IT-04-74-T D49192 - D48736 16 March 2009

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THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA

Case No. IT-04-74-T Original: English

TRIAL CHAMBER III

Before: Judge Jean-Claude Antonetti, Presiding Judge Arpad Prandler Judge Stefan Trechsel Reserve Judge Antoine Kesia-Mbe Mindua

Acting Registrar:

Mr. John Hocking

Filed:

13 March 2009 THE PROSECUTOR v. JADRANKO PRLI BRUNO STOJI SLOBODAN PRALJAK MILIVOJ PETKOVI VALENTIN ORI BERISLAV PUI - PUBLIC WITH PUBLIC ANNEXES _______________________________________________________

SLOBODAN PRALJAKS SUBMISSION OF THE EXPERT REPORT OF DR. JOSIP JUREVI

___________________________________________

The Office of the Prosecutor Mr. Kenneth Scott Mr. Douglas Stringer

Counsel for Jadranko Prli Mr. Michael G. Karnavas Ms. Suzana Tomanovi Counsel for Bruno Stoji Ms. Senka Noica Mr. Karim A.A. Khan Counsel for Slobodan Praljak Mr. Boidar Kovai Ms. Nika Pinter

Counsel for Milivoj Petkovi Ms. Vesna Alaburi Mr. Nicholas Stewart Counsel for Valentin ori Ms. Dijana Tomaegovi-Tomi Mr. Drazen Plavec Counsel for Berislav Pui Mr. Fahrudin Ibriimovi Mr. Roger Sahota

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SLOBODAN PRALJAKS SUBMISSION OF THE EXPERT REPORT OF DR. JOSIP JUREVI

1. Pursuant to and for the purposes of Rule 94 bis of the Rules and Evidence and Procedure, the Praljak Defence hereby submits by this pleading the report of expert witness Dr. Josip Jurevi titled Bosnia and Herzegovina 1990 1995 (Expert Report) provided in Annex A in English and Croatian. 2. For the convenience of the Trial Chamber and the parties to this trial, the Curriculum Vitae of Dr. Jurevi is also provided in English and Croatian in Annex B.1 Dr. Jurevi is the sole author of the Expert Report and is, in the Praljak Defences respectful submission, fully qualified to provide expert testimony should it be required in order to submit these reports into evidence. 3. As a professional courtesy, all references have been provided to the Prosecution in February 2009, with the references ordered in a manner to precisely match the footnote number no later than early March 2009. This material is provided herein as Annex C. Accordingly, all reference material is now readily available to all parties. 4. If it is necessary to call Dr. Jurevi, the Praljak Defence will not schedule Dr. Jurevi sooner than 60 days after this submission. Word Count: 386

Respectfully submitted, By

Boidar Kovai and Nika Pinter Counsel for the Accused Slobodan Praljak

Provided in Slobodan Praljaks Submission Pursuant to Rule 65 ter, Annex C on 31 March 2008.

Case No. IT-04-74-T

Prosecutor v. Jadranko Prli, et al.

13 March 2009

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ANNEX A EXPERT REPORT

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Professor Josip JUR^EVI]

Expert Report for the ICTY

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1990 - 1995

Zagreb, December 2008

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CONTENTS
Introduction ..........................................................

I. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA BEFORE THE BREAK-UP OF THE SECOND YUGOSLAVIA (1991) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 HISTORY OF BH TERRITORY (from the Antiquity to 1989) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Basic characteristics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 BH territory from prehistory to the mid-12th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Medieval Bosnian state (1180 - 1463) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 BH in the Ottoman times (1463 - 1878) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 BH under Austria-Hungary (1878 - 1918) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 BH in the first Yugoslavia (1918 - 1941) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 The Croatian Banovina (1939 - 1941) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.7 BH in the Independent State of Croatia (1941 - 1945) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.8 BH in the second Yugoslavia (1945 - 1990) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE BREAK-UP OF THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 KEY PLAYERS IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA AT THE END OF THE 1980s AND IN THE EARLY 1990s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Institutions of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) . . . . 3.1.1. League of Communists of Yugoslavia SKJ . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.2 Yugoslav Peoples Army - JNA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.3 SFRY Presidency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.4 Security services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.5 SFRY Assembly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.6 Federal Executive Council (SIV) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1.7 Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia (SSRNJ) . 3.18 Alliance of Reserve Army Officers (SRVSJ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.19 Federal Association of WWII Veterans (SUBNOR) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Institutions in former Yugoslav republics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 Croatia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Bosna and Herzegovina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 International institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 United Nations (UN) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 European Community (EC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3 Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) . . . . . 4. BREAK-DOWN OF THE INSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM OF THE SECOND YUGOSLAVIA (1990 - 1991) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 1990, the decisive year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 1991 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

II. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FROM 1990 TO 1995 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

2.

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: A STATE OF THREE CONSTITUENT NATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Muslims/Bosniaks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Serbs in BH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Croats in BH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Demographic indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE MAIN POLITICAL CONCEPTS OF THE STRUCTURES OF THE CONSTITIUENT PEOPLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Muslims/Bosniaks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Serbs in BH. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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3.

4. 5.

6.

7.

2.3 Croats in BH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NATIONAL POLITICAL ENTITIES . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 The Patriotic League (PL) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Republika Srpska (RS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 The Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna (HRHB) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . REFERENDUM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE ARMED FORCES OF THE NATIONAL ENTITIES IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 The Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH Army) . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Croatian Defence Council (HVO) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Up to the International Recognition of BH (7 April 1992) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 Cutilheiros Peace Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 From the International Recognition of BH to the Failure of the VanceOwen Peace Plan (7 April 1992 19 May 1993) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 From 20 May 1993 to July 1994 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Owen-Stoltenberg Peace Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 The Washington Agreements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.3 The Peace Plan of the Contact Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IMPORTANT WAR-RELATED TOPICS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Bosnia and Herzegovina in the War against the Republic of Croatia . . . . . . . 7.2 Alija IZETBEGOVI] Taken Prisoner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Armed Attacks against Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 Partial Muslim/Bosniak Croatian armed clashes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.5 The Destruction of Stari most /Old Bridge/ in Mostar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6 The Mujahidin and Al-Qaeda in BH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

III. THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA TOWARDS BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1991 1995) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.

2.

3.

4.

5. 6.

