Ramirez Ontology and Anthropology 2014-Libre

AIBR
Revista de Antropologa
Iberoamericana
www.aibr.org
VOLUMEN 5
NMERO 1
Enero - Abril 2010
Pp. 32 - 57
Madrid: Antroplogos
Iberoamericanos en Red.
ISSN: 1695-9752
E-ISSN: 1695-9752
Ontology and anthropology of interanimality:
Merleau-Ponty from Tim Ingold's perspective
Ana Cristina Ramrez Barreto
Michoacan University of Saint Nicholas Hidalgo
Received: 11.04.2009
Accepted: 25.11.2009
10.1115o/aibr.050103e
82 ONTOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY OF INTERANIMALITY
ABSTRACT:
This essay explores Tim Ingold!s anthropological theory following his references to
Merleau-Ponty and the concept of interanimality/interagentivity. It poses some ideas of
Ingold!s poetics of dwelling, which he highlights from ethnographies of hunter-gatherer
peoples, and how these ideas are linked to an ontological consideration which does not
dissociate body and person, body and mind, nature and culture, animality and humanity.
The paper reviews animal literature in Merleau-Pontys philosophy, and Ingolds critique
of Anthropology of the senses. It also gives critical clues for the ethical and political
implications of this ontology.
KEY WORDS:
Ingold, Merleau-Ponty, interanimality, interagentivity, perception.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:
This piece of work was possible thanks to the support of the Center for Scientic Research
at the Michoacan University of Saint Nicholas of Hidalgo, project 13.8, 2008. A pre-
vious version of this manuscript was read in the "Merlaeu-Ponty Alive# International
Colloquium (Morelia, 2008). I!m thankful for the comments, criticisms and suggestions of
Mauro Carbone, Jaime Vieyra and two of AIBR!s evaluators. My sabbatical leave at the
University of California in Santa Cruz enabled me to review and correct the manuscript,
for which I would like to thank Olga Njera-Ramrez and Gabriela Arredondo (teachers
of Anthropology at the Chicano/Latino Research Center), as well as the CONACYT, for
supporting my project "Charrera, power relations and popular culture: the context from
another point of view#.
83 ANA CRISTINA RAMREZ BARRETO
Introduction
To prove that Being is intrinsically phenomenal, in a positive way and
not as something added to the world by humans, Merleau-Ponty
!
, in his
1956-1960 courses (La Nature), discussed concepts coined by zoologists;
concepts such as Jakob von Uexkll"s #living beings" environment as sen-
sible and active beings$ [Unwelt], Lorenz and Tinbergen"s impression and
animal communication, and Adolphe Portmann"s existential value of ani-
mal manifestation (Merleau-Ponty, 1995: 244-247). His ontology rejects
the idea that animals exist as discreet entities, exterior to one another and
limited to mechanical reactions. He uses the term interanimality (1995:
247) to underline the fact that animals exist within a circuit of expression
and resonance involving other animals and the environment. Furthermore,
Merleau-Ponty approached the relationship between humans and other
animals as an irreducible rapport, intertwinement [Ineinander], an #odd
kinship$ which is better portrayed in mythical thought and its art work,
as in the case of Inuit masks (Scarso, 2007; Toadvine, 2007:18). Though
he accepts the notion of #animal culture$ (Merleau-Ponty, 1995:258), his
attention turns to an ontological approach: that which is alive establishes
within Being a melodic unity #that sings to itself$, a reference intrinsic to
perception and to #reciprocal expression$ of animals and environments,
aside from the subjective, intellectual and discursive condition proper to
man: #There is no rupture between the planned animal, the animal who
plans, and the animal without a plan$ (Merleau-Ponty, 1995: 231).
This idea directly resonates in Tim Ingold"s concept of interagentiv-
ity, a notion derived from his revision of what he calls the non-Western
peoples" way of life, as well as of certain Western philosophers" ideas
considered critical with the dominant trend of thought; among them,
Merleau-Ponty"s critique. More accurately we should say that the French
philosopher is alive in Ingold"s work. Though his presence is merely vir-
tual &parallel to the re-vitalization Ingold has encouraged of gures such
1. A French philosopher (1908-1961), he opposed the dualistic theories on the separation
of matter and thought, mechanism and intentionality, perception!s passivity and active
pure intellection. He emphasized the body!s experiential and vital condition, referring not
only to humans. Author of La structure du comportement (1942), La phnomnologie
de la perception (1945), Les aventures de la dialectique (1945), Humanisme et terreur
(1947), Sens et non-sens (1948), Eloge de la philosophie (1952), Les Philosophes clbres
(1956), Les Sciences de lhomme et la phnomnologie (1958), Loeil et lesprit (1960),
Signes (1960), Le visible et linvisible (1964, posthumous), La prose du monde [1959-1961]
(1969) and La Nature [1956-1960] (1995). In regard to Merleau-Ponty and his work see
Quiasmi International http://www.losoa.unimi.it/~chiasmi (acceso 01/11/2009), among
other sources.
as Henri Bergson, Jacob von Uexkll, Alfred North Whitehead (inu-
ences in Merleau-Ponty!s work) and James Gibson&, Ingold!s thought
reects some of Merleau-Ponty!s works: Phenomenology of Perception,
Eye and Mind and "The Child!s Relations with Others#. This philosopher
seems to be involved in Ingold!s proposal of not dissociating organism
and person, evolution and history. However, La Nature is not among
Ingold!s references
$
.
In this study I will limit myself to present the subject of interanimal-
ity and interagentivity in Ingold!s anthropology (only supercially), ex-
ploring the mentioned philosopher!s presence in his work, while unfold-
ing the meaning of "living#: not referred only to Merleau-Ponty!s thought
but to the existence of those who are alive: animals among other animals,
always and inevitably. Interanimality is a concept that denounces the il-
lusion of human self-improvement beyond the animal condition. An il-
lusion considering the animal as determined, mechanical, instinctive and
limited to mere corporeality (ontogenetic constitution); or as an evolu-
tionary past that has been left behind with the acquisition of tools and
language (phylogenetic condition), looking upon humanity as purifying
and distancing its own human spaces, without animals (social, cultural
and historical constitution).
Our existence is an interanimal continuum that permeates us in sev-
eral ways, making us agents among other agents (the latter belonging to
"other species#); a continuum which is an essential part of us, even when
looked upon as exclusively human. The notion of that which is "exclu-
sively human#, thus, loses its status as a clear and distinct concept, emerg-
ing as a chimera with little effective value. The illusion that separates the
human species, dening it as a natural class no-longer-an-animal, is part
of a distorted worldview, specic to "Western Culture# at its most blinded
and dogmatic level %extremes which are prevalent in the mentioned cul-
ture. Ingold makes his point with the aid of ethnographical works
&
and
his interest in different philosophers %Merleau-Ponty, in this case.
