Rajah Rasiah 2
Rajah Rasiah 2
Rajah Rasiah 2
nere were
some signs of
an overvalued
ru rrency.
,&
@
when it was at a level of 2.79, to 2.43 in August 1995. This was a gain of
almost 15 percent in its value.
One might arbitrarily take the value of the ringgit in the period of earlv
7994 to early 7995 as a benchmark value. It is worthwhile to point out that
the Malaysian economy registered a substantial current account deficit of
RM21.6 billion (US$8.6 billion), or L0.4 percent of nominal GNP in 1995. That
year, the balance on long-term capital (RM16.6 billion) was insufficient to
finance the current account deficit and the basic balance registered a deficit
of RM5.0 billion. Net private short-term capital amounted to only RM2.5
billion and the overall balance was in deficit by RM4.4 biltion. Despite
the overall balance being in deficit for two straig-ht years and the fears branalysts of a current account blow-out, the ringgit actually strengthened
against the U.S. dollar by the end of 1995 (2.54) compared to year-end 1993
(2.70). Flence, the ringgit appeared overvalued when the crisis unfolded.
Rapid credit
expa nsion
and increased
exposure to the
property sector
were getting
worrisome.
Despite the high loans growth over the preceding few years, the health of the
banking system appeared to be excellent. At the end of June 7997, the month
before the attack on the currency started, the net NPL ratio of the banking
system was at 2.2 percent. The risk-weighted capital ratio (RWCR) was 12
percent, significantly above the minimum requirement of eight percent.
Notwithstanding the favourable indicators above, there was rapid
credit expansion and increased exposure to the property sector. With the
economy being so highly leveraged, it was made more vulnerable to a
speculative attack on its currency as the central bank will be constrained
in the use of the interest rate instrument to defend the exchange rate. Also,
when there is rapid credit growth over a short span of time, especially in
view of an increasing exposure to the property r"itor, it may not be prudent
as some of the borrowers could be less creditworthy. Declining asset prices
in an economic downturn would also pose high risks to banks with loans
secured using property and shares as collateral. The central bank was slow
in responding to this uneasy trend, taking corrective action only in early
7997,just months before the first attack on the ringgit. The sluggishness in
policy response probably contributed to investors' nervousness.
The worries over excessive credit expansion through the banking
system and its implications on potential bad debt was also prompted
by concerns that the business sector is linked to the government with a
certain amount of tonnected lending' not necessarily based on commercial
criteria.@ Athukorala (1998a) also oplned that the reiilience of the banking
system to a crisis may have been 'weakened over the years because of the
growing dominance of local, relative to foreign, banks'. Presumably, he
was alluding to the perception that the foreign banks were less susceptible
to any pressure from the government to influence lending activities
lending activities has been part of the New Economic Policy (NEP) strategy of
restructuring business ownership. Athukorala (1998a) also mentioned that the
stock market has been a 'key instrument used ... to achieve the political goals of
restructuring wealth ownership in the economy'. Rasiah (2000) argued that the NEP
cultivated cronyism that was driven by patronage rather than performance.
\_
in Crisis Management
compared to local banks and, thus, had a lower risk profile. This perception
seemed to be also prevalent among depositors at the end of 7997 and early
1998 when smaller (domestic) financial institutions faced withdrawals
from concerned depositors and experienced some problems with their
liquidity.o Apart from the risks associated with the banking system, the
question of the independence of the central bank (and the related issue
of credibility) was brought to the fore. Athukorala (7998a), for example,
observed the 'long silence of BNM' on the issue of rapid credit expansion
until just months before the onset of the first attack on the ringgit in mid1997. The indications are that the central bank had been guilty of a lax
monetary policy in the period prior to the crisis.
rrr
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5-_
mitc
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ln1
fr*r:
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tr
Lrnr
iLlgi
Emi
['r.
ilr!'r
I
Ttfr
External debt exposure of the economy was not very high at the onset of
the crisis. Total external debt outstanding amounted to RM101.2 billion at
the end of March 1997 (38.8"h of GNP; 140.3% of net international reserves),
of which 71.5 percent was medium and long-term deb| the remaining 28.5
percent being short-term debt.
However, it is noted that there was a steady build-up of external debt
by the private sector and the non-financial public enterprises (NFPEs)
starting from 7992. Private sector medium and long-term external debt rose
from RM5.4 billion in March 7997 loRM37.7 billion in June 1997, an increase
of almost seven-fold. The NFPEs started accumulating external debt from
1993 onwards-medium and long-term debt rising from RM12.0 billion
in March 1993 to RM32.5 billion in June 7997; an increase of 2.7 times. As
for short-term external debt exposure, the banking sector's debt rose from
RM11.3 billion in December 1995 to RM27.B billion in June 7997; an increase
of almost 2.5 times over a short period of L8 months.