STATE AND POLITICAL LEVEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 The RH Recognises the Independent State of BH (7 April 1992) . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between the R BH and the RH (21 July 1992) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Attempts to Establish Full Cooperation (October 1992 April 1993) . . . . . . 1.4 New Dissent (May October 1993) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 The Process of Establishing Full Cooperation (November 1993-1995) . . . . . REFUGEES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Introductory Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Refugees and Expelled Persons in the Republic of Croatia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Care Provided by the RH for the Refugees from BH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ARMING AND EQUIPPING OF BH ARMY UNITS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Arming and Equipping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Logistics Bases for the BH Army in the Territory of the RH . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 HZHB and the HVO and Arming of the BH Army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ESTABLISHMENT AND TRAINING OF BH ARMY UNITS IN THE TERRITORY OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Establishment of BH Army Units in the Republic of Croatia . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Training of BH Army Units in the Republic of Croatia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MEDICAL TREATMENT RECEIVED BY THE WOUNDED BH ARMY SOLDIERS AND MUSLIM/BOSNIAK CIVILIANS IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA FROM 1992 UNTIL 1995 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . HUMANITARIAN ORGANISATIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA

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7. 8.

FOR COLLECTION OF AID FOR BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA . . . . . . . . . EXTRATERRITORIAL SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA FROM 1992 UNTIL 1994 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . COOPERATION BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE AREA OF SPORT AND CULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Sport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sources and literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Introductory Remarks

This expert report has been written at the request of General Slobodan PRALJAKs defence team in the trial which is currently underway against him and other persons at the International War Crimes Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The defence requested that an expert report be written chiefly on the following: a) History of BH territory and key developments leading up to 1995, with attention to the break-up of the former Yugoslavia and the events in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period between 1990 and 1995. b) Attitude of the RH /Republic of Croatia/ towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, with attention to various crucial phenomena demonstrating and clarifying the attitude of the Republic of Croatia as a state towards the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state, in the period between 1991 and 1995. The author and General Slobodan PRALJAKs defence team agreed on the above basic (temporal, territorial and topical) scope of the expert report and then the author was given full freedom in how he would approach the research, select the methodology, structure the contents, find causal interpretations and present the results. The expert report was done in accordance with the methodological standards applied in historical science. These standards were applied in all phases of the writing of the expert report: from the collection of historical sources and the heuristics, to the reconstruction of simple and complex historical facts and their causal diachronic interpretation.1 The main goal of the expert report is to present the historical causes, flow and consequences of the key developments on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period between 1990 and 1995 in a scholarly and objective manner. The basic cognitive point of departure in the creation of this expert report was the general scientific principle of getting to the truth through the facts. It is important to stress this in the introductory remarks because of the highly disparate and contradictory stereotypes most of which, albeit unacceptable from the scholarly point of view, have been dominating the public (and scientific) discourse on the recent political and war-related events on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. These stereotypes have often been presented as historical facts or historical truths in an attempt to legitimize the illogical and unscholarly postulate of there being many mutually disparate and contradictory historical truths. The creation of these seemingly convincing stereotypes was made possible by the application of a number of unscholarly procedures, all sharing the same basic premise that the end justifies the means. In other words, the stereotypes are what comes first and only later are unscholarly methods used to search for, manufacture and present selective sources to affirm them. The creation of these stereotypes was most certainly facilitated by a vast quantity of material sources (texts, images, video, audio and 3D materials) covering the most recent historical events, as well as a large number of participants and witnesses. Unscholarly selection of these materials led to the creation of unobjective and mutually contradictory stereotypes, i.e. to the erroneous perception of real events. In contrast to this are historical science and its system of methods which make scientifically legitimate and research-oriented reconstruction of historical facts and processes possible. This implies that all research techniques, sources and results used in accordance with scientific standards - are clearly and distinctly presented and
1

Mirjana Gross, Historijska znanost, Zagreb, 1976.

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confidential. Historical knowledge (simple and complex historical facts and interpretations) obtained in this scholarly manner may be considered a credible and adequate base for the objective evaluation of historical events (facts, participants) from the point of view of civilisation, world-view, morale, justice, history or any other aspect.

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I BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA BEFORE THE BREAK-UP OF THE SECOND YUGOSLAVIA (1991)

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I.-1 HISTORY OF BH TERRITORY (from the Antiquity to 1989) I.-1.1 Basic Characteristics

The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (RBH), internationally recognized in 1992, is located in Southeastern Europe, in the north-west part of the Balkan Peninsula. Its surface area (51,129 km2) and population (4,365,000 according to the 1991 census), define RBH as one of the smaller and lesser populated European states. It is bordered by Croatia to the north, west and south and Serbia and Montenegro to the east.2 The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is predominantly mountainous and has numerous rivers flowing inland and along its borders. Its major rivers flow northwards (the Una, Vrbas, Bosna and Drina: they are tributaries of the River Sava which constitutes the border with Croatia) and southwards (the Neretva, which flows into the Croatian part of the Adriatic). Most of the main traffic routes (past and present) also run north-south. Throughout the ages, many rich deposits of various ores and raw materials (iron, coal, silver, gold, lead, salt, etc.) have been discovered and exploited in Bosnia and Herzegovina.3 In addition to the above, its moderate climate, configuration and composition of soil, vegetation, rich animal life, distribution of waterways, fields and precipitation and other geographical features have made Bosnia and Herzegovina very suitable for human settlement,4 which is why its territory has been populated since time immemorial. Its easily recognizable dual name (Bosnia and Herzegovina) - both as a geographic and geopolitical reference - has only been in systematic use since the socalled Austria-Hungary period, i.e. the seventh decade of the 19th century. According to what we know today, the geo-political appellation Bosnia (designating a specific area in the centre of todays Bosnia and Herzegovina) was first used in the 10th century, in a text by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus. This geopolitical appellation is derived from the even older name of the eponymous river (Bosna). The river (like most of the rivers on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina) was named either in Roman times or on the arrival of the Southern Slavs (7th century). The geo-political appellation Herzegovina, or Herzegs /dukes/ land, has been in use since the 15th century, mostly for the southern parts of todays Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many historical aspects, periods and problems encountered on BH territory have been either insufficiently or inexpertly researched. The ones that were researched were often shaped to suit various interests which, throughout BH history, underwent highly dynamic and complex changes (most often by force). Because of its geopolitical and other relevance, throughout history the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a place where various global, regional and local forces (political, military, cultural, religious, etc.) have interacted intensely, each leaving deep marks on all aspects of social life.