I will rstly present the main ideas in Ingold!s work which, in my
opinion, reect Merleau-Ponty!s thought. In "Ontology of dwelling#, this
article!s second section, I will provide a presentation of the nature/culture
division in anthropology and the criticisms this notion has been subject
2. I reviewed that which was available until mid-2007; in this paper I didn!t get to consider
two recent books in which Ingold provides a chapter and is editor: Lines: a Brief History
and Ways of Walking: Ethnography and Practice on Foot.
3. I underline his resort to ethnographies on hunter-gatherers in North America (Cree stud-
ied by Feit, Scott and Tanner; Objiwa researched by Hallowell, Callicot, Bird-David and
Black), and the Amazon (Descola, Viveiros de Castro), among others.
to. In this debate Ingold has also been a controversial protagonist by
proclaiming the mentioned division!s uselessness. Later, I will approach
one of the text!s main ideas: the ontological equivalence between humans
and other animals, an idea Ingold bases on hunting peoples! ethnogra-
phies &though these are only mentioned. We discuss the projection of this
notion as an epistemic inversion, for, in Ingold!s work, that which is seen
as worldview or folklore (in the worst subjective sense of the word) is
the traditional separation and spiritual distinction between humans and
other animals. In the third section I intend to provide a quick comment
on how Merleau-Ponty is referred to in Ingold!s mentioned work (see
note 2). For instance, in the practical and mundane notion of perception,
the plasticity of "making sense in the world# and the critique of simplied
analysis within the "anthropology of the senses#, which opposes hearing
to sight as "channels# that predominate according to each "culture#.
I nd this form of interpretation interesting for I have dealt with
the relations between humans and other animals for some years now,
especially those interactions where violence is involved and someone (not
necessarily human) is chased, trapped and, eventually, killed. There are
basically two ways of legitimizing and naturalizing violence: one is by
dehumanization while the other is based on the "scale of needs# or "prior-
ity of interests#. Firstly, the dehumanization, animalization or naturaliza-
tion of certain groups (Indians, blacks, jews, women and, more recently,
"terrorists#) is a well-known political tool to exercise power over them,
something that would be unacceptable without the use of such monicker;
by viewing them as beasts we feel entitled to dominate and guard them.
But we have a practical problem in regard to the opposite movement (the
anthropomorphization of non-anthropomorphically designed animals),
which is equally seen as an epistemological error and an ethical and po-
litical danger (Mitchell et.al.:1997). However, do we exactly know what
anthropomorphism is in order to decide when the concept is unduly ex-
trapolated to other animals? This is something I will later discuss by un-
derlining limitations in Ingold!s ontology, for it restores a compartmental-
ized view, establishing language, creativity/authorship and self-conscious
projection as something still "exclusively human#
$
. The other accepted
tool is the "scale of needs# or "priority of interests#: it is less controver-
sial to abuse animals for "biological needs# (avoiding being devoured by
4. In my opinion it should be noted that Ingold 1) does not assume this !distinctiveness"
from a !perfectionist" logic (Cavalieri 2009), that is, the belief that some beings have a
moral status which others lack; and 2) he does not theoretically reject the possibility that
in the future some animals may !develop their own symbolic and linguistic competences of
their own $that is, if they have not done so already" (Ingold, 1988a: xix).
animals or contracting illnesses from them by consuming them) than due
to !cultural needs" (entertainment, tradition); a well-known argument
among animal rights activists. Also, human interests, even those consid-
ered most trivial or superuous, go before the interests of other animals
in keeping their lives and environment; this, of course, depending on the
legal, social and economic taxonomies established by humans who act
with or against those animals (Kim, 2007; Ramrez, 2002). Here an inter-
esting interpretation emerges: that of !animal geographies"; an interpreta-
tion to be developed according to the politics and history of the diverse
agents involved (Wolch and Emel, 1998; Johnston, 2008). Is it enough
to state that, unlike other differences between humans, this one is !effec-
tively natural" and, therefore, it legitimizes violent treatment and exploi-
tation of other animals? Accepting, as I nd it urging, that the ontological
status of animals is truly the same (Ingold, 1988a: xxiv) &whether they
are human or not&, political and ethical questions will arise in years to
come. The debate shall be founded on ethnographic information which
must give an account of what happens, how and why, no matter the
place: in public squares, military occupied zones, native peoples# hunting
and shing areas or tourist attractions, small ranches and large industrial
breeding complexes, as well as those compounds where animal products
are commercialized, where animals are fattened and slaughtered
$
.
I would like to contrast Escher#s image !Plane Filling II" (1957), used
as the cover for What is an Animal? &book edited by Ingold (1988a)&,
with the cover of philosopher Adela Cortina#s recent book, The bounda-
ries of the person. The Value of Animals, the Dignity of Humans (2009).
In Escher#s lithography the image saturated with gures of diverse ani-
mals in whose outlines other animals grow; recognizable animals, most of
them, molluscs, birds, shes, humans% a guitar and some other fantas-
tic, impossible or monstrous animals. The jigsaw of images connects and
relates each gure to the whole. Each movement and gesture resonates in
5. Some activists ghting for !animal rights" can$t see advance in their agenda when our
ethnographical descriptions provide evidence that human-animal interactions in contexts of
conventionally accepted violence (e.g., bullghting and horse riding games) are not based
on the notion that the other animal is a depersonalized automat, but an agent, a person
without moral or legal responsibility regarding its own actions which is sought after pre-
cisely due to its unexpected and creative behavior during the game, from his/her own ex-
perience %non-human animal experience. This new ontological approach in anthropology
seems to be insufcient in order to defend animals &so they say. The cruel machinery and
lack of attention remain whether the one who is being tortured in the bullring is a non-
human person. No one cares for the fact that the one on your table or in your dish once
was a person. At the other end, some authors are worried about humans$ destiny and the
defense of their rights, if the traditional human-animal hierarchy is questioned (Ramrez,
2004 and 2008).
others with polychrome intensity overowing Escher!s black and white
tones. In Cortina!s book, on the other hand, we nd two columns. One
of vertebrates! silhouettes (cow, horse, elephant, pig, dove, dog, cat and
mandrill), motionless, lined up, separate, facing the right; the other col-
umn showing an adult human male, facing the viewer or against him "it
is not clear&, in a stiff position. Between both columns there is a notable
dotted line with the symbol of a pair of scissors on its lower left side; #cut
here$, it seems to convey. Escher!s creation, published on Ingold!s book
cover, expresses interanimality and interagentivity. There is no chance
of cutting space without mutilating any gure. The cut is neither central
nor appropriate. Anthropology is here seen as anthrozoology and ecol-
ogy. However, according to Cortina!s worldview, dignity is placed on the
stereotypic human (the only one to be considered a person) and value
(price, estimate, use) is placed on the rest of animals. Between dignity
and value there is the same metaphysical difference to be found between
the soul (immortal) and the body (mortal). The rst image challenges us
to accurately describe how lives, deaths and movements are intertwined,
without taking easy or comfortable solutions into account. Thus, reect-
ing anthropology!s main task. The second orders things putting them in
place, cleaning that which is blurred, facilitating analytical operations,
the justifying of interests% and domains.