The rapid build-up in external debt in the years preceding the crisis in
7997 was probably facilitated by a very stable exchange rate of the ringgit
against the U.S. dollar. During this period, domestic interest rates were not
very high; otherwise there would have been added incentive to borrow
more from abroad.@
nms
W
hr a
[3ar.
rmlF
Cm
G*
WW
From the earlier section, it was clear that there were several signs of
vulnerability in the Malaysian economy prior to the currency crisis in7997.
.!L[
be
m
mt
tr
.uf
th
!il
!tslJ
significant extent, this perception that the foreign-owned banks are less exposed
to risks may have been justified if one looked at the list of banks which sold NPLs
to Danaharta (the asset management company set up to help in cleaning up bank
balance sheets)
- most of the foreign banks did not have to do so. For a couple of
foreign banks which did so, the value of the loan rights acquired amounted to only
0.15 percent of the total for the period June-December 1998. (Source: Danaharta,
Report: 20 June 7998-Sl December 1998)
^ Operations
@
1o*o (7gggb, p. 183) noted that much of the foreign debt was dollar-denominated,
short term and unhedged'.
To a
ffiThere was a
steady build-up of
l,lcneiar\. Economics
The crisis
in Thailand
threatens to spill
over as investors
got nervous.
Following the Thai baht tumble, this caused serious concerns for investors'
particulaily portfolio investors. This was no doubt influenced by the facr
that most of the international financial community had failed to perceive
the very real risks in some of the crisis-hit economies. Ouattara (1995
remarked that 'in hindsight, it is clear that most of these (capital) inflo\\-'
(to East Asian economies) did not show sufficient concern for the potentia,
risks'. Thus, once the Thai crisis started to become full-blown, the prospecl:
for self-fulfilling panics were rife. As Dornbusch (1998) so aptly put it:
plunged to an all-
x/
the ringgit
depreciation,
the stock market
plunged.
with
'r11unug"*"r1t
ffirl',
!nuri
!fiUilrrl'
seeking to highlight similarities with the Thai and Korean cases. The result
was a massive sell-down of stocks and the dumping of domestic currencies.
Both these developments fed on each other. It was a typical demonstration
ffiLm''
!tul[il$
{llPlur.i
mnlfl:r
tjit
$,
ltmri
rti-r',
in Crisis
The falling ringgit and the stock market collapse reinforced each
other's downward momentum and had a profound impact on businesses.
The financial system, in turn, was hit by the rising number of business
failures or company closures. The much weaker ringgit also inflated the
size of foreign debt obligations.
[unr:l-
t* **li
llllillttl
illlLlli:,
[;'!."
i.".
f, th'r
f 1lq
frl:Nd
r.:si
$entiments
What started out as an exchange rate problem that some initially thought
to be transitory quickly exerted a negative impact on the real sector.
Following the onset of the crisis in mid-1997, beginning from the third
quarter o] thut year up until the first quarter of 7998, business confidence
oJ manufacturers, as gauged by the Malaysian Institute of Economic
Research's (MIER) Business Conditions Index (BCI), dipped sharply for
three consecutive quarters. Likewise, the impact on consumer confidence
was telling. The MIER Consumer Sentiments Index (CSf plunged for
four conseiutive quarters beginning in the third quarter of 1997 until the
second quarter otlggl. The index reached an all-time low in 2Q:98 and the
quarterly drop in the previous quarter was the steepest recorded since the
inception of the survey.
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;
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1o1no (1998b)
affecting sentiments at valious stages of the crisis. In the UEM-Renong case, cashrich UEM (United Engineers Malaysia, a favourite KlSElisted comPany among
foreign fund managers up till then) was allowed to execute a reverse-take-over of its
heavily-indebted parent firm, Renong, in a move that was seen as detrimental to the
interests of its minority (foreign) shareholders. It attracted much bad publicity-see
for example, Fox (1998).
?e
..
Busi ness
confidence as
well as consumer
sentiments took a
bie hit.
!lonetary Economics
lnitial policy
response by
central bank
was to slabilise
exchange rate,
contain inflation
and ensure
soundness of the
banking system.
