riov
fus
0a(Tti>,

Taygetos: Paus. 3. 20, 5 cWav^a Hpa/cXea AaKf&u/idi/ioi

/cat

A^rpw
Kpv(p6fjvai

eViKXTjo-tv

(pa&iv (nrb

rb rpav/jia Itopevov.

Opc^eeo? eVrti/ ev auraJ

6avov, UeXacrySiV,
e/c

cpyov.

6 eVt

6a\a(T(rr)

7roX7/ia

*"EXop

^p

TOVTOV

8rj

rou

"EXovy

6avov
J.
Z^.

K.6prjs rrjs

ev f)p.fpais p^rat? dvayovtrti/ eV TO Aiy/AJjrpos

dya>i/

EXevtriVtov.
/cal

Hesych.
f
/

*EXevo-ii/ta*

6vp.f\iKos ayopfvos

Ar)(jLr)Tpi

napa AaKcoar

2tK6\i o

rtfiarat

*ApTe/ztr,
:

>cat

Ztv?

EXeucrtJ/toff

Trap*

"loxrt.

Festival of

EXeuo-i/i/m at
Aa/id>i/o)i/

Mistra

ewxiy

avrw

Arch. 1845,
votive
241

p.

4416 EXeuui/ta At Gythion Rev. 216 (Le Bas-Foucart, Laconia, 240) [6*a?] EXei/o-tfa] on
dvio\io>v

R. 44.

Cf. Collitz, Dialect. Inschr.

sixth century B. c.

relief.
:

Cf. Cults, p. 616, R. 16.

Basilis

PaUS.
TTJV

8. 29,

raiiTrjs

fycvcro oiKKrrfjS
eV*
p.ov

KtyfXos 6
fj

Kp(r(f)6vTrf

TW

Apt(TTo/id^ov

QvyoTfpa

ftftovs

8e fpciirta

BafftXi?

yv } KOI

ArjfjLTjTpos
roils

ifpbv ev avroif eXetTreTo

.
.

EXevo-iwoff.
1

Athenae. 609 6
T<

Nt/cta? fv
TTffii a)

ApxaStAfot?
%

(prjalv Kyx^eXoi/ [BacrtXt Sa

tr6\iv KTicravra fv

TTfpi

TOV

A\<pft6v.

els rjv KaroiKia-avra Tlappaa-iojv

r/s

nvas rfpevos
at

Kal

/3co/ioj/

dva<TTri<rai

EXevcrtJ/ia,

fv

rrj

foprfj

/cat

TOV TOV KO\\OVS dyatva fTTtTfXeo at

/cat
dya>vt(6fLvai

8e

Kal

p.\pt

vvv 6 dyoiv OVTOS.

yvvalKes

Xpvvofpopoi ovofm^ovrai.
242

Arcadia.

Thelpusa: Paus.
opoty,
/cat
77

8. 25, 2 A^j^rpoff iepoi 8e ev aura), iroft&v

EXeuo-mo?
rra ou/c aT

<rri

/zi/ 9eX7rov(rici)i ev

ciydXp>ara

exaoroi/, ArjurjTpos e art

243
?

Trats- /cat

6 Atoj/uero?, ra Trdvra 6/zotW \i6ov.

Sic. 5.

Knossos in Crete: Diod.

eg

77 Kara

r^i/

KpijT^v
Tracrt
napa8i8o<r6ai

v6p.Lfj.ov

dpxaiw

fivai
<pavep>s

Tas

TeXeras-

TOVT&S

(referring to the Eleusinian

244

and Samothracian
fj

mysteries).
.

Olus in Crete, the goddess

EXevoWco.
:

EXcvonVa

Artemis, R. 13 1
eV

C. /. G.

2 554 Miji/of
245

Thera

C. /. G. 2448, col.

ii.

1.

^vl

EXev<nW<.

Ptolem.

Geogr. 3. 15, 25

ejjpa i^o-oy eV j 7r6\eis 5vo, EXevo-w

icat

Ota.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

Other mystery
<p6

II

365

cults of

Demeter and Kora

vide

Demeter
8e A-yvr)

P os, R. 74-107. 246 Andania, in the Kapvdo-tov SXa-os: Paus. 4. 33, 4

eiriK\r)<ris

17

TTJS Aq/irjTpdff fO~Tiv

voap
8pa>(ri

8 aveia-iv fK

Trrjyrjs

irapa TO aya\fj.a.
Kapva<7t<B

Ta

8e fs Tas fleas TUS /jieyaXay,

aTropprjTa
or<o

yap

KOI TOVTOIS fv
vfpa>

rfjv reXerjyp,
*EXev<rtPca.

/not*

dfVTfpa yap

<r(pi(ri

<rp.v6TTjros

fifra -ye

7#.

4.

26, 8 (in the v8pta xaX^, found

TO>V

on Ithome and opened by

Epaminondas)
rG>v

fyeypanTo fj reXerq, /cat roCro ^i/ 17 Traparov A.pKTTOp*vovs. Id. 4. I, 5 Trapci ravrrjv TTJV Mecrcr^vrjv TO. opyia /nryaXwi/ ^wi/ KauKwv ^X^ev e^ EXeua-iwy* . . , r^v de TeXcr^y
6*>v
p.fyd\a>i>

Toil/

/AeyaXaji/ ^eaJi/

AVKOS 6 Havdiovos TroXXot? freviv vovepov

Kaw/ccoi/os irporjyayfv
.

es TrXeoi/ Tipr}:

Kal A.VKOV 8pvp.bv trt

ovopaov(nv tvBa

fKadrjpf TOVS fiixrras

7
TJV

p-fTfKoa-fjLijcrf

Kal UltBairos TTJS Tf\eTr}s fcrnv a. Kal opyiwv iravrouov

.
.
.

8e MfQarros ycvos fiev

Adrjvalos,
TTJV

T\TT}S 8e
Tf\Tr}v

<Tvv0TT)s.

OVTOS K

Kaj3etpa>i/

/cart oriJ(raTO

dvfdrjKf de Kal eg TO K\iariov

rjymo-a 8

Ep/nemo dopovs

...

re
60i (paffl

Aa/narpof Kal Trpcoroyovov Kowpas,

Btlvat fieyaXaia-i Qfaitnv aySova

\ivo?o yovov

K.avKa>via8ao.

Qavpava 8

a>s

<rvfj.navTa

AVKOS IlavSiovios (pas

Avdavir)

Ar#t 8op fcpa epya Trap

&CTO K$vfj.

Id. 4. 27, 6 (at the recolonization of Messene): Meo-o-^toi 8c

idap-aTa Kal Aioo~Kovpois, of 8e
Kal
o~(pio-tv

Au

T*

Beals Tals p.fya\ais [MfO-cnji/iW] lepels

(B. c.

KavKwi
2

[fdvov].

Inscription

91)
Collitz,

found

near Andania

Dittenb.

653.

Cauer, Delect? 47.

Dialect- Inschr.

4689.

Sauppe, Die Mysterien-inschrift. von Andania, Ber. Ges. Wtss. GottinLe Bas-Foucart n, No. 326 a Explic. p. 161 gen, 1859, p. 217.
,

Ilepi

iepav Kal ifpav.

.
.

*O ypafjLfiaTfvs
.

TO>V

o-vvcdpav TOVS yevrjOei/ras

ai/xa

lepovs

opxi^arco Trapaxpfjfjia

iep&v Katopfvav

Kal

olvov

o~irfv8ovTes

opKov

TOV vTroyfypappfVov
%eiv
. .

opvva) TOVS faovs, ols

6pKieTa>

TO. p,v(TTr]pia fTrtrcXeiTat,

TG>

fTrt/uAetav
. .
.

TOS 8e iepas

6 iepevs Kal ol iepoi ev

lepw TOV Kapveiov

KCU

rroT6^op<ct^ofT&>.

TreTTOiTj^ai 8e Kal Trori TOV av8pa Tav o VufBiaiO iv otricas Kal

...
.

1. 1.

23

/ui)

e^era) 8e

fj.rj8ep.ia

tm-oSi^ara

6i

/ii^

TriXiva

?}

8ep/narifa

24

o<ras

8e 8fi SiatrKfua^co ^ai cis

8iaTaa>i/rt.

$ea>i>

8td8eo iv }

c%6vTa>

TOV

flp.aTiarp.bv Kaff o

av

ol lepol

1.

30
.

[fv

8e TO 7rop.na] ol irapdevoi

at t^pat, Kad(os av
fjivo-TiKd.

\d\o>VTt

ayovo ai
a

tiTtv

&

6owapp.o<TTpia

ras

e 0* i7T77o6

pd/ia>,

etrei/
TO.

d ray
pcv

ei/

If pa & ray Aa/Liarpos tepea Ad/narpos f . Ayfo~6(o 8e ev ra 7rop.7ra Kal TO AtytXa

TO.

ap/iara, (7riKip.vas Kioras e%ovo~as

.
.

fls

fiTfv

6vp.aTa } Kal

6vo~dvTu>

Aayiarpt
Kapi/6ta>

trui/

firiTOKa,

Epp.avi
oiv

Kptov,
1.

/leyaXotv
8e a

6fo1s ddp.a\iv o~vV)

A7roXXo)i/i

Kairpov,

Ayva

...

69

"Eart

Trpo TOV ap^fffdai

TG>V

fnl TOV /ivoTT/piwi/, apt/as dvo \CVKOVS,

366

GREEK RELIGION
eV
r<

Kal orav Ka6app.ov Kpiov evxpovv,

0earpo>

Ka&u pet,

xoipia-Kovs

rpets,

apvas fKarov ... 1. 87 ras 8e Kpdvas Tag oo e yypa<pcoi/ Ayvas KOI TOV yeyevrjuevov Trorl ra Kpdva aya dia apxaia>v TO.V eVi/ieXeiai/ e ^e ra) Mi/ao-torparoy. 1. 93 TOV vaov MeyaXa>i/

vncp TOVS
T>V

TTpuTOfj-vo-Tas

T>V

0ea>i/.

1.

97

lepoO
els

8ei7ri/ov.

Ot

tepol diro
fjifTa

TO>V

6vp.aro>v

ra XoiTra Kpea KaTaxprjo-dcrdoxrav

TO iepbv btinvov

KOI rav lepeav Kal rav

ie

rav Ifpav KOI TrapOevav KOI TrapaXa/So j/ra) TOV re ifprj Cf. the Ayvt) 6cd at Delos peav TOV Kapveiov.
:

C.

LA.
247

985 (circ. 95 B.C.). At Hermione (on the site of the old

\t6<ov

2.

city)

Paus. 2.34, 10

/ieyaXcoi/

\oyd8uv

etViV.

evros de avTwv lepa opaxnv dnopprjTa

Arcadia.
248

TrapCZUS

Paus.

8. 29, I eVi TOV

AX<et6i>

eV dpio-Tcpa narafialvovri.
oj/o/xao/Aei>oj>,

fK TpaTTffrvvTos ov Trdppo) TOV TTora/ioi) fiddos fffTiv

TeXcTTjv 8ia CTOVS rptrov Qeals pfydXais.
249

fv6a ayova-i

61
rav

Mantinea: vide R. 149*. Le Bas-Foucart, 352 h (inscription B.C., in honour of a priestess) eWi NtKiWa ... 1. 15 ayayf 8e KO\
TTofMTTav

T&V Kopayiuov
TO.

eVto-afita?

Kal [MeyaXoTrpfirSiS
/cat

Kal cdue Ta

deco

Kal flo~fjVfyKf 8e

Otto 7Tir\ov Kal co~KfTrao~

euy^^/idt/io e

ra

Trtpi

rav Qebv

apprjTa fivaT^pia, i7re8e^aro 8e Kal rai/ ^foi

fij

rav ibiav oiKtav,

ro"is

Ka6o>s

f(mv

fdos TOIS del yivofjicvois

rat dvoifi TOV vaov
vo~f^a>s
.

tepevcrt, (7roir)o~e 8c Kal

ra voui6p.va Iv
*

TpiaKoo~Tols,

p.fya\ou(pa>s.

Cf.

352

eVctSi)

^a^va

aWo-rpaVrfi
Aa/iarpoy

TTpof re raj/ Ai^/n^rpa Kal raf

Kopav
.

Kal ray lepfias TO.S

. .

ifptTfvxc
v eis

yap
\

TO,

Aa/iarpt
>

nya\oirpcnS)s
\

ai/d<etKe

dpaxuas
*

fKarov
r

v
tKO(Tt

re raj/ rou /ieyapou eTrttTKeuaj/

.

*i A
. . .

0oe

r&>

Koti/w

rai/

tepeiaj/

[ras

Aaftarpof] eVati/eo-ai *a?;j/ai/ . . re rai/ 0e6i/ Kal ra? iepeias fO~xr]K fts
a Lykosura: vide R. ii9
250
.

eVi re ra KaXoKayadiq.

Kal

euepye<rm,

ra

eis ro Kopaytoi/. ... Kal arodett/at [ro ^i7(pr/^ia]

Mykonos:
o<rai

Dittenb. Syll.
ra>

373

ets

8e r^v e opr^ (of

Demeter and
rail/

Kora
251

MuKoi/taScoi/ ^ ^ouXo/zci^; Kal see Zeus, R. 56) di;e eVi Aq/irjrpa rfreXetrrai (Macedonian period). MuKoi/w

OIKOUO-WI/ e /x

ParOS,

ThaSOS
circ.

