Wayneflete Tower, Surrey
Wayneflete Tower, Surrey
Wayneflete Tower, Surrey
Ref: 59472.01
March 2006
Wayneflete Tower, Esher, Surrey
Prepared on behalf of
Videotext Communications Ltd
49 Goldhawk Road
LONDON
SW1 8QP
By
Wessex Archaeology
Portway House
Old Sarum Park
SALISBURY
Wiltshire
SP4 6EB
March 2006
Summary
Acknowledgements
1 BACKGROUND..................................................................................................5
1.1 Introduction................................................................................................5
1.2 Description of the Site................................................................................5
1.3 Historical Background...............................................................................5
1.4 Previous Archaeological Work ...............................................................12
2 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES...............................................................................13
3 METHODS.........................................................................................................14
3.1 Introduction..............................................................................................14
3.2 Dendrochronological Survey...................................................................14
3.3 Geophysical Survey..................................................................................14
3.4 Evaluation Trenches ................................................................................14
4 RESULTS...........................................................................................................15
4.1 Introduction..............................................................................................15
4.2 Dendrochronological survey ...................................................................15
4.3 Geophysical Survey..................................................................................15
4.4 Evaluation Trenches ................................................................................17
5 FINDS .................................................................................................................24
5.1 Introduction..............................................................................................24
5.2 Pottery .......................................................................................................24
5.3 Ceramic Building Material .....................................................................25
5.4 Clay Pipe ...................................................................................................26
5.5 Stone ..........................................................................................................26
5.6 Glass ..........................................................................................................26
5.7 Slag ............................................................................................................26
5.8 Coins..........................................................................................................26
5.9 Metalwork.................................................................................................27
5.10 Animal Bone .............................................................................................27
5.11 Marine Shell..............................................................................................28
5.12 Potential and Further Recommendations..............................................28
6 DISCUSSION.....................................................................................................28
6.1 Introduction..............................................................................................28
6.2 Medieval structures..................................................................................29
6.3 Wayneflete’s Palace .................................................................................30
7 RECOMMENDATIONS ..................................................................................32
8 ARCHIVE ..........................................................................................................32
9 REFERENCES ..................................................................................................33
i
Table 1 Summary of tree-ring dating of timbers sampled from Wayneflete
Tower
Table 2 Finds totals by material type and by trench/area
Table 3 Chronological breakdown of pottery assemblage by ware type
Table 4 Animal bone condition and potential
Table 5 Animal bone species present as a percentage of identified fragments
ii
Wayneflete Tower, Esher, Surrey
Summary
The evaluation was concentrated within the garden of what is now known as
Wayneflete Tower, the former gatehouse entrance in to the palace complex, with
other geophysical survey and limited excavation occurring in the neighbouring
properties. The Tower itself was investigated and tree-ring dating samples taken from
the timbers of the structure in a dendrochronological survey.
The aims of the evaluation were to locate the extent of the palace complex, and to
identify individual buildings within the palace grounds, while attempting to locate
earlier 13th and 14th century structures built upon in the 15th century, and any evidence
of the later 18th century alterations to the site. Any uncovered in situ archaeological
remains could then be viewed in conjunction with the cartographic evidence which
exists for the site. Eight trenches were excavated in total, with seven trenches in the
garden of Wayneflete Tower and a single trench in 57 Pelhams Walk. They were
excavated to evaluate the location, extent, character, date, and significance of any
underlying archaeology.
The archaeological evaluation was only partially successful in achieving its aims, as it
was unable to locate the extent of the complex of buildings associated with the palace
of Esher or to identify the Episcopal boundary of the estate. This was due to the size
of the estate, a larger proportion of which fell outside the boundary of the garden of
Wayneflete Tower and would have been situated in neighbouring properties.
The evaluation was also successful in providing a potential construction date for the
Tower of the mid 1460s. The tree ring dating revealed that timber felled between
1462-72 was used; this tallies with when master mason John Cowper, who worked for
Wayneflete before 1461 and after 1466, was believed to be working at Esher. The
Pipe Rolls also indicate the Bishop was paying for work at Esher between 1464 and
1467.
iii
Acknowledgements
The geophysical survey was undertaken by John Gater, Jimmy Adcock and Emma
Wood of GSB Prospection. The field survey was undertaken by Henry Chapman,
University of Hull. The excavation strategy was devised by Mick Aston, Bristol
University. The on-site recording was co-ordinated by Steve Thompson, assisted by
Naomi Hall, both of Wessex Archaeology. The finds were processed on-site by
Naomi Hall.
The archive was collated and all post-excavation assessment and analysis undertaken
by Wessex Archaeology. This report was compiled by Steve Thompson, with
specialist reports prepared by Lorraine Mepham and Angela Britten (finds) and
Jessica Grimm (animal bone). The illustrations were prepared by Rob Goller. The
post-excavation project was managed on behalf of Wessex Archaeology by Lorraine
Mepham.
The work also benefited from discussion on site with Jonathan Foyle, Architectural
Historian, John Guy, Historian, and Phil Harding of Wessex Archaeology, Helen
Geake of Cambridge University and Mick Aston of Bristol University. Thanks are
also due to Bob Davis and Bob Hill of Wessex Archaeology
Penny Rainbow and her family must be gratefully thanked for allowing access to the
garden and house of Wayneflete Tower, for the purposes of geophysical survey,
excavation and dendrochronological survey. Thanks also go to Robert Woods of 57
Pelhams Walk for allowing access for geophysical survey and excavation and Colin
and Suzanne Roberts of 63 Pelhams Walk for allowing access for geophysical survey.
iv
Wayneflete Tower, Esher, Surrey
1 BACKGROUND
1.1 Introduction
1.1.1 Wessex Archaeology was commissioned by Videotext Communications Ltd
to undertake a programme of archaeological recording and post-excavation
work on an archaeological evaluation undertaken by Channel 4’s ‘Time
Team’ at the site of Wayneflete’s Tower, Pelhams Walk, Esher, Surrey
(hereafter the ‘Site’) (Figure 1).
1.1.2 This report documents the results of archaeological survey and evaluation
undertaken by Time Team, and presents an assessment of the results of these
works.
1.2.2 The site includes the extant Grade I listed building and Scheduled Monument
(Surrey 212), now known as Wayneflete Tower. This former gatehouse is a
remnant of the 15th century Palace of Esher, built by William Wayneflete,
Bishop of Winchester on the site of an earlier manor, with a documentary
history dating back to the time of Edward the Confessor. The four-storey
brick tower has been restored and is currently used as a family home.
1.2.3 The evaluation was concentrated in the garden of Wayneflete Tower (61
Pelhams Walk); with further work being carried out in a number of
neighbouring properties along Pelhams Walk and Wayneflete Tower
Avenue.
5
1.3.2 The Domesday Book recorded Esher as Aissela or Aissele in the county sub
division of Elmbridge Hundred. The first recorded history of the Site states
it was held by Tovi on behalf of Edward the Confessor in the 1040s when the
area was known as the Esher Episcopi. Following the accession of William
the Conqueror, he gave the Esher Episcopi to the Abbey of Croix St. Leufroy
(St.Leufroy’s Cross) in Normandy. The gift was given on the condition that
the Abbot provided two priests to say mass at the manor of Esher for the
souls of his predecessors. The manor was held by the monks of Croix St.
Leufroy until it was bought by Peter des Roches, Bishop of Winchester
(1205-1238) and guardian of the young king, Henry III (1216-1272). Des
Roches gave the manor to the Abbot of the newly royal patronised Place of
St.Edward Abbey at Netley in Hampshire (VCH, 448).
1.3.3 In 1245 the Abbot of Netley sold the manor to William Raleigh, Bishop of
Winchester (1240-1260) and it remained a possession of the see of
Winchester until it was given to Henry VIII in 1538 by Bishop Stephen
Gardiner, to be incorporated into the lands of Hampton Court (VCH, 448).
1.3.4 The bishops of Winchester are likely to have been responsible for the first
major structures constructed on the Site as it proved a convenient stopping
point between the Bishop’s palace at Southwark and Winchester Cathedral.
The earliest structure was possibly a lodge and chapel constructed by either
Peter des Roches or William Raleigh. The residence was only ever used as a
temporary accommodation between the two more important establishments.
1.3.5 During the episcopate of Bishop John de Pontoise (1282-1305), King Edward
I (1272-1307) stayed at the lodge on two occasions, in 1289 and 1303 whilst
travelling from Odiham to Windsor (Hutchins 2001, 14; Stevens1966).
1.3.6 The manor remained an important temporary residence under Bishop Henry
Woodlock (1305-1316), though at the death of Bishop John Sandale in 1319
only a small residence was recorded. This small residence was enlarged
during the episcopate of Bishop John Stratford (1323-33), who built the first
manor house around 1331, which was later used by Bishop William of
Wykeham (1366-1404) for the site of ordinations (Floyer 1919-20, 73;
Hutchins 2001, 14).
William of Wayneflete (1398-1486)
1.3.7 In 1447 William of Wayneflete became Bishop of Winchester. Born in 1398
in Wainfleet in Lincolnshire, he had already been appointed Master of
Winchester College in 1429 and Provost of Eton in 1443. At Eton he had
assumed responsibility for the finances, endowments and administration, and
took charge of the building programme of the new college patronised by
Henry VI. Wayneflete represented Eton in Parliament and was present at the
wedding of Henry and Margaret of Anjou and her subsequent coronation.
Wayneflete would make frequent visits to London and Windsor to report to
the King on the development and building progress at Eton and was
rewarded for his dedication by being appointed to the King’s Council in
1447. Later the same year he was appointed Bishop of Winchester following
the King’s recommendation to the Pope.