In response to the currency crisis and its impact on the real sector, the
central bank implemented several measures designed to stabilise the
exchange rate, control inflation and ensure the soundness of the banking
system. It is noted that from the very beginning of the crisis, monetar)policy was not as tight as that recommended by the International Monetarl'
Fund (IMF). At the onset of the crisis, the central bank's stance in monetary
policy has been to keep interest rates at a relatively high level to contain
any inflationary pressures arising from the ringgit depreciation. This
was to maintain positive real interest rates to encourage saving and to
prevent capital outflow. BNM was of the opinion that raising interest
rates excessively would not be effective in supporting the exchange rate,
given the strong external factors, and was mindful of the need to provide
sufficient liquidity to finance economic activities. However, beginning
September 7997, when the ringgit breached the 3.00 level against the U.S.
dollar beyond most expectations, the central bank acted to raise interest
rates gradually. The benchmark 3-month interbank rate, BNM's policv
rate, was raised from 7.55 percent in mid-September to 8.7 percent by the
end o{ 1997. Negative sentiments {ollowing external developments such
as the deprecration oi the l(orean won in December 199? and the ream
collapse of the Indonesian rupiah in early 1998 exerted a powerful impact
on the ringgit. In 1998, following the shock decline of the ringgit to 4.88
against the U.S. dollar on 7 January, the 3-month rate rose to ten percent
and further to 11 percent in February. Interest rates were raised to stem
inflationary pressures arising from the higher cost of imports and also to
prevent outflow of short-term capital.
In April 7997, concerned with the strong growth in bank lending to the
'less productive' sectors and the sharp rise in asset prices, BNM imposed
quantitative restrictions on loans to the property sector and for the purchase
of stocks and shares. Following speculative attacks on the ringgit since July
7997,banks were also subjected to limits on outstanding non-commercial
ringgit offer-side swap transactions with foreign customers effective 4
August 7997. However, transactions for trade and direct investment were
not subjected to the restriction. The objective was to reduce the supply of
offshore ringgit used to mount speculative attacks on the currency.
In view of the continued strong credit and money supply growth and
the further weakening of the ringgit, BNM enforced further measures in
October 7997. Financing on hire-purchase loans for the purchase of noncommercial vehicles was reduced to 70 percent of the purchase price. The
repayment period was shortened to not more than five years. Banks were
also advised to prioritise lending to activities such as the export-oriented
manufacturing sector. Additional lending guidelines were announced
in December 1997 stating that credit should not be extended to property
projects which have not started construction. As for on-going property
projects, strict selectivity and viability assessment were advised'
In order to detect problem loans early, the classification of nonperforming loans (NPLs) for banking institutions was reduced from
6-months arrears to 3-months arrears effective 1 january 1998. The
disclosure requirements for the financial statements of banking institutions
were increased to include more information. This was to improve the level
of transparency.
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to
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rer
fir
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in Crisrs Management
The central bank was also determined to ensure that the cost of funds
reflects supply-demand conditions and that credit be made available
to productive economic activities. To remove distortions and enhance
efficiency in the money market so that interest rates would better reflect
the market's liquidity conditions, BNM announced a number of monetary
measures in February 1998. The statutory reserve requirement (SRR) was
reduced from 13.5 percent to 10.0 percent on 16 February 7998, to provide
financial institutions greater access to funds that were previously locked
up with the central bank. However, as a form of compensatory measure to
avert any undue easing of monetary policy due to the SRR reduction, BNM's
3-month intervention rate was raised by 100 basis points to 11 percent
earlier on 6 February. The central bank also reiterated that tight monetary
policy will be maintained in order to contain inflationary Pressures as a
result of the weaker ringgit. Following these measures adopted by BNM,
lending rates fell from as high as 22percent in early February to about 16
percent at the end of February.@
Beginning late March 1998, in a move to enhance transparency and to
enable better supervision of the banking sector, banking institutions were
required to publish data to indicate financial soundness on a quarterly
basis. These included NPLs and capital adequacy daia. They were also
required to maintain, on a quarterly basis, a minimum 8.0 percent riskweighted capital ratio.
1 :l
"i
-,li::
money market operations. Effective 1 May 1998, the band on the required
balances to meet the SRR requirement was widened to 2.0 percent from
the previous 0.5 percent. This was to provide banks greater flexibility in
their liquidity management. BNM also mentioned that it will maintain
real deposit rates at pre-crisis levels to prevent outflow of funds, increase
savings and stabilise the exchange rate.
The first hint of a change in the stance of monetary policy was on 1
JuIy 7998, when the central bank further reduced the SRR to eight percent.
Unlike the SRR reduction in February, which was done to improve the
liquidity situation of some banks, this was done to reduce the cost of funds.
,1.