PaUS. IO. 28, 3 KXeo/3ouu/ 8e

Ilapou
B.C.,
<j)ao-iv.

eV Qdo-ov TO opyta Trjs

eK Ajj/iT/rpo? fvcyKfiv Trpwr^i/

Cf.

Head, Hist. Num.

p.

p.

418

coin of Paros,
sceptre.
Cf.

200

Demeter seated on mystic

Gottheit.

cista with

Ruhland, Die Ekusin.

Ti/3.

102.

Mitylene:
:

C. /. G. 2177 6 dduos
cf.

KaiVapa

o~vv rats

Beats rats Trepl ra pvo-Tr)pia

2175 Aqp/rpos KOI 6fS)v Kap7ro0opo)i/ Kal Ocwv 7ro\vKdpira>v Kal TeXecr<^opa)j/. 252 Smyrna: Ath. Mitth. 1889, p. 95 (inscription, second century
Kara ro
^r)(f)io-ua K.6prjs
p.vo-Ta>v.

A. D. ?)

Gela: R. 130.
252

at

Naples
|

Stat. Silv.

cui

semper anhelo votivam 263 Demeter Mvcn a: Paus.

taciti
2.

50 Tuque Actaea Ceres, cursu quassamus lampada mystae. 18, 3, between Argos and Mycenae,
4. 8,

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER

fjievov KOI TovTov }

II

367

Mvcri a Kai Arjp.r)Tpos Mvo~ias iepov, OTTO dvdpbs Mvo~tov TO ovopa yevo-

OVK eireariv opofpos

Kal

UXovTwos
254

Tovrw fiev ovv Kaddnep \eyovo~iv Apyetot, evov rfj Af)p.rjTpi. ev de vaos ecrnv aXXos OTTTT/S ir\iv6ov, goava de KdpT/r m. At Pellene : see R. 85. Kal AfjMTpos
avra>

Demeter

Tiorripiofpopos,

Athenae.
TTJV

p.

460 d n^arai
^copai/,
u>s

de

KOI

ev

Ar)p.f)TT)p Trorrjpiofpopos

Kara

Avdeuv

AvTOKparr}? Icrropfl

255

Demeter
HavTfXirj

UavreMri, dedication at
Bdx<?

Epidauros

Eph. Arch. 1893,

p.

O2

Kc

"

avrf] ^epa-f^ovirj.

Demeter with
256
?

the Kabeiri.

in Samothrace.

Mnaseas
fie

of Patrai
Kal

Miiller,
.
.

F. H. G.

3.

p.

154
f]

Tots Ka/3ei pois, av Mvao-eas

ArjfjirjTijp,

<prjo-l

TO. oi/o/iara

A^t epos p.v ovv

"Afys,

0~Tiv

A.ioKpo~a

f]

H(po~(p6vrj)

Af-toKepffos $e 6

Strab.

p.

198

Apre/Lti Swpdff (pr]o-iv

TTJV

elvai

v^aov

irpbs rfj

BperavwK^, Ka6*

rjv

ofiota rots
:

ev 2a/Mo^paK?7 Trepi a. Cf. the

Ai^rpa

Kal rr^v Koprjv iepoiroieiTai.

At Thebes

R.

i39 fvnv

legend in Paus. 9. 25, 6

A^rpo?
:

8 ovv Ka/Seipois

85>p6v

f}

T\CTJ.

At Anthedon
17

R. 138.
TWV

257

The

mysteries of

Scbreipa at

At Andania: R. 246. Athens hi.Rhet. p. 1419 a

rrjs

Ilepi-

K\rjs Aap.7ro)va eirrjpero Trepi TJJS reXer^y

Storetpay

teptoi

cinovros 8c

on

olov re areXeo-roi/ aKoveiv

oi>x

<rX.

Cf.

Ammonius,

p.

Kopu8aXos

drjfjios

Adrjvyo-iv ev

<p

croiTTjpos KovprjS lepov.

84 (Walckenaer) Arist. Ran. 377

dXX*
rfjv

fp.fta

^WTTCOS dpets
yevvaia>s.

Scoretpai/

Cf.

Kore

2a>mpa

thrai,
258

R. 163.

Megalopolis: R. 119. Sparta, R. 117.

at

Kyzikos, R. 128.

Ery-

Demeter as goddess of healing, with Asklepios vide R. 37, 124, 236; private dedication at Eleusis, Eph. Arch. 1892, Taf. 5 A^rpt Cf. inscription vnep rrjs optio-eas- 6(d Arjfj,rjrpi EixpaTTjs (? circ. 300 B. C.). 8S)pov on relief from Philippopolis, Overbeck, Kunst. Mythol. Atlas,
:

Taf. 14, no.

7.

Cf.
v

Anth. Pal.

g.

298.

Artemid. Oneirocr.

2.

39

Kal Koprj Kal (Ar)p,r)TT)p

At Patrai I PaUS. IaK^os) TOV? vovovvTas avio-rao-i. 21, II rou de a\o~ovs lepbv e^erat Aj^ijyrpos* avrr] fj.ev Kal rj Ttals eo~rao~i } TO
TIJS Tr)s

de ayaXfj.a

eVn

Kadrjpevov.

Dpo

8e TOV lepov TTJS AiJ/i^rpdff

eVn irrjyr)
dXXA
enl

de evTavBd eo~Tiv d\l/cv$es, ov

p,rjv

enl TTUVTI ye Trpdy^iart,

TU>V

KaTOTTTpov KaXo)8t&) Twv \eirT(ov

7Tp6o~o)

drjo-ai/Tes Kadido-iv, crra^/icJ)/iei/ot pr)

Ka6iKo~6ai

TT)$

^y^s, dXX

oo~ov
Trj

erri.

\l/avo ai

TOV vdaTos TW

KU/cXaj

roO

KaTOTTTpov. TO de
/SXtTroucrtv*
259

VTv6cv evupvoi
(r(pio~i

6e<o

Kal 6v fjudo~avTef eV TO KaTonTpov

fj

ro de

TOV voo~ovvra
c.

TJTOI

>vra

Kal TcOve&Ta c7rideiKwo~i.

Firm. Mat.

De

Error,

27

(p.

120,

Halm) In Proserpinae

sacris

caesa arbor in effigiem formamque virginis componitur, et cum intra civitatem fuerit inlata, quadraginta noctibus plangitur, quadragesima

vero nocte comburitur.

368

GREEK RELIGION

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER.
The
Euxine.
:

Pantikapaion
Olbia
I

R. 90.
4*

C. I. G. 2108
iwfroXeo)
o.Kprj
.

lepf]
.

A^rpor.
.

Herod.

53

ev

de
:

avra

Ipov

ArjuyTpos

fvifyvrai.

Cf. Brit.

Mus.
cf.

Cat., Thrace,

p. 1 1

Head

of Demeter,

fourth century B.C.:

Hell.Journ. 1902, p. 262.

Tomi, 134*.
Thrace.
Abdera, 89.

Lysimacheia

Brit.

Mus.

Cat.,

Thrace, p. 238.

Head

of Demeter

with corn-wreath.
Philippopolis
(?),

258.

Byzantium, 13, 152.

Sestos,
p.

coin-type

fourth

century

B. c.

Brit.

Mus.

198
:

Demeter

seated, with ear of corn.

Head

Cat., Thrace, of Persephone.

Macedon
Pella
ib.

Thessalonica coin-type
p.
:

(Roman

Macedon,
:

117: Demeter with torches

period), Brit. Mus. Cat., in serpent-car.

p.

92

Head

of Demeter with

veil, first

century

B. c.

Thessaly.
Call.

Hymn

Cer. 25
OVTTO*

Telvd*

rav KvtSiav, ere Awnoi Ipov fvaiov. aura KaXbv aXtros firotr)o~avTO IIeXa(ryoi.
a.

PyraSOS, 15, 22, I35

etpijKf

Cf. Strab. p.

435

ro de
tjv

A^rpiov
8e noXis
. .

A^u/rpor
.

[*O/*;por] re/zevoy KOI cVeaXecre

Uvpucrov

e^ouora

Aiy/ui/rpos aXtros KOI Ifpbv ayiov.

Antron

Horn.

Hymn Dem.
>

490
off

aXX* ay
*cai

EXet/o-

6voc(T<rr)s

tofjpov

r^ot/crat,

Ildpov
S. V.
:

dp.<f>ipvTT)v

"Avrpatvd

re 7rerp;ewa.

Cf. Steph. Byz.

*A.vrp6>v

iro\is

GerraXtas.
p.

Thebai of Phthiotis Brit. Mus. Cat., Thessaly, Demeter with corn-stalks, fourth century B. c.
Thermopylae, 62, 136*.
Delphi
:

50.

Head

of

Bull.

indicating a shrine).

Corr. HelL 23, p. 579 Cf. R. 22.

(reference

to

inscriptions

Lokri Epiknemidii, 142.

Skarpheia,
3.

Strab.

408

Erewi/of 8e

2/cap^j;

/iera>i/o/aao-0;.

Schol.

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
Soph. Oed. Col. pi
Ajj/^rpoff firm
ei>

369
ei>

eZo-t

ye ot

(pao-t

TO

fj.vr]fj.a

rov OiSwroSos

tfpw

Erf<ai/a>

(quoting from Arizelos).

Lysimachos

apud Schol. Soph.

Oifitrrov
p.fvoi

(9.
.

C. 91 (Mailer, F.
.
.

H. G.

3, p.

T(\cvTr)<ravros

fKopio-av of (ptXoi [auToc] et?

iroir]<ra(rdai,

336, Fr. 6) Erewvov. BouXd-

8t

\aBpa
.
. .

rrjv

ra(pf]v

KaraQdirTovariv

WKTOS

tv

icpn

A^/LWjrpo?

TO 8e lepov OtduroSeiov

K\rjdfjvai.

Alponos, 58.

Opus:

Collitz,

Dialect.

Inschr.
rfj

1507

Aaftarpt KOI
Kal K6prj

K6pa.

C. I.

G.

Sept. 3.

287

IfprjTfva-aaav

A^rpt

(second century
:

B.C.).

Epirus: Brit. Mus. Cat., Thessaly, p. 100, coin-type of Elea head of Demeter with corn-stalks, with Cerberus on the reverse,
fourth century B.C.
14,

On coins of Pyrrhos, ib. PI. 20. 12 and head of Persephone with corn-stalks, Demeter on throne

with corn.
Illyria:
ib. p. 59, coin-type of Apollonia, ? second century B.C., bust of Demeter veiled. Pharos ib. 83, head of Persephone with
:

corn-stalks, fourth century

B. c.

Pale in Kephallenia: Brit. Mus. Cat., Peloponnese, p. 85, head of Persephone on coins of fourth century.

Phokis: Drymaia, 87;

Boeotia, 60, 71;

Steira,

58; Ambry sos, 36.

Orchomenos, 56; Lebadeia, 3, in; Anthedon, a 138; Kopai, 12, 238 ; Koroneia, 86 ; Mykalessos, 8 ; Tanagra, 60, 141; Thebes, 6r, 86, 112, 139*, 256; Potniai, 113;
p.
?

Thespiai, 60; Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891, Demeter and Hermes. Cf. dedication

659, dedication
third

to

century

B. c.,

C. I. G. Sept. i, no. 1810. Plataea, 239; Skolos, 22, 140; Erythrai, archaic inscription (unpublished) AveQeiav TO. Aa/^arpt.

Euboea:
Athens,

Eretria, 76.
5,

9,

n,

18 a

18^

25, 30,

31, 60,

66,

109,

114,

135,

143,

161,

164-229,

257.

67, 69, 74, 75, Schol. Aristoph.

Acharn. 44

clwQao-iv ot

A^ratot Bvfiv
ArjUTjTpOS.

$f\<paKa

Kal paiveiv ras

TO) at/XQTt CIVTOV

TlflfjV TT)V

Eleusis,

8,

16,

17,

18,
. .

35,
.

66,

164-229, 258.
rj

Steph. Byz.

Pa

TreSi oi/ ev

EXfvati/t

*at

Paptas

A^jMi^r^p.
fie

Games
avToQi

called
Koprjs Kal

trivial

vide Schol. Pind. Ol. 9. 143 eVfXetTO

6? e tfaXetro

ayw

ArjfJirjTpof

EXcuo iVia,

eXa/M/Save Se yfpas 6 VLK&V KpiGds.

Attica, 27, 42
(TOtV

a.

Kolonos: Schol. Horn. Od. n. 271

CIS
TT)V

olbinovs
iTTTTCa

eWe-

V7TO

HpfOVTOS T]\6fV
KOI IKfTfVfV

A.TTIKT]V

Kill

<aKT)(TeV

K.O\<aVOV

KaXoVfJlCVOV
FARNELL.
Ill

V T

tpa>

TWV

QftoV,

&T]p.T)TpOS

KOL

I)

GREEK RELIGION
Skiron, 17, 143; Agrai, 210: Hali(from Androtion). n 26 Hesych. Peiraeus, 63, 750 ; Kolias, 75. ; mos, 75 ; Phlye, ProSeVrl KOI A^/x^Tpos lepov avroOt rroXuoruXoi/. S. V. KcoXids
<ms

Phaleron Paus. 10. 35, palta, 143; en [^iicavoTor /leVet]. vabs Kal KUT
:
e>e

2 6 eVi QaXrjpu

rfjs

A^rpoy
the Attic

Marathon and
26

Tetrapolis:

Prott-Ziehen, Leges Graec. Sacr.