6
1.3.8 Wayneflete continued to use the Manor at Esher in a similar vein to the
previous Bishops as a temporary residence while his concentration turned to
his appointment as Chancellor of England by Henry VI in 1456 and his later
founding of Magdalen College Oxford in 1458. However, his power and
influence within England was short-lived due to his siding with Henry VI
during the War of the Roses, which led to his resignation from the
Chancellorship, though not his loss of the see of Winchester
(www.magd.ox.ac.uk/history/ww.shtml).
1.3.9 Towards the end of his life Wayneflete turned his attention to the manor at
Esher, perhaps following the completion of the building of the chapel at Eton
in 1461. The date for the beginning of work at Esher by Wayneflete has led
to much discussion, with Felix Palmer suggesting a date as early as 1460
though most authors suggest a date of c.1475-80 (Brodie 1994, 2).
1.3.10 The extent of the palace built by Wayneflete can be seen from the
cartographic evidence and written descriptions which exist. A map by Ralph
Tresswell dated 1606 (Figure 2) reveals that the existing Wayneflete Tower
was the main entrance into the palace from the east. The palace consisted of
a central courtyard with the gatehouse on the eastern side with a range of
narrow buildings along the northern perimeter. Positioned in the north east
corner of the courtyard was a keep-like structure, of a similar design to the
gatehouse. The keep appears to have been almost identical to the gatehouse,
though considerably larger in size; however this may just be the perspective
of the map.
1.3.11 On the south side of the keep was a series of buildings extending to the
south. The entrance to these buildings was directly opposite the main
entrance through the gatehouse, which implies that these buildings include
the Great Hall and the residential areas of the palace.
1.3.13 Analysis of the 1606 map provides information concerning the size and scale
of the palace at Esher, with further details being provided by John Aubrey
who visited the palace in 1673. Aubrey’s sketches and written description
were compiled in his Perambulations in Surrey, which were incorporated
into the Natural History and Antiquities of Surrey published by Richard
Rawlinson in 1719 (www.bartleby.co/219/1321.html). This shows that only a
few alterations to the palace occurred in the intervening years from 1606 to
1673.
1.3.14 In Aubrey’s sketch plan (Figure 3) the position of the gatehouse is clear, and
annotated as ‘(a)gatehouse with portcullis and hollow battlements’. A north-
south aligned ‘terrace’ is identified extending from the north side of the
gatehouse to the east-west aligned building forming the northern perimeter of
the palace, and annotated as ‘timber built lodgings’. The ‘terrace’ is shown
as having a solid back wall with archways opening out into the central
courtyard, with the ‘timber built lodgings’ butting the eastern wall of the
7
keep. The Aubrey sketch shows the keep as a similar size in plan to the
gatehouse and is annotated as ‘a kind of keep – 4 stories – where are the best
rooms and a kind of castle like but not as high as (a)’ (the gatehouse).
1.3.15 The Aubrey sketch plan is conspicuous by the lack of buildings recorded
compared to the 1606 map, and therefore a number of buildings are likely to
have been demolished during the 67 year intervening period. The Great Hall
is annotated as ‘2 storey’, though it no longer appears to have an entrance
way directly opposite the main entrance through the gatehouse. Instead the
sketch plan appears to show a path leading to a ‘little court’ on the west side
of the Great Hall annotated adjacent to the River Mole. The 1606 map shows
buildings on the west side of the Great Hall on the banks of the river with no
‘little court’. South of the ‘Hall’ is a building annotated as ‘Buttery’ and an
indecipherable word, possibly ‘Kitchen’. It would have been practical to keep
the kitchens and bake-houses away from the main residential area because of
the risk of fire.
1.3.16 Aubrey described the palace at Esher as ‘a stately brick mansion, a noble
house built of the best burnt brick that I ever sawe, with a stately gatehouse
and hall’, with the work of the Great Hall described not unlike that at
Westminster, thus suggesting a hammer-beam roof construction, ‘decorated
with several angels, carved in wood, sustaining escocheons (scutcheon or
escutcheon) on two of which are scrolls bearing the inscription ‘Tibi
Christie’’ (Christ be with you) (Floyer1919-20, 72).
1.3.17 John Harvey in his work English Medieval Architects (1987) suggests that
the mason responsible for the period of construction at Esher during
Wayneflete’s episcopate was John Cowper (floruit 1453-84). The mason is
first mentioned as having worked at Eton on buildings paid for by
Wayneflete and following the end of work there in 1461 may have been re-
employed by Wayneflete. Cowper is recorded at Winchester College in
1466-67 and again in Winchester in 1477, and at Tattershall in Lincolnshire,
working on Wayneflete’s collegiate church, in 1480. Cowper is recorded as
being involved with projects directly funded and organised by Wayneflete
and it is very likely he was responsible for the work at Esher.
1.3.18 The carpentry work at Esher was attributed by Harvey to Henry Alsebroke
(floruit 1482-6) who was working at Tattershall in 1482 and in 1484 was
contracted to build a combined ceiling and floor for the chapel and school at
Wainfleet in Lincolnshire (the birth-place of Bishop Wayneflete), which was
to be like the one at Esher, implying he had also been working at Esher
(Brodie 1994, 3).
1.3.20 The manor of the Esher Episcopi had until the time of Wayneflete been a
manor of relative unimportance, a stopping point between the Bishop’s
8
palace at Southwark and Wolvesey in Winchester. It was now one of the
first major brick built structures within England and possibly the inspiration
for some of the later great buildings of England including Richmond Palace
and Hampton Court.
The late medieval palace after Wayneflete
1.3.21 Following the death of Bishop Wayneflete in April 1486, Bishop Peter
Courtney (1487-1493) and subsequently Bishop Thomas Langton (1493-
1501) were responsible for the maintenance of the palace at Esher, but it was
not until the episcopate of Bishop Richard Fox (1501-1529) that Esher would
take centre stage again.
1.3.22 Fox had been living at Esher for some time when Thomas Wolsey bought the
site of Hampton court in 1514 and took up residence there as the new
Archbishop of York. A year later he became Cardinal and began trying to
obtain Esher for himself by bribing Fox with a pension to let him have it.
Wolsey wanted Esher in order to oversee the work at nearby Hampton Court.
Bishop Fox agreed that Cardinal Wolsey could stay at Esher, informing him
in 1519 that ‘Would God, that the poor lodging at Esher did content your
Grace as much as it rejoiceth me that it can please you to use it. Use it in all
ways as long and as often as it shall please you, right as your own, and make
it a cell of Hampton Court’ (Floyer1919-20, 74).
1.3.23 Wolsey became Bishop of Winchester in 1529 and gained Esher rightfully
for himself but in the same year he fell out of favour with the King over his
foreign policy and the failed attempt to gain a divorce for Henry from his
first wife Catherine of Aragon. The Bishop retreated to Esher following the
forfeiting of all his lands including Hampton Court to the King.
1.3.24 A number of alterations were carried out at Esher by Wolsey but his plans
were never followed through. His time at Esher had been one of disgrace
which saw his alterations deliberately targeted by Henry VIII. His newly
constructed Gallery was dismantled by the orders of the King’s Council and
moved to Westminster, and after only a few months in residence complaining
of the bitter cold and damp, he left Esher, to die a few months later in
Leicester Abbey in 1530 (Brodie 1994, 3).
1.3.25 Henry VIII having already visited Esher in 1517 would later use the palace in
1538, while under the care of Bishop Stephen Gardiner, to escape Hampton
Court when plague swept through the palace and the Queen was sick.
1.3.26 The Palace of Esher was finally lost to the Bishops of Winchester when it
was incorporated into the lands of Hampton Court to create a Royal Chase,
as Henry VIII’s increasing size prevented him from easily travelling to
Windsor to hunt (Floyer1919-20, 76; Brodie 1994, 3).
1.3.27 When Henry VIII died in 1547, the throne passed to his nine-year-old son
Edward, who would be crowned Edward VI. The King passed the Esher
Episcopi to John, Earl of Warwick in 1550, who gave it back to the Crown a
few months later. It remained in the hands of the Crown until 1554 when in
the reign of Queen Mary it was briefly handed back to the Bishops of
9
Winchester, who were to lose it again in 1582 when Queen Elizabeth gave it
to Lord Howard of Effingham (Hutchins 2001, 20). Effingham sold the
palace at Esher a year later in 1583 to Richard Drake, equerry to Queen
Elizabeth and cousin of Sir Francis Drake (Floyer 1919-20, 76).
1.3.28 In 1588, following Drake’s attack on Cadiz the previous year in the assault
known as the singeing of the King of Spain’s Beard, Spain launched its
Armada against England. Following the disastrous attack over 300 high
ranking Spanish officers were taken prisoner, along with their servants. It
was customary for such high ranking prisoners to be held in accommodation
fitting of their rank, and so it was that three Spanish admirals, Don Pedro de
Valdez, Don Vasco de Mendoza and Don Alonzo de Cayas, and an entourage
of some 450 people were held in Esher in the house of Richard Drake. In
1593, the prisoners were exchanged for captured Englishmen and Drake
received over £2000 in ransom for holding the Spaniards (Hutchins 2001,
21). The Esher Episcopi remained in the hands of the Drake family until
1636.