2 3

Data taken from Atlas Europe, Zagreb, 1997, pp. 102-103, 305. Ibid, pp. 306 and 310 4 Ibid, pp. 305-306

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These interactions were characterised by exceptionally complex temporal, spatial and qualitative dimensions involving (sometimes even simultaneous) contacts, conflicts, co-existence and syntheses of diversity. Thus, for instance, while many political and military conflicts which took place during the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina had a pronounced historical, religious and international dimension, specific forms of multiculturality and crossculturality also occurred in terms of everyday life and identity. Even the most sweeping view can testify to the fact that one of the key historical traits of social life on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina is its exceptional complexity and lack of stability, as its most recent history has shown. Recognition of this historical continuity will contribute to a more objective identification and assessment of the events which occurred between 1990 and 1995. I-1.2 BH territory from prehistory to the mid-12th century

In Bosnia and Herzegovina there are many archeological finds from all periods of human history. Few finds have been thoroughly researched; most were either partially explored or merely located. An approximately 10,000-year old Paleolithic drawing, a rarity in Europe, was discovered in the Badanj cave (near Stolac in Herzegovina), and Butmir (near Sarajevo) stands out among early Stone Age finds. Several bronze and iron age settlements have been examined (Glasinac, Donja Dolina, Golubi}, etc.). Archaeological finds and other historical sources show that many distinct tribes lived on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early and late Middle Ages: the Illyrians, the Celts, the Greeks, the Romans, the Avars and the Slavs. In the centuries preceding the Modern Era, autochthonous Illyrian tribes (Delmatae, Breuci, Iapodes, etc.) constituted the majority on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina (and the surrounding areas). In 4th century BC, Celtic tribes started penetrating the territory of todays Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 2nd century BC, the Illyrian kingdom, covering mostly the territories of todays Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, started entering with increasing frequency into conflict with the ancient state of Rome, which was spreading its power over the Mediterranean coast and hinterland. At the turn of the Modern era, the Romans consolidated their rule of the Illyrian lands, which they called Illyricum, organising it administratively into two or three Roman provinces. At the time, the territory of todays Bosnia and Herzegovina mostly belonged to the Roman province of Dalmatia, and its northern parts to the province of Pannonia. In 395, when the Roman Empire was divided into the Eastern Roman Empire and Western Roman Empire, the entire BH territory fell under the western half.

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Fig. 1:

BH territory as part of the Roman Empire from the 3rd to the 5th century. (Taken from: Hrvatski povijesni zemljovidi, [kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1996, p. 3)

/translation: Border between the Western and Eastern Roman empires; State border; District border; Roman districts; Old Christian Metropolitan sees; Old Christian Bishopric sees; Towns - colonies; Administrative centres after Diocletians reform; Towns in general; Illyrian tribes; Main roads/ The systematic Romanisation to which the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was subjected during the centuries of Roman administration was manifested in many forms, from large-scale infrastructural projects (settlements, roads, mines) to the conversion of the population to Christianity. For instance, under the Western Roman Empire, part of BH territory belonged to the archdiocese of Salona (near the city of Split in todays Croatia) and the other to the archdiocese of Sirmium (near the city of Sremska Mitrovica in todays Serbia). After the fall of the Western Roman Empire (476 AD), most of the BH territory found itself under the dominion of the Eastern Roman Empire, Eastern Goths and the Byzantium, each ruling with a different style and intensity.5
On the most ancient period of BH history: 1. Pavao An|eli}, Marginalije o tragovima starog rudarstva u srednjoj Bosni in Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja, 38, Sarajevo, 1983; 2. Arheolo{ki leksikon Bosne i Hercegovine, 1-3, Sarajevo, 1988; Alojz Benac, Mla|e kameno i prelazno doba in Kulturna historija BiH, Sarajevo, 1984; 4. Ivo Bojanovski, Bosna i Hercegovina u anti~ko doba, Sarajevo, 1988;
5

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In the second half of the 6th century, during the great migration of the European peoples, the Avar and Slavic tribes started invading BH territory (and the surrounding territories) more frequently, gradually pushing back and assimilating the autochthonous Illyrians and other Romanized ethnic groups. Since hardly any research has been done of BH territory during the Migration Period and the centuries that followed, only some fragments and indirect facts are known today. The few known historical sources tell us that Croatian princes ruled over sometimes smaller and sometimes bigger portions of BH territory from the mid-9th century. Their rule was unstable and lasted for varying periods of time. The same went for the Croatian kings, who ruled from 925 onwards. At the same time, certain Serbian and Montenegrin princes also ruled for brief periods of time over certain portions of BH territory, while Byzantine emperors kept trying to establish feudal seignorial rule on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina (and the surrounding areas). Thus, around 950, in his work entitled De administrando Imperio /On the Administration of the Empire/, Byzantine emperor and chronicler Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentions for the first time the little land of Bosnia as a separate district by the spring of the river Bosna and its upper tributaries.6 In 1102, Croatia entered into a personal union with Hungary and rulers of Hungarian dynasties succeeded one another as heads of the joint state. The strong Hungarian-Croatian state surrounded BH territory on three sides, which the Hungarian-Croatian rulers used to mount frequent military and political operations, trying to gain control of BH territory and cut it off from Byzantine influence as much as possible. With that purpose in mind, Bori~ was installed as the ban /Vice-Roy/ in a part of Bosnia. He was the first significant ruler of the area (1150 - 1163).7 I-1.3. Medieval Bosnian State (1180 - 1463)8

In contrast to the foreign political and religious influences (HungarianCroatian state v. Byzantium and Roman-Catholic church v. Eastern Orthodox church) converging on its territory at the time, Bosnia and Herzegovina also harboured internal political and religious resistance to external influences. These were the
5. Esad Pa{ali}, Anti~ka naselja i komunikacije u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1960; 6. Esad Pa{ali}, Period rimske vladavine do kraja III vijeka na{e ere in Kulturna istorija BiH, Sarajevo, 1966; 7. Ante [kegro, Gospodarstvo rimske provincije Dalmacije, Zagreb, 1999; 8. Marin Zaninovi}, Ilirsko pleme Delmati, Part I and II, (Politi~ka povijest i rasprostranjenost Delmata /Political history and distribution of the Dalmatae/) in Godi{njak Centra za balkanolo{ka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH, IV/2 and V/3, Sarajevo, 1966 and 1967; 9. Andrija Zirdum, Povijest kr{}anstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007. 6 Gavro Manojlovi}, Studije o spisu De Administrando Imperio cara Konstantina VII Porfirogeneta in Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, 182, 186, 187, Zagreb 1910 and 1911. 7 Basic literature for the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the surrounding territories in early Middle Ages: 1. Mladen An~i}, Hrvatska u karolin{ko doba, Split, 2001; 2. Bogo Grafenauer, Slovanski naselitveni valovi na Balkanski poluotok, Zgodovinski ~asopis, XVIII, Ljubljana, 1964; 3. Historija naroda Jugoslavije 1, Zagreb, 1953; 4. Nada Klai}, Povijest Hrvata u ranom srednjem vijeku, Zagreb, 1971; 5. Georgije Ostrogorski, Povijest Bizanta, Golden marketing - Tehni~ka knjiga, Zagreb, 2006; 6. Andrija Zirdum, Povijest kr{}ansktva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007. 8 Basic literature for this period of BH history: 1. Pavao An|eli}, Doba srednjevjekovne bosanske drave, in Kulturna historija BiH; 2. Anto Babi}, O pitanju formiranja srednjovjekovne bosanske drave, Radovi naunog drutva BiH, III/2, Sarajevo, 1955; 3. Sima irkovi}, Historija srednjovjekovne bosanske drave, Belgrade, 1964; 4. Historija naroda Jugoslavije I, Zagreb, 1953; 5. Nada Klai}, Srednjovjekovna Bosna, Zagreb, 1989; 6. Kranstvo srednjovjekovlje Bosne, proceedings, Sarajevo, 1991; 7. Tomislav Raukar, Hrvatsko srednjovjekovlje, Zagreb, 1977; 8. Andrija Zirdum, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007.