. .
.

MerayfiTvi5>vos

EXevcrwa

ftovs

Kdpi; Kpios

A.v6f(TTr)pi5>vos

eros dvcrtuj [TO cTfpov

EXeuo-wa vs
PI. 20. 9,

Kvovo-a.

Salamis

Brit.

Mus.

Cat., Attica, p.

116,

head of Demeter or Persephone, fourth century

;

B.C.

Megara, 49, 77

Nisaia, 13.

Brit. Mus. Cat., Corinth, Corinth, 34, 108, 144. of Demeter, veiled, crowned with corn-stalks.

PL
PI.

12.
9.

n, head
9
:

head

of Persephone with necklace, ear-rings, and corn-stalks (fourth

century

B. c.).
.

Isthmus of Corinth, 77 a
Sikyon, 69, 78.
b Phlius, 69, 145, 202
.

Epidauros, 30, 36, 81, 147, 236, 255.

Troezen, 24, 36, 81, 239, 255.

Eilioe, 147.

Mount Bouporthmos,
ecrri

146.

Hermione, 29, 37, 247.

Near Hermione:
fie

Paus.
,

2.
fit

36, 3
avTois

uev iepbv ATroXXcovoy, ecrrt Xi $ou XevKov. dytiX/zara fie op$a

Uoo eificovos

eVi

Asine, 37.
Argolis, 54, 69, 253.

Argos, 53, ii5

Lerna,

a
,

232.

H5

b
,

233.

Mount

Pontinos,

Demeter

npoo-u/xw/:

Paus.

2.

37,

i
fie

eW6p

fie

roO
*cat

aXo-ovj dydX/iara ea-ri fiev ArjprjTpos npoo-vpVTjs, eort A^fOfrpos Ka6r)fj.evov ayaX^ia ov /xeya.

Aioi/V(TOV

Laconia,

u,

a b 108, 160, 240. , 21, 43, 82

Sparta, 36, 38, 117, 148; Amyklai, 36, 148^; Gythion, 43, 240; b Kainepolis, 43; Aigila, 82 , 246; Messoa, 44.

Arcadia, 19, 69, 74, i49

Tegea,

30,

119;
I

vide

Dionysos,
et
icat

Geogr.

Reg.
Paus.

s.v.

Le Bas-Foucart, Megaride
epao-a/uVcr,

Pe lop. 3371

(inscription

Tegea. from Tegea)

8. 54,

AXe a &6avq

Ad/iarpt.

5 (on

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
TG>

371

fv Kopvdevcri Ka\ov(jL(vrj$
id. 8.

the road from Argos to Tegea) Ai^rpos eV oXtm rcbv &pv>v vaos 7r\t]criov Se oXXo eoriJ/ Ifpbv AIOVIXTOV MVOTOV.
10,
i

aXo-os tv

(between Tegea and Mantinea on Mount Alesion) a Paus. 8. 8, i Mantinea, i49 6pei. 249.
r<S

8f ra epftTTia rrjs Nearrdvrjs lepbv Arjp.7jrp6s

eoprrjv

C<TTIV

ayiov,
,

/fat

at>T#

/cat

ThelpUSa, TrapCZUS, 248 a a 41, 242; Pallantion, i49 ; Phigaleia, 40; Lykosura, H9 ; Basilis, 241 Pheneos, 83, 235 Megalopolis, 8, 84, 119^0, 163,
; ;

dva nav CTOS ayovviv

of

Majn-imy.

234.

Kleitor

PaUS.

8.

21, 3 KXroptoty de fepa ra c7rt(pav(VTaTa

rpirov Se

Arj/jiTjTpos,

TO 5e

*Ao-/cXj77Tioi),
.

com/

E/Xft^ut ay.

Zoitia, vide

b Artemis, R. 55

Messenia

Andania, 246; Messene: Paus.

4.

31, 9

A^rpo?

ie/>6i>

Me(T(TT]vlois fcrriv cfytor, KOI

AioaKovpcov dya\p.ara (pcpovrcs ras AevKwr-

TTOU;
-

(circ.

200

vide Coin PI. (10). HelLJourn. 1905, p. 50-51, inscription B.C.) from south-west Messenia, near deme Ara, men
dflTTVOV KOI TOV VU.OV TCLS AdpClTpOS.

tioning
Elis,
2,

47, 69,
5e
ACOJ

118;
rouro

at

Lepreon:

Paus. 5.
<ai

5,

A^rpos

[fepoV;

ir\ii>8ov

irf7roir)To w/i^s,

ovfieV Trapei^ero ayaXfia.

Achaea, 69, 254

; Patrai, 6, 258 ; Aigion, 59, 149 ; Pellene, 85 ; Bura, vide Aphrodite, R. 32*; Dyme Brit. Mus. Cat. t Peloponnese, PI. 5. 3, head of Demeter, veiled.
:

Asia Minor, Interior.

Galatia.

Pessinus, 30.

Ikonion, 60.

Ankyra
?

C. I. G. 4026 TOV Belva

period).

IfpacrdfJifvov Sis
:

6eds Af]p.T)Tpos

early

Roman

On

late imperial coins

Brit.

Mus.

Cat.,

Galatia^ &c., pp.

n,

12, 14.

Phrygia, 10.

Lydia, Sardis, 70.

(imperial period).

Cf.

Head, Hist. Num.

p.

553 Ko/xua

"A*

Pergamon, 163. Gambreion, 95.

Caria.

Athymbra, 51.
Nysa, 124.
Trapezopolis
:

Brit.

Mus.

Cat., Caria, &c., p. 178,

Demeter bust
Bull. Corr.

on

late imperial coins.

:

Aphrodisias

C. I. G. 2839 TO repcvos 6fds

Koprjs.

Hell

7.

402.

B b

Q,

372
Tralles, 124.

GREEK RELIGION
C. /. G. 2937
f>eta

A^rpo* (early Roman period).

798, decree in honour of citizen,

Lagina
TTJV

Newton, Halicarn.
(K
T>V

2, p.

Kopyv

Iditov cViTTo^o-ai/ra

(Roman

period).
(?
first

Inscription found in temple of Zeus navdpapos

century A.D.):

Bull Corr.
fit St

Hell. 12, l888, p.

269 TvxV
icai

irarpidos KOI

/cat

*Aprefu8i II^XSc/ceiTi St
*E<f(Ti

Aev/aavj} K

/cat

hfVKOfppvvrj KOI rots evoiKidiois Oeois

1

Au

KTrjo-iai

Ao-/cX^ri<u

KXeo /SouXos fpeis e^ errayyfXias fv tipaiots

*crX.

Antiocheia ad

Maeandrum:

Brit.

Mus.

Cat.,

Caria, &c., p. 15,

Demeter, veiled, with long chiton and peplos, holding ears of corn in right, resting left hand on torch (Septimius Severus
period).
Pisidia, Palaiopolis
(?
:

Brit.

Mus.

Cat.,

Lyda,

&c., p. xcvii, coin-type

Antoninus Pius), Demeter standing.

ib.

Sagalassos:

p. 243,

Demeter with

torch, corn,

and open

cista

(Caracalla).

Cf. PI. 38. 8, coin of Julia

Mamaea.
in car

Seleukeia

ib. p.

254,

Demeter with torch

drawn by snakes

(Claudius II).
Seleukis,

Apameia: Demeter wearing

Brit.
veil

Mus. Cat., Galatia, &c., PI. 27. i,head of and corn-wreath, first century B.C.

Asia Minor coast and

Sinope, 262.

vicinity.

Heracleia Pontike, 32.

Apameia-Myrlea Brit. Mus. Cat., Pontus, head of Demeter, third century B.C.
:

&c., p.

no,

PI. 25. 6,

Kalchedon
century

ib.

p.

126,

PI.

27.

12,

head

of Demeter,

third

B.C.

Kyzikos, 128.
Priapos
:

Brit.
B. c.
:

Mus.

Cat.,

Mysia,

p.

177,

Demeter-head,

first

century

ib. Thrace, p. 187, head of Demeter with Aigospotami fourth century B. c. and wreath, phanos

Ste

Lampsakos: ib. Mysia, veil and corn-wreath,

Sigeion, 153.

p.

81, PI.

19.

5,

head of Demeter with

fourth century

B. c.

Kisthene: Brit. Mus.

Cat.,

Mysia, p. 17,

PI.

3.
B. c.

7,

veiled

head

of Demeter with corn-wreath, second century

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
Elaia:
*>

373

ib. Troas, &c., p. liii, PI. 25. 10-15; 26. types of Demeter and Persephone, calathos with poppy-heads and com, torches entwined by serpents, on imperial coins. Rape of Per sephone on coin of M. Aurelius; ib. p. 129.

Aigai, 153^.
Ionia.

Smyrna, 33, 96, 252.

Erythrai, 69, 97,
KoAcowur.

154

a
,

163.

Dittenb. Syll. 370. 47 AJJ/^TT/P cV

Kolophon, 69.
Ephesos, 98, 125, 230.

Magnesia on Maeander Brit. Mus. Cat., in car with winged serpents (imperial).
:

Ionia, PI. 19. 8,

Demeter

Priene, 99.

Mykale, 231.
Miletos, 100,
1

1.

Lact. Div. Inst.

2.

8 Ceres Milesia.

Doris.

Halikarnassos, 65.

Hesych.

s.v.

Ej>8po/io>

AJJ/^TJJP eV

AXiKapva<rcr&.

Knidos, 52.
Lycia:
Brit.

Et.

Mag.

548. 8 Kvptjra* irapa

p.

KwSiW
10.
7,

17

A^/zi^p.

200-81
Pamphylia.
Side
:

coin-type, circ. B.C., head of Demeter, veiled, wearing corn-stalks.

Cat., Lycia,

Mus.

46,

PI.

C.
:

I.

G. 4345 [kpao-a/iewp 6 fas

AJq/tiTjjYpOf.

Syllion

Lanckoronski, Pamph.
T>V

u. Pisid. i.

60

17

/3ouX^ KOI 6
6ta>v

5?}/zof

freifirjarev

dpxiepciav reov Se^aoroij/ iepaav AjJ/uTjrpos KOI

Trarpto)!/
6eS>v.

TTUVTUV KOI

ifpofavTiv
Cilicia,

124.
text, p.

Syedra: vide
Mallos:

218, n.

a.

Brit.

Mus.

Cat., Lycaonia,

cxxii,

PI.

17.

2,

Demeter

striding forward with torch

and corn-stalks.
a.

Epiphaneia: vide
Laertes:
sceptre,

text, p.

218, n.

Brit.

Mus. Cat., op. cit. p. 91, Demeter seated with poppy, and ear of corn: coin of Trajan, PI. 15. 5.
Demeter
14
in

Kelenderis.
ib.

car

drawn by

serpents, holding torch,

p. 58, PI. 10.

(late imperial).

374
Cilicia (continued).

GREEK RELIGION
head of Demeter with stephane and
veil

Adana:

ib. p.

15,

(second

century A.
Aigiai
:

D.).

ib. p.

cxiv (pre-imperial).

Anazarbos : ib. p. 31, Persephone on obverse with corn and poppyhead, Demeter with polos and torch on reverse (imperial).
Tarsos vide Head, Hist. Num. p. 6 1 7 Kopata, games in imperial period.
:

The

Islands.

North Aegean.
Thasos, 251.
Samothrace, 256.
Lesbos, 30, 251.

Aegina, 36, 79.

The

Cyclades.
Bechtel, Inschr. d. Ion. Dial. no. 48 $1X17
. .

Keos, 69, 150.

Syros, 150.

Mykonos,
Delos,
9,

9, 42,

250; Zeus, R. 56.

Zeus, 55

91, 246.
7,

Amorgos,

64

a
;

*>.

Cf. C. /. G. 2557. Bull. Corr. Hell. 1897, Paros, 30, 50, 251. Vide ZeUS, AGO/JU; ov dtpis, OVT 6 [oTTJota Kopfl doroi. p. 1 1 6 (
v<p

R-55 a
Samos
5, p.

Thera, 150, 245.

:

Hesych.

s. v.

EveXvo-m
circ.

A^TIJP

eV

2d/z&>.

/?//. Corr. Hell.

479, inscription,

2OO

B. C. eV rois (vroi^iott Qvptviv

Kalymnos

Newton, Anc. Gr. Inscr. 300 ^rjTpi

irpofiaTov

from

temple of Apollo.

South Aegean. Kos, 20, 73.

Aa/zarpt

Paton and Hicks, 411

/cat

6 8ap.os 6

rS>v

icrfyzuaTwi/
1.

KadifpoMTfv Se/Saorav 6fav Aa/itarpav

oi s reXtcos KCU

TO Itpov.
ov/c

Cf. n. 37.

62

TfXea Kveotra* TOUTCOV

icat

arro^opd*

fcuXt/cff o?i/ou

8uo didovrai

Bvei ifpevs

Icpa nape^ft.

Rhodes, 94, 123.