Late 17th and early 18th century: Esher Place
1.3.29 The ownership of Esher Palace subsequently passed through a number of
hands including Thomas Lynch, the lieutenant governor of Jamaica, who
bought it in 1671. Sir Thomas Lynch’s daughter Philadelphia by his first
wife married Sir Thomas Cotton who sold the manor to John Latton. Latton
in around 1721 sold the manor and the manor house separately and the house
became known as Esher Place (Hutchins 2001, 27, 32-3).
1.3.30 Cartographic evidence from the early 1700s shows that significant alterations
occurred to the palace in the intervening years since Wayneflete’s residence,
though it was recorded that it was not until the 18th century that the Great
Hall, the keep, the main body of the house and the north and south sides of
the quadrangle were demolished (Journal of the Society of Antiquaries of
London 1919-20, 76-7).
1.3.31 This cartographic evidence consists of an aerial view of Esher Place, drawn
by L. Knyff and engraved by Johannes Kip during the residence of Thomas
Cotton (Figure 4). The engraving shows that the main gatehouse had now
become the focus of Esher Place with ornamental gardens to the west and a
small building hanging over the river directly in line with the main entrance
through the gatehouse.
1.3.32 The land of the manor was subsequently bought by Thomas Pelham, later the
Duke of Newcastle who incorporated the lands into his Claremont estate. On
Latton’s death the manor house was sold to Peter Delaporte, Director of the
South Sea Company, but following the bursting of the ‘South Sea Bubble’ in
an attempt to recoup losses and compensate shareholders Delaporte was
forced to sell to Denis Bond in 1724. In 1729 Bond sold the estate to Henry
Pelham (Hutchins 2001, 27, 32-3).
Henry Pelham’s early 18th century alterations
1.3.33 Henry Pelham (1694-1754), brother of the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary at
War and Privy Councillor bought Esher Place in 1729, with the obvious
10
attraction of it being close to his brother’s manor of Claremont. Pelham, who
would later become the Prime Minister in 1743, set about modernising the
medieval buildings and altering the formal layout of the gardens of Esher
Place as shown in the Kip and Knyff engraving with the aid of the leading
architect and gardener William Kent (www.number-
10.gov.uk/output/Page172.asp; Hutchins 2001, 33; Symes 1988, 19).
1.3.34 Kent pulled down all the buildings within the estate apart from the gatehouse
itself, to which he added two massive three-storey wings in a pseudo-gothic
style, with the addition of an entrance porch, and three quartrefoil mouldings,
two on the top floors of the turret and one on the second floor above the
porch. Another alteration of Kent’s was to move the courtyard from the west
of the gatehouse to the east, so that the front of the gatehouse opened onto
the courtyard (Figure 5). Not everyone accepted the quality of Kent’s work
or the taste of Pelham. Horace Walpole (1717-97), the architect and son of
Pelham’s great friend Sir Robert Walpole, on visiting Esher noted that the
alterations ‘were proof of how little he conceived either the principles or
graces of the Gothic architecture’, although by 1748 Walpole would
comment ‘Esher I have seen again twice and prefer it to all the villas’
(Stevens 1966). Kent’s work within the garden was to alter it from the
geometric French style to a natural landscape of sweeping hills, with trees
and water features and temples and follies (Hutchins 2001, 33).
Later history
1.3.35 Esher Place remained in the Pelham family following Henry’s death in 1754,
when it was passed to his nephew Lewis Thomas, Lord Sondes who sold the
estate in 1805 to the first non-titled owner of the property, stockbroker John
Spicer. Spicer pulled down most of Kent’s work, and left only the gatehouse
itself, the materials being used for the building of a larger Palladian style
house which stayed in the Spicer family until it was bought by Sir Edgar
Vincent, later Lord D’Abernon, in 1893. D’Abernon built the current
building at Esher Place incorporating Spicer’s house into the south-east wing
sometime between 1893 and 1895.
1.3.36 The D’Abernons left Esher in 1934, leaving the property to the Shaftesbury
Society for the use as a girls school, with the majority of the land of Esher
Place including the gatehouse being sold to Wayneflete Holdings Ltd, which
developed the area as a housing estate.
1.3.37 The gatehouse was scheduled in 1925, but despite this, in 1938 proposals
were put forward to demolish the Tower. The Council of the Surrey
Archaeological Society attempted to buy the Tower from Wayneflete
Holdings Ltd, but the outbreak of the Second World War interrupted the
discussions, although in 1941 the Tower was purchased by a leading singer
and actress of the day, Francis Day, who carried out much needed restoration
work
1.3.38 The only surviving structure from the site of the palace of Esher is the former
gatehouse to the complex, now known as Wayneflete Tower. The Tower is a
four-storey brick gate tower with decorative diaper brick patterns on its front
and rear faces, with octagonal towers on each corner. The main features of
11
the Tower date to Wayneflete’s construction although later additions and
alterations are present. These include the addition of a porch on the eastern
entrance into the building positioned between the two towers, and all the
external window and door mouldings which date to Kent’s alterations for
Pelham.
1.3.39 The walls of the gatehouse show evidence of the medieval structures which
were joined to the structure with an opening on the northern elevation
between the ground and first floor. This may have led to the wall walk or
terrace which extended from the gatehouse to the accommodation of the
northern range. The remains of the perimeter walls are clear extending from
the building on the south side also. Later scars are visible which relate to the
addition of the two large three-storey wings constructed by Kent and later
demolished by Spicer. No other structures are extant (Brodie 1994, 4-5).
1.3.40 Wayneflete Tower is currently owned by Penny Rainbow and her family who
have carried out a great deal of restoration work and modernisation while
still retaining many of the moulded decoration and internal fittings from
Kent’s alterations.
1.4.1 The Project Design (Videotext 2005) contains details of the previous
archaeological work. A brief summary is provided here.
1.4.2 A number of investigations of the Site have taken place, with the earliest
recorded occurring in 1912 and undertaken by the then owners the
D’Abernons. The excavations took place to the north of the tower in an
attempt to locate the moat, following recent successful excavations at
Hampton Court where a moat had been discovered. The excavated area was
located beneath the neighbouring properties to the north and the excavation
was successful in identifying a number of structural features relating to Esher
Place, though no moat was ever discovered.
1.4.3 The results of the excavation were described by the Reverend J.K Floyer as
‘a range of rooms with an upper storey approached by a newel staircase at
the river end. The windows face the court, and there was a fireplace at the
back. The building which was brick may have been a bachelor’s lodging.
When opening up the foundations of the wall connecting the north side of the
gatehouse with the end of this range of buildings, it was discovered that the
foundation cut across an older stone wall’ (Floyer 1919-20, 70) (Figure 6).
1.4.4 The rooms identified in 1912 are potentially the remains of the ‘timber built
lodging’ identified on Aubrey’s 1673 sketch plan (Figure 3) with the
connecting wall that of the terrace, but as the north side of the gatehouse has
seen much alteration with the addition of, and subsequent demolition of,
wings and perimeter walls it is unclear from what phase the identified walls
derive. The earlier stone footing has been interpreted as potentially
associated with either Bishop Des Roches’ or Bishop Raleigh’s earlier
construction.
12
1.4.5 Development to the south of the gatehouse in what is now the neighbouring
properties revealed the south wing of the quadrangle, or the possible chapel
identified on the 1606 map.
1.4.6 In 1980 the local Archaeological Society oversaw a dive aimed at locating
evidence of the bridge associated with Esher Palace identified on the 1606
map (Figure 2), in advance of the River Mole improvements scheme. The
dive located a number of red bricks, an area of standing brickwork on the
eastern bank and a large piece of hardwood timber decorated with bronze
pins.
1.4.7 In 1982, a watching brief during development at 59 Pelhams Walk and the
property to the south revealed structures interpreted as part of the palace
complex.
1.4.8 All the archaeological work carried out on the site save for the 1912
excavation has been piecemeal and in advance of development.
2.1.1 A project design for the work was compiled by Videotext Communications
(2005), providing full details of the research aims and methods. A brief
summary is provided here.
2.1.2 The project aimed to ascertain the location, date, character, condition and
extent of the underlying archaeology, using a multi-disciplinary approach of
historical document research, geophysical survey and archaeological
evaluation. Investigation of the upstanding tower itself occurred with a
dendrochronological survey of the timbers taking place.
2.1.3 The project provided the opportunity to investigate the extent of the 13th
century buildings of Bishop Des Roches or Bishop Raleigh prior to their
demolition by Wayneflete and investigate the location and function of the
manor buildings occupied in the late 1400s by Bishop Wayneflete.
3) What is the extent of the complex of buildings which made up the Bishop
Wayneflete’s Palace?
4) Can any specific buildings be identified such as the Great Hall or the
Keep?
13
3 METHODS
3.1 Introduction
3.2.1 Six timbers were sampled from what appeared to be the primary construction
phase of the Tower, five of which proved suitable for processing.
3.3.2 Ground conditions were generally good for data collection; most of the areas
comprised short grass, although iron railings at the bottom of Area 2
hindered data collection.
3.4.1 Eight evaluation trenches of varying sizes were excavated after consultation
between the on-site director Mick Aston and other associated specialists.
Their precise locations were determined as to investigate geophysical
anomalies in order to answer the specific aims and objectives of the project
design. Trenches 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 and 8 were located within the garden of
Wayneflete Tower with Trench 6 positioned in the garden of 57 Pelhams
Walk (Figure 7).
3.4.2 The trenches were excavated using a combination of machine and hand
digging. All machine trenches were excavated under constant archaeological
supervision and ceased at the identification of significant archaeological
remains, or where natural geology was encountered first. When machine
excavation had ceased all trenches were cleaned by hand and archaeological
deposits investigated.