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circumstances in which the medieval Bosnian state, an independent state according to the feudal criteria at the time, came into being. The autochthonous Bosnian Church9, created in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the same time, was considered heretic by both the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches. Due to these conflicting interests, the period saw highly frequent political, military and religious conflicts perpetuate the territorial, administrative and religious instability of the BH territory. The founder of the medieval Bosnian state was Ban Kulin (1180 - 1204) who ruled the large northern part of BH territory. Under pressure from the West, Kulin publicly denounced heresy and accepted the Catholic teachings. In everyday life, however, almost nothing changed. After Kulin, the Bosnian state grew weaker and was often invaded by the Hungarian-Croatian army embarking on so-called crusades against the heretics. As a result, parts of the Bosnian state were occupied by Croatian and Hungarian nobles. The Bosnian state regained its strength in the time of Ban Stjepan II Kotromani} (1314 - 1353) who, by political, military and diplomatic means, gained control of the southern parts of BH territory and parts of Dalmatia. During his reign, the influence of the Catholic church in Bosnia and Herzegovina was significantly extended and reinforced, particularly through the activities of religious orders, notably the Franciscans who first came to Bosnia in 1291 and played a crucial role in the preservation of the Catholic faith (and Croatian ethnic and national identity) during the Ottoman period of BH history.

Pejo ]o{kovi}, Ustrojstvo Crkve bosanske, in Zbornik radova o fra Anelu Zvizdoviu, SarajevoFojnica, 2000; Fenomen krstjani u srednjevjekovnoj Bosni i Humu, proceedings, Sarajevo-Zagreb, 2005; Franjo [anjek, Bosansko-humski krstjani u povijesnim vrelima (13-15. stoljee), Zagreb, 2003; Jaroslav [idak, Studije o Crkvi bosanskoj i bogumilstvu, Zagreb, 1975.

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Fig. 2:

Medieval Bosnian State (Taken from: Dragutin PAVLI^EVI], Kratka politika i kulturna povijest Bosne i Hercegovine, Croatian Information Centre, Zagreb, 2000, p. 43)

/translation: Original Little land of Bosnia; Bosnia at the time of Ban Kulin; Bosnia at the time of Ban Stjepan II; State of King Tvrtko I; Croatian Slavonia (Dubrovnik)/ The Bosnian state reached its apogee at the time of Stjepan Tvrtko I (1353 1391) whose military campaigns expanded its territory even further. Tvrtko I proclaimed himself the king of the Serbs and the Bosnians and his title was recognised by Louis I, because Bosnia, according to the feudal perception, fell under the Hungarian Crown of St Stephen. In 1388, Tvrtko I defeated the Ottoman army and in 1390 took control of the Croatian coast all the way to Zadar, proclaiming himself King of Bosnia, Dalmatia, Croatia and Primorje. After the death of Tvrtko I, the Bosnian state suddenly weakened and its territory disintegrated as a result of countless internal conflicts, Ottoman invasions from the south-east and Hungarian-Croatian invasions from the north-west. Finally (in 1463) the Ottoman army occupied Bosnia and executed its last king, Stjepan Toma{evi}. His wife, Queen Katarina fled to Rome where, before she died, she

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bequeathed her former kingdom of Bosnia to the Holy See. Two decades later (1482), the Ottomans also occupied the Land of Hum, called Herzegovina after 1448. I-1.4 Bosnia and Herzegovina in Ottoman times (1463 - 1878)10

Four centuries of Ottoman rule of BH territory had far-reaching consequences not only for Bosnia and Herzegovina but also its neighbouring territories and even those more distant in Europe. Being the western-most Ottoman province, the territory of BH was exceptionally important. It was from there that the perennial global force of the time - the Ottoman Empire - tried through warfare to expand its power in western and northern Europe. This fact must be taken into consideration if one wishes to be objective in understanding the array of political, military, economic, cultural, national, migrational, religious and other historical and modern processes which were ongoing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, its surroundings, and the Eurasian territory in general. BH territory was subject to a sweeping process of Islamization because Islam was not only a faith but also an ideology and a way of life, in other words, a civilisation providing the Ottoman Empire with its spiritual structure. As part of their conquest plans, the Ottoman state systematically Islamicized the territory of BH: Bosnia and Herzegovina had to be turned into the most reliable fortification possible, a jumping-off point for the further conquest of Europe. Islamization was universal and, in accordance with the imperial concept, conducted at all levels: from the cultural and religious to the administrative. It involved different methods, from imposition by force to financial incentives and the possibilities of objective advancement in status at the level of the entire Empire. Most high-ranking administrative positions in BH territories were given to people from Bosnia and Herzegovina who had converted to Islam and were faithful servants of the Empire, and Islamicized individuals from the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina often held exceptionally high positions in the administration of the Empire. Because of this, during the four centuries of Ottoman rule BH territory was profoundly transformed and this left behind it extensive political and cultural changes, changes of identity and other consequences which carried on well into the 19th century and beyond. In the Ottoman feudal (semi-military) system that was introduced on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the basic and most numerous ruling hierarchies were composed of low-ranking military nobles (Spahis) whom the ruler of the Empire (the Sultan who owned all the land) gave fiefs (timars) in exchange for military service. In the first centuries of Ottoman rule, neither the titles of Spahi nor the fiefs (timars) were hereditary but rather depended on military conquests. At the time, the titles of Spahi and the timars could also be awarded to non-Islamicized people who successfully fought for the expansion of the Empire, but large fiefs and titles could only be given to Islamicized feudal lords.
Basic literature for this period of BH history: 1. Sre}ko D@AJA, Konfesionalnost i nacionalnost Bosne i Hercegovine. Predemancipacijsko razdoblje 1463-1804, Mostar, 1999; 2. Mustafa Imamovi}, Historija Bonjaka, Sarajevo, 1977; 3. Muhamed Had`ijahi}, Porijeklo bosanskih Muslimana, Sarajevo, 1990; 4. Joseph von Hammer, Historija Turskog/Osmanskog Carstva, Zagreb, 1979; 5. Adem Hand`i}, O islamizaciji u sjeveroistonoj Bosni u XV i XVI vijeku in Jugoslavenski historijski asopis, 4, Belgrade, 1969; 6. Muhamed Hand`i}, Islamizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1940; 7. Historija naroda Jugoslavije II, Zagreb, 1959; 8. Franjo Mari}, Hrvati-katolici u BiH izmeu 1463. i 1995. godine, Sarajevo, 1998; 9. Andrija Zirdum, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007.
10