While tracking the traces of a philosopher!s intuitions in an anthro-
pologist!s work "a task I decided to undergo as a tribute to the former&,
I found myself questioning this separation between philosophy and an-
thropology as quiet arbitrary and comfortable only for those who!d rath-
er remain idle. As a philosopher, Merleau-Ponty is a difcult case, for his
work is lled with biologists, ethologists, anthropologists, philosophers
#of science$, novelists, painters, musicians% a man little inclined to focus
exclusively on Husserl!s phenomenological method or on areas associ-
ated with ofcial philosophy, as such. Without a doubt, as an anthro-
pologist, Ingold is another controversial subject. The fact that he deals
with philosophical and aesthetic problems, while openly acknowledging
it, seemed to me refreshing and encouraging, although two gestures often
found in him I consider to be mistaken: to criticize Geertz
&
and to accept
6. Ingold portrays Geertz as the bluntest version of the hermeneutic turn in anthropology,
something I do not nd properly grounded, if we read Geertz with the aim of tracking down
ideas and not merely as a form of persecution (Ramrez, 2005). Cfr. Ingold, 2000a:374 with
Geertz! text there mentioned #The Impact of the Concept of Culture on the Concept of
Man$; in my opinion, Ingold maintains the same principles as Geertz, that is, that a layered
notion of human is awed, conceiving humanity as made up of a hard and identical core
(human!s biological dimension) and other more diverse and supercial layers (cultures).
The nuance Ingold emphasizes as a great difference in both anthropologists! approach
the !Western/non-Western" conceptual pair. In the latter case, Ingold re-
enacts the same dual image, based on the same metaphysical foundation
I have previously rejected. An apparently clear reference to something
distinctive slips into the valuation and, there, it remains as long as the
referred gures are in line and separated by a clear dotted line. But this
is not the image that we generally nd. According to Ingold#s hint, the
Cree, Ojibwe, Achua$ are non-Western. Are the Mexican Charros in the
US, Western (Ramrez, 2002)? Are the Huichol (Wixaritari) organized
in charreadas and jaripeos in Mexico, Western? In my opinion, we must
abandon the traditional Western and non-Western categories, as long as
they are not xed in a framework explicitly explaining the object of ref-
erence. This framework is not to be found in Ingold#s mentioned work.
1. Tim Ingold. Re-thinking the body, mind, culture
Ingold denes himself as a !perpetual student of anthropology", passion-
ate about natural sciences and the ethical and political commitment they
embody (2000a: x-xv). He chose to study anthropology (in Cambridge),
a degree with potential to ll the void between art, the humanities and
social sciences, in connection, as well, with the natural sciences. For four
decades, Ingold has tried to mobilize anthropological knowledge along
many disciplinary lines and, thus, has fought against several prevailing
trends
%
.
One of these is the theoretical separation between evolution (vi-
tal, organic) and history (technical, cultural). Ingold#s ontology offers
an alternative to this !Western" metaphysic or worldview. Ingold has
questioned the representations which dissociate human beings organic
condition and their proactive potential, imagination and intentionality
(Ingold, 1986, 1999, 2000a and 2000b). He has opposed both construc-
tivist interpretations postulating environmental perception as !construct-
ing representations of the world inside their heads" (Ingold, 2000a: 2),
and evolutionists who, omitting decades of critical literature while using
an !antediluvian notions of culture", portray human beings as informa-
tion-receiving machines; !the accounts of the people themselves are pack-
aged as just another &traditional worldview#, supposedly downloaded
over the generations from one passively acquiescent head to another"
(Ingold, 2000b:1-2). He rejects the paradigm that forces us to choose
seems to me out of proportion.
7. This is an effort that has aroused criticism against him; hostility that, in my opinion,
reects impatience and disciplinary prejudice. See, for example, Cartmill (1994).
between human or animal, between a culturally determined world and a
given natural one (1990b: 112 and ss). In !An Anthropologist Looks at
Biology" (1990a), Ingold shows how people grow to exist as intentional-
ity and awareness centres within the sphere of social relations, which, in
turn, are cultivated and transformed by their own actions. Skills grow
differentially, they unfold, are cultivated, they are predetermined neither
by codes (genetic or memetic) that the organisms or subjects themselves
automatically follow, nor are they ex nihilo constructions, beyond or
above the diverse force elds that actively contribute, according to their
difference, to the mentioned dynamic display.
In April 1988 #Ingold says& he noticed that the body-mind, nature-
culture dualism shouldn$t be approached in terms of substance comple-
mentarity (one biophysical, the other sociocultural) attached with psy-
chological cement, but considering the person to be an organism, and
not an addition pasted on top; throughout organic life$s continuum (and
not only in the human sphere) persons/organisms exist and act as nodes
in elds of dynamic relations and compositions, !then we have to think
in a new way not only about the interdependence of organisms and their
environments but also about their evolution" (Ingold, 2000a: 4).
From then on his efforts are framed in this agenda which revolu-
tionizes forms of knowledge and practices, for it requires the combina-
tion of relational thought in anthropology with ecological approaches in
psychology and applications of systems biology. This synthesis would be
better aimed than the alternative !biosocial" or !biopsychocultural", for
it crucially looks upon human beings not as a singular creative develop-
ment locus but as the continuously unfolding within the eld of interac-
tions among diverse agents &not all of them human. Therefore, he prefers
to speak of interagentivity than of intersubjectivity (Ingold, 1992: 47).
We should not infer that every agent, with practical conscience, is subjec-
tively determined, thoughtful and intellectual, with discursive, narrative
awareness, as we commonly believe adult humans to be.