Crete, 15, 151, 243,

Cyprus
f)

244; Hierapytna, 151. C. I. G. 2637, inscription from Paphos Kara KuTrpov Aij/zqrpos icpuv. dpxif pcia
:
r>v

(Roman

period)

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
Sicily, 22,

375

162.

Akrai, 104, 156.

Akragas, 131.
Aitne
:

Diod.

Sic.

II.

26

cTrffidXcro
(?)

de va-rcpov Kal Kara rrjv A.*TVT)V 8e ovo-rjs.

It.

KaTa<rK(vd(iv

veav A^/uT/rpos evvrjw

Katana, 105 b, 133. C. I. G. Sic. fornice valvarum opere Dorico.

449

A^r^p

icpd

(?)

in

Enna, 105

158.

Gela, 63, 130.

Panormos: Head, Hist. Num. pp. 142-3, head of Persephone on fifth and third century coins.
Selinus, 71.

Syracuse, 22, 68, 103, 108, 129.

Tauromenion, 157.
Leontini:

Head, Hist. Num.

p.

131, Demeter with

plough

on

later coins.

Kamarina: vide Monuments,

Africa.

p.

221.

C. I. G. 4682 b (Pthird century B.C.) Alexandria, 101, 163, 237. ATToXXow teal Philologus 1 6, evxqv. Epiphanius Panarium
:
K<5p0

p.

354

(V

AXf^ai/Spcta

eV

rai

Kopto)

T<

KaXou/ieVw, vabs
TTJV
. .

de

eon

ficyio-roy,
<ravTcs

TOVTCVTIV TO

re/if vos rrjs Koprjs.

*O\r]v yap
qdovres,
(is

vixra dypvnvfj.

fv ao-fiatrt

run

Kal avXots

TW

eificoXo)

/zera

TJJV

T>V

dXcKTpvovav KXayyrjv KaTfp%ovrai \afnra8rj(p6poi

Kal
dva<pcpov(ri

O^KOI/ riva viroyaiov

cr<ppayi8d

6avov

v\ivov (popitp Kade6fj,cvov yvp.vbv c%ov

nva oraupov
Kal vp.VQ)v Kal
.
.
.

eVl roO

/xereaTToi;

didxpvaov

KOI

ircpi(pepov<Ti
av\>v

TOVTO TO

6avov firraKis KVK\oxravTes rbv

Ko>}Jid<ravTcs

p.c<raLTaTov

vabv /zer
(is

Kal rvprrdvuv

Karafpepovviv avrb avdis

o>pa

rbv viroyaiov ronov,

r;

Xeyovtrii/

on

ravrr]

rrj

crrjfjLfpov

rj

Kdp?;,

TOVTCOTW

JIap6(vos,

fy(vvr)(re

TOV Kl&va.

Arsinoe, 101.

Brit.

Mus.

Cat.,

Alexandria,

p. xli.

Carthage, 159.

Cyrene, 102.
Italy.

Tarentum, 36,

io6

a
,

108.

Newly discovered temple of

the

goddesses/ vide Evans, Hell.Journ. 1886, p. 23, and

of Tarentum, p. 27.

Horsemen

37 6

GREEK RELIGION

Lokri Epizephyrii, 134.

Hipponion, 163.
Velia, 107.

Metapontum

vide

Head, Hist. Num.

a.

p. 62.

Pompeii, 106.
Neapolis, 107, 252

Rome, io6
Petelia,

a.
p. 91.

Demeter-head on coins: Head, Hist. Num.

CULTS OF THE GOD OF THE LOWER WORLD

(Hades-Plouton).
Vide Demeter, R.
1

no

Hera, R. 14* (Plut. de Plac. Philos.

ev ovdffjiia

i. 33).

Schol.
(frrjo-i
&>i/

Hom.
p6vos

//. 9.

158

n6Xfi

"Adov

0a>nos

Wf

AiV^Xop

0ca>v

yap Oavaros ov dapav

/3a>/n6s

tpa, ovS*

av

ri

dvuv

oiS* fmairfv-

Xdftois,

ouS tori

ovfie TratuMferat.

Thrace and the shores of the Euxine.

2

Odessos, cult of the 6fbs Meyas- /^r. e/. 7j/. 1898, p. 155, Taf. 10. 20, coin-type of Plouton with cornucopia and patera, Ath. Mitth. 10. 317, 5 inscription 6cov MeyaXou (circ. 250 B. c.). old* UprjvTai TW 6 (? circ. 30 B. c. ; see Ath. Mitth. 1 1, p.
:
</.

200).

Tomi:
Sinope
rov

vide Demeter,
:

R. 134

a.
f ?5e

Plut.
SIVVTTTJ

<

Isid. et Osir. p.

TOV

TaxiaTTjv avrbv fls

361 F nroXf/zatof o Scor^p ^ap KoKowbv KfXtvovra Aco/ztVai eWt Se KOfjna-0ds &^6^ A\fdv8pfiav.
UXovroavos
.
.

rf)v

<n>nfta-

\6vTfS ol

TTfpt

Tipodeov TOV fgrjyrjTqv KOI Mavetivva TOV ^f^vvrrjv II\ov-

TVVOS

flvai

ayaX^a,
a>y

TOV HroXf/iaToj/

Kfpfc pa) TfK/xatpd/zei/ot KOI SpaKovTi, nddovvi crcpov ^fiv ov8ei/o t, aXXa ^apdni86s fffnv. Ov yap
TO>

TO>

fKcWcv OVTCOS ovofiatfuevos

.
.
.

^<cv.

984
ro

[ol

cyvaxrav

on

del dvolv

a-yaX/uara>v,

p.cv

TOV

7re/u$&W fls UXovTwos

Sivwrriv]

di>t\ca6ai

Kal Kopi&iv, TO 5c Tfjs Koprjy dirofM^aadai Ka\ KaTaXnrclv.

Cf. coin in

Overbeck, Kunst. Mythol.

eagle, sceptre,
6

i,
:

Munztaf.

iv.

25,

god
ft

reclining with

and kalathos

Zeus-Serapis (imperial period).

<ara

Byzantiurn: Dionys. Byz. p. 7 (Wescher)

6aXdTTT]s dvo vto)
6
"Upas

dripaw
630.

TJ S

Kal

nXovTvvos.
:

Hades on

coins of Pessinus

Head, Hist. Num.

p.

Macedon: Aiane, Rev. Arch. 1868, pp. 18-28,

relief

dedicated

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER V

with inscription 6ec5
A.(o>vds
[f\6a>v
i8]o>v

377

faa-norr)

nXovTom

KOI

TJ}

TroXei

Eavf) T. $\aovtos

Tf TOV 6(bv Kai TOV vaov.

:

Apollonia Illyriae Brit.Mus. Cat., Thessaly, PI. 13. 7, coin-type (Septimius Severus), Hades throned, with Cerberus at his feet, before him female figure holding infant.
:

ibi lovis Epirus Ampel. Lib. Memor. 8. 3 Argis in Epiro templum Trophonii, unde est ad inferos descensus ad tollendas in quo loco dicuntur ii qui descenderunt lovem ipsum sortes
.
.
. :

videre (probably a mistake for Lebadea).

10

Lebadeia, Zeus
Inschr.
i.

:
Tpo<j>o>vios

423 Aa

Tpe<owot.

vide Zeus, R. 20. Cf. Zeus, R. 57 b

Collitz,
;

Dialect.

Zeus X66vios in

Hesiod, R. 15.
11

Oropos, shrine of Amphiaraos

p.

6
12

in the neighbourhood Dikaiarch. Suidas S. V. nd/zT/o/xos* 142 (Fuhr) TOV Afji(piapdov Albs iepov. A/i^tapao?, on TTCKT&V dvdo"O~ei ^rv^cav ev "Adov.
:

Koroneia: see Athena, R. 61.

Athens
Keircu Se
ocrois
:

13

Demeter, R. 114, 180 (Zeus Eubouleus).

icpbv QfSav ecrr\v &s KaXovaiv
/cat

Paus.

i.

28, 6,
. . .

near the AreopagOS,

tv

A^vaTot
evravQa

2e/zvaf,

nXovrcoi/ KCU Epp-rjs KOI Trjs ayaX/ia.

TTtiya)

Qvovcrt, yuci/

*Apto>

TTJV

alriav f^cycvero diro\vcrao 0at ) Ovovwi 8e KOI

a XXo)? ^eVot Tf opoias Kai aorot.

ro 6 Icpofpdvrrfs

C.I.A.

2.

948

TTJV K\ivrjv orpcocrat

TO>

(fourth Century B. C.) H\OVTO)VI KOI TTJV

34

Eleusis

Demeter, R. 82, 225, 226.

Zeus Evj3ovXk, Demeter,

R. 227.
15

Corinth

of Kore).
16 17 18

Demeter, R. 34 (TO nXoureomov Zeus X&moy, Zeus, R. 57 a

. :

(?)

combined with

cult

Hermione
Lerna
?
:

Hades

XXvpevos, Demeter, R. 37.

Demeter, R.
:

n5 b

233.

Argos

<rop

Plut. de Isid. et Osir. p. 365 ApyfiW 8e ftovycvrjs AtoVve e fniK\r]v ea-Ti dvaKaXovvTai 8* avrbv vnb arahiriyytoV | vSaroj , /z/3aX1

\ovrcs fls
19

TTJV a/Suo-o-oi/

apva TW nvXao^cp.
(cf.

Cf. Demeter, R. 253*

Sparta: Zeus

R. 38.
20
21

SKOTITCLS, Zeus, R. 58 Messoa: Demeter, R. 44.

Zeus, R. 61);

Demeter,

Tegea: Demeter, R. 1196.

Elis: Demeter, R. 47,

118.

Zeus xtfoW
TOV
"AiSov

at

Olympia

Zeus,
.
.

R. 142

a.

PaUS.
aira

6. 25, 2 6 6e lepbs

neptftoXos Tf Kai vaos

dvoiywTai pcv

KOTO, eros exaoroi/, etreX^eti/ 5e ouSe rdrf efairai rrepa

*Av6pG>7T(i)v

yf TOV iepup-fvov.

&v

t<rp,ev

povoi TtpSxnv

"AtS^i

HXe tot.

378
22 23

GREEK RELIGION
Lesbos
Pares
:
:

vide Poseidon, Geogr. Reg.

s. v.

Lesbos.

R. 50.
:

Zeus Eubouleus, Hera, R. 66.

.

24
25
26

Amorgos

Zeus Eubouleus, Zeus, R. 55 b

:

Mykonos
Crete
:

Zeus, R. 56.
vide inscription in Rev. Arch,
?

*A8r)s Ayrjo-iXaor,

i,

pp. 152-3

and 1867, p. 413 (C. I. G. 2599) 319 (Athenae. 3, p. 99 B) AiVx^Xos

27
28

cult-title.

Cf.

Aesch. Frag.

rov"A.i8r]V

Ayr/o-i Xaoi/ eiTre.

Tralles: Demeter, R. 124.

29 30

Ephesos: Demeter, R. 125. Caria: Demeter, R. 51.

Hierapolis
:

vide Cybele-Rhea, R. 60.

:

SI

Halikarnassos

C.

/.

G. 2655

Aw

nXovrrjos.

Cf.

Hesych.

.r.z\

32

Knidos

Demeter, R. 52.
1.

Cf.

cult

of Enl^a^os at Erythrai,

Dittenb. Syll. 370,

33

61.

Soloi: Demeter, R. 124.

34

With Demeter on

late coins

of Syedra in Cilicia

Brit.

Mus.

Cat.,

Lycaom a,
35

&c., p. xxxvi, n. 3.
:

Tarentum and Magna Graecia

pp. 11-19.

vide Hell. Journ. 1886 (A. Evans),

Cf. supra, p. 224.

a

36

Rome

Demeter, R. io6
AC.

(Orci nuptiae).

i7

Demosth.
ypdcfrovcri,

Apioroy. A.

52

ot
o>ypd<pot
<j>66vov

TOVS daeftcls ev

"Atftov

fj.fT

dpas Kal ^Xaa-^fiias KOI

2, p.

Kai oTaVetof KOI VCLKOVS.

fj

58

Clem. Alex. Strom.

irpbs 6*
Off

494, Pott, tl yovv

rpavwSia eVt TOV

"Aiiou

olov fjfis Saifiov*

TTjV

u>s

OVTf TaTTlflKfS OVT

fjiovTjv

\aplV
dnXcos

jffiei,

coTfpye

TTJV

39

Arist.

Frag. 445
KOI
fl
(JtfjV

(Tagemstaz)

TTodfV H\OVT6)V y* &V 0)VOpA^

HTJ

o(ro>

jSeXrtor f\a\fv ; ev Se trot TO KOTO) Kpeirra) *(TT\V Siv 6 Zevs

TCI

e^ei.

40

C. /.

(r.

1067, grave inscription from Megara

(late period), Sol

41

Oracle of Klaros, delivered in time of plague, second century A. D.: Buresch, Klaros p. 81. Ath. Mitth. 1899, p. 257 ... epSeu/
,

vnovSaiots fools, ev
KVTJKOV 6(fj 8e
fjLT)\(n>,

"ia&

exaora, Xot^ds*
/i<^a>

Kal
|

TW pcv

Ev^ai-rrj

rap.eiv

jccXatpa 8
j

pe^opev.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER VI

379

REFERENCES FOR CULTS OF THE MOTHER OF THE GODS AND RHEA-CYBELE

1

Horn.