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The Ottoman defeat at the Croatian city of Sisak (1593) and the gradual weakening of the Empires conquering force led to an increase in the forced Islamization of all social strata on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Christian peasants found themselves in a progressively disadvantageous situation. The Spahiluk /the title of Spahi/ became hereditary and Christian Spahis were stripped of it. During the Ottoman military triumphs in Europe (15th, 16th and 17th centuries) BH territory had already been completely Islamicized. The Islamic feudal hierarchy had taken hold and a significant portion of the ordinary people (peasants) had accepted Islam for various reasons (mostly the privileged social status). The Ottoman state organised the conquered Bosnian kingdom as a separate administrative unit - a sanjak (district) which was part of the Rumelia Pashalic. At the same time, Hungary-Croatia was establishing the Jajce, Srebrenica and Ma~va banovinas along the Bosnian Sanjak borders. These were buffer zones (from the river Una to Belgrade) intended to prevent further Ottoman conquests. In the 16th century, the combination of a strong Ottoman Empire and the crises in the relations between European countries resulted in the Ottomans taking part of Hungary (Belgrade, 1521) and large swathes of Croatia (Knin in 1522, Jajce, Po`ega Klis, Virovitica and Biha} in 1592), thus reducing Croatia to the remnants of remnants (reliquiae reliquiarum). This was the culmination of the Ottoman Empires expansion in Europe and in 1592 a new Bosnian Pashalic was established, composed of eight sanjaks.

Fig. 3

Bosnian Pashalic at the turn of the 17th century. (Taken from: D. PAVLI^EVI], op. cit. p. 45)

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/translation: Bosnian Pashalic; Venetian property; Croatia, Republic of Dubrovnik; Territory liberated from the Ottomans by 1606; Borders of the Ottoman Empire; Pashalic borders; Sanjak borders; Border since 1606; Pashalic seat; Sanjak seat; /?Hajiluk/ seat; Fortified settlements; Other settlements/ The very next year (1593), the immense Ottoman army suffered a major and decisive defeat at the city of Sisak (in Croatia) and was forced to engage in a war of defence instead of a war of conquest. Ottoman chroniclers called this year the year of disaster. In the following hundred years or so, the Ottoman army engaged in many minor and major incursions and battles, trying to conquer more of Central Europe. At the same time, many different European armies - jointly or separately - invaded the areas occupied by the Ottomans, trying to push them out of Europe and resolve the socalled Eastern Question.11 The Ottoman army was heavily defeated in the great battles and wars of this exhausting conflict and, in 1699, was forced to sign peace in Sremski Karlovci, abandoning all territories on the left banks of the rivers Una, Sava and Danube. The borders of the Bosnian Pashalic were thus also pushed back to the right bank of rivers Sava and Danube.12 Now the furthermost part of the Ottoman Empire in Europe, the Bosnian Pashalic acquired a new strategic importance: it became the battlefield for the Empires position in Europe. The wars fought by European states (mostly Austria and Russia) against the Ottomans in the 18th century did not significantly alter the borders established in 1699. At the end of the 18th and during the first few decades of the 19th century, European states fought between themselves and there were no large-scale campaigns against the Ottoman Empire. With the enormous Ottoman Empire spiralling into an ever deepening internal political and social crisis, in the Balkans the Serbs, the Greeks, the Romanians and the Montenegrins, each for their own reasons and supported by the European forces (predominantly Russia), rose against the Ottomans. Greece thus gained its independence and, in 1830, Serbia its autonomy. As a result of the hostile environment and the weakness of the Ottoman state, BH territory became even more unstable. In this period, the Ottoman Empire tried to ensure its survival and solve its deep internal crisis by implementing a number of detailed reforms, aimed at significantly modernizing the administrative model and social structure. The reforms were meant to be favourable for the general population and abolished the incentives awarded to the network of Ottoman feudal hierarchies. The Islamic nobles on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, however, opposed the reforms of the Ottoman Empires central authorities. Because of this and many other reasons, the reforms the Ottoman Empire tried to implement never took hold and failed to change the situation on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The crisis in BH territory kept worsening, heading towards even greater internal disintegration and more frequent and large-scale armed conflicts. In 1831-32, this complex situation gave rise to a movement and a rebellion for the autonomy of Bosnia, led by Captain Husein beg GRADA[^EVI] whose followers came from all the social, ethnic and religious strata. The rebellion was
11 12

Dragutin Pavli~evi}, Hrvati i isto~no pitanje, Zagreb, 2007. Eref Kova~evi}, Granice Bosanskog paaluka prema Austriji i Mletakoj republici po odredbama Karlovakog mira, Sarajevo, 1973.

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crushed by the Empires military might and with the assistance of some nobles from within BH territory.13 Bosnian anti-reformist nobles were completely defeated in 1850-51 when most of them were mercilessly executed in a military operation mounted at the order of the Empire by Omer pa{a Latas. But then (in 1852, 1857 and 1862), a chain of rebellions mounted by the subjugated and dissatisfied Christians (raja) erupted in Eastern Herzegovina. The rebellions were incited and assisted by Montenegro, Serbia, Russia and Austria, each furthering their own interests. The greatest rebellion, organised directly by Serbia, started in Herzegovina in 1875 and soon spread into large areas of north-western Bosnia. Serbia and Montenegro joined the rebel forces in 1876. When the rebels and Serbia were defeated by the Ottoman Empire, Russia joined the war, defeated the Ottoman Empire and in 1878 forced it to accept conditions for peace which were signed in San Stefano. However, as the provisions of the peace agreement failed to take into account the interests of the European forces, the Peace Congress of Berlin was held that same year. At the Congress, AustriaHungary was awarded the right of occupation (protectorate) of Bosnia and Herzegovina, even though Bosnia and Herzegovina nominally remained under the sovereignty of the Ottoman empire.14 I-1.5 BH under Austria-Hungary (1878 - 1918)15