.ll\lFnm'e''
[:]!{'1"
alUL
tlt
T'
r'
Malaysia had six years of fiscal surpluses up tlII 7997. When the crisis
unfolded in mid-7997 and escalated as the year progressed, the concerns
that policymakers had was one of maintaining macroeconomic stability
through containing inflationary pressures and addressing the current
account deficit, as well as maintaining investor confidence. Even by the
third quarter of 1997, Malaysia was still experiencing healthy economic
growth. Thus, the government budget for calendar year 1998, proposed
in October 7997, showed fiscal restraint, not unlike that prescribed by
the IMF for the other crisis-hit countries. In line with the anticipation
that government revenue will be affected by an economic slowdown, the
Finance Minister proposed a scaling down of public expenditure through
iLil"lliu rll'
@ Bnnk
p. 92.
prescription
Llonetarv Economics
in society.
The tight fiscal policy maintained at the beginning stages of the
crisis, to a certain extent, may have been dictated to by financial market
expectations.o The economic slowdown would have caused government
revenue to fall and, hence, there certainly was merit in containing public
sector expenditure. Nevertheless, given the fact that the economy \\,as
going into a steep downturn and the poor investment climate even then,
the likelihood of crowding-out from running a budget deficit was much
less. Thus, fiscal policy could have played a more stimulating role even
at that early stage, in view of the government's strong fiscal record of the
past.@
monetary and
fiscal measures,
the ringgit
continued its
slide.
Despite the earlier fiscal and monetary measures, the ringgit's exchange
rate continued to be affected by external factors beyond the control oi
policymakers. After hitting an all-time low of 4.88 against the greenback
in early January 1998, the ringgit was still weak in August, when it was at
4.20. The riots in Indonesia in May, the weakening of the japanese yen in
june and the devaluation of the Russian ruble all exerted negative impact
on sentiments on the ringgit.
The tight monetary and fiscal policies allowed the current account
deficit in the balance of payments to be contained (subsequently registering
a huge surplus for the year due to a slump in demand for imports) and
also helped to contain inflationary pressures at reasonable levels. Flowever,
@ Garnaut (1998,p.19) noted that there 'seemed to be discordance between good policy,
on the one hand, and international market perceptions of good policy, on the other'.
iomo (1998b, p. 190) pointed out that 'it is not as if the government did not respond
at all, but rather that it did not respond in the manner desired by "the market", i.e.
mainlv the Western financial communitv'.
@ th" .rle of u more stimulating fiscal poli.y *u. noted in mid-1998 by Ariff, et nt.
(1998a): '...in the event of a significant slowdown in the economy, fiscal policy may
have to be more stimulating. The cash-strapped private sector is not in a position to
stimulate a flagging economy. Thus, the public sector will have to play this role. The
surplus budgets that we had in the past few years were appropriate in light of the
robust economic growth. However, if the economy slows down significantly, then
a mild expansionary fiscal policy r) /a Keynesian economics may be in order. ... A
balanced or even a small deficit budget is clearly more appropriate than a surplus
budget under the present circumstances.'
:,tr!
:'
-:
i,:- * -
in Crtsis llanagement
together with the effect of a massive depreciation in the exchange rate and
th! negative wealth effect of the stock market plunge, this was achieved at
the coJt of exacerbating the fall in aggregate demand. if left unchecked, the
recession would have become deeper and the banking sector saddled with
higher bad debts. That would have prevented it from continuing to play its
,ol" us financial intermediary and severely ieopardised economic recovery
prospects.
-
in"
I*.
lj-,i
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iii
,.i
anl
ili$ri r
''
trtr0iiIj!
Jntfift*'
Lrfifi0rn
!ll"
i,r,r
quarters of 1998.
Due to the high domestic debt level in the economy, the sharp rise in
interest rates by the central bank in response to the depreciating currency
had an adverse impact on the business sector and consumers. Firms that
borrowed from banks had higher debt obligations. The sharp rise in the
cost of imported input due to the ringgit's depreciation also contributed to
the business sectols difficulties. Infrastructure projects with high import
content were deferred. As the business climate deteriorated, consumels
became more cautious and spent less. This was worsened by the negative
[:lur[!l
ilfia,
r tinr'
!"
gi]l'0iltr01ii..
Detlatronarl
impact was felt
stronglv in the
real economv.
"
outflows were
registered in
the balance of
payments.
&....
wThe
stock market
continued to
plunge.
179
4i
lrTonetarv Economlcs
wealth effect following the collapse of the KLSE. |ob losses as companies
downsized or closed also added to the negative consumer sentiments.
On top of all this, the much hoped for export sector-led recovery never
materialised as external demand was hampered due to the widespread
crisis in East Asia. Japan, which many crisis-affected countries had hoped
to depend on as a growth pole to puII out of the recession, continued to be
mired in its own economic and financial problems.