Another prevailing trend that Ingold challenges is the double sim-
plication of certain analytically identied entities. Within an interaction
process a focus of attention is emphasized, which is limited, in turn, to
a biasedly chosen function or determining feature. Thus, the organic is
doubly simplied as DNA and the latter as a !genetic programme"; hu-
man condition is thought of as cognitivism (intellectualism) and this, in
turn, as the !instructions and blueprints transmitted from one generation
to the next"; the organism is seen as natural while the natural is consid-
ered as given; the non-human animal$s relationship with its environment
is looked upon as passive, identied with instinct (mechanic, organic,
automatic response to certain stimuli); objectication and distancing are
interpreted as mediated by vision (rather than hearing), while the latter is
considered a privileged form of perception proper to Western scientism.
We will return to this point later on.
Finally, in relation to this confrontation, Ingold rejects an anthropo-
logical trend that reies cultural differences, making them into !explana-
tion" devices for cultural differences (intrahuman and extrahuman). The
realm common to humans and non-humans is thus severed in as many
compartments as !cultures" (obviously, human only) that are analytically
detected by the use of well-known ethnographical indicators: language,
religion, knowledge, technologies# In opposition to this, and according
to Ingold,
the world is not a determined state of affairs but a !going on", which
is constantly being furthered by agents within it. And these agents are
not only human, but include other organisms as well. The world is
not !there" for us or anyone else to represent or to fail to represent;
the world is come into being through our activities [#] we cannot
exclusively privilege us human beings with this world-producing ef-
fort $for the world is coming into being through the activities of all
living agencies. At the root of the argument, then, is a question about
our understanding of human uniqueness (Ingold, 1990b: 115).
Thus, according to this perspective, anthropology must give an account
of an heterogeneous, multiple and dynamic intercorporal composition,
that only eventually and in a limited form includes discursive, projec-
tive actions# that is, the conversation which, according to Ingold, is
exclusive and specic to humans, found only among humans (Ingold,
1988:94-97).
2. Ontology of dwelling
As Esteban Krotz has pointed out (1990: 8), since anthropology%s origins
as a scientic discipline in the 19th century, the culture-nature relation-
ship has been one of the discipline%s most discussed and recurring topics.
It is notable to nd the opposite poles within this interaction to be forever
changing, not only from an interdisciplinary perspective but even from a
given author%s viewpoint, depending on the concerned time period. For
example, in his Elementary Structures of Kinship, seventeen years after
its rst edition, Claude Lvi-Strauss bravely recognized in the Preface that
the criteria used to distinguish and oppose nature to culture was neither
empirically sufciently founded nor well conceptualized philosophically:
As far as the contrast between nature and culture is concern, the pre-
sent strata of knowledge and that of my own thought (the one, more-
over, following upon the other) would seem in several respects to
present a paradox. My proposal was to trace the line of demarcation
between the two orders guide by the presence or absence of articu-
lated speech [!] But on the other hand, the appearance of certain
phenomena has made this line of demarcation, if not less real, then
certainly more tenuous and tortuous than was imagined twenty years
ago. Among insects, sh birds and mammals, complex processes of
communication, which now and then bring true symbols into play,
have been discovered. We also know that certain birds and mammals,
notably chimpanzees in the wild state, can fashion and use tools [!].
The question then is just how far the contrast between nature and
culture may be pushed (Lvi-Strauss, 1966:xxix)
"
Despite Lvi-Strauss# concession, almost half a century ago, the men-
tioned opposition is well established and basically unquestioned in the
case of most social and humanistic sciences. It is not the case with anthro-
pology, which has frequently discussed this distinction#s texture, function
and implications in depth; even questioning the use of the $culture% con-
cept in anthropology (Ramrez, 2005). Among other problems attached
to the term, Western neo-colonialism stands out: $cultures% are always
those of others contained in museums, seen as exotic, post/colonized,
folkloric, indigenous.
8. Although, tricky, for after recognizing his mistake in taking the !current human" (Cro-
Magnon) as the only cultural being, he blames the species:
The question then is just how far the contrast between nature and culture
may be pushed. Its simplicity would be illusory if it had been largely the work
of the genus Homo (antiphrastically called sapiens), savagely devoted to elimi-
nating doubtful forms believed to border on the animal; inspired as it pre-
sumably was some hundreds of thousands of years or more ago by the same
obtuse and destructive spirit which today impels it to destroy other living
forms, having annihilated so many human societies which had been wrongly
relegated to the side of nature simply because they themselves did not repu-
diate it (Naturvlken); as if from the rst it alone had claimed to personify
culture as opposed to nature, and to remain now, except for those cases where
it can totally bend it to its will, the sole embodiment of life as opposed to
inanimate matter. By this hypothesis, the contrast of nature and culture would
be neither a primeval fact, nor a concrete aspect of universal order. Rather it
should be seen as an articial creation of culture, a protective rampant thrown
up around it because it only felt able to assert its existence and uniqueness by
destroying all the links that lead back to its original association with the other
manifestations of life (Lvi-Strauss, 1966: xxix-xxx).
Several anthropologists have written !against culture", for a range of
reasons. Lila Abu-Lughod has done so in order to favour the acknowl-
edgement of human diversity (Abu-Lughod, 1991) against the exotiza-
tion of people being researched for the sole reason of having cultures,
languages and, therefore, !worlds", supposedly very different from ours.
Wikan, on the other hand, rejects the concept of culture for the sake of
practicing Davidson#s !charity principle"; in accordance with the !wide
naturalist theory" and the pragmatic theory of language that places em-
phasis on tacit communication beyond the meaning of spoken words,
concepts, texts and discourses (Wikan, 1992:471 y 464-465).
At the far end of this position, Tim Ingold not only writes against
Tylors and Lowies culture concepts (whether one idealizes culture as
the essential curriculum of Humankind or the other identies it with
arbitrary actions), but in favour of the total attening of the worlds land-
scape. According to him, we must reject this key concept (culture) in
order to imagine the world where people dwell in a continuous and un-
limited landscape, endlessly varied in its features and contours yet with-
out seams or brakes (Ingold 1993:226 cited by Hannerz, 1993: 98 and
Brumann, 1999: 13).