H.

xiv

/iot

iravrav TC

0c>v

irdvrav r

dv6pa>ira>v

fj

Movcra Xiyeta, Albs Bvydrrjp p.fyaXoto, KpordXcov Tvirdvav r ta^j) avv re Ppopos
r)8e

av\u>v

cvadev

XvKav

icXayyi)

%apon>v

re

\e6vTa>v

ovpcd r
Cf.
2

T)x*} evTa

Ka * v\^VTfg ecavXot.

Demeter

R.

7.

Find. Frag. 48 (Bockh):

crot
fj.ev

Marcp

fteyaXa, irdpa

8as virb

Frag. 63

Kal

Marpoy p.eyd\as
(Tf/xi/aj/
Xapira>i>

OT
/ieXTy/^ia

Tfpirvov.

Pyth.

3.

77

*AXX* fircvgcHrQat,

p.ev

fdf\a>
tyu>v

Marpt,

rai/

Kovpai Trap*

f /iov

irpoQvpov

crvv Ilavl

pcXiromu

^a/za

(Schol.
4

?<$.

VVKTOS avrff ra
:

Dithyramb. /V. 80

Soph. Pfa Ioct. 391:

Opeorepa jra/x/Scort Fa, parcp avrov Atos, a TOV fjtyav Ila/crcoXoi/ fvxP V(rov ve

Aristoph.
IE.
TIE.
7

^4z>.

875

OTov6(t>

fJLcdh.fl

MrTi

6(a>v

Tf KU\
.

Acffnoiva Kv/SeXr/, arpovfa,

(cf.

Eur. Bacch. 120

n Dionysos, R. 62 ):
a6eov T
Kpjjra?

oupijrcoj/

evavXot, rputopvOcs fvff fv avrpais

380

GREEK RELIGION
oSf
p.oi

KopvftavrfS rjvpov*

dva 5c /3dc^ia avvrova)

iccpavav aSfjSdg &pvyia)V
irvcvp-an,
av\S>v

parpos T

Peas cs X*P a

&*]

Kav ,

KTVTTOV fvd(rp.a(TL Bax^av.

8

Telestes ap. Athenae. p. 626 a:

Trpoirot

(rvvoira$ol

napa Kparrjpas EXXqvav tv av\ois HeXonos paTpbs opcias

(ppvyiov aeio-av vopov.

9

Clem. Alexandr. Protr.

p.

64

(Pott.)

MeVai/Spos yovv 6

ovdeis
p.(Ta
-

fi

dpco-Kei

((prjffi)

TTfpmarotv

ea>

ypabf ovff
<ravi8iov

(Is

otKias TTiipaaiuiv

eVt TOV
of

fjLTjTpayvpTrjs.

TOIOVTOI
/,

yap

p.rjTpayvprai
rfjv

oBcv
TO>V

(IKOTU>S

A.VTt(rBfvr)s

eXcyev avrois

ov Tpe cpd)

pTjTfpa

6fa>v

fjv of Qeol

Tp(pov<riv.

10

Anth. Pal.

6.

94

Apa^d^etpa raCra
Ka\ Kvp.f3aX

(rot

TO.

rvp-nava

6v8ovna

KoiAo^ei Xfa
ols 7TOT6
C<p

XcOTOli? KCpoftoaS,

r)

re

vyapiv
Pe?;,

\eovr68i(pp
fdrjKf
11

aot,

Xva&rjTTjpa yrjpdo as noda,

:

Lucr.

2.

599

Quare magna deum mater materque ferarum Et nostri genetrix haec dicta est corporis una.

Hanc

veteres

Graium

docti cecinere poetae

Sedibus in curru biiugos agitare leones,

Muralique caput

summum

cinxere corona.

Hanc variae gentes antique more sacrorum Idaeam vocitant matrem Phrygiasque catervas Dant comites, quia primum ex illis finibus edunt per terrarum orbem fruges coepisse creari.
12

Artemid. Oneir.

2. 39 Mrjrrjp yetopyois dyadrj yfj yap fivai Aug. de Civ. D. 6. 8 Interpretationis huius, quando
QtS>V

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
agitur de sacris Matris
est
.

381

Deum, caput est certe quod Mater deum terra verum tamen quoquo modo sacra eius interpretentur et referant ad rerum naturam viros muliebria pati non est secundum naturam sed contra naturam. Hie morbus, hoc crimen, hoc dedecus habet
. .
:

inter ilia sacra professionem.

13

Cf. 7.

24 (reference to Varro

s view).

Stob. FloriL Vol. 3, p. 63 (Meineke) &IVTVOS ras KaAAi/tpareos Gvyarpbs HvQayopeias eK TOV Trepl yvvaiKos (roxppoavvas. 1. 32 drj eK
</>a/LU

Trevre

TOVTVV

[TO.

yvvaiKt nepiyivea-dat aroXppoo-vvav]

juarpcocr/ioty.
elcriv

...

ex

TO>

fj.rj

xpeeo-0at

rois

opyiaa-fjiols

KOI

Cf. Iambi, de Myster. 3.

p.i)Tpiovo~ai,

IO

(p.

121

Parthey) yvvaiKes
Kal oo~ot av
14

ai

Trpor]yovp.eva>s

dppevav de oXi yioroi

lo Lyd. de JMens.

3, p. 49,

rj

A^/MTyr^p

7roXeo>s

eori KarapKriKT), olovfl

rj

yfj

odcv Koi irvpyotyopov avrrjv ypdcpovai, Aeycrat 8e Kal Ku/SeAq.

Vide

Zeus, R. 98, reference to

Rhea

as goddess of marriage.

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
15

Amphipolis: Bull. Corr. Hell. 1894, p. 423 NiKoorparq Mr/rpiV p. 534, terracotta figures of Attis from the necropolis there.
,

16

Boeotia.

Thebes

PaUS.

9. 25? 3 SiajBaa-iv ovv rfjv AipKrjv oiKtas re epc nria rrjs Hiv~

Sdpov Kal M^rpoy

*Api(TTOp.r)8ovf

Aiv8vp.f)vr)s

ipov t Hivbdpov p,V dvdQrjpa,

pta 8
cfj.ol

Tf%vrj 5e TO a

rt Kdl ScoKpdroKS Qrjftaicov

Kal ov Trepa, TO iepbv dvoiyciv vofufavtriv,

de dcpiKecrdat re eeyey6vet rf]V

fjnepav ravTTjv, Kal TO ayaXp.a ei8ov \idov TOV

UffTeA^o t Kal UVTO KOI TOV dpdvov.

ApiffTo S^/io ff
<pr)<nv

b Schol. Pind. Pyth. 3. 137 (Boeckh)

av\r)Tr)V

OXi)/i7rt^oi/

didao-Kopevov VTTO Hivddpov yevevQai KaTa TO opoy, OTTOV TTJV p,e\eTrjv

KaTa<pfpop.evr)v.

avveTideij Kal ^6(pov \Kavbv Kal (p\6ya Idelv

etra io~66fjievov
<rvvidelv

TOV de Tlivdapov enepxonevov,

MrjTpbs

Qeatv
TTJ

ayaX/xa \L6ivov Tols irotrlv

oBev OVTOV o~vvidpvo~ao~dai Trpbs

de TroXiVas

oiKia

M^Tpos

6eS>v

Kal

Havb? ayaX^a.
eK^r)a-op,evo)V

TOVS
TOV de

ne^avras

es
6eS>v

Beov irvvBdveaOat
idpvo~ao~6ai.

irepl

T>V

dvemflv
17

lepbv MrjTpbs
:

Orchomenos
Chaironeia:
Be5)V.

C.

I.

G. Sept.i. 3216
6ea>v.

(?

first

century A.D.)

iTTTrap^Va

HpoSdYov
18

lepaTe vovo~a MctTpi

ib.

3315
. .
.

(? first

century A.D.)
TTJV

Evcppoo-vva

lepa
lepav

TO.S
Trj

MaTcpos T&V
TO>V

3378

dveOqKav

Idiav OpfiTTrjv
^cotrii/

AuMOKTiai

6eS>v

7rapapeivao-av Trap
/.

eauToi? ecos av
i.

dvfyK\f)Tti)f.

18

Thespiai: C.

G. Sept.

1811 MaTepi

382
18

GREEK RELIGION
b

TTJ

Tanagra: Ath. Mitth. 3, p. 388, &c., small shrine with inscription large relief of maidens holding tympana, seated figure MTjrpt:
fifth
:

of Cybele,
19

century

B. c.

Attica

Athens, temple of
vol. i,

Rhea and Cronos

2.

in

the Te /zei/o? of

Zeus Olympics, vide

a

Cronos, R.
eoprrj
S. V.

Bekker

Anecd. p. 229

Ad^o-t

Mrjrpi 6c)v dyop-evrj, ev

fie

fj

fyovo~i TTJV ya\aiav.

Hesych.

yaXata* eon

TTO\TOS Kpidtvos tv

ydXaKTi.

b Paus.
/cat
7i\rj<riov

I. 3,
T>V

(OKo^ofjajrai

fie

Kal Mr/Tpos 6e)V iepbv

TJV

^eifii ap etpynVraTO,

TrevraKO(ria>v

/caXov/iei/a>i/

/SovXevT^ptov.

Cf. Arr.

A nab. 3.

1 6, 8.

Aeschin.

K. Tt/z.
/3o>/Aoi/

60

6 nirraXa/eoy epxerat yvpvbs els rrjv dyopav KO\

Ka6iei cVt TOV

rijs

MrjTpbs rStv Qe&v.

d Cf. DemOSth.
ffiaprvpfTO
6
/cat

K.

Apioroy. A.
6fa>v

97 AvKovpyos
KCU
Ka\>s

peit

ovv

TTJV

*A.8r)vav

TTJV
S.

^rjTfpa ruv
V.

ciroict.

Harpokrat.

inqrp&ov
TO>

rovs

vopovs fdfvro

dvaypd\l/avTS

tv

TW

pr)Tp(pcp

fijjXoi Afivapxos fv

Kara IlvOtov.

f Poll.

3.

II

eXeyero

fie

KOI

nrjrpaov

A.6r)vr)<ri,

TO

Trjs

Qpvyias

fcov icpov.
R Plin.

N. H.

36.

civitate Agoracriti opus.

dpta-Tfpa. topvrat
fj

17 Est et in Matris Magnae delubro eadem TOV $d<nv tv Arr. PeripL 9 eo-/3aXXoWa>v fie
ftrj

$aariavf} 0f6$

ai/

OTTO

ye TOV

o~^f}fj,aTos reK/^atpo/zei/a)

17

PeV

/cat

yap Kvp.fta\ov
M^rpaJcj
i.
17

fifTa ^etpay e^et

<cat

Xe ovra? VTTO

TW

Qpovco, KCU uddrjTat

ojcrTrep eV TO)

rou

<E>etfiioi;.

h C.
early
i

A.

4 (fragment of ritual-archive found on the Acropolis,

fifth

century B.C.) M^rpt.

7$. 2.

607 (3243

TOU B.C.) ot o-uXXoyeTr

S^ov

dvtdcvav Mr;rpi

eVt

Hyijo-i ov Spxovros.

^ /^.
1

2.

1388^ add.
1062
tribe, circ.

fi^/xof
c

KOI
a>9

T]

fBov\r)

Kavrjfpoprja-affav M/;rpt

Ib. 3.

eVt apxovros t epe

MrjTpbs
Ib.

6ea>v

K.a\

AyaTrrjTov

Antiochis
Sv.

210

A.D.).

Cf. Aphrodite,

1594 R. 13, Apollo, R. I33 1

2.

Mdvr) S
.

(decree of the MrjTpl KOI MtVa

In Agrai: Miiller, F. H. G.
TO
fjLrjTpvov

TO tv

*Ayp<ns.

i, p. 359, Cleitodemos, Fr. i ro C. /. A. i. 273 (temple-accounts

426-422
o

B.C.) MrjTpos
I.

eVAypaw.
fie

n PaUS.
-<4r<:/&.

31,

Ai/ayupaatots

Mr/Tpbs

Sew

Iep6v.

Anzeig. 1895, p. 129, Berlin terracotta from Athens repre Vide senting goddess holding lion on her lap, sixth century B.C.

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
Ann.
d. Inst.

383

orgeones

of the

34. 23, inscription of third century B.C. concerning the and the Arr/Sem in the Peiraeus. Mrjrrjp
6eS>v

P Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 275, relief

Panes with inscription

7riTayr)v
20

Elo-ias

found on Acropolis showing two /car* Aiooapov e* Aa^irrp^v Mrjrpl

OfS>v

Udvra Beov

crefivvvofjiev.

Pagai in Megara: Head, Hist. Num. period, Cybele seated, at her feet lion.
21

p.

330, coins of imperial

6.

At Corinth
/cat

7 (on the
OTJ/XJ;]

way Up
Qpovos

a reXerj) Mijrpos, vide vol. 5, Hermes, R. to the Acropolis) vnep TOVTO Mrjrpbs
hiQav KOI
avrrj KOI 6 6p6vos.

Paus.
vaos

2. 4,

6eS>v

f ort

[KOI

Head, Hist. Num.

p.