Following the economic downturn which affected demand for loans
and coupled with the caution of the banks in extending further credit, loans
by the banking system fell sharply in 1998 to a contraction of 1.8 percent or
RM7.6 billion in quantum (7997: growth of 26.5'/"). As more companies and
Business and
co n5u m
er
confidence were
badly affected.
Credit growth
reversed and bad
loans increased.
By mid-1998, it became clear that the initial policy response had perhaps
outlived its use. The changing conditions, especially the sharper than
anticipated economic contraction caused by both depressed domestic
demand and sluggish export growth, together with concerns of declining
:EJ
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i-*.i *
t*:'
n.. -1 r-
g',iato.t."a'Thecentralbankgrappledwitllthedilemmaoftwopossible
the exchange
Sptions: either maintaining hlgh interest rates to support
choking
further
proc,ess'
the
in
and,
siccess)
urr.rrld
.ut" 1b.rt without ur-ty
monetary
aggressively
or
recovery;
u.y prorp"cts of economic
.easing
a fiscal boost)'
conditions to boost aggregate demand' (complemented by
ihe luthorities
closures cause
contracted further and faster as debts rise and company
individuals
and
firms
more
been
have
would
There
further unemployment.
deteriorate
to
system
banking
the
causing
thus
Jefaultir-tg orrbank loans,
banks
with
and
recession
into
deeper
further. An economy sinking
its
stabilising
of
task
a
daunting
woulJhavelaced
,.r""1"g into difficulties
would
premium
risk
the
as
rates)
interest
higher
e"chun[e rate (even with
attract
rise treinendously. Also, raising interest rates aggressively would
mostlyshort-termcapital,theverytypeoffundsthatarenotsoughtafter
at that stage due to its volatile nature'
meant more
Choos"ing the second policy option would probably have
of further
capital outflfw (due to lower interest rates and expectations
would
This
further.
falling
value
ringgit,s
the
..irr"'r.y depreciation) and
external
high
with
Companies
i"t-tllutiot-,.
have added to the cost of imported
will see their debt obligations rise further. Importers and
J"U,
"*por.rre
would have had to tolerate increasing exchange rate volatility.
through massive
"*port"i,
The stock market would have taken a further battering
This would put
well)'
as
ones
local
(probably
selling by foreign investors
in foreign
paying
Importers
ringgit'
ttre
on
even more downward pr",,t'i"
further
of
anticipation
in
positi,ons
their
currency would have hedged
in the
fall
to,the
further
contributing
J"pr".iutior-, of the ringgitjhereby
a
meant
have
would
path
this
along
to
proceed
domestic currency. Opting
foreign
needed
much
depleting
flight,
capital
strong possibility of u -ulot
in
."r"ti"r. A much *eakei "*thutlg" rate (and a very likely downgrade
hamper
it
would
as
costly
very
been
sovereign rating) would have
9ele"rely
for the fiscal
the gov?rnmeni;s ability to raise any- external funds needed
sector'
financial
the
in
stim"ulus and implement reforms
Analysingtheoptionswiththeirriskfactorsintheabovepolicy-setting
the link
environment, it was obvious that policymakers must first break
any measures
between domestic interest rates and the exchange rate before
from
economy
the
stop
and
demand
can be taken to stimulate aggregate
Tne:;"4:--
polic_r' respc r se
"
i\4aintaining
high interest
rates will choke
off economic
activities, but
easing off will see
the exchange rate
plunge.
t82
X4onetary Economrcs
Faced
with
the dilemma,
po
licyma kers
decided to break
the link between
interest rate and
exchange rate by
implementing
capital controls.
This enabled
the nursuit of
expa nsiona ry
monetary and
fiscal policies to
boost aggregate
d,emand.
going into a deeper recession.o This can be done through capital controls
ind pegging the ringgit exchange rate to a major international currencrsuch as the U.S. dollar. The Malaysian authorities decided on this option
on 1 Septemb er 1998, when the capital control measures wele announced
and enforced. The next day, the ringgit was pegged to the U.S. dollar at
3.80.@ This policy option was chosen so as to insulate the economy from
external situation and to regain some measure of
the continu"d udt
"ir"
monetary autonomy which will enable policymakers to better address
problemi in the economy and facilitate its recovery. Of particular concern
io policymakers was the disruptive nature of short-term speculative capital
flows on financial markets and economic activity. The capital control
measures did not disrupt trade and FDI flows, and the current account
remained fuliy convertible. The September measures enabled the pursuit
of an expansionary monetary policy and a complementary fiscal stimulus
to boost aggregate demand.