It is difcult for this idea not to echo Deleuze and Guattari#s notion of
the !smooth and striated". The grooves that dominate space, cutting and
elevating culture above nature, positioning humanity above animals, the
metropolis above rusticity, can be revealed as a form of abstract action,
enabling steps and recombination, smoothing space, while recognizing
the coexistence of differentiated forces. Thus, the groove to distinguish
culture from nature embodied in Lvi-Strauss# !language/instrument", is
shaken, changes speed, is blurred as a awed lm, reacting to the per-
spectives of anthropologists, ethologists and psychologists: chimpanzees
in Gombe, wolves, birds, scenopoetes
!
or nest builders that dedicate so
much time and bodily efforts, sense of rhythm, to gradually improve their
ability, just as, according to Collias and Collias, !it seem to us that what
every young male weaver has to learn is what in subjective terminology
one would call $judgement#" (cited by Ingold 1998b: 360). After shaking
the groove it can be reinstalled as part of common sense: !for it to be
considered culture it has to be done by people such as us" (Ingold 1997);
anatomically modern humans, rejecting a great amount of contemporary
humanities, which are different from ours and people coming from other
species also affecting the world. !There is, in truth, no species-specic,
essential form of humanity, no way of saying what an $anatomically mod-
9. A bird Deleuze and Guattari talk about in !Del ritornelo" that uses the leaves of trees
as form of expression.
ern human! is apart from the manifold ways in which humans actually
become" (Ingold, 2000: 391).
Ingold focuses his ethnographical arguments on hunter-gatherer
groups and shepherds dwelling in different regions of the planet, espe-
cially in the Arctic circumpolar area. According to reports Ingold takes
from Feit, Scott and Tanner, several Canadian Cree groups say they hunt
the animal that is generously self-offered to them for food. Ingold en-
courages us to believe this, not in a condescending way, as if the hunter
were deceiving himself (conveniently for himself) or trying to lie; he en-
courages us to attentively listen to the reality this relation reveals: the
recognition of a link between man and the animal, the interest in the ani-
mal!s behaviour and the debt of gratitude toward it. Ingold considers this
form of knowledge, not as competing with biological science, but as an
intuition, #sentient ecology" (he borrows the term from David Anderson,
who researched the Taymyr in northern Siberia), pre-objective and pre-
ethical. Poetics of dwelling (Ingold, 1998a: 24-27).
In the Ojibwe, according to reports by Hallowell, Callicot, Bird-
David and Black, Ingold nds the same basic idea: there is a knowledge,
or poetics of knowledge, that lead to the effective ontology, that which is
not to be considered an alternative to scientic knowledge but a founda-
tion improving the former (Ingold 2000a: 110).
In general, Ingold argues that hunter-gatherers do not interact with
their environment as with an external world to be conceptually domi-
nated or symbolically appropriated. They don!t consider themselves to be
conscious beings facing a hostile and mute world. According to Ingold,
the way in which these groups exist cannot be considered as a represen-
tation of their worldview, their cultural tradition, their folklore. Ingold
offers another option
What I wish to suggest is that we reverse this order of primacy, and
follow the lead of hunter-gatherers in taking the human condition to
be that of a being immersed from the start, like other creatures, in
an active, practical and perceptual engagement with constituents of
the dwelt-in world. This ontology of dwelling, I contend, provides
us with a better way of coming to grips with the nature of human
existence than does the alternative, Western ontology whose point
of departure is that of a mind detached from the world, and that has
literally to formulate it $ to build an intentional world in conscious-
ness $ prior to any attempt at engagement. The contrast, I repeat, is
not between alternative views of the world; it is rather between two
ways of apprehending it, only one of which (the Western) may be
characterised as the construction of a view, that is, as a process of
mental representation. As for the other, apprehending the world is
not a matter of construction but of engagement, not of building but
of dwelling, not of making a view of the world but of taking up a
view in it (Ingold, 1992:42).
Ingold is not using ethnography (the description of other forms of life) to
relativize culturally differentiated representations in relation to humanity
and animality or between culture and nature
!"
. He is using the discipline
to project the perception hunter-gatherers have of their own existence as
net ontology, not the metaphysics of subjects and intersubjectivity that
prevails in the #West$. I nd this idea to be compatible with Merleau-
Ponty%s position, expressed in La Nature (1956: 277n.a), where he ap-
peals to mythical thought, in this case, expressed in the Inuit%s animal
masks, as the best way to indicate the relationship between humanity
and animality
!!
.
Even more, for hunter-gatherers% consciousness is neither an addi-
tion on the cusp of organic life nor an exclusive privilege of the #human$
species,
Now the ontological equivalence of humans and animals, as organ-
ism-persons and as fellow participants in a life process, carries a cor-
ollary of capital importance. It is that both can have points of view.
In other words, for both the world exists as a meaningful place, con-
stituted in relation to the purposes and capabilities of action of the
10. The next step, once the critique of ethnocentrism is assumed, Geertz, for example,
proclaims when he says: !We [anthropologists] have been the rst to insist on a number
of things: that the world does not divide into the pious and the superstitious; that there
are sculptures in jungles and paintings in deserts; that political order is possible without
centralized power and principled justice without codied rules; that the norms of reason
were not xed in Greece, the evolution of morality not consummated in England. Most
important, we were the rst to insist that we see the lives of others through lenses of our
own grinding and that they look back on ours through ones of their own." (Geertz, 1986:
123-124). According to Ingold$s encouragement of criticism, we would continue by saying
that !Westerners" (his term) cover their eyes with lenses that provide them with a view that
makes them perceive their distance where there is none (with and facing the object) and
their dignity. This reects !Western" metaphysics, stating that there are three substances:
physical-chemical/the inert, living/animals, people/spirit; every person has a dignity that
non-people lack, non-humans are not to be considered persons under no circumstance. To
cap it all, !Westerners" consider that thanks this to this mediation (lenses) they see some-
thing. Hunter-gatherers use less amboyant lenses and see what they can with their whole
corporality, without the illusion of !distance" (Ingold, 1988 and 1994).
11 See also Scarso (2007) to compare the styles of thought of Merleau-Ponty and Lvi-
Strauss on the subject of the animal and, at the same time, the intent to show here, in mythi-
cal thought, the point contact between both.
being in question. Western ontology, as we have seen, denies this,
asserting that meaning does not lie in the relational contexts of the
perceiver!s involvement in the world, but is rather laid over the world
by the mind (Ingold 1992: 51).