340,

on coins of imperial period, Cybele seated. 22 Hermione: Head, Hist. Num. p. 370, Cybele on
period.
23

coins, imperial

Epidauros: Eph. Arch. 1883,

l

P-

5I

>

inscription of late period,

6eS)V IKCTTIS

KOT ovap MeXai/coTTo? erevf.

6cS>v

6 Cavvadias, Fourths cTEpidaure, no. 64 MeyaAfl Mrjrpl tb. no. 40 KovpyTtw. 25 Laconia. Sparta: Paus. 3. 12, 9 TO 8e hpbv rfjs McyaXys Akriai On the COast Tt/iarat Trepttro-wy dr} n. 3. 22, 4 6eas de avrodi
Aioyevrjs
I
/3a>/Lioi>

24

a^ia
ol

"Mqrpos

6fS)V vaos KOI aya\p,a Xt^ov.

O7ro(ra
rrjs

7raXaioraToi

df TOVTO clvai (bacrtv

ras

AKpias fx ovrS
2.

6fov ravnjs Hc\O7rovvr)(riois

fepd

fornv.

Ath. Mitth.
26

329.
vide Demeter, R. ii9 a
:

Arcadia.

Akakesion

b
c

On the Alpheios Dio Chrys. Or. i, pp. 60-61 On Mount Azanion cf. R. 52. Lact. Plac. ad
:

R.
Stat. Theb. 4.

292

In

illo

monte Azanio
Paus.

ut lupiter ita etiam

Mater Deorum

colitur ritu

Idaeo.
d
6eS)V
S. V.

At Asea
e<rr\v

8. 44,

3 npos re roO
Ka&ori

AX<pov 717

iryyfj

vaos re Myrpos

OVK

c\a>v

opocfrov KOI Xtovrcs

Svo \i6ov
fir\

ircTroiTjfjicvoi.

Cf.

Hesych.

AfovTfios iropos

AX<peios.

rais irrjyais avrov

\(6vra>v

At Megalopolis
/it -ya

Paus.
6eu>v^

ayaX/na ov

MrjTpbs

8. 30, 4 rov vaov 8e OTI

e<rn

&
pf)

tv dfgia roO
ol Ktoves

aXXo

npb 8e TOV vaov

rrjs
:

Mj/rpoy dvftpias
Call. If.

p.ev ovSeis eart.

:

On Mount

Lykaion
ev 8e
<re

injov. 10
Peir)

Happa&irj ffKv opos ddp.voio-1

ovSe TI
<piv

rtKev,

fix.

p-o^

irfpicrKfTres

fvQtv o

iepos,

Kfxprjptvov EiXfiQvirjs
faiftiaryfTCU,

fpirtrov ovSe yvvfj

dXXa

ojyvyiov

KoXcowi

Xe^eoVoi/

384
g

GREEK RELIGION
At Methydrion on Mount Thaumasion
&oC, dvdpanav yf ovdevl
:
>

Paus.

8. 36, 3
prj

eon

Se

Trpbs Ty Kopv(pfj TOV opovs cnrfaaiov -njs

Pear, KOL es avrb

on

yvvail povais

Ifpais TTJS
27

fcrf\6fli>

tan

rcav a\\(ov.

Olympia PaUS. 5 2O 9 vaov peycfai pcyav KO.L epyao-iq Mrjrpaov KOI s e/ie KaXovviv CTI, TO ovopa alra dicura>ovTes TO Kflrai 8e OVK aya\p.a tv avrw 6ewv MrjTpos, de eori^/cacr
|3a(rtXea>i>

&

Ao>pioi/

eon
6(S>v

8e

evrbs
5. 8,

V
Tr}S
A\Te<as

TO MrjTpaov.

PaUS. 5. 14, 9
Cf. Schol.

cf.

(Idaean Dactyli and Kouretes).

/Sco/W
elo-iv

Pind. 01.
pevoi
.

5.

IO OXujiTTiWt
*cut

1^ 5t 8u/iot, Tols ScoSe/ca 6fois dvidpv?

CKTOS Kpdfov

*Pe af, &s (^rjatv HpdSeopoy.

Statue of Korybas

in city of Elis: Paus. 6. 25, 5.

28

Messenia
6(5>v

PaUS.

4.

31, 6 ou /iaXto-ra

aioi>

rroi^a-ao-dat

p.vf]fj.r]v t

ayaXpa

MrjTpbs

\l6ov iiapiov, Aa/zocpcoj^-oy St epyov.

a>a

9 (near the temple of

ofj-oiajs Kadayiov(rii>.

Eileithyia) Kovp^rcoi; ptyapov fvda

29

TO,

ndvra

Achaea.
(J.r)Tpi

Dyme:
KO.\*ATTTJ

Paus.

7.

AivSvutiVT]

TTCTrotrjfJLfvov.

17, 9 [Au/uatW] . . . Patrai: 7- 2O, 3

?<m

Itpov o-^to-t

fpxo/JLfvq>

8f (s Trjv

KOTO) TToXtl/ MrjTpOS ^lvdvfJLT)VT]S f(TT\V ifpOV,

V d( auTO) KOI *&TTTJS

?^ft TLfMOf.
TTfTroirjTat.

TOVTOV
30

fjifv dfj

aya\fj,a ovftcv diro(paivov(ri

TO 8e r^y MT/rpo? Xt^ou

Ithaka: vide Hera, R. 77 (worship of Rhea, sixth century).

a

80

Keos

Bull Corr.

Hell, dedication of late period

tepefo

6cS>v

31

Delos

ib.

A.vaapfTTj MrjTpl 6fS)V.

32

1882, p. 500, n. 22 (inscription third century B.C.) Cf. n. 25 M;rpt MtyaX/y TTJ ndvTwv KpaTovo-fl.

Paros

2>

$pvyir), vabv n(piKa\\fa af/jivut

38

Ath. Mitth. 1901, p. 160 (second century B.C.) o-ot Cf. p. 162. ftrja-rjs tv 8a7re5o).
.

Chios: Bull. Corr. Hell. 1879, p. 324 KaXXtor& w;?

Tag KatifSpas MrjTpi (second century B.
I.
c.).

TTJV o-TpcoTTjv teal

34

Thera
ro>

C.

G. 2465

(add.) ovpot yds

6fS>v

parpi

6vo-ia

Apxivov ty dvo pc&ipvw Kal otvov pfTp^Tav to her, Roman period).

35

fTfi TO) TrpaTio-TW Ovtrovri

(?

@ovv KOI irvpav cy

pedifjivov KOI Kpiddv

private sacrifice

from land dedicated

Samothrace: Arch. Anz. 1893,

:

p.

nexion with the mysteries

Ka6ifpS>o-ai

Diod. Sic.
6(>

130 (Kern): no proved con 3. 55 TUVT^V Se [vrja-ov]

.

Qf&v] KOI ftoipovs Ap,aovaf] TJJ irpofipijfjLfVT) [TJJ Mrjrpl i8puaao~Qai KOI &wrias /ueyaXoTrpfTrets ciriTe Xf crat. Head, Hist. Num. p. 226,
[TO?
T>V

coins, circ. 300,

38

Cybele seated on throne, beneath which

reliefs

lion.

Lesbos

two

representing Cybele with lions and tympa

Cf. inscription

num, Conze, Lesbos,

p. 10.

from Eresos, Class. Rev.

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
1902, p. 290
TtfJieVfl.

385
ro>

fiarfixrjv

6e

/LtT/Se

FaXXotf,

/zTj&e

yvva iKts yuXXd&v cv

37

Kos

Paton and Hicks, Inscr. 38 (fourth century

if
pa"
. . .

B.

c.)

ra aura

duepa Pea
rrapexft"

ois Kvevo~a KOI

TOVTOW OVK oVo^opa

Qvei lapevs Kal lepd

Arch. Anz. 1891, p. 176, 44, yeprj \aupdvei 8ep/*a. Vienna of Cybele with tympanon and lion in lap from Kos.
*

relief in

Crete

vide Zeus. R. 3.
:

:l

Nikand. Alexiph. 217

77

art Ktpvofpopos

d<opos

ftufj-iorTpta

Pcirjs

eivdfti

\ao(popot(nv evtxpipnTovo-a K(\ev0ois

eVfft/Soaa yXaarcrr)

6p6ov, of 8e rpcovvtv

piyrj\ov or* eia-ataxriv vXaypov.

Schol.
^

to.

flvdfti

dvr\ TOII fwdrr) TOV

p,rjvos

Tore yap

TO.

fj.v<TTr}pia

avrrjs

KnoSSOS

Diod. Sic.

5-

66
<a\

rrjs

Ki/wo-ms

x^P as wovirep en

KOI

v\i\>

dfUyvrat
c
iii,

6ep.f.\ia

Peas oucoTreSa

KvirapirTw aXaos.

Phaistos: inscription of Hellenistic period, published Museo Italiano p. 736 by Halbherr, vide Ath. Mitih. 1893, p. 272, and 1894, p. 290
:

Bavfjia

p,ey*

dvflp&Trois
nivxpTJTt

Trdvratv

MarJjp

TTtdiKwri

rots o&iois

KOI 6i yovfav UTre^oiTat,

6iS)v

rots dc TTapecrj3aivov(ri
8*
v<rc@ics

yevos dvria irpdrei

fvy\<adoi

re Kal

ndpiff dyvol
8*

MeydXas Marpbs
ddavdras,

vaov,

fvdea

fpya

aia

rc5Se

va>.

d Schol.
[

Clem. Alex. Protr.

iepcvs Atoy Kal Peas.
4-

2, p. 22,

Pott (vol.

4,

p.

103, Klotz)

ETrt/JLfvi&rjs^

Diod. Sic.

^^ [*

KaT

TTJV

SixeXiav Kpfjrffj
.
.
.

KaracrKevdcravTCS

lepov Ttov
e<

Mrjrepwv diafpopus fTiptov rds Beds.

ravras Se d(pidpv6rjvai (pa&iv

rrjs KprjTrjs

did TO Kal irapa rols Kprjcrl Tip.dcr6ai rds 6eds ravras diacpepovrus
fi*

fj.vdn\oyou(ri

avrds TO

7ra\aibv dpe\^at rbv Aia

jSpa^i/

yap

rrpb

i]fi5>v

elx v
f
39

faal ftots pev lepds rptcr^iXtar.

Cf. Plut.

Marcell.
8.

20.

Feast of ra iXdpta in Crete, Dionys. Areop. Ep.

:

p.

Cyprus Ohnefalsch-Richter, Die antik. Kultusstalten auf Kypros, ii. 5 (vide Drexler in Roscher s Lextkon 2, p. 2898). 40 Byzantium: Hesych. Miles. Frag. Miiller, F. H. G. 4, p. 149
Trjs (3ao~i\iKfjs

Peas pev Kara TOV

oraro [6 Bu^ay],

heyopevov TOTTOV veav Te Kal ayaXfta KaOiftpvTToXi rats

on

Kal Tu^atoi/ rois

ren uTjro.

Cf.

Zosim. Nov.

Mitth. 1899, p. 8) statue of Cybele with lions brought by Constantine from the neighbourhood of Kyzikos and altered by him into a type of Cybele with outstretched hands,
Hist.
2.

31 (vide

Amelung

in

Rom.

praying for his

city.

3 86

GREEK RELIGION

41
42

Asia Minor (maritime and anterior districts). Pontos: vide vol. 5, Dionysos, R. 63* (Corybantic dances).
Bithynia.
AIT. Pcripl. 13 dnb

Heracleia Pontike

fie

HpaicXet as

ri

p.ev

TO

Mj^rpaJov KuXovfjievov ordStot oySorjKovTa.

Nikaia, vide Apollo

Geogr. Reg.

s. i\

Bithynia (thiasos of Apollo

and Cybele). c Nikomedeia

Matris Magnae.
43

Plin.

Ep.

10.

58

in

angulo

(fori)

aedes vetustissima

Phrygia, vide Ramsay: Hell.Journ. 5, pp. 245-246, tomb with very archaic relief of Cybele and two lions erect on each side, placing their paws above her shoulders, inscription Matar Kubile, ? circ. 700
B. c.
&pvya>v

Cf. vol. 5,

Dionysos,
uTrXwy
ot

35^ 62 l m
>

Strab. p.
Tpcocui/ ol

469
nepl

ol

Se

Bepviw
KUTOI-

TI (j)i/Xov KOI

<&pvyes

KOI

ra>v

ri]v

"idrjv

KovvTfs Pf av /ueV KOI avrot

teal

Tt/jcotri

Kal

opytaov<ri

TavTy, p.T)Tfpa KaXovvrfS 6()v

TOTTUV iSatav KOI
l

*A.y8tO Tiv Kai

3>pvyiav

6(ov MeydX^y, drro 8e

/cat

TU>V

&ivSvfjLT}VJ]i

KOI 2nrv\TjVTjv KOL

**

Il<r<rivovvTida

Kv/SeXTjy

[nt

K.vftr)l3r)v

Dion. Hal. Ant.

RoJll.

I.

6l

iSmoy 6 Aap&dvov
6fa>v

tv

rols

opcaiv

j/Cj/

iSatu OTT fKtivov \eycraC fv6a Mrjrpt

*:ai es
1

lepov idpv&dfAfvos opyia KOI

rfXeras Karf(7T^(7aro, a
45

rode xpovov 8Lap.fvova-t.v fv

ol 8e

navy &pvyiq.