The capital
control measures
7;
It is important to note that the capital control measures affected onhshort-term iapital flows. Transactions for trade in goods and services were
not affected; neither were capital movements pertaining to foreign direct
investment (FDI). Foreign long-term investors were free to repatriate profits,
interest and dividenaJ. fne government had also reiterated on several
occasions that the measules wele temporary and would be removed when
its objectives were achieved. indicating that the measures introduced har-e
not dampened long-term foreign investors, net FDI inflows in the first four
months ottssg rose sharply to RM8 billion compared to RM9 billion for the
whole of 1998. In fact, the government actually liberalised foreign equitl'
investment guidelines in the manufacturing industry, telecommunications
and financial sectors to encourage further FDI it-tflo*t'o
9 rni,
will be great.
100 percent ownership by foreigners was allowed for
applications received between 31 July 1998 and 31 December 2000. The share of
foreign equity investment in the telecommunications sector was raised to 49 percent
u .ur"-by-case basls, this can go up to 61 percent for a period of 5 years); in the
currency and
L-r
1or-,
t" t"'
':'
J
With the cover provided by the capital control measures, monetary policy
was further relaxed through lowering interest rates. This was achieved
through progressive reduction of the statutory reserve requirement (SRR)
and the intervention rate of the central bank in the domestic money market.
The easing of monetary policy complemented expansionary fiscal policy in
resuscitating the economy.
in Crisis Management
Nlonelar\ pcl (,
llas furtner t::.
through lor, er' '':
of interest
rates and other
ad min istratir e
measu res
.:
The central bank reduced its 3-month intervention rate three times in the
month of August 1998, from 11 percent to 9.5 percent. After the 1 September
capital control measures, the 3-month intervention rate was lowered more
aggressively by BNM. From eight percent in September 1998, it was reduced
to six percent in early ll/ay 7999.
The Statutory Reserve Requirement was also slashed from eight percent
to six percent on 1 September 1998 and further down to four percent on 16
September. The liquid asset requirement of the commercial banks was also
reduced by 200 basis points in early September.
then more realistically set at year-end 1999. This was also an industry
target and BNM reiterated that it did not intend to irnpose the target on
each and every single bank.
183
Monetary Economics
b
1
tt
ir
rl
5
tr
i:
to the crisis, BNM cut the maximum lending rate under the Fund for small
and Medium Industries from ten percent to 8.5 percent. To alleviate the
burden of the lower income groups, the same was done for the Special
Scheme for Low and Medium Cost Houses, lowering the funding rate from
eight percent to six percent.
-I
:q
e
1
in Crisis \{anagement
185
"d
r: *.:
:lnnrrrrt
rp tltfl&u,
in December
1998, from a height of 72.27 percent in june. This lowering of interest rates
: -; ::--ncnic reco\rery would not have been possible had it not been
:,-: ine capital conttols and the fixrng of the ringgit exchange rate.
lri-',
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Tne capital control measures and pegging of the exchange rate were done
:.!rt to merely bolster the economy by pursuing a high growth policy per
:r, Following this route would have been a mistake as there will come a
.ime when the authorities may need to lift the capital controls and float the
erchange rate again. If efforts to improve economic efficiency and reforms
,o clean up and strengthen the financial sector were not done promptly
and effectively, then the breathing space that the September 1998 measures
accorded Malaysia would have gone to waste. Hence, the government put
rn place a comprehensive programme to reform its banking sector and
accelerate progress in the implementation of these reforms.
Although the bankingsystem entered the crisis in what appeared to be
a strong position, with a low NPL ratio and adequately capitalised (above
the minimum required level), it was in a position of some vulnerability.
This was made more evident when the currency crisis dragged on and
the economy worsened. The lax monetary policy in the years before the
crisis had allowed high loans growth to continue unabated. It was not until
early 1997, months before the first speculative attack on the ringgit, that the
central bank acted to curb excessive credit expansion to certain vulnerable
sectors such as the broad property sector, loans for the purchase of stocks
and consumption credit. Thus, by 7997 the banking system had a high
loan exposure. Bank loans also constituted a large portion of the financing
requirement of the economy.
The increased cost of capital and higher cost of imports (particularly
imported input for the business sector) steadily took its toll on companies.
The deflationary impact exerted itself on the asset quality of the banking
system. By end-June 1998, the NPL ratio of the banking system had risen
to 8.9 percent of total loans. Banks became concerned with their balance
sheets and huge bad debts for some banking institutions had begun to
cause worries about their capital adequacy. Resulting from this, bank loans
growth began to slow down rapidly and even sound companies then ran
the risk of being unable to obtain much needed credit. These problems had
to be addressed quickly.