3.4.3 The excavated up-cast was scanned by metal detector, using detectorists
recommended by the Finds Liaison Officer, Portable Antiquities Scheme,
Surrey.
14
3.4.4 All archaeological deposits were recorded using Wessex Archaeology’s pro
forma record sheets with a unique numbering system for individual contexts.
Trenches were located using a Trimble Real Time Differential GPS survey
system. All archaeological features and deposits were planned at a scale of
1:20 with sections drawn at 1:10. All principal strata and features were
related to the Ordnance Survey datum.
3.4.5 A full photographic record of the investigations and individual features was
maintained, utilising colour transparencies, black and white negatives (on
35mm film) and digital images. The photographic record illustrated both the
detail and general context of the archaeology revealed and the Site as a
whole.
3.4.6 At the completion of the work, all trenches were reinstated using the
excavated soil and relaid turf, apart from Trench 7 which remained open as
the landowner, after discussion with English Heritage, wished to leave the
exposed archaeology on display and incorporate it into her garden.
3.4.7 A unique site code (WAY 05) was agreed prior to the commencement of
works. The work was carried out on the 27th – 30th September 2005. The
archive and all artefacts were subsequently transported to the offices of
Wessex Archaeology in Salisbury where they were processed and assessed
for this report.
4 RESULTS
4.1 Introduction
4.1.1 Details of individual excavated contexts and features, the full geophysical
report (GSB 2005), the full dendrochronological report (Worthington and
Miles 2005), and details of artefactual and environmental assessments, are
retained in the archive. Summaries of the excavated sequences can be found
in Appendix 1.
4.2.1 The five sampled timbers which were suitable for processing were found to
cross-match and were combined to form the site master WAYNEFLT,
spanning the years 1392-1450 (see Table 1). As none of the samples retained
complete sapwood, estimated felling date ranges were produced. By taking
the mean heartwood/sapwood boundary date for the group of five samples, a
felling date range of 1457-89 was produced using the empirical sapwood
estimate of 9-41 years (Miles 1997). To help the interpretation of the
building, this sapwood range was reduced to 1462-72 using OxCal (Miles
and Bronk Ramsey in prep.).
15
4.3.2 The results were very ‘noisy’, in part reflecting the underlying rubble but
also due to the nearby presence of a sewer pipe and electrical services. It was
not possible to see a moat feature in the data.
4.3.3 The resistance survey was also unclear (Figure 7). While high resistance
readings clearly relate to foundations of structures originally attached to the
Tower the interpretation of low readings is more puzzling. They could
theoretically indicate the wetter fill of a moat ditch, but it is more likely that
the results are associated with landscaping/consolidation of the gardens.
Area 2: Back garden, Wayneflete Tower
4.3.4 The resistance survey identified a number of areas of high and low resistance
(Figure 7). The south-east quadrant of the survey area has low readings
throughout, either because of a large soil build-up in this area or, more
probably, because no rubble or foundations are buried at this point. The
north-east quadrant has a spread of high resistance readings which have a
similar alignment to the Tower. While some of the high readings may be due
to the presence of a tree in this area, the suggested rectilinearity in the data is
more indicative of archaeological deposits. Subsequent excavation (see
below: Trench 5) revealed a compacted surface partly made up of rubble.
4.3.5 The north-west quadrant produced the clearest results. Several high
resistance readings (Figure 7: highlighted as 1-3) have a rectangular form,
and it was initially believed that (3) was the site of the Great Hall, with (1)
and (2) respectively seen as a wall and a series of rooms to the side of the
Hall, and (4) an open area between the other features. Subsequent
excavation, however (see below), proved that (1), (2) and (3) are all part of
the same building, i.e. the Great Hall, with (4) as the interior. (5) could then
be seen as the north-west corner of the Hall and (6) representing the rooms
beyond the Hall running down to the river’s edge. This interpretation fits
extremely well with the 1606 map evidence. Using the cartographic
evidence, the high readings at (7) could then be seen as indicating the south-
east corner of the Keep, lying north and north-east of the Great Hall, later
confirmed by excavation.
4.3.6 In the south-west quadrant a number of high readings were associated with
the palace complex. The readings at (8) indicate further wall foundations
(later excavated: Trench 8).
4.3.7 Investigation of the area of the Great Hall with GPR proved disappointing,
mainly due to the clayey soils; very little depth penetration could be
achieved.
Area 3: Garden of 63 Pelhams Walk
4.3.8 Resistance survey was carried out over the lawn. It seems that high readings
there (Figure 7: highlighted as 9) relate to those in Area 2, and represent the
main block of the Keep. This is truncated by a low resistance linear anomaly,
either a services trench, a garden path or possibly a road or track visible on
the 1606 plan. High readings at (10) appear to relate to (6) in Area 2,
belonging to buildings known to extend as far as the river frontage.
16
Area 4: Garden of 57 Pelhams Walk
4.3.9 Survey was carried out in the rear garden of 57 Pelhams Walk in the hope of
identifying an outlying building visible on the 1606 map. The results were
thought to indicate landscaping within the garden.
4.4.2 Following the removal of the turf and topsoil (101) and a number of garden
levelling deposits, significant archaeological remains were revealed. Several
levelling deposits were identified. Directly below (101) was (102) a 0.13m
thick deposit of mortar-rich silty clay. The mortar was identified as
potentially 1730s in date (J. Foyle pers. comm.) and related to the phase of
Pelham’s rebuild, but the deposit is probably of more recent date. Directly
below (102) was (103), a 0.38m thick deposit of sandy silt clay, containing
post-medieval and modern pottery. The deposit is very loose and friable and
potentially represents a deliberate deposit of earlier garden soils.
4.4.4 A thin clay deposit was revealed below (104). (105) was a deliberate dump
of redeposited natural alluvial clay, 0.04m thick, which sealed rubble rich
deposit (106). (106) contained abundant fragments of ceramic building
material (CBM) which have been tentatively dated to the 15th and 18th
centuries, with material coming from both Wayneflete’s and Pelham’s
constructions (J. Foyle pers. comm.).
4.4.5 Towards the western end of the trench were a number of deposits which did
not appear at the eastern end. (109) lay directly below (103), was 0.30m
thick, and was interpreted as a levelling deposit, which in turn overlay rubble
deposit (110). (110) was 0.25m thick, rich in CBM and mortar, a potential
demolition deposit which overlay in situ archaeology.
4.4.6 The first in situ feature exposed was structure (107), which was butted and
partially overlain by clay deposit (108) at the eastern end of the trench. (107)
was only partially revealed and so interpretation of the structure is uncertain;
it was 1.40m wide and 0.38m long and comprised two brick courses (0.15m
high), potentially aligned east-west. It was constructed of re-used bricks
bonded in stretcher bond with lime mortar, and is possibly some kind of
garden feature, although the date is unknown.
4.4.7 At the eastern end of the trench was a complicated multi-phase brick
structure showing evidence of multiple re-builds and demolition, and which
17
appears partly to match the findings of the 1912 excavation in the north-east
corner of the court (Figure 6). The earliest structure identified was (118), a
possible north-south aligned wall revealed for a length of 0.95m, by 0.12m in
width and by 0.08m in height. Only one clear course of stretchers survived,
bonded with light yellow-grey compact mortar, with the individual bricks
recorded as 0.24m by 0.12m by 0.06m.
4.4.8 The nature and function of the wall (118) was unclear though it is likely to be
associated with a brick floor surface (119). (119) was a single course thick
floor surface bonded with cream mortar and set into bedding layer (120).
The bricks were of similar dimensions to (118). (118) and (119) potentially
form a north-south aligned corridor which was later replaced.
4.4.9 Overlying and replacing wall (118) was brick wall (115). (115) was north-
south aligned and was revealed for a length of 1.40m, 0.48m wide and 0.59m
high, and constructed of bricks of size 0.25m by 0.12m by 0.06m in English
bond with dark cream mortar. There are appears to be a small buttress
bonded and keyed into (115) on the eastern side though the western side has
been badly truncated, revealing the core of the wall to be constructed of brick
rubble.
4.4.10 Wall (115) was partnered by a second north-south aligned wall positioned to
the west of (115) creating a corridor. (116) overlay earlier floor surface
(119) and walls aligned north-south, and was recorded for a length of 1.08m,
by 0.78m wide by 0.54m high. The structure comprised eight brick courses
with the foundation brick work consisting of three courses of worn re-used
stretchers. Overlying the foundation was a two-course rectangular plinth
0.70m long by 0.60 wide, which was in turn built upon by a triangular plinth,
each side 0.60m long. The triangular plinth may have been originally
rectangular in shape and subsequently truncated.
4.4.11 Wall (115) and plinth line (116) are interpreted as forming a corridor with a
solid wall to the east and open archways to the west, opening out into the
courtyard, and this is likely to be the wall identified in the 1912 excavations.
This interpretation of a corridor with open archways looking over the
courtyard comes from the in situ archaeology and from analysis of the 1673
Aubrey sketch plan (Figure 3).
4.4.12 To the west of the archway was deposit (121), a possible levelling deposit
which is overlain by (117), a possible bedding or levelling deposit.
Trench 2
4.4.13 Trench 2 was hand dug, 3.60m long by 2.25m wide by 0.41m deep, aligned
east-west and targeted on geophysical anomalies (Figures 7 & 9).
4.4.14 Following the removal of the turf and topsoil, mortar rich levelling layer
deposit (202) was revealed, 0.19m thick, under which a series of intercutting
walls and wall foundations was identified.