This is one of the most radical ontological formulations I have found,
within or outside philosophy. He afrms the existential equivalence and
doesn!t immediately introduce "but!#
$%
, which would quiet the anxiety
in the face of a possible indistinctness, the loss of the point where some-
thing which is exclusively human elevates itself above "mere# animality,
even at the expense of not being present in every "anatomically modern
human#, nor always among those in which it manifests itself (reason&
something). Instead of appeasing the restlessness induced by the thought
of what positions us in a situation of privilege 'in our mind&, Ingold digs
deeper, rejecting the notion of meaning as something exclusively ours,
for meaning is not something reserved only for those who have human
mental and intellectual gifts. In the absence of God, which guarantees
spiritual salvation and distinction from other animals, and with a con-
cept of culture that has also lost its function as a source of salvation, this
ontological equivalence may be seen as an unbearable idea to some.
Ingold does leave a crack for something that might serve as an "ele-
ment of distinction#. The ontological equivalence is present among sensi-
tive, suffering and conscious organisms/persons/agents, but only human
animals would have a unique tool: that of language, the "skill of skills#
(1998b: 361), which is exceptional in conforming our thoughts, our mind
and our communication with other humans. This implies a great many
consequences: the possibility of acting innovatively, by following an ab-
stract, imagined and projected plan. To execute an agenda authored by a
planner, incarnated in the narration of an idea to be realized. Something
that shouldn!t be done by following a pre-established tradition, as even
so-called humans commonly do (Ingold, 1988: 94-97), and much less to
continue tradition by a mere act of external observation and imitation.
Overall, I share the distinction and believe this is the approach to be
followed, nding a rst example of this in Herder!s Treatise on the Origin
of Language (1772), where he rejects the idea of language as a divine gift
to which humans are entitled in order to express reason as a faculty they
have been endowed with; a faculty (reason) looked upon as complete and
formed. According to Herder, reason, whatever it be, is not pure. It has
evolved in language and through humans! actions while squarely con-
12. As in Orwells novel, Animal Farm: All animals are equal, but some animals are more
equal than others.
fronting and browsing the world (something essential to the anthropos,
as Herder puts it in his Ideas for a Philosophy of History of Humanity),
as animals. Herder also emphasizes the fact that humans exist as crea-
tures dwelling in a world inhabited by forces and animal presences, with
which we establish much more complex interaction than that of predator
and prey. The truth is humans learn to deal with new environments by
coexisting with animals.
It is important to maintain this practical, carnal, relationship be-
tween thought and expression (!expressiveness") so that one is not dis-
sociated from the other, at the risk of &as Morgan showed in his descrip-
tion of beavers# constructions (Ingold 1988b: 84-87)& considering them
(other animals) not as brutes (not lacking reason or mind) but as mute
(they only lack language). However, there exists a collateral risk in main-
taining this !expressiveness" in a radical way: it can confuse the lack of a
form of language with the lack of intelligence or dementia $mistake made
by Herder as to deaf-mute people, who at the time did not have a !proper
language" alternative to the heard/spoken form.
I may share Ingold#s view on the dance of the bees around nectar-
secreting owers (1988b: 92-93) as a non-dialogic interaction; the dance
is not an intentional game of mental representations among thinking sub-
jects (Ramrez, 2003). He is right when he says that they communicate
without the use of words, lacking the intellectual constructions that these
entail. However, I believe that back then (1988) he discussed !languages"
taught to apes and other animals under laboratory conditions too swiftly:
!the animal was merely emitting conditioned responses to covert stimuli
of which even the investigator was unaware" (Ingold, 1988b: 91)
%&
; he
went through intra-species# animal sociability and the ways of in-group
communication too quickly (!they have nothing to say to one another"),
notwithstanding the fact that these forms seem few compared to the
complexity of human conversation (1988b: 91); he discussed the rela-
tions between other species and humans too supercially and, nally, he
too quickly examined the subject of anthropological observation as an
avenue to understand forms of communication between diverse species.
Ingold established then what he considered to be a fundamental proposi-
tion: !Conversation across boundaries of culture is absolutely different
from communication across boundaries of species! (Ingold, 1988b: 94).
This proposition is limited to the creation of two distinct columns while
drawing a dotted line between them. But we should aspire to more. We
must ask anthropological questions by taking into account the differ-
13. Which he seems to revise when he writes the Introduction to his book (1988a).
ences, without annihilating them by establishing identity or the absoluti-
zation of differences.
In regard to this, it is important to check the articles published
in journals such as Animals and Society, Anthrozos, and Journal for
Critical Animal Studies. Also Barbara Noske!s work (1989), that of
Donna Haraway (2008), as well as the patiently researched publications
merging anthropology and primatology, which have exposed similar
modes of "conversing# and innovating among animals in their environ-
ment. The latter have revealed among animals problems such as "betrayal
of trust# or the frustration of foreseen expectations, so interesting in the
realm of communicative interactions between different species, as hap-
pens in collective shing with wild dolphins in Brazil, shepherding with
dogs, cattle slicing or bullghting on horseback. I believe Ingold, at the
time, hastened to belittle any investigation on communication channels
between different animals, because "$no amount of searching for alter-
native channels of communication, or attempts to inculcate human-like
communicative modes in animals, will reveal thoughts that are not there#
(1988b: 95). The question is not if they think and talk "like us#, but how
we (animals) agree on doing something, how we get to act collectively,
knowing each member will carry out its part, also beyond species-related
boundaries, and how, among different species, judgement intervenes in
improving or jeopardising collective action. The easy way out, seeing
"conditioned responses# in other animals! actions, is not today as clear
and satisfactory as it was twenty years ago.
3. Merleau-Ponty in Ingold.
Critique of the anthropology of the senses
3.1 Living, sentient
The studies on Merleau-Ponty agree on emphasizing the turn he under-
went in his last period, focusing on nature, its history and the different
scientic disciplines that had been developed in the rst half of the 20
th

century, carrying out interesting critiques regarding the latter. The litera-
ture dealing with subjects such as nature, ecology, corporality and body-
language in Merleau-Ponty!s work is now extensive
%&
; more precisely, in
14. Naming only works available in English, Italian and Spanish, studies on Merleau-Pon-
ty!s inuence on ecology and ontology are worth mentioning, starting with numbers 2 and
8 of Chiasmi Internacional, Analecta Husserliana (2007), articles in Logos, by Alicia Po-
chel (1992, 1993, 1998), other contributions by Mauro Carbone (2000), Mara del Car-
men Lpez (2006), Renault Barbaras (2001, 2004), Buchanan (2008), works by Johnson
the eld of animals and animality.