Together with an appropriate macroeconomic policy, a programme for
restructuring the financial system was absolutely crucial in the recovery
process. This was done through establishing an asset management
company (Pengurusan Danaharta Nasional Berhad), a special purpose
vehicle for recapitalising ailing banks (Danamodal Nasional Berhad), and
the Corporate Debt Restructuiing Committee (CDRC).@ A programme of
bank mergers was also announced, in order to create bigger and stronger
banking entities better able to face shocks. The functions of Danaharta,
Danamodal and the CDRC are briefly discussed as follows.
@
A comprehensive
reform
programme for
the banking
sector was
needed.
An asset
management
company and a
special purpose
vehicle for
recapitalising
p.
Monetary Economics
Danaharta
Pengurusan Danaharta Nasional Berhad (or Danaharta) was established on
20 June 1998; lts function being to purchase non-performing loans (NpLs)
from banking institutions so that they can be free to concentrate on their
lending activities in order to facilitate the economic recovery. Danaharta
also aimed to maximise the recovery value of these loans.
Danaharta was given statutory backing to perform its functions. In its
operations, it adopted a market-based approach and published details of
Danamodal
Danamodal Nasionat Berhad (or Danamodal) was incorporated as a
wholly-owned subsidiary of Bank Negara Malaysia on 10 August 199g.
Its function was to recapitalise banking institutions with the objective of
ensuring that they were adequately capitalised at all times. This would
ensure that banking institutions were more resilient to shocks.
Danamodal had the twin objectives of recapitalising and strengthening
the banking sector, and consolidating the banking syri"-. It achieved the
in Crisis ).Ianager:ent
in merger exercises.
Danamodal carried out its operations based on certain guidelines.
These included minimising the use of public funds and siaring the
burden equitably among the stakeholders. In injecting capital into baiking
institutions, Danamodal followed strictly the principle of first{oss,
where existing shareholders were required to beir all losses before the
recapitalisation by Danamodal. It will also only inject capital into banking
institutions which have sold their NpLs to Danaharta where the existin[
shareholders bore the losses from the sale. Danamodal only recapitaliseJ
banking institutions that were viable, based on the assessment ind due
diligence exercise done by financial advisors of international repute. It
also set comprehensive performance targets and monitored progress of
these banking institutions. As in the case of Danaharta, Danamodal also
regularly published its own financial statements which were consistent
with international accounting standards.
Danamodal made steady progress and compreted its operations on 31
December 2003. It had injected RM7.6 billion into ten banking institutions
affected by the crisis. At the time when it ceased operationsl Danamodal
had recovered RM6.6 billion of its capital investment, with the remaining
RM1 billion expected to be fully divested within the following year.
{:"
*
borrowers and
creditors to work
out solutions
to their debr
problems without
litigation.
lg7
I8B
Monetary Economics
fiscal policy
was used to
resuscitate the
economy.
.*
By the middle of 7998, it became increasingly clear that fiscar policy needed
to be more expansionary to compensate for the slack in private sector
199g
was to encourage consumer spending and the banks to provide more loans.
Flowever, the authorities needed to be careful that it should not be overdone
@
,8s T
_f,l
at the expense of prudence. Data at that time showed that loan approvals
by the banks picked up considerably. With interest rates at such low levels,
it was only a matter of time before demand picked up again especially
in view of the public sector spending providing the stimulus. The more
stable economic environment and improving job prospects saw consumer
confidence returning and spending rose accordingly. Growth prospects
in the economy for 1999 largely depended on the domestic sector rather
than the export market, with the public sector playing the leading role.
Downside risks at that time included a larger than anticipated slowdown
in some industrial countties, in particular the U.S., and a slower recovery
in East Asia, including ]apan, affecting external demand. The slow rate of
implementation of the fiscal stimulus package was another concern. Lastly,
the prirrate sector was likely to have been experiencing excess capacity and
still burdened by debts, constraining their ability to expand. Banks, on the
other hand, were still over-cautious in their lending. In spite of all these
challenges, the policy responses worked well as real GDP growth in 7999
quickly recovered to 6.1 percent and further to 8.9 percent in 2000. Inflation
was at 2.7 percent and 1.5 percent for the respective years.
The further easing of monetary policy following the capitai control
measures saw liquidity conditions improving and credit cost lowered.
Both the MIER surveys on consumer sentiments and business conditions
r
1".