4.4.15 The earliest structure identified in Trench 2 was north-south aligned wall
foundation (206), which survived for 1m in length by 0.46m wide and 0.10m
18
in height and was a mixed structure of flint nodules and green sandstone
blocks in lime mortar. It would appear that (206) was the foundation for a
single-storey, timber-framed hall, possibly from the early to mid 13th century.
Evidence of the construction for (206) has been destroyed by later
construction cuts and robber trenches.
4.4.16 Wall foundation (206) was later altered and widened by the addition of
structure (207) which would have allowed for the construction of a larger
building. (207) was roughly linear in shape and survives for 1.20m in length,
0.95m wide and 0.15m in height and was constructed of flint and ironstone
within compact mortar. (207) was constructed against the eastern side of
(206) and was aligned north-south.
4.4.17 Prior to truncation by later structures, (207) and (206) formed a corner with
east-west aligned and highly truncated wall foundation (210). (210) was
constructed in the same fashion as (207) and together possibly formed the
south-west corner of the mid to late 14th century structure. The 1606 map and
Aubrey’s 1673 sketch indicate a hall positioned directly east of the
gatehouse, and the early nature of the construction of (206) and (207) suggest
it pre-dates the period of Wayneflete’s building. It is therefore possible that
this is the south west corner of the Great Hall as indicated on Aubrey’s map
(Figure 3), which would suggest that Wayneflete did not demolish the 14th
century structure but incorporated it into his palace complex.
4.4.18 There then followed a period of demolition and levelling when the
superstructure and parts of (206), (207) and (210) were demolished, resulting
in the deposition of layer (214). This occurred prior to the building of
structure (205).
4.4.19 Structure (205) was an east-west aligned brick structure 1.95m long by 1m
wide and 0.15m high, built of headers bonded with lime mortar which
survived for at least two courses. It is unclear to what phase of building (205)
relates, but if the flint and mortar foundation (206) and (207) was still extant
during the episcopate of Wayneflete then (205) is unlikely to date to the 15th
century. It is possibly part of a building located adjacent to the river on the
early 18th century map of Knyff and Kip (Figure 4).
4.4.20 Cutting through (210) at the eastern end of the trench was (216), filled with
(211), a partially exposed brick structure recorded for 0.80m in length by
0.26m wide and 0.25m in height. (211) was constructed of two courses of
headers with lime mortar, in a similar style to (205); the two are therefore
possibly contemporary.
4.4.21 Structures (210) and (205) were later dismantled and the material taken
away. The robber cut for this activity is (203), filled with (204), a mixed
deposit containing abundant mortar inclusions, the result of cleaning the
brickwork in preparation for re-use.
Trench 3
4.4.22 Trench 3 was hand dug, 3.60m long by 1.00m wide and 1.32m deep,
orientated east-west and positioned on a geophysical anomaly (Figure 7).
19
4.4.23 Following the removal of the turf and topsoil (301), a 0.68m thick rubble rich
levelling deposit (302) was revealed. (302) contained abundant CBM
fragments, the result of the discarding of unrecyclable material from
demolished structures nearby. Following the removal of (302) natural
alluvium was revealed.
4.4.26 Following the removal of (401), the turf and topsoil, a 0.20m thick deposit
(402) was revealed. (402) was a possible levelling deposit for the garden
which sealed another levelling/demolition deposit (403), containing abundant
fragments of lime mortar and small CBM fragments. (403) overlay in situ
archaeology.
4.4.27 A north-south aligned wall foundation (404) was recorded for 1.60m in
length, 0.60m wide and 0.13m in height, constructed of flint nodules and
ironstone fragments bonded with lime mortar. This wall foundation appears
to have been widened with the addition of (405) on its western side.
4.4.28 Foundation (405) was 1.60m long by 1.16m wide and 0.08m high and
constructed of broken bricks and other CBM fragments bonded with lime
mortar, creating a solid foundation. Together (404) and (405) provided a
wide foundation for a substantial wall; it is, however, unclear what the
function of this wall would have been.
4.4.29 Two walls were identified butting (404) on its eastern side: (406) and (410).
Wall (406) was roughly east-west aligned although slightly curving towards
the north. It was recorded for 1.00m in length, 0.30m wide, and constructed
of re-used roofing tiles and flint nodules; no elevation was seen and so the
height is unknown. Wall (410) also butted wall (404) on its eastern side and
was only partially exposed in the trench, lost into the northern limit of
excavation. Its true nature and dimensions are unknown but it appears to
have been constructed of flint nodules and lime mortar. It is unclear what the
date and function of the two butting walls are but they appear to be
secondary additions to foundation (404)/(405).
4.4.30 To the south of wall (406) was (407), a deliberate possible levelling/make-up
deposit against wall (406). To the north of (406) and south of (410) was a
similar deposit, (408).
4.4.31 At the western end of the trench, deposit (409) either butted up against, or
was cut through by the construction of wall (405).
Trench 5
4.4.32 Trench 5 was hand dug, 2.00m long by 1.60m wide and 0.85m deep, and
aligned east-west (Figure 7).
20
4.4.33 Following the removal of the turf and topsoil (506) and a demolition layer
(501), deposit (502) was revealed. (502) was a layer of sub-rounded and sub-
angular flints which appeared to form a metalled surface. The deposit was
only 0.06m thick and appeared badly truncated and may once have been part
of the internal courtyard of the Palace complex. It contained a sherd of early
post-medieval slip-coated earthenware.
4.4.34 This possible surface was removed in an attempt to recover dating evidence
from beneath it, and to locate earlier structures, but only levelling deposits
were revealed: (503), (504), and another levelling deposit of un-recyclable
mortar.
4.4.37 Following the removal the current turf and topsoil (601), a 0.25m thick
deposit of garden make-up was revealed (602), which overlay the natural
geology (603).
4.4.40 Following the removal of the turf and topsoil (701) and the pathway between
the avenue of trees, a thick deposit of redeposited natural (702) was revealed,
which extended across the whole trench. (702) overlay a 0.10m thick deposit
(717) which in turn sealed (718), a rubble deposit sealing the in-situ
archaeology.
4.4.41 The earliest deposit identified here was (704/716), a layer which was
potentially either the natural geology or a layer of redeposited natural.
4.4.42 The earliest archaeological feature identified was a large construction cut
(713) for the foundations for the southern east-west aligned wall (710), the
eastern north-south wall (707) and the south-eastern octagonal tower (709) of
the Keep. Foundation cut (713) cut deposit (704/716) and was probably
excavated in a single event. The foundation structures (707), (709) and (710)
were contemporary and would have been constructed at the same time; the
same building style continues across the three structures.
4.4.43 Structure (710) was the foundation of the south-eastern corner tower of the
Keep; it was partially revealed in plan and recorded for 4.10m in length and
21
1.70m in width. No elevation of the structure was exposed and so the depth
of foundation is unknown. The interpretation of the construction of the
structure comes from analysis of the upper exposed layer of the foundation,
on which the upstanding walls of the tower would have been constructed.
4.4.44 The foundation was constructed of bricks (average size 0.23m by 0.11m,
thickness not recorded) bonded with compact lime mortar, with the main
body of the foundation predominantly in header bond, although there are
occasional patches of stretcher and diagonal brick builds. The north-east and
south-east facing elevations were of stretchers with the east facing
constructed in header bond, which implies that the foundation was built in
English bond.
4.4.45 Structure (710) was built right up against the edge of foundation cut (713)
with no gap between the structure and cut; this would have helped to provide
a strong foundation for the building.
4.4.46 It was clear that (710) was the upper layer of foundation as it was overlain by
a mortar deposit (712), a 0.46m wide band which followed the octagonal
shape of (710) at a distance of 0.18m from the edge of the structure. This
was the first layer of mortar used to bond the upstanding wall to the
foundation; the wall was clearly 0.46m wide or 18 inches, the length of two
bricks and was built upon a stepped foundation just wider than the length of a
single brick. It was clear from this that the walls of the tower of the Keep had
been demolished to the upper levels of the foundation.
4.4.47 (710) was bonded and keyed into the southern end of the north-south aligned
western wall of Keep (707). (707) was revealed in plan for a length of 1.20m
and a width of 1.00m, but the height was not revealed as no elevation was
exposed. It was constructed of bricks (with the same dimensions as (710)) in
predominantly header bond with compact lime mortar. The east facing
elevation comprised headers while the west elevation comprised stretchers,
and was most likely constructed in English bond, as the Keep tower. (707)
was also overlain by mortar deposit (712), and bonded and keyed into east-
west aligned wall foundation (710).
4.4.48 (710) was partially revealed for a length of 2.60m by 0.18m wide and 0.36m
in height. Six courses of bricks in English bond were recorded, bonded with
lime mortar. The mortar was clearly unpointed and could be seen to have
squeezed out between the bricks. The foundation had initially been
constructed up against the edge of the foundation trench. The material
through which the foundation trench was dug was removed at a later date
following the building of the brick foundation.
4.4.49 Structures (709), (707) and (710) formed the initial foundation construction
for the south-east corner of the Keep and the south-east tower, although were
some later alterations to the structure. Following the building of (707) and
(710), the material through which (713) had been dug was excavated from
the internal area of the Keep. This was possibly for the construction of a
cellar, although the base of the walls was not revealed, nor was the possible
22
floor of the cellar. After the digging of the possible cellar came the addition
of a number of supporting structures at the junction of walls (707) and (710).
4.4.50 Supporting brick structure (711) was placed at the junction of (707) and
(710); it was recorded as 0.60m long by 0.50m wide and 0.52m in height and
comprised eight courses of bricks in English bond with compact lime mortar.