In reference to Portmann and Merleau-Ponty, Jacques Dewitte pos-
tulates the need to assume a !critical anthropomorphism". That is, a re-
exive position on the search for conditions of possibility regarding the
knowledge of the living, and the life of the animal in particular. This
would be done in order to rehabilitate a certain form of reference to
human experience in its access to other forms of life, showing neither in-
sensitive objectivism nor sentimentalism, while appealing to the aesthetic
dimension in order to found a new alliance between humans and ani-
mals. We are dealing with a practical attitude in which the reunion with
the animal arouses the decentralization of the human who, with the aid
of imagination, accepts transference toward the other pole of perspective
(Dewitte 2002: 256).
Glen Mazis (2000) considers interanimality to be part of Merleau-
Pontys nature concept, along with landscape (travel) and the oneiric.
The value given to the species category in order to advance towards a
new ontology is not looked upon as the ontology of the isolated indi-
vidual, but as a fabric of interspatiality, a circuit where humans may con-
struct their identity with other bodies, whether animal bodies or things
(Mazis 2000: 242).
Elizabeth Behnke (1999) describes her experience of reversibility
between perception and intracorporality in an interspecic situation: a
virtual ght among cats in her courtyard. Overcoming her fear, while
implementing her skills to enforce peace, she physically (through intra-
corporality) !makes sense" with the bellicose felines and dissuades them
from ghting
#$
.
Ted Toadvine (2007) explores Merleau-Pontys works in search of the
presence or absence of the animal subject, to show that the strange
kinship we share is due to the ambiguous position held by animals
in the authors system. On the one hand, his allusion to animal life as
a melodic unity expresses the formers irreducible and original char-
acter; but, on the other, he holds a position of incommensurability
that brings him closer to Schelers spiritualist position than to Berg-
sons vitalism (2007: 17).
and Smith (1990), Evans and Lawlor (2000), Cataldi and Hamrick (2007), among others.
15 Her work is particularly useful due to the fact that it deals with the inter-corporality'
intra-species antithesis in agonistic games with livestock units (horse shows, public estas,
bullghts, etc.): !make sense" not in order to pacify but to enrage the beast, for the core
of these celebrations is the aesthetic of violence, its cultivation in genealogical lines of erce
!castes" and with experiences that encourage certain types of behavior or animal perfor-
mance (Ramrez 2002).
In general, investigations on this subject in Merleau-Ponty!s work
point out the French thinker!s conception of the living being as a consti-
tutive reference, ontologically relevant, to perception and sense.
Also, in anthropology non-human animals have largely been dealt
with as substance (nourishment and source of raw matter required for
multiples processes carried throughout human existence) and as symbol:
typically the totem or the emblem that serves to identify a human group
in order to distinguish it from and relate it to others. These characteri-
zations of the animal have been associated with materialist positions,
explaining the relationship between men and animals in economic terms
as well as in terms of protein supply, and with intellectualist positions,
symbolical-structuralist theories focusing their explanation on the "elec-
tion# of the totemic animal, not just because it is "good to eat#, but be-
cause its species expresses habits and characteristics that make it "good to
think# (Lvi-Strauss 1962; Shanklin 1985, Willis 1990). Apart from this
"structural# opposition, which is at the heart of one of modernity!s most
relevant theoretical controversies, we can point out Molly H. Mullin
(1999) and the title of her revisionist article: Mirrors and Windows:
Sociocultural Studies of Human-Animal Relationships. Human-animal
studies have mirrored our condition, our past, as well as windows to-
ward other conceptual and intellectual landscapes.
But the treatment provided by Ingold, which echoes the thought of
Merleau-Ponty, adjusts neither to the mentioned interpretations nor to
any of these four metaphors (substance, symbol, mirror, window) when
dealing with the effective and vital human-animal relationship. As we
have seen, Ingold!s perspective is founded on the rapport between hu-
mans and a living, sentient, active and passive world, which perceives,
moves, acts and experiences existence.
3.2 See, hear and move
The bulk of texts in which Ingold resorts to Merleau-Ponty!s ideas re-
fer to perception, the bodily/existential dynamics and cultural difference.
Almost all of these have been compiled in his book The Perception of
the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill (2000). His
earliest work referring directly to Merleau-Ponty was originally pub-
lished in 1991: "Building, Dwelling, Living: How animals and people
make themselves at home in the world#. In the latter, largely based on
von Uexkll!s work, he contrasts what he calls the "dwelling perspective#
with the "building perspective# and scrutinizes conventional ideas, as the
alleged distinction between humans and other animals due to considering
the former as building their own world (and !"suspended in webs of sig-
nicance man himself has spun#) while animals are limited to occupying
space. Ingold criticizes the !building perspective# which essentially pos-
tulates rst, that the human being (exclusively) designs artefacts, builds
his own environment, enforces order and then dwells in it, as Godelier
held &following Marx (Ingold, 1991: 179). However, the !dwelling per-
spective# considers the organism-person immersion in its own habitat as
an inescapable condition for existence; the starting point is the animal-in-
his-environment and not the self-contained individual who intellectually
projects a world and then inhabits it. !Building, then, is a process that is
continually going on, for as long as people dwell in an environment. It
does not begin here, with a pre-formed plan, and end there, with a n-
ished artefact# (Ingold, 1991: 188).
In !Culture, perception and cognition# (1996a) Ingold shows how im-
portant it is for anthropology to approach the question on cultural differ-
ence from cognitive science, ecological psychology and phenomenology.
He considers the phenomenological approach to contribute notably to
the adequate comprehension of the problem and believes anthropologists
who start reading Merleau-Ponty (Michael Jackson, Thomas Csordas),
though late, are on the right track toward a paradigm alien to Cartesian
dualities (body and mind, object and subject). Despite the obstacles hin-
dering the development of this phenomenological anthropology
$%
, Ingold
considers the separation between anthropology, psychology and ecology
to be completely unjustied.
There are other scanty references to the Phenomenology of Perception
in other chapters of Ingold&s book. I will focus on one chapter that, as
an exception, seems to be truly written for this book
$'
. It is titled !Stop,
look and listen! Vision, hearing and human movement# (Ingold, 2000c).
Here Ingold seriously questions the anthropology of the senses, a line of
investigation derived from MacLuhan&s The Gutenberg Galaxy (1962),
which suggests that the invention of the printing press started a new era,
16. He names three obstacles: A problematic status remains regarding biology and even
those who claim to ght the body/mind distinction from the embodiment paradigm rein-
force the paradigm by repositioning the body and placing it, as a subject, next to culture.
Ingold says: a nal step must be taken, to !recognize that the body is the human organism,
and that the process of incorporation is one and the same in the development of the organ-
ism in its environment" (Ingold 1996b: 170). The second obstacle: we will advance very
little if we emphasize incorporation at the expense of !enmindment". The third and last: the
phenomenological approach, if it is enriching to consider human experience from a close
perspective, it shouldn$t disregard cognitive science$s efforts (e.g. articial intelligence).