According to the basic goals of the Berlin Congress, the occupation (protectorate) of Bosnia, was supposed to establish peace and introduce a new administration system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Austria-Hungary entered Bosnia and Herzegovina with approximately 80,000 soldiers who, in the first three months, had to face a successful armed opposition mounted against them mostly by the Muslim population. Austria-Hungary subsequently sent in much stronger forces and the new administration was implemented. Encouraged by Serbia, however, in 1881 and 1882 the Serbs in Herzegovina also mounted armed and other forms of rebellion against the new administration and the army of Austria-Hungary had to use force once again to establish peace. As a part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Croatia expected the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its integration into the dual monarchy to proceed through a union of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, thus channelling the transformation of the dual monarchy into a tri-partite one, which was the main goal of the Croatian ruling structures at the time. This is why in 1878 the Croatian Assembly emphasized Croatias historical rights to Bosnia and Herzegovina. But Austria had firmly decided to be the sole ruler of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to gradually annex it directly to the Monarchy and to keep the Monarchy dual. It therefore simply informed the Croatian Assembly that they had overstepped its authority.16 On the other hand, for several decades (since mid-19th century) Serbia had been, in various ways, systematically working on the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina which it had set as its main strategic goal.
13 14

Ahmed Ali~i}, Pokret za autonomiju Bosne od 1831. do 1832, Sarajevo, 1996. Milorad Ekme~i}, Ustanak u Bosni 1875-78, Sarajevo, 1973. 15 Basic literature for this period: 1. Sre}ko D`aja, Bosna i Hercegovina u austrougarskom razdoblju (1878-1919), Mostar-Zagreb, 2002; 2. Mustafa Imamovi}, Pravni poloaj i unutranji politiki razvitak BiH od 1878 do 1914, Sarajevo, 1997. 16 Jaroslav [idak; Mirjana Gross; Igor Karaman; Dragovan [epi}, Povijest hrvatskog naroda (18601914), Zagreb, 1968.

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In such a situation where, as could have been expected, Serbias interests were mainly supported by the Serbs from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatian interest by the Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Austro-Hungarian administrator of Bosnia and Herzegovina (B. Kallay) implemented a number of measures in an attempt to neutralize Serbian and Croatian aspirations. Relying, among other things, on the Muslim nobility, he did not resolve the extremely important agrarian issue, tried to create a new Bosnian nation and impose the name Bosnian on the language. For various reasons Kallay failed to achieve any enduring political success. Some ten years before Kallay, a similar attempt made by Topal Pasha had also failed: his intention had been to create an integral Bosnian nation within the scope of the interests of the Ottoman Empire.17 A new crisis in the Austro-Hungarian rule of Bosnia and Herzegovina occurred after the victory of the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire, when (expecting it to lead to Turkey laying claims on Bosnia and Herzegovina), Austria-Hungary (in 1908) annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, thus deepening the European crisis on the eve of WWI. Serbia and Montenegro threatened war because of the annexation. The security position of Bosnia and Herzegovina deteriorated even further after the Balkan Wars (1912 - 1913) during which Turkey was pushed back from the continent of Europe and Serbia expanded and became more open about its intentions of conquering Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was particularly obvious from the intensified activities of public and secret pro-Serbian societies and organisations in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, in Sarajevo in the summer of 1914, members of the Mlada Bosna /Young Bosnia/ organisation (trained and armed by Serbia) killed the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, which led to the outbreak of WWI.18 It is interesting to note that the Mlada Bosna cell which prepared the Sarajevo assassination included a young Vasa ^UBRILOVI] who, as a scientist and academic, advocated the Greater-Serbian concept in the decades to come. He was also a member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) at the time of the adoption of the infamous SANU Memorandum (1986).

17 18

Enver Red`i}, op. cit., str. 117-132. tedimlija, Savi}, Markovi}, Zavjere protiv svjetskog mira, Zagreb, 2005.

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Fig. 4

Bosnia and Herzegovina in Austria-Hungary (1978 /as printed/ - 1918) (Taken from: D. PAVLI^EVI], op. cit., p. 46)

During WWI, Austria Hungary mobilised many Bosnian-Herzegovinian people of all three denominations and sent them to fight on different European fronts. During the war, because of the Sarajevo assassination and the participation of many BH Serbs in pro-Serbian activities throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, AustroHungarian authorities implemented a number of special repressive measures against BH Serbs and the network of their pro-Serbian organisations.

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I-1.6 Bosnia and Herzegovina in the First Yugoslavia (1918 - 1941)19

Towards the end of WWI, political groups in the South-Slav areas of AustriaHungary (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Banat and Ba~ka) established their own bodies of authority (the so-called Narodna vije}a /National Councils/) with the joint central National Council in Zagreb. Soon after that (29 October 1918), all relations with Austria-Hungary were severed and the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs (the State of SHS) was proclaimed, with its seat in Zagreb. This state included the territory of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Banat and Ba~ka. The main reason behind the formation of the SHS State was the most expeditious possible unification with the states of Serbia and Montenegro. This was done on 1 December 1918 and the first Yugoslavia was formed. At the time, it was called the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (the Kingdom of SHS).20 Until 1921, the countries of the first Yugoslavia (BH, Croatia, etc.) exercised various forms of self-administration. In 1921, a Constitution was imposed, implementing strict administrative centralization and national unity dominated by the Serbian Royal House of Kara|or|evi}. Without taking into consideration any historical or ethnic criteria, the state was divided into 33 administrative districts governed by veliki `upani /grand prefects/ who answered to the Minister of the Interior. Six of the districts were on BH territory and their seats were in Biha}, Banja Luka, Travnik, Sarajevo, Tuzla and Mostar. The regime did not recognise any ethnic or national traits but prescribed the concept of a single, Yugoslav, people composed of three tribes (the Serbs, the Croats, the Slovenes). Other nations (the Muslims, the Albanians, the Montenegrins and the Macedonians) were not even awarded the status of a tribe. The census provided only the option of denominational choice. There was nothing on ethnicity or nationality. The Bosnian Muslim party Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija /Yugoslav Muslim Organization/ (JMO) also voted for the Yugoslav Constitution. In return, its members (mostly Muslim nobility) were promised compensation for the land the state had taken from them during the agrarian reform. From the pragmatic point of view, the regime of the first Yugoslavia implemented repressive and distinctly pro-Serbian policies and relied, both socially and in terms of its staff, predominantly on ethnic Serbs. This, for instance, was the case during the implementation of the agrarian reform when (following the pattern already established in other areas) the properties of Islamic nobles in Bosnia and Herzegovina were seized and given mostly to Serbs with scant regard for the promises given to the JMO.21 In addition to that, the pro-Serbian regime committed large-scale violence (murder, imprisonment, persecution) against BH Muslims who were blamed for the disadvantageous position of BH Serbs during Austro-Hungarian rule. As a result of many social and political problems and crises, in 1929 the regime of the first Yugoslavia established an open dictatorship. The countrys name was changed to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the formal parliamentary system was abolished, political and other organisation at the level of tribe (ethnic and national) or religion was banned, and so was the use of any tribal names. Administratively, the
Basic literature for this period: 1. Branko Petranovi}, Historija Jugoslavije, I, Belgrade, 1988; 2. Atif Purivatra, Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija, Sarajevo 1974; 3. Enver Red`i}, Jugoslavenski radniki pokret i nacionalno pitanje u BiH (1918-1941), Sarajevo, 1983. 20 Bogdan Krizman, Raspad Austro-Ugarske i stvaranje jugoslavenske drave, Zagreb, 1977 21 Milivoje Eri}, Agrarna reforma u Jugoslaviji 1918-1941, Sarajevo, 1958; Atif Purivatra, Politike partije prema agrarnoj reformi u Bosni i Hercegovini neposredno poslije 1918 in Prilozi, Sarajevo, 1968.
19