The pointing of the bricks was flush indicating that the supporting buttress
was to be visible. A second supporting buttress (719) was added at the
junction of (711) and wall (710). This was recorded as 0.40m long by 0.23m
wide and 0.52m in height and comprised eight courses in similar construction
to (711).
4.4.51 It is unclear how long after the initial construction of (707), (709) and (710)
that (711) and (712) were constructed, and why there was a need to support
the foundation at this point. The construction style and materials are identical
to that of the main foundations and so it is likely these additions were added
soon after the initial construction.
4.4.52 Following the demolition of the upstanding walls of the Keep, the cellar was
backfilled with a number of deliberate deposits. The earliest recorded was
(720), an unexcavated redeposited natural deposit, overlain by deposit (708),
also unexcavated. (708) was sealed by a thick deposit (703). Two clay pipe
bowls from this layer are dated c.1580-1610, there are fragments of a tin-
glazed floor tile of early 17th century date, and the pottery recovered
comprises sherds of at least four early 17th century German stoneware jugs. It
was clear that this deliberate dump of material utilised domestic waste and
the remnants of un-recyclable material to backfill the now defunct cellar.
4.4.53 Two later cut features were identified within Trench 7. These were both
unexcavated and were potentially the remains of tree throws from the
ornamental gardens which were constructed following the demolition of the
Keep. (705) was possibly oval in shape and cut through wall foundation
(707). (714) was possibly oval in shape and cut through deposit (716) just to
the east of (709).
Trench 8
4.4.54 Trench 8 was 2m long by 2m wide and 0.68m deep and was positioned to
investigate potential structures in the south-west corner of the garden of
Wayneflete Tower (Figures 7 & 12).
4.4.55 Following the removal of 0.36m of (801), the current top soil and turf of the
garden, in situ archaeology was encountered.
4.4.56 Two heavily truncated walls were identified, the first being northeast-
southwest aligned wall (806), which was recorded for a length of 0.80m,
0.30m wide and with a maximum height of 0.21m. The wall was constructed
of re-used roof tile and ironstone fragments bonded with lime mortar and
possibly supported a superstructure of wood. Possibly butting (806) on its
eastern side was the heavily truncated wall (807). This had only the southern
edge surviving and was constructed of ironstone and flint nodules bonded
23
with sandy lime mortar. The two walls formed a possible corner but the
truncation was extensive.
4.4.57 (806) was truncated by east-west aligned robber cut (802) to the north and by
east-west aligned robber cut (805) to the south. The two robber cuts were not
fully excavated and it is unclear what they had removed.
4.4.58 To the north of wall (807) was deposit (811), a possible demolition dump of
broken roof tile, and to the south of (807) and east of (806) was (809), a
second demolition spread.
4.4.59 Butting up against (806) on its western side was (812), a possible later
levelling deposit.
4.4.60 The nature of the structure which once stood here is unclear, due to the small
size of the trench and the extensive truncation and robbing which has
occurred. The 1673 sketch by Aubrey indicates a structure at this position
within the garden, which is annotated as ‘Buttery’, indicating a possible
kitchen building (J. Foyle pers. comm.).
5 FINDS
5.1 Introduction
5.1.1 Finds were recovered from all eight of the trenches excavated, although
Trench 6 produced only a miminal quantity of finds. The assemblage ranges
in date from medieval to post-medieval.
5.1.2 All finds have been quantified by material type within each context, and
totals by material type and by trench are presented in Table 2. Subsequent to
quantification, all finds have been at least visually scanned in order to gain
an overall idea of the range of types present, their condition, and their
potential date range. Spot dates have been recorded for selected material
types as appropriate (pottery, ceramic building material, clay pipes). All finds
data are currently held on an Access database.
5.1.3 This section presents an overview of the finds assemblage, on which is based
an assessment of the potential of this assemblage to contribute to an
understanding of the site in its local and regional context, with particular
reference to the extent of the medieval structures on the site and the later
medieval palace of the Bishops of Winchester.
5.2 Pottery
5.2.1 The pottery assemblage includes sherds of medieval and post-medieval date.
Condition overall is good, with sherds relatively unabraded.
5.2.2 The whole assemblage has been quantified by ware type within each context,
cross-referenced to the London type series for post-Roman pottery, and the
presence of diagnostic sherds noted. Pottery totals by ware type are given in
Table 3.
24
Medieval
5.2.3 The medieval assemblage, unsurprisingly, is dominated by products of the
local Surrey whiteware industry, and includes products of the Kingston,
Cheam and Surrey border kilns (Pearce and Vince 1988). The earliest of
these are the Kingston-type wares, in production from the early 13th to late
14th century, and seen here in both coarseware (jar) and glazed fineware (jug)
forms. Overlapping chronologically with these is Coarse Border ware (mid
14th to mid 15th century), of which only one sherd, probably from a jar, was
identified here (trench 4 topsoil). Cheam wares, with a similar date range to
Coarse Border ware, are confined here to six sherds from trench 5 topsoil.
5.2.4 Alongside the Surrey whitewares are one sherd from a London-type ware
glazed jug (probably 13th century: layer 302), and a few sherds of
miscellaneous sandy wares, of which at least some fall within the
Limpsfield/South Hertfordshire greyware tradition of the 13th/14th century.
5.2.5 A single, highly abraded sherd, occurring residually in layer 103, has been
tentatively identified as an early medieval shelly ware.
Post-medieval
5.2.6 The post-medieval wares comprise a fairly restricted range, most of which
could fall within a date range of later 15th to 17th century. These include
whitewares from the post-medieval Surrey Border industry, coarse redwares
(some of which may also be products of the Border industry), a white-slipped
redware of a type produced in Kingston in the late 15th/early 16th century
(Hinton and Nelson 1980), and German stonewares characteristic of the
Raeren and Cologne/Frechen production centres. Amongst the latter are
sherds from at least four bottles of early 17th century type (three of them
bearing Bartmann face masks) from cellar backfill 703.
5.3.2 The bricks, all hand made, frequently in a coarse fabric and unfrogged, are
all of similar size, with widths ranging from 100-119mm and depths of 50-
60mm. No brick had a measurable length surviving (although other complete
bricks were measured in situ on site: see above, Trench 1). All were fairly
abraded with occasional evidence for re-use in the form of mortar across
broken surfaces. A single brick, incomplete, in a cream-buff fabric (trench 5
topsoil) was also recovered.
5.3.3 Roof tile consists mostly of flat (peg) tile, with one pantile. One complete
peg tile (278 x 166mm) came from layer 407 but otherwise the roof tile is
fragmentary.
5.3.4 The floor tile consists mainly of plain, undecorated fragments, some of which
are glazed. One tin-glazed floor tile was found (cellar backfill 703),
decorated in blue and white and forming one quarter of a four-tile ‘Tudor
25
Rose’ design, one of the most popular designs painted on tin-glazed tiles
made in London during the first half of the 17th century (Betts 1999, col. pl.
11).
5.4.1 Alongside plain stem fragments, the clay pipe includes two complete bowls
(both cellar backfill 703) of a type dated c.1580-1610 (Oswald 1975, fig.
3,G, 3).
5.5 Stone
5.5.1 Of the four pieces of stone recovered, three are architectural fragments – one
ashlar from robber cut 203 and two small mouldings from trench 3 topsoil,
probably from a window mullion; all three are in a similar oolitic limestone.
The fourth piece is a rounded, flattish pebble, worn but not obviously utilised
(cellar backfill 703).
5.6 Glass
5.6.1 Glass from trench 1 comprises fragments of post-medieval green bottle glass
(c.1650 or later). One small fragment of heavily oxidised window glass from
trench 3 (context 302) is likely to be of early post-medieval date.
5.7 Slag
5.7.1 A small amount of slag was found in trench 2, all deriving from iron
smithing. A further fragment from trench 4 (layer 402) appears to be an iron
concretion, possibly forge debris, but is likely to be of relatively recent
origin.
5.8 Coins
5.8.1 Three coins and a token were recovered. Two of the coins date to the
medieval period. The first (trench 3 topsoil) is a cut quarter of a medieval
silver groat. This is too worn to be closely identified to a particular ruler.
Halving and quartering of silver coins was common practice in the medieval
period, and was undertaken in order to provide smaller denomination pieces.
The second (trench 5 topsoil) is a silver penny (an example of the ‘Light
Cross and Pellets’ coinage) struck for Edward IV in c.1473-8 at the Dublin
mint. This coinage was not officially current in England (it was light weight
by English standards) but is found relatively commonly. The third coin is a
farthing of George V, struck in 1933 (trench 5 topsoil).
5.8.2 The copper alloy token (trench 4 topsoil) was struck by Thomas Carter from
Portsmouth in 1661. The hat engraved on the obverse suggests that he may
have been a milliner. Tokens such as this were common in the mid to late
17th century. In the reigns of James I and Charles I, patents for the striking of
small copper farthings were granted to a number of Royal favourites.
Unfortunately, this led to problems, as the patterns rarely changed, and the
coins were easy to forge. In response to this, Parliament suppressed these
farthings in 1644. A new ‘authorised’ small coinage was intended, but was
26
not introduced due to the Civil War and from 1648 onwards, tradesmen,
corporations and even private individuals struck their own tokens. No copper
coinage was issued for the duration of the Commonwealth, and tokens
effectively acted as the small change for the nation. It was not until 1672
when the crown started minting small coinage once again under Charles II
that the use of these tokens became prohibited.
5.9 Metalwork
5.9.1 Other metalwork includes objects of copper alloy, iron and lead. Copper
alloy objects comprise a thimble, a pin and a button (all of post-medieval
date), and two unidentified objects.