Busi n ess
confid ence
and consumer
sentiments
improved
markedly as
the economy
stabi I ises.
index.
ll'r "'
tl''lt:
Reserves went
up as capital
outf lows were
stem med.
190
Monetary Economics
to
16 July 1999, the net portfolio cumulative inflow was RM4.7 billion. The
KLSE Composite Index had also surged from542.2points in February 1999
--''''----''
Confidence in
-*3
the international
financial markets
improved as
lVa
laysia's
sovereign rating
goes up.
hazard has to be
looked at from
the viewpoints of
both borrowers
and lenders.
Malaysia's progress in handling the crisis, the issuance in late May 7999
of US$1 billion worth of bonds by the government was oversubscribed by
three times.
The Asian currency crisis episode resulted in several lessons to be
learnt by the various parties involved. One of these is on the question of
moral hazard. This should be looked at not just from the angle of the crisishit countries, where government guarantees, either explicit or implicit,
may have contributed to reckless corporate and banking sector behaviour.
in
!i
'"n
1'l
"
"i
1l-"
fr :
:'"
,f.
:'
ta
'i-
in Crisis llanageneit
markets
r'11
i-.
@ Stiglit, (1998) and Rasiah (1998) had argued over the debilitating consequences of a
massive expansion in portfolio equity capital in global capital flows, especially on
small ooen economies.
@ A, ur-r IMF eco.romic forum in October 1998 (see International Monetary Fund 1998),
Ricardo Hausmann, chief economist of the Inter-American Development Bank, said
that'this whole issue of international financial architecture is very deep and serious,
and ... if we do not act ..promptly and aggressively, we may be creating very serious
oroblems on a elobal basis'.
@ bornbrrr.h
1ro"98; said of the rating agencies: 'Their anaiysis of risk is absurdly
outdated, their competition to provide upbeat ratings to drum up demand for
business is very questionable.'
..
There shou d be
a clear dil'rsion
between the
government and
the business
sector; greater
open ness
and keener
competition can
instil discipline.
"il,
Better
surveillance,
a suitable
i
nternati
na
standard for
pru
su
d entia I
pervisio n
and proper
sequencing of
capital account
liberalisation
will enhance the
i
nternati
na
monetary system
191
Monetary Economics
change in policy was 'to better position Malaysia to respond and benefit
from the structural changes occurring in the region and in the international
environment' (Bank Negara Malaysia, 2005). The central bank had termed
the new exchange rate regime following the de-pegging against the US
dollar as 'a managed float against a basket of currencies'.@ Since then, the
ringgit had been on a general appreciating trend against the U.S. dollar and
a basket of currencies.@ The ringgit exchange rate against the U.S. dollar
was at an average of 3.76 in December 2011 (an appreciation of about 20'h
from 3.80).o
suMMARy
'It is perhaps worth noting that Malaysia's intervention to stem the outflow
of capital does not seem to have produced the dire consequences that its
ardent critics seem to have predicted, and perhaps wished for.'
- ]oseph Stiglltz, World Bank Chief Economist@
The Malaysian economy went through its steepest recession in 7998,
when real GDP slumpedby 6.7 percent.@ The government embarked on a
programme of monetary easing and fiscal spending to boost the economy.
This was helped by the imposition of selective capital control measures
in September and fixing the ringgit's exchange rate to the U.S. dollar,
which enabled the central bank to regain monetary autonomy. Despite
early scepticism the policy brought the much needed stability. Financial
restructuring was also undertaken by the authorities to clean up banking
institutions' balance sheets and recapitalise ailing banks to enable them
to resume their role as financial intermediaries. A programme of banking
institution mergers was also initiated by the authorities.
As indicated by the MIER surveys, consumer and business sector
sentiments picked up in early 1999 and further improved in the second
quarter of the year. This was supported by macroeconomic indicators
showing industrial production on the uptrend again not long after. On
the trade side, imports rose after a prolonged slump, reflecting the pickup in demand in the economy. The current account balance remained in
surplus in 7999, at 15.9 percent of GDP. This helped in providing liquidity
to the economy as well as enabling the authorities to maintain the capital
control measures. Inflationary pressures were well contained, giving the
central bank more room to continue pursuing an easy monetary policy.
The selective capital control measures by Malaysia were further relaxed as
economic recovery gained pace and signs of sustainable stability took root
in international f inancial markets.
o
.D
database).
Source: IFS database by the IMF.
1999, as
]oseph stiglitz, the world Bank Chief Economist, said in Bangkok on 29 July
1999).
30
Times,
(Source:
Business
The
Reuters
by
luly
reported
@ R"nisea dutu tut"t put the recession at -7.4 percent.