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Yugoslav territory was divided into nine banovinas, once again irrespective of any historical or ethnic criteria. Bosnia and Herzegovina was divided into several banovinas, encompassing the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina and some other areas.

Fig. 5

Administrative division of the first Yugoslavia into nine banovinas (1929 1939) (Taken from: Josip JUR^EVI], Marija RAI], Povijest VIII, Alfa, Zagreb, 2003, p. 37)

/translation: Adriatic Sea; Banovina borders/ The Vrbas banovina (seat in Banja Luka) consisted of the former districts of Banja Luka and Biha} and part of the Travnik district. The Drina banovina (seat in Sarajevo) consisted of Eastern Bosnia, Serbia up to river Kolubara, part of former Croatian Srijem and Eastern Slavonia. The Primorje banovina (seat in Split), among other areas, included Western Herzegovina and parts of Bosnia up to Travnik. The Zeta banovina (seat in Cetinje) included, among other areas, Eastern Herzegovina. An administrative change was effected two years later (1931), detaching Srijem and Eastern Slavonia from the Drina banovina and attaching them to the Danube banovina (seat in Novi Sad).

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I.-1.6.1 Croatian Banovina (1939 - 1941)22

The repressive nature of the regime in the first Yugoslavia failed to establish control over various forms of social, national and other types of discontent that were destabilizing the country from within. The most serious unresolved internal issue was the so-called Croatian issue. On the eve of WWII, the survival of the second /as printed/ Yugoslavia was even further jeopardized by international developments, in particular the increasingly aggressive policies and actions of the totalitarian states of Germany and Italy. In these pre-war circumstances - following the German annexation of Austria and the break-up of Czechoslovakia - the Belgrade regime was forced to take further steps to reduce the threats to the survival of the state. In addition to the increasing number of political and economic ties that were being established between Yugoslavia and Germany (after 1935), after a long period of negotiations several days before the outbreak of WWII (in Europe), the so-called Cvetkovi}-Ma~ek Agreement was signed (26 August 1939).23 The main item in the Agreement was the decision on the creation of the Banovina Hrvatska /Croatian Banovina/ as a new administrative unit in Yugoslavia. The Croatian Banovina (with its seat in Zagreb) was composed of the then banovinas of Sava and Primorje, Herzegovina west of Stolac, the part of Bosnia between Livno and Travnik and three Posavina kotars /districts/ (Derventa, Grada~ac and Br~ko).

Basic literature: Ljubo Boban, Sporazum Cvetkovi-Maek, Belgrade, 1965; same author, Maek i politka HSS-a 1928.-1941, Zagreb, 1974. 23 Dragi{a CVETKOVI] was the Prime Minister of Yugoslavia at the time and Vlatko MA^EK the President of the Croatian Peasant Party, conclusively the strongest party among the Croats.

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Fig 6.

Croatian Banovina in the third administrative division of the first Yugoslavia (1939 - 1941) (Taken from: Historical Maps of Croatia, Croatian Information Centre, Zagreb, p. 20)

Practically nobody was satisfied with the Agreement. Many political and other groups (Serbian, Croatian and Muslim alike) which did not participate in the preparation of the Agreement condemned it with greater or lesser fervour and the hierarchies which had prepared it were not satisfied either. The Serbs who were in power were obstructing a binding constitutional confirmation of the changes stipulated by the Agreement, while Croatian signatories, based on the agreements reached, considered the Agreement to be merely a first step in the reorganisation of Yugoslavia and expected to obtain further territorial and other gains for the Croatian Banovina. In fact, the Agreement was built on shaky legal foundations because the constitutional revision should have subsequently been presented to the National Presidency for approval, which was never done. The Agreement could therefore be

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annulled at any convenient moment by either the /?Regency/ or the King, once he came to the throne.24 Because of this and many other reasons, the legislative organ of the Croatian Banovina (the Croatian Assembly) was never elected and throughout its entire existence (19 months) the Banovina was, in fact, merely a provisional political solution.25 I-1.7 Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Independent State of Croatia (1941 - 1945)26

Several days after the German attack on Yugoslavia (6 April 1941), the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was proclaimed in Zagreb (10 April 1941), encompassing the territory of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since, however, the NDH was in every aspect subordinated to predominantly German, and somewhat less so Italian, interests, the issues concerning its borders were resolved between these two countries. At the very beginning (12 April 1941), in one of his orders Hitler stated that he was handing Bosnia and Herzegovina over to Italy27, but approximately ten days later, it was agreed at the ministerial conference in Vienna (attended by Germany and Italy) that Bosnia and Herzegovina would be part of the NDH, which was finally recognized by Italy in the Roman Agreements (18 May 1941).28 The entire NDH territory was divided along a west-east axis into German and Italian spheres of interest and zones of occupation. The demarcation line also crossed the central parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Internally, the NDH was divided into 22 administrative units called `upanijas /counties/ (the so-called Velike `upe /?greater counties/), mostly bearing names dating back to the medieval Croatian and Bosnian kingdoms. The totalitarian NDH regime considered BH Muslims to be Croats of Islamic denomination (they were even sometimes referred to as the flower of Croatianhood) and many of them occupied high-ranking positions in the hierarchies of power and the ruling Ustasha Movement.

Hodimir Sirotkovi}, Vladko Maek i pravna izgradnja Banovine Hrvatske, in Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveuilita u Rijeci, no. 1, Rijeka, 2001, p. 280. 25 See Ibid, pp. 280-283. 26 Basic literature: 1. Fikreta Jeli}-Buti}, Ustae i Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1978; 2. Enver Red`i}, Bosna i Hercegovina u Drugom svjetskom ratu, Sarajevo, 1998. 27 Bogdan Krizman, Paveli i ustae, Zagreb, 1978, p. 398. 28 Rafael Br~i}, Njemako-italijanske suprotnosti oko Bosne i Hercegovine u svjetlu okupacije 1941, in Prilozi, 3, Sarajevo, 1967.