17. This is a detail that is not discussed in Toms Snchez-Criados (extensive and accurate)
review of Ingolds book.
characterized by an absolute hegemony of vision; a sense that reies,
objecties, is analytic and atomizing, applies distance and a logical se-
quence to every object which might fall into its range. The ethnographies
that have been elaborated in this direction corroborate the question from
which they emerged: there are cultures where vision dominates (and they
are portrayed as such and such) and cultures where hearing prevails (de-
picted in such and such way). In favour of this duality of cultural styles
we nd many examples among philosophers and intellectuals in history,
as well as ethnographic evidence, that examines everyday speech to verify
if one says !I see" or !I hear" when referring to the act of understanding.
Thus, two explanatory facts are brought to light: one, a long Western
tradition considered as !vision-centred" and two, the relevance of hearing
among non-Western societies. While vision represents the external world
of existence, hearing represents the participative socialization within an
ever-changing world.
Ingold criticizes this form of anthropology by showing that the radical
contrast between sight and hearing is based on the anthropologist#s intel-
lectual tradition supposedly !verifying it", among informants. He also
compares the ethnographies provided by MacLuhan#s associates with
others which provide experiences different from perception. He resorts
to autobiographies by people who became blind or deaf, not in order to
carry out speech analysis but to comprehend the sense itself, if the loss of
a !channel of perception" implies a limitation to one of the two forms
$%
.
He also discusses Descartes# optics, the meaning of light (lumen and lux)
and reviews three 20
th
century thinkers who sought for alternatives to
the !metaphysics of vision": Hans Jonas, James Gibson and Maurice
Merleau-Ponty.
These thinkers make up the speculation-participation-form triad of
being, that Ingold develops in the following way: according to Jones,
!vision was indeed the superior sense, due not to its identication with
reason, but to its peculiar phenomenal properties. The second, James
Gibson [&] argued that perception is an activity not of the mind, upon
18. He presents the texts of David Wright (who became deaf at seven years of age) and John
Hull, blind, to show that these individuals, just as the rest of people/organisms, perceive
their environment with their body as a whole. Thus, there exists the possibility to hear by
seeing and to see by hearing. Wright describes his perception of sonic rhythm as a bird in
ight: !each species creating a different "eye-music#, from the nonchalant melancholy of
seagulls to the staccato itting of birds.$ (Ingold, 2000c: 268). With Hull, Ingold recovers
the experience in which a blind person can sense the outlines surrounding him: with rain.
!Falling rain creates continuity of acoustic experience&Rain has a way of bringing out the
contours of everything; it throws a coloured blanket over previously invisible thing& This
is an experience of great beauty#$ (Ingold, 2000c: 271).
the deliverances of sense, but of the whole organism in its environmental
setting! (Ingold, 2000c: 258). The third,
Maurice Merleau-Ponty, has perhaps gone further than any other re-
cent thinker in recognising that vision is not just a matter of seeing
things but is crucially an experience of light ["] Like Gibson, Mer-
leau-Ponty stressed that while there cannot be vision without move-
ment, this movement must also be visually guided ["] But whereas
Gibson asked how it is possible for the perceiver to see objects in the
environment, Merleau-Ponty went one step further back. For how
could there be an environment full of objects, he asked, except for
a being that is already immersed in the lifeworld, in #the soil of the
sensible$! (Ingold, 2000c: 258-263).
In further pages Ingold continues in the same vein, recovering Merleau-
Ponty$s perspective, situating the viewer as perceiver immersed in a ho-
listic manner within the course of existence and as dwelling in a visible
world. He concludes this section by summarizing his itinerary, from
a notion of vision as a form of speculation (Jonas), to participation
(Gibson) and, nally, of vision as a mode of being (Merleau-Ponty). The
mistake made by the anthropology of the senses, as it is currently presen-
ted, deals with the naturalization of properties of those channels (vision
and hearing) by comparing them and then attributing such properties to
the %cultures! themselves.
On the other hand, in this situation a double simplication takes
place. We reduce existence to a %sense! (vision) and its supposed attrib-
utes, and, thus, we characterize it as a cultural type of being: %[It is] un-
reasonable to blame vision for the ills of modernity ["] I believe that the
responsibility for reducing the world to a realm of manipulable objects
lies not with the hegemony of vision but with a #certain narrow concep-
tion of thought! (Ingold, 2000c: 287).
Conclusions
Tim Ingold is one of the contemporary and working anthropologists who
recovers Merleau-Ponty$s work in order to provide a theoretical-method-
ological agenda of great importance for anthropology: to nurture a new
ontology that may serve to reinstall the intercorporality / interagentivity
/ interspatiality dynamism as an achievement reached with the use of
various scientic and philosophical disciplines, while paying special at-
tention to ethnographical knowledge. This achievement reveals a need
to question (while keeping an eye on) how the different departments of
knowledge, which analytically x or identify cultures, senses or biologi-
cal species, are established.
In my opinion, for ontology to be viable it must be in composi-
tion with ecological antrhozoology and with the !poetics of dwelling" we
hear from different agents (some of them human), in different contexts.
Ontology as a revelation of existence from an isolated subjectivity el-
evated to a pure and universal form is, in my view, a dull metaphysical
delusion.
However, there are pending questions to be retaken further down
the road: Does the continuity between interanimality / interagentivity in-
volving humans and other animal species have any ethical and political
consequences? Until now, when someone merely questioned the roots
of power and hierarchy there seemed to be a metaphysical justication
for the instrumentalization of the body, strength, life and death of other
animals. That is, knowing that they !are only animals" and are not rec-
ognized as !relatives" (not even as !estranged relatives"); they are nothing
but raw material within production processes led by the interests of some
humans who have a right to own their meat, their life and death#if
this metaphysical justication of property were questioned and revealed
as a particular worldview, which can and must be overcome as well as
replaced by other more adequate interpretations in accordance with the
latest discoveries in ethology, psychology, anthropology# Would we be
ready to carry out this practical dialogue with the sciences, as well as
with our societies$ life forms? Which non-assumed tasks should our so-
cieties take care of?
Our only legitimate claim is to converse, in a discontinuous way,
with other agents speaking other languages, or speaking none at all, but
who have ways of making themselves understood. In order to do this
it is indispensable for anthropological research to widen its perspective
beyond the biological species and to question certain values currently
looked upon as unquestionable.
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