Schol. Nik.

Ahxiph. 8
59

&pvyfs

KOTO.

TO cap 6pT]vov(Tiv avTov [*Ainji].

^0avtcr/ieVou TOV

Diod.
frco/aaToj
Ttp-als

Sic. 3.

Sionep TOVS

<&pvyas

Sta TOV xpovov

u>

fi ScoXoi

AcaraaKfudtraj TOI) pfipaxiov Trpos

Trjv

dprjvovvTas TOIS oiKeiais

pfjvtv

TOV irddovs et-iXdo-KfaOat

TOV irapai o^d^TOs

onep

p-f xpt

TOV

KltS* fjfJids filOV

"

TTOlOVVTdS (1VTOVS SiaT\flv.

irevBos TO

Arr. Tad. 33 TO
6*
f]

dp$l TW
Xrjyei,

"ATTIJ

cv

Pcb/ug

nevBelTai, Kal

TO

XovTpbv
de Civ.

Pea
2.

d(p*

ov TOV jrtv6ovs

<bpvy!.a)v

vop.w XoDrat.

(Cf.

Aug.

Dei

4,

impure

ritual at

Rome

connected with the lavatio

Cybelae.)
48

For mysteries of

Attis vide

Demeter, R. 219, and Aphrodite,

Ka\ovo-iv
rj

108*
49

Hippol. Ref. Haeres.

aXXore

5,

p.
de

118 (Miller)
vewv
r]

"Am,

o-e

ol
77

3>pvycs

fiev Hd-rrav, vrore

t)

6ebv

rj

TOV aKapxov,

alnoXov

xXocpbv O-TUXW d^Oevra

50

ov TroXvKapnos CTLKTCV d^vydaXos dvtpa avptKTav.

Macr. Sat.

i.

21, 7 ritu

eorum (Phrygum)

catabasi finita simula-

tioneque luctus peracta celebratur laetitiae exordium a. d. octavum Kalendas Aprilis. quern diem Hilaria appellant. Cf. Eus. Praep. Ev.
I.

28

|ot

<&owi<es^

KXav6p.bv

Kal

eXeos

/cut

OLKTOV

/3\no~T^/iaTt

yrjs

Plat.

Euthyd. 277

TTOWTOV

Se Tavrbv orrep ol ev

TTJ

TeXeTy

TU>V

Kopv-

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
3aWcoi>,

387
Kcu

oTav

TTJV 0pov(a(Tiv
e crrt

7roi$>cri

7rep\

TovTOv ov av /ucXXoxfl TfKtlv.

yap

fxel ^opeia ris

"

KOL TraiSta.
7rora/i&>

PailS. IO. 32, 3 tpiryes ot eVi

KOI
AaVa>v

IJeyKaXa, TO Se av&Qcv

ApKa-

ftias

fs TOVTTJV d(piKOftfvot rfjv ^tapav, $(iKvvov(riv avrpov Ka\ovp.fvov

Srevvos, rrfpifapes re KOI

v^ovs f%ov

fUTrperreos

Mrjrpos 8f ffrnv Icpov KCU

ayaX/xa MrfTpbs TreTroi^rat.

r8

Phot.

S.

V. Ku,8?7/3os

KaTe^ofiei/os
"loaves

rfi

nrjrpl

rav

6f5>v

Ki/ftypoV

KparTi/os 6parrais
K(i\ovfj.evov

TOV deofpoprjrov
Si/icovi Sr;?.

8c rov n^rpayvpTrjv KOI

J.

yaXXov vvv
Kat

wrens
6d\afjioi.

Hesych.

V*

KvjSeXa*

oprj

^puytay.

avTpa Kal
54

Kyzikos.
a

Nik. Alexiph. 7
Schol.

,^x 1

P7$

AojSpi w;*

^aXapat re KOI opyaa-Trjptov

TTJ

"ATTeco.

Z^. Aofipivys 6a\d[JiaC

TO.
p.T)8fo.

TOTTOI Ifpoi vrroyeioi dvaKcipevoi

Pea,

orrou fKTfpvofifvoi
eiVi 5c

KaTfTidfVTO oi
T)

T5

"Arrft

rat T^
oprj

Pea Xarpei;oiT6s.
clviv tv

ra Ao/Spiva op^

pvyi as

TOTTO? KU^/KOU*

Suo yap

Apoll.

Rhod.

i.

1092
XP
t(

AUTOJ/I &J,

(rf

^*

ef

I/

fttravtoira

AtvSv/xou oKpioevTos evdpovov i\dacrOcii

/i;repa avp.Trd.vTwv avtfjuov

X^oucrt 8

aeXXat

yap
tra
t 1

rrjs

avepoi re

$aXa<7tra

re

j/etd^t

re

Treiretpr/rat

vi(pofv

6*

e8o? OuXv/zTroio.
a/zTre Xoi;

1 y

eV/ce

8e rt

crri/3apoi>

OTUTTOS

evrpo(pov vX

trpovvv yepai/fipvov*
ftaipovos
ovpeir;?

TO

/nev

eKTap,ov ofppa rreXotro

fepov /3peVaf Trapev

1123

jBm/j,ov

aw

^epciSos-

(rre^a/xevoi

SpviVoicri

dvyndXiT

Mrjrepa &ivvp.ir]v TroXvirorviav ay/caXe oi/rer,

fvvaeriv ^pvyi ^y, Tirirjv ^
ot

a/za

KuXX^vdi re

povvoi 7ro\(ov /uoip^ye rat ^Se TrapeSpot

idairjs

Mijrepos

KffcXTjarai,

otro-ot

AaKrvXoi

iSaioi

Kp^raie er.

1134
(TKaipovTfS
Kat
tra/cea

a/iuSts

6e

w oi

Op<pf;oy

^rjrapfjLov

evdrr\iov

^Kpfe(T(riv

fnfKTVTrov.

rous I&at ovr Ka\ovpevovs AafcruXovs Trpwrovy TWV Bewv a.Ko\ov6uiv Mcvdvdptp heyovrt rovs Mi\rj(riovs. r^9 Mrjrpos Spoup Trape orav Qvaxri Trj Pe a, TfpovQvfiv f? irpoBvfiv Ttria KOI
(Cf. Schol.
1.

1126

388
c

GREEK RELIGION
Herod.
6eS>v

TWV

4. 76 Tr/JOo-tV^t KV&KOV ^ Am^a/xrtsj KOI evpe yap dvdyovras TOVS Kv&Krjvovs oprfjv Ka pra nfyaXoTrpeirevs KrX.

ey

rrj

Mrjrpt

Paus.
crcptert

8.

46, 4 Kvguajvol Tf dvayKao-avTfs

7roXep,

UpoKovvrja-iovs yfvecrBai

O-VVOIKOVS
e ori

M;rpoy
<a\

^ivdvfirjvrjs

ayaXpa
cra>7roi>

eXa/3oi/
ai/rt

CK UpoKovv^froV TO 8e

ayaXp.a

xpvo~ov

avTov TO 7rpo

eXe cpairoy ITTTTUV TWV Trora-

piwv oddvTfs dalv flpyao p.cvoi.

5

Strab.

575

irrrepKt-iTai
?

8e

a\Xo Aivdvpov
Apyoravrcoi .

/iovo^veV, iepbv fyov TTJS Ati^St;-

fj.T]vr)s

M^rpos
/.

^fa>j/

iSpvfta

rail/

C.

G. 3668

Storqpi Sqy TaXXoff cvgdpfvos MrjTpl

Ko

(first

century

B.C.).

Cf.

worship of Adrasteia

at

Kyzikos, Artemis, R. 138.

At

Plakia, near
at

Kyzikos
at

C.

/.

G. 3657 (inscription early

TOVS Kooyiovr napa
0a\d<T(riai

Roman
MrjTpi
TTJ

period, found
nXaKiTjvf]
Kal

Kyzikos)

at o-uireXovo-ai

Trj

iepoirotol

7T/jo(rayopei;o>ej/at

KOI

at

<rvvovo-at

firr
KO.\

auraiv

tc

pftat

K\fi8iKTjv
Apre>t8oy

AarK\T)miidov

Icpapevriv

MrjTpbs

TTJS

tv

nXa/ctg

(petition, allowed by S^oy, to erect a statue in the agora of Kyzikos with this Cf. Ath. Mitth. inscription). 1882, p. 155 (inscription found at Kyzikos, permission given by the &wos to dedicate portrait of same priestess) ev ff pa T^ M^rpos r^y HXawa^s eV rw Hap^fi/ww fepo/zeVip M7rp6s nXmeta^s /cat Kop^y M^rpoy ical Apre>tSoy Mow^tay. Head, ^/j/. A"OT. p. 465, head of
TrpoifpapcvTjv

Movw^ias

r<S

<eai

Cybele turreted on bronze coins of Plakia, on ear of corn. * Near Lampsakos Strab. p. 589 oi
:

circ.

300

B. c.;

reverse, lion

d;ro

TcroopiJKwra
ayto

Pessinus: vide Aphrodite, R. 1191

Strab. 567 Ileo-o-W oCy S eWw fpiropiov TWV TavTfl fjLf yiaTov, icpbv T^y Mqrpos TUV fawv (T^aa-fiov ficydXov TvyX dvov. Ka\ot<ri 5* avrrjv AydurTtv. of 8* ffpdr TO ndXaibv pev ftvvdo-Tai Tiveg rjaav, ifpuo-vvrjv Kapnov^fvoi ncydXrjv, 8e TOVTO>V pcv at rt/xal TroXv ptpxiuvTai, TO Se cpnSpiop wppcvti KaTfwv\^ o-KeiWrat S tTri ArraXt^j/ /SacriXeav tcpajrpnrus TO T^VQS raw re KUI

TV

aronty

XevKoX^oW
eVt^at/ey
rfjy

/irotV

Ew/witbt

ro

epoV,

ctytVp-a

/uera-

*v/44itMi Kara roiy

eV
>7

St^^XX^y

^p^rr/zovy, Ka^aTTfp Kal roG

AaKX^TTtoG roG
a(p

eVrt 8e Kai 5poy ^ETTtSavpop. {mcpKcipfvov r^y TroXews TO Aivdv^vrj, Kaddtrep oVo rwv KvftcXwv fj KvjSe Xi;.

AtV^ov,

b Cf. Herod.
c

I.

80

ovpeoy fpou MTyrpoy

r6i/

&ivovp.rjvT]s.

Plut. J/tfnkr 17 TTfpi roOrdy Tray

xpoVov

a<ptK6ro

/cat

Barra/c^y

e\-

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
-Anth. Pal.
5.

389

51

r],

yar)
T}

oy
<roi

p.vo~Tais

OVK drraTTjTov opos,

tijs

rafif

drjXvs *A.\fts

ojVrp^ara

Xvcra-rjs

Arnob. #^. Gent.

et

5,

fluore de sanguinis (Attidis) viola flos

:

nascitur et redimitur ex hac arbos

unde natum
.
.

et

ortum

est

mine

etiam sacras velarier

coronarier pinos.
viri,

tune arborem pinum sub

defert

qua

Attis

nomine

spoliaverat se

in

antrum suum

(Mater
. .

Deum) Agdesti tundit et sauciat pectus. . ab ut Attis revivesceret non sinit : quod tamen lupiter rogatus Agdesti fieri fatum ilia sine difficultate condonat, ne corpus eius per posset,
et sociatis planctibus et

cum

comae semper, digitorum ut minimissimus vivat Quibus contenlum beneficiis perpeluo solus agitetur e motu. Agdestim consecrasse corpus in Pessinunte, caerimoniis annuis et
putrescat, crescant et

sacerdotiorum antistitibus honorasse.

Id.

5.

6-7 unde

vino,

quod

silentium prodidit, in eius nefas esse sanctum sese inferre pollutis. 5. 16 quid enim sibi vult ilia pinus, quam semper statutis diebus in deum

matris intromittitis sanctuario

quid lanarum
?
. .
.
.

vellera,

quibus arboris

conligatis et circumvolvitis stipitem

palmas passis cum crinibus Galli

panis, cui rei dedistis
est

quid pectoribus adplodentes quid temperatus ab alimonio

illius

nomen
.

castus?

Nonne

temporis imitatio
. .

quo

se

numen ab
.

evirati

mollesque lacertos ... cur ad ultimum pinus ipsa paullo ante in dumis inertissimum nutans lignum mox ut aliquod praesens atque augustissimum

isti

Cereris fruge violentia maeroris abstinuit ? . cur more lugentium caedant cum pectoribus .

numen deum
vide ch.
. .

matris constituatur in sedibus

init.

(For his authorities

scriferri
atri,

ad

apud Timotheum non ignobilem theologorum

unum. Id. 7, .) 49 adlatum ex Phrygia nihil quidem aliud biiur missum rege ab Attalo, nisi lapis quidem non magnus,
tnanu hominis sine
angellis
ulla

impressione qui posset, colons furvi atque

prominentibus inaequalis.
.

50 quis hominum credet

terra
avrai

sumptum lapidem
rou
/3ao-tXecos

deum

fuisse

matrem?