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Fig. 7

Administrative division of the Independent State of Croatia (1941 - 1945) (Taken from: D. PAVLI^EVI], op. cit., p. 49)

/translation: State borders; Borders of greater counties; Borders between German and Italian zones; Occupied by Italy until 1943; Occupied by Hungary/ Because the military and political situation in the BH territory during the war was the most complex of all, it was there that the heaviest battles were fought and the most vicious reprisals against civilians were exacted. With each army trying to implement the interests of its regime, there was hardly any co-operation among German, Italian and NDH armies on BH territory. In addition to that, Yugoslav Communists and Serbian Chetniks were also highly active in the area, both militarily and politically. Because of this, Bosnia and Herzegovina was the area of greatest overall insecurity and instability during WWII. Already in 1941, Chetnik and Communist Partizan units carried out mass executions of defenceless Muslim civilians in Eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the war, frequent armed battles of varying intensity were fought in Bosnia and Herzegovina, various acts of violence were committed on a massive scale, all the armies carried out forcible mobilisations and established

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provisional authorities, the population organised itself locally or fled to safe areas, etc. The worst sufferings of the civilian population (executions, persecutions, mass exoduses) occurred towards the end of the war and immediately after its end, when the Communists used extreme forms of repression to establish their power. I.1-8 Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second Yugoslavia (1945 - 1990)29

The second Yugoslavia was one of many Eastern European states governed for almost half a century (from the end of WWII to the 1990s) by totalitarian Communist regimes. The country was composed of six republics: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia, and two autonomous provinces (Vojvodina and Kosovo) which were constituent parts of both Serbia and Yugoslavia. Each of the republics, except for Bosnia and Herzegovina, had a majority people (nation) which the regime recognised as constituent. The second Yugoslavia was thus a state of six republics and five constituent peoples. Bosnia and Herzegovina was one of the six Yugoslav federal republics, but before its federal status and territory were finally defined, very different interests and propositions circulated within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the KPJ (at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia and Yugoslavia). Ultimately, this issue, like all others, was decided by the KPJ leadership. Equally, all political, social and national changes which occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the second Yugoslavia were primarily adapted to the needs of the Communist regime. Compared to other Yugoslav republics, Bosnia and Herzegovina was special in many ways. Being the central Yugoslav republic, it was of special importance for the security of the country and this was reflected in the countrys defence strategy and the distribution of military resources. Its historical legacy and unresolved issues made Bosnia and Herzegovina the most complex Yugoslav republic: it was the only republic which - by the decision of the regime - had two constituent peoples (Serbs and Croats) for the first two and a half decades and three (Serbs, Croats, Muslims) for the following two. Because of this and a number of political, economic, cultural and other steps taken by the Communist regime in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this republic was frequently referred to as Yugoslavia in Miniature.

Basic literature: 1. Duan Biland`i}, Historija SFRJ, Zagreb, 1985; 2. Slobodan Ne{ovi}, Temelji nove Jugoslavije, Belgrade, 1973; 3. Branko Petranovi}, Historija Jugoslavije, II-III, Belgrade, 1988.

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Fig. 8

Bosnia and Herzegovina in the second Yugoslavia (1945 - 1990) (Taken from: Historical Maps of Croatia, p. 22)

At the censuses held in the first two and a half decades of Yugoslavias existence, BH Muslims either declared themselves, or were coerced by the regime using various forms of incentives into declaring themselves to be either Serbs or Croats or Yugoslavs/undeclared. At the end of the 1960s (1968), responding to the pressure created by social discontent, the regime for the first time promoted the Muslim nation under the name of Muslims.30 Before long, BH citizens of Islamic faith (Muslims) were allowed during censuses (from the 1971 census onwards) to publicly declare themselves as Muslims and this new nation - the Muslims - was conferred a constituent status within the republic. Even then, however, this solution provoked very different reactions and further conceptual and other rifts within BH Muslim social elites. The conceptual and political rifts proceeded in three basic directions and their description may be rather helpful in the understanding of events and social processes which occurred after 1990 as well. Firstly, during the time Yugoslavia existed, the majority (partly in order to preserve their social status, partly from conviction) publicly advocated for the Muslim
30

Enver Red`i}, Sto godina muslimanske politike, Sarajevo, 2000, p. 82.

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nation such as created by the regime.31 During and after the break-up of Yugoslavia, most of these advocates adapted to the various new situations.32 Secondly, prominent individuals from the Islamic entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina opposed the regimes solution for a new Muslim nation, advocating the idea of a separate ethnic and national identity for Bosnianhood (Bosniakhood).33 The Yugoslav regime initiated a public condemnation campaign against the proponents of Bosnianhood. This campaign was an ideological and political activity, subsequently transferred to the press and the party organs in an organised manner.34 Thirdly, some of the more prominent members of the Islamic faith were radical advocates of Islam as a global movement in which ethnic, national or any other affiliation is considered irrelevant and the only thing that matters is ones affiliation to Islam as a global religion and a way of private and social life. In 1969/1970, Alija IZETBEGOVI] wrote the Islamic Declaration in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in 1990 he became the President of the BH Presidency, in other words, the person in the highest position of institutional political power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since in his Islamic Declaration Alija IZETBEGOVI] advocated radical PanIslamic engagement (that it seeks to promote ideas and plans into organised action and that a Muslim can only die in the name of Allah and for the glory of Islam, etc.35) and systematically tried to implement it in various ways, in 1983 the Yugoslav regime tried him and a group of several persons (the so-called Sarajevo Process) for associating for hostile purposes and enemy propaganda.36 Among a large number of people investigated and/or indicted at the time for having drawn attention to themselves for their loyalty to the original interpretation of Islam37 were several persons who after 1990 became very prominent (Alija IZETBEGOVI], Hasan ^ENGI], Rusmir MAHMUT]EHAJI]) or prominent participants in the events in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Ibid, pp. 89 -100. Ibid, p. 6: E. Red`i} is justified in claiming that the proponents of the Muslim nation as a concept created by the Yugoslav regime, with the change of the social and economic order, became euphoric advocates of the national idea of Bosniakhood which they had been consistently rejecting for years this phenomenon shows that some of todays Bosniaks, former proponents of Muslim ethnicity /?with a capital M/, have always been seeing the discipline of history as a servant to political power. 33 For instance, at the time, Enver Red`i} publicly presented his views, publishing them in detail in 1970 in Sarajevo, in his book entitled Tokovi i otpori. He held the regimes proclamation of the Muslim nation unacceptable for several reasons. Firstly, by equating a religious community with a nation one only postpones the political practice of national determination and secondly ... even though many