5.9.2 Ironwork consists largely of nails and other probable structural items. The
only other identifiable object is part of a large fork (garden implement)
(cellar backfill 703).
5.9.3 Lead objects consist of waste pieces and offcuts, with seven came fragments,
two shot, and one small fragment of openwork tracery, perhaps from a
window grille or ventilator (trench 2 topsoil). The came fragments include
both milled and cast examples.
5.10.1 The faunal assemblage is small, but contains a relatively wide range of
species, and is in fairly good condition. The wide range of species, large
proportion of young animals and low proportion of non-food species
suggests a fairly high status in keeping with that proposed for this site.
5.10.2 114 bones were hand-recovered and no sieving was carried out. All bones
derive from mammals or birds. Most bones (81) come from cellar backfill
703. No bones from fish or amphibians were present. The date of the
contexts ranges from medieval (13th/14th century) to post-medieval. A cattle
bone and an unidentified bone came from an unstratified context and are
excluded from this report.
Condition and Preservation
5.10.3 Most of the bone fragments were moderately well preserved, with only 3% in
poor condition and no fragments in good condition. Just under half of the
recovered material was not identified to species (Table 4).
5.10.4 Loose teeth were rare in samples, attesting to good condition but also to the
very low proportion of mammal jaws present. Gnawing was rare, seen on
only five bones, and this indicates that scavenger destruction was not a
significant biasing factor. Noteworthy, is the fibula bone of a pig with
massive rat gnawing traces.
Animal husbandry
5.10.5 Of the domestic mammals, sheep/goat, cattle and pig are all well represented,
with a slightly lower proportion of sheep/goat and pig (Table 5), which are
27
nonetheless still fairly high. No horse or dog bones were observed. Four
bones of rabbit were identified: two of adult(s) and two of sub-adult(s).
5.10.6 Bird bones were frequent and included domestic fowl, duck (Anas sp.),
woodcock, magpie, goose and a yet unidentified medium-sized and small
bird were also present.
5.10.7 A fair number of bones could be aged (29). The material includes cattle of
>7-10 m, >20-24 month, <2-2.5 year, <3.5 year and <3.5-4 year. Context 703
contents some remains of a calf. Furthermore, the remains of 6-10 month, 10-
12 month and 16-24 month old pigs were found as well as a fragmented
juvenile pig skull (all cellar backfill 703). The material also contains the
remains of sheep/goat <3-4 month, <3 year, >15-20 month and >3.5 years of
age. The remains of juvenile domestic fowl and adult domestic fowl and an
adult goose were also found.
5.10.8 The adult tarsometatarsus found in robber cut 203 derives from a hen. Bones
with pathological traces were not found.
Consumption and deposition
5.10.9 Butchery marks were seen on 11 bones, and comprised chops to portion the
carcass (domestic fowl and cattle) and filleting marks. Noteworthy are four
proximal shafts of sub-adult cattle femora with chopping marks from
removing the proximal joint and opening the shaft to extract marrow (cellar
backfill 703). No bones were burnt
5.11.1 This consists entirely of oyster, and includes both left and right valves, i.e.
both preparation and consumption waste.
5.12.1 This is a relatively small finds assemblage, and much of the material derived
from robber cuts, demolition levels and topsoil rather than being in situ; this
is particularly true of the medieval finds. The use of datable material (coins
and pottery) to date the stratigraphic sequence has therefore proved
extremely limited. Further analysis is unlikely either to add to the
chronological evidence, or to provide more details of the nature of medieval
and early post-medieval activity on the site, beyond confirming its high
status nature. Any publication text prepared could include data gathered as
part of this assessment stage.
6 DISCUSSION
6.1 Introduction
28
understanding of the history of Wayneflete Tower, and the Esher Episcopi
had come from documentary and cartographic evidence and very limited
archaeological excavation.
6.1.2 The project largely achieved its stated aims, providing a greater
understanding of the layout of buildings within with the Bishops’ palace,
through excavation and by re-analysis of the historical documents and
cartographic evidence, in conjunction with the in situ archaeology, and
accompanied by the results of the dendrochronological survey, which was
able to provide a potential date for the Tower’s construction.
6.1.4 One of the aims of the project had been to assess the state of preservation of
the underlying archaeology and it was clear that within the garden of
Wayneflete Tower preservation was excellent. The earlier features had
clearly been impacted upon by the later archaeology and, as less substantial
structures, had suffered. The later structures which had been systematically
demolished nevertheless survived well and showed that they had been
carefully dismantled for the recycling of materials.
6.2.1 The acquisition of the site at the beginning of the 13th century by the Bishop
of Winchester, Peter des Roches, began a period of over 800 years of activity
and building, with work still being carried out towards the end of the 20th
century. Therefore, the possibility of the identification of structures and
buildings dating to the 13th and 14th centuries was considered to be slim.
However, structures interpreted as dating to the earliest major phases of
building were located within Trench 2 in the form of truncated wall
foundation (206). The construction of the foundations with a mix of flint
nodules and green sandstone fragments are suggestive of an early medieval
date, potentially 13th century. It is therefore possible that this structure
relates either to the episcopate of Bishop des Roches or that of Bishop
Raleigh between 1205 and 1260. The foundations suggest that they
supported a single-storey timber super-structure, perhaps from a small lodge
or chapel.
6.2.2 The foundations had clearly been widened and strengthened with the addition
of (207), a flint and ironstone foundation bonded with limestone mortar,
constructed in an identical manner to structure (210). This widening and
strengthening potentially dates to the beginning of the 14th century when
Bishop John Stratford constructed the first manor in house in 1331.
6.2.3 Trench 4 potentially also contained features dated to the beginning of the 14th
century, and associated with the deposits within Trench 2. The identification
of wall (404) constructed in a similar manner to (207) may indicate that it is
part of the first manor house constructed by Bishop Stratford. The survival of
29
these 13th and 14th century foundations within Trench 4 is likely to have
occurred because of their position in what was later developed into the open
central courtyard. The area was therefore never heavily impacted upon by
later construction from the 15th century onwards.
6.2.4 Foundation deposits (206), (207) and (210) are likely to form the south-west
corner of the Great Hall of the palace as indicated on the 1673 map of
Aubrey (Figure 3). Aubrey’s map clearly shows the Hall slightly to the north
of the pathway leading from the gatehouse. It is clear the foundations date
from an earlier period and so it appears that the 14th century hall was
incorporated into the 15th century complex of buildings constructed by the
Bishop of Wayneflete.
6.3.1 The episcopate of Bishop Wayneflete (1447-87) saw the greatest period of
construction within the Esher Epsicopi and it is the survival of his 15th
century gatehouse which led to this programme of work. An aim of the
project had been to locate the extent of the complex of buildings and the
boundary of the Episcopal manor, but it was clear from analysis of the
cartographic evidence that the boundaries to the palace grounds lay well
outside the confines of the garden of Wayneflete Tower. It was therefore
clear that the full extent of the buildings would not be revealed within the
trenches, although specific buildings were identified.
6.3.2 The only clearly identifiable structure identified was the Keep which was
revealed in Trench 7. The dimensions of the south-east corner tower (709),
the southern east-west wall (710) and the eastern north-south wall (707)
showed the true scale of the structure which Wayneflete had constructed, and
demonstrated that it was of a similar size and construction to the extant
gatehouse. The two structures would have dominated the surrounding
landscape until the building of Hampton Court.
6.3.3 The Keep had been demolished to the upper most level of the foundation, so
removing all the upstanding walls, but the thickness of these walls was
inferred from the remnants of the mortar used to bond them to the
foundations. Mortar deposit (712) clearly showed that there was a stepped
foundation onto which the wall had sat and that it was two bricks thick. The
foundations for the eastern and southern walls of the Keep showed that they
had been constructed within foundation trenches excavated into the natural,
which had been later removed for the construction of a cellar, and two
supporting buttresses.
6.3.4 The information known about the Keep prior to the current programme of
work came from the Tresswell map of 1606 and the annotated sketch plan
and elevation by Aubrey in 1673 (Figures 2 & 3). Both Tresswell’s and
Aubrey’s accounts were very useful for approximating positions of buildings
within the palace complex, and in showing the size and scale of the complex,
but could not provide detailed information about the structures.
30
6.3.5 To the east of the Keep was identified the possible ‘terrace’ identified on the
1673 sketch, adjoining the ‘timber built lodgings’ which were potentially
identified in the 1912 excavation (Figure 6). The small size of Trench 1
limited interpretation of the structures within it, but a north-south corridor
was identified between a solid wall and a series of open archways.
6.3.6 The corridor is probably that which was identified in the 1912 excavation
extending from the north side of the gatehouse, and seen in Aubrey’s sketch.
The ‘terrace’ would have provided a sheltered corridor to walk from the
gatehouse through to the residential accommodation and the Keep which
formed the northern perimeter of the palace complex.
6.3.7 The structures which had been identified in Trenches 1 and 7 had been well
constructed by master craftsmen with experience of large structures. The
buildings were high status and were a visible display of wealth and power.
Trench 8, however, revealed evidence of the more mundane domestic
structures which would have been located within the palace complex. The
remains of a highly truncated, poorly built structure were revealed here and
interpreted as the remains of a possible kitchen, perhaps the structure
identified as ‘Buttery’ on the 1673 plan (Figure 3).