Jul. Or. 5.

i68C
a>

"ArrtSos

at 6prjvovp.evai reajy (pvyal KOI

Kptyfis KOI d(pavio-po\ Kai

yivf*

at Sva-fts at

Kara TO avrpov.

TCK^pta
tiff

8e earco poi TOVTOV 6 xpovos ev

rait
TTjs

TffJLVfauat
IffrjfJLipHnjs

yap

(fjaai

TO

Ifftov ftevftpov

ka6* ^v fjp,epav 6 fj\ios eVt TO aKpuv

7repio-a\TTio-[J.bs

d\/rtSos

ep^eraf

ef]s

TrapaXa/ijStzi/eraf Trj

re/uj/eTat TO lepbv Kal dTropprjrov 6epns TOV 6fov TaXXoi;

eVi TOVTOIS iXapta,

Herodian.

I.

II roCro de [TO ayaX/na] TraXai

vai Xo-yos fts Tiva TT)S

$pvyias

\a>pov,

Ueo~(rivovs

fie

e^ Ovpavov ovofM OVTW.

p.ev

390
S

GREEK RELIGION
Polyb. 22. 2O
MtjTpbs TWV
Trap

avTov TOV Trora^iov [Sayyapiovj

"ArnSos

rrapaytyvovrai FaXXoi Trapa

rqff
#ea>t>.

*ai BarraKOv,
? first

TO>I>

e/<

Hf(T(rivovvTOf ifpicov

Cf. inscription,

century B.C., Ath. Mitth.

ib. p.

1897, p.
called

38 from Pessinus,

*Ams
at

by the name of the god

4.

Vide Korte, lepcvs. Pessinus and Rome.

16, priest

h Ov. Fast.

363
ait,

Inter,

viridem Cybelen altasque Celaenas

it

Amnis
Qui
(Cf. Serv.

insana,

nomine

Gallus, aqua.

bibit inde, furit.

Aen. 10. 220 Galli per furorem motu capitis

comam

rotantes

futura praenuntiabant.)

Ov. Fast.

4.

367

Non

pudet herbosum, In Dominae men sis

dixi,
?

An

posuisse moretum sua causa subest ?

et herbis

Lacte mero veteres usi memorantur,

Sponte sua si quas terra ferebat, ait. Candidus elisae miscetur caseus herbae,

Cognoscat priscos ut dea prisca

i

cibos.
KOI

PaUS.

I.

4,

netrii/oCz/Ta

VTTO

TO

opos

TTiv*Ay&iffTW tvQa

TOV

"ATT^V Tc9d<p6ai

Xeyovcn.

k Firm. Matern.

De

error,

c.

22 nocte

quadam simulacrum
: :

in lectica

supinum ponitur
se
ficta

et

per numeros

digestis fletibus plangiiur

deinde

cum

lamentatione satiaverint, lumen infertur

tune a sacerdote

omnium qui flebant murmure susurrat

tffTCll
1

fauces unguentur, quibus perunctis sacerdos lento

QapptiTC fjivarai TOV 6cov creo aa fjLfvov

yap

TJfJLlV

fK TTOVtoV
c.

(TtoTTJpia.
.

Sallustius,
p.fv (v
.
.

De
.

Dtis

et

Mundo,

4 (Orelli, p. 16) foprfiv ayopcv

np&Tov
Kai

KaTT]<peiq

fcr^ifv

triVou re

...

a.Trf^6p,fda
eo(T7rfp
.

etra dfvftpov To/zni

e(p

vrja~Tfia

ri

TOVTOIS

yciXuKTos

rpo<pjy,

dvayfvvcofjLevmv
.
.

off

iXapeiai KOL orc tpai/ot KOI rrpos TOVS 6covs olov errdvodos
TTJV lorjfjLfpiav
8

TTfpt

yap TO tap KO\

dpaTai
:

TO.

dpu)p.cva.

Eumeneia

C. I. G.

3886

dfjjj.os

fTfi^a-av

Novipov

Api<rTa>vos

TOV arro irpoyovav \afjirra$a.pxr)o~dvTa)V Atoy Scor^pos KOI A7roXXwi/oj

fitSos KCU
59
Ao-K\r)Trioi>

/cat

Apre-

KOI M/;rp6s

6(&>v

Ayfiio-Teto? (early
rS>v

Roman

period).

Ikonion, cult of Agdistis, the M^/jp vide Apollo, Geogr. Reg. s. v. Phrygia. jvf)
:

6fS>v

and the

Hierapolis

Strab.

630

ot 5

aTroKorroi

FaXXoi

Trapt aai [To

Lydia

vide vol. 5, Dionysos, R. 63

(cult

of Hippa or Hipta).

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
a
/cat
fJiT<o<r}(Tcv
T<U

391

es AvSiW Paus. 7. 17, IO EpprjcrtdvaKros Xoyw, [^Arrqsj AuSoIs opyta ere Xei Myrpos, es TOO~OVTO Trap* avTOis; rt^j/y obs Ata
TJKO>V

"ATT/;

vefj-fcrrjo-avra
/cat

vv eVt ra epya firareptyai TUV Avdcov.

a-nedavfv VTTO TOV vos.
CXOVTCS,
KO.I

EvTavda aXXoi Te

TO>I>

Au8aii
ra>v

auras

"\TTIJS

TI cnofJLCvov TOVTOIS

FaXn-

dpoHTiv ol

Tlc(T<TivovvTa

vwv ov%

arrro/xeyot.
?;j/,

b Luc. de
ra
"

Dea Syr.
CfJLddoV.

15"

Arrr/s de ycvos pev AvSos

TT/XWTOS be
fi

TU opyta

fg

Ptrjv

e fitSa^aro, KCI\

rn $pvyc$

Km

Avdoi KOI 2ctfji60paKs

\TTCG) TtaVT

Lucian. Trogoedopodag. 30

arraXco reXovaiv

Arr;, KfpavXov

Kai Trpbs

/ue Xos

$pvyiov KUT* opea T/xwXou

jSoaicri

AvSoi.

KfXadovcri
vofjiov

Kprjrfs p Kopvpavres cvdv.

An/A.

Pal

6.

234

FaXXo? 6 ^airatis, 6
Avfitoy
TO.

verjropos,
y

npo Tv/xwXov

op^rj(TTas p.tiKp

oXoXv^o/jifvos,

Trapa Sayyapi cp rdSe //arept rvftnava ravro

QrjKdTO
KO.\

p.d(TTiv

TUV 7ro\va(TTp(iya\ov.

(Cf. Luc. op. cit.

r/o-if

in:
8e

T\rais opyiu&i
Xvy/^erai

TrpacmoXovs

ov^

ai/za

Xa/3poi/ Trpo^e o/ifi/ uTroro/iary

d<pTov

<ri8dpoi/,

ou rpt^oy

(TTpo<pai(riv

av^rjv,

ovde TToXvKpoTOis do-rpaydXois TTfTrXrjye i/aTa.)

62

On Mount

Sipylon
eorii/

Paus.
VTrep

5.

13, 7 HeXoTros Se eV 2t7ruXw

eV Kopvfprj
//A.

rov opovs

TT)?

nXaorjJ^ff Mrjrpos TO lepov.

Cf.

1887, p. 253, dedication,

Roman

period, M^rpt

6&v
ot

nXao-T^^.

63

At Magnesia on Sipylon: Paus.

ayaXjua.

3. 22,

4 Maypqo-t ye

Tempos Boppai/

TOV SinvXov, TOVTOIS cVt KoS8ii/ov

7rer/ja

Vide Apollo, R. 87, between Magnesia and Smyrna,

17

in the

M^rpor cart ^faji/ dp^aioraroi/ formula of oath of alliance

M^p %
fiei/

SinvXrjvfj.
evcTrprjadTjo-av, ev
cos
fie

A
ipbv

Sardis

Herod.
6eov
Se 6e
/crX,

5-

IO2

KOI SdpSts

avTrjo-i KOI
e:s

(Trix^pirjs

Kvfirfirjs.
ei/

Plut.

Them. 31
Ka.\ov(j.evr)v

j^X&j/

A^rpoj tfpw

TTJV

v8po(p6pov Koprjv

392
65

GREEK RELIGION
Thyateira
:

C. /. G. 3508

fj

irarpls.

MapKt XXai/

icpciav

fiiov TTJS Mrjrpos

T>V

Mysia.

Pcrgamon 481 if pan r 334 fMVVTrjs Mrjrpos /3ao-iX7;us. C. /. G. 6835 (Oil relief with Cybele and two lions) M^re pa lifpya^v^v NiK^cpdpoy TTJV Strab. 619 TO S* A.crrfop8r)vov opos TO 77fpi TLfpyapov, rpa^i Idiav Trpoo-raTiv.

66

Pergamon

Frankel, Inscr. von

Tqs ftaaiXeias.

Cf.

6fS>v

<al

XvTrpov

3i/,

AaTTOprjvov

i&fti/

Xeyeti (paai

|,

KOI TO fepoi TO evravOa

rrjs

Mrjrpu?

rain Bfotv
67

A.CT7ropr]vris.
:

At Andeira
ayiov

Strab.

614

VTTO de rots

Avdcipois iepov eo-Tt Mrfrpos Bfuiv

Hell. Journ. 1902, avrpov VTTOVOHOV /ze^pi IlaXotas. & Avfcipcidt. Cf. dedication from Kyzikos, private p. 191, inscription relief in Louvre, with bust of Cybele, turreted and holding pomegranate,
Avdfip^vrjs
Kal

dedicated
f8

Ai/fietp^j/^
:

$e<5

ayvfj fvxf]v.

Kyme

Cybele on

reliefs

of sixth century

B. c.,

B^lll.

Corr. Hell.

10. 492.
69

Temnos: Ramsay,
its

Sipylene illustrated by
70

Hell. Journ. 2, p. 291, worship of the later coins.

Mater

statuette in Berlin of Cybele throned and holding the underworld) with lions at side of throne and on of key (as goddess her lap, Arch. Anzeig. 1892, p. 106.

Myrina

(?)

Ionia
71

vide vol. 5, Dionysos, R. 63

f.

Smyrna: Apollo, R.

87.

C.

1.

G. 3193, inscription in Oxford,

2nrv\r)vf)s
.

early

Roman
tombs

tion of

period {_pa M^Tpjoy to be paid) Mrjrpl 6tnv

$ea>i>

3387
Cat.>

(fine for viola

q/zcoi/

^,nrv\r)vf]

apxr)yTt}8i

dpyvpiov

Rapine.
TO,
72

Brit. Mus. 3385-6, 3401, 3411. Cybele with oak-crown on coins of Smyrna.
Cf.

lonia^ PI. 25.

Erythrai

600,
73

1.

Dittenb. Sylloge 2. Strab. 645, a KW^ called Ku/3c Xeta. 106, priesthood of the Kopv&avres mentioned (third century B. c.).
:

Above

Tralles in the valley of the Cayster

Strab. p.

440

TO

TJ)S

lo-oSpd/nr/s
74

Mrjrpbs Ifpov.

Near Teos:

inscription found, Mrjrpl

1

dew

"Sarvpf

tvaia eV^Kow,

A reh.

Epigr. Mitth. Ocsterr. 1883, p.

Caria.

80, 37.

PTelmessos: vide Apollo, R. ordered by Apollo). rjp,

75

202

(goat-sacrifice

by thiasos

to

Ephesos

inscription in British
inscript. Brit.

Museum,
Pt.
3,

Greek

Mus.

sec.

private dedication MjjTp! Strab. 2, p. 205.

Vol. Ill, at

end

GEOGRAPHICAL REGISTER
p.

393

640 (on the mountain above Ephesos, rw

KUL

o-u/ATToo-m

rivas

(JLVO-TIKCIS

6v(rias

tnirfXei

in

the worship

of LetO-

Artemis).
p. 647 eWaC0a 8 fa KCL\ TO d}* iepdaao-Qai 8 avroi) TTJV Oe/Luo-rofcXeous yvvaiKii, 01 8e OvyaTepa 7rapa8i8dacri* i0v 8* ou eort TO lepbv did TO TTJV iroXiv els aXXoi/
Aivftvp.r]vr)s iepbv fJLrjTpbs
6ea>V

76

Magnesia on Maeander: Strab.

HfTtoKia-fiai TOTTOV.
77
:

(So also Plut. Them. 30.)

?

issuing
78

Lycia vide vol. 2, Coin Plate B. 29. from tree on coin of Myra.

Cybele or Asiatic Artemis

Lykaonia.
6^171^

Laodicea

A/A. Mitth. 1888, p. 237 M^rpl Zi^vij

AXegavdpos (=r Mjjrpi

Aii/Su/JTyi/T/,

Ramsay,

/^.).

Black Sea.
79

Olbia: Latyschew, Inscr. Pont.

Eux.

i, p.

138, no. 107.

i)

80

Pantikapaion
century

C. /.

G. add. 201 7 b /3ao-iXetWros Hapura8ou

Ifpcofj-evr]
.

STrapraxoi; Etrrtata M^i/oScopoi; 6vyd-rr)p

B.C.).

dve&rjKe

M^rpt

<&pvyia

(fourth

Cf. the

$a<nai/j}

&dy R. 198
}

For worship of
Cappadocia,

Ma

Cilicia,

(identified with Rhea, Enyo, Artemis) Byzantium vide Artemis, R. 182.

in Lydia,

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