6.3.8 In Trench 2 it was clear that the earlier 13th and 14th century dated structures
had been demolished and built on and truncated by later structures (205) and
(211). These later structures were tentatively dated to the period after
Wayneflete’s episcopate, but this is by no means clear. The later structure in
Trench 2 may possibly be associated with a building identified on the early
18th century map by Kip and Knyff (Figure 4). This structure is positioned
directly in line with the entrance through the gatehouse and appears to
partially overhang the edge of the river, perhaps some kind of garden feature.
6.3.9 One of the most debated issues about Wayneflete’s palace has been the date
at which work began on the structure. The consensus until now has been
during the years 1475-80, although Felix Palmer suggested a date as early as
1460, which is supported by documentary evidence. In 1461 the man
believed to be the master Mason, John Cowper, had just finished his work for
Wayneflete on buildings at Eton, and he is recorded next in Winchester in
1466-67, before going on to work on other projects for the Bishop; the period
1461 to 1466 is unaccounted for. The dendrochronological survey
undertaken within Wayneflete Tower took samples from original timbers
within the building and obtained a felling date range of 1462-72, which
would fit with Cowper’s ‘missing period’ very well.
6.3.10 Analysis of the Pipe Rolls undertaken by Edward Roberts revealed that the
Rolls from Michaelmas 1464 to Michaelmas 1467 showed no building
expenses were accounted for during this period. Instead they were accounted
for by the Bishop’s cofferer; in other words, the keeper of the Bishop’s own
coffer was dealing with all building work during this period, and therefore
the Bishop himself was financing some significant work at Esher
(Worthington and Miles 2005, 4). It would therefore appear likely that the
work began during a time of great upheaval following the outbreak of the
War of the Roses in 1458 and Wayneflete’s resignation as Chancellor.
31
Following the crowning of Edward VI Wayneflete was freed from his
governmental duties and was therefore able to concentrate his time and
efforts on other business, and the construction of the Palace at Esher appears
to have occurred at this time.
7 RECOMMENDATIONS
7.1.1 A short article, probably between 4000 and 5000 words with five or six
supporting illustrations, based on the results and discussion presented in this
report, in the Surrey Archaeological Collections or Medieval Archaeology is
suggested as an adequate level of publication. This would comprise a brief
introduction detailing the circumstances of the project and aims and
objectives; a results section detailing the structural remains recorded, with
finds information integrated into the text as appropriate; and a brief
discussion of the results, with reference to the original aims and objectives.
8 ARCHIVE
8.1.1 The excavated material and archive, including plans, photographs and written
records, are currently held at the Wessex Archaeology offices under the
project code 59463 and site code WAY 05. It is intended that the archive
should ultimately be deposited with Elmbridge Museum, Surrey.
32
9 REFERENCES
Betts, I., 1999, ‘Early tin-glazed floor tile production in London’ in Gaimster, D.
(ed.), Maiolica in the North: the archaeology of tin-glazed earthenware in
north-west Europe, British Museum Occas. Paper 122, 173-4
GSB Prospection, 2005, Wayneflete Tower, Esher, Surrey, unpub. report for Time
Team
Geological Survey of Great Britain (England and Wales), 1982, Sheet 270
Hinton, M. and Nelson, S., 1980, ‘Medieval and later pottery made in Kingston upon
Thames’, London Archaeol. 3 (14), 377-83; 4 (4), 96-102
Oswald, A., 1975, Clay Pipes for the Archaeologist, Brit. Archaeol. Rep. 14
Pearce, J. and Vince, A., 1988, A Dated Type-Series of London Medieval Pottery.
Part 4: Surrey Whitewares, London Mddx. Archaeol. Soc.
Worthington M and Miles. D., 2005, The Tree Ring Dating of Wayneflete’s Tower,
Elmbridge, Esher, Surrey. NGR TQ 1308 6510. Oxford Dendrochronology
Laboratory, Report 2005/30
33
Internet resources:
www.britannia.com/history/resource/bishwinc,html List of Bishops of Winchester.
34
Table 1: Summary of tree-ring dating of timbers sampled from Wayneflete’s Tower
Sample Timber and position Dates AD H/S Sapwood No of Mean Std Mean Felling date ranges (AD)
number spanning bdry complement rings width devn sens
mm mm mm Empirical OxCalSap % Agreement
wfto1a c Joist 4th from front north side 1st floor 1394-1440 47 1.63 0.56 0.287
wfto1b c ditto 1394-1446 1446 H/S 53 2.24 0.65 0.266
* wfto1 mean of wfto1a + wfto1b 1394-1446 1446 H/S 53 1.96 0.59 0.269 1455-87 1456-82 130.5
wfto2 c Joist 5th from front north side 1st floor Unsuitable
for
processing
* wfto3 c Joist 6 from front north side 1st floor 1410-1449 1449 H/S 40 2.73 0.62 0.241 1458-90 1458-81 130.0
* wfto4 c Joist 7th from front north side 1st floor 1392-1446 1446 H/S 55 2.43 1.29 0.351 1455-87 1455-81 122.1
* wfto5 c Longitudinal beam 2nd floor N side 1397-1448 1448 H/S 52 1.71 1.04 0.227 1457-89 1458-86 130.5
* wfto6 c Joist 2nd from north 2nd floor landing 1404-1450 1449 1 47 1.70 0.75 0.285 1458-90 1459-87 125.3
* = WAYNEFLT Site Master 1392-1450 1448 Avg H/S 59 2.16 0.69 0.267 1457-89 1462-72 172.5
body
Key: *: = sample included in site-master; c = core; H/S bdry = heartwood/sapwood boundary - last heartwood ring date; std devn = standard deviation; mean sens = mean sensitivity
Empirical sapwood estimate used 9 - 41 years (Miles 1997)
35
Table 2: Finds totals by material type and by trench/area (number / weight in grammes)
36
Table 3: Chronological breakdown of pottery assemblage by ware type
37
Appendix 1: Trench Summaries
Trench 1
Trench 2
Trench 3
38
No.
301 Topsoil Mid grey brown silty loam current topsoil and turf of garden.
302 Layer Light brown rubbly silt layer below (301), possible levelling.
303 Natural Natural alluvium fluvial deposit.
Trench 4
Trench 5
Trench 6
Trench 7
39
706 Fill Dark grey brown silty loam upper fill of (705).
707 Structure Brick constructed eastern north-south aligned wall of the Keep.
708 Layer Dark brown black silty clay, charcoal rich deposit which overlies dirty clay depsoit (720).
Isolated deposit.
709 Structure Large brick foundation for the south-east corner of the Keep.
710 Structure Southern east-west aligned wall of the Keep.
711 Structure Brick built strengthening buttress, where (707) is bonded to (710).
712 Layer Lime mortar deposit, which is the remains of the mortar which would have held the
upstanding wall of the Keep to the foundation structures.
713 Cut Construction cut for Keep foundation (709).
714 Cut Unexcavated roughly rectangular shaped probable tree throw.
715 Fill Upper fill of (714), mid to dark brown silty clay.
716 Layer Light yellow brown clay layer, possible natural of redeposited levelling deposit of natural.
717 Layer Thin layer of dark grey brown silty clay rubbly material.
718 Layer Thin layer of mortar which overlay 709, removed to expose bricks, possibly once held tiles.
719 Structure Brick built strengthening buttress, which butts (711) at junction of (710) and (707).
720 Layer Dump of light yellow silty clay redeposited natural below (708).
721 Void VOID
722 Cut Construction cut for (707)
Trench 8
40
Date: 22/12/05 Revision Number: 0
1606 Ralph Tresswell map of Wayneflete’s palace (courtesy of the National Archive), view from east Figure 2
Date: 22/12/05 Revision Number: 0
Esher Place from the south west, at the time of Thomas Cotton, drawn by L. Knyff and engraved by J. Kip,
early 1700s. (In Hutchins 2001, 28-29.) Figure 4
Date: 22/12/05 Revision Number: 0
165125
Trench 1
117
121 13.50mOD
111 115
116
108
119
13.30mOD
107
13.41mOD
13.43mOD
165120
e :
ric /tile
ortar
0 1m
Revision Number: 0
Illustrator: RG
Date: 0 :12:0
Structure 116 viewed from the north
Scale: Plan at 1:50 A
Path: Y:\...\59472TT\...\...\assessment
\05_12_21\ ig0 .ai
513040
165115
Trench 2
202
206 207
203 12.95mOD
12.85mOD 214
13.28mOD
205 203
215
12.67mOD
213
212
12.78mOD
208 12.81mOD
211
209 210 12.77mOD
165110
Key:
Brick/tile
Stone
Flint foundations
0 1m
Trench 2 from the north
This material is for client report only © Wessex Archaeology. No unauthorised reproduction.
Trench 4
410
12.91mOD
409 40
405 404
12.95mOD 13.59mOD
13.47mOD 12.90mOD
40
13.00mOD
407
1 5110
e :
ric /tile
Stone
0 1m
This material is for client re ort onl esse Archaeolog . No unauthorise re ro uction.
720 0
12.87mOD 12.67mOD
711
719 706
13. 3mOD
707
710
13.23mOD 13.88mOD
704
Trench
709
12.98mOD
716 715
717
712
13. mOD
3 13.61mOD
165120
Key:
Brick/tile
Mortar
0 1m
Wessex
Archaeology
Revision Number: 0
Illustrator: RG
Date: 03:01:06
Trench 7 from the south Trench 7 from the east Path: Y:\...\59472\...\...\assessment\
\05_12_21\Fig11.ai
51 040
1 5110
12.52mOD
12.63mOD
02 10
803
12.85mOD
12.96mOD
11
12 0
07
805 09
04
Trench 8
e :
Stone
0 1m
1 5105
This material is for client re ort onl esse Archaeolog . No unauthorise re ro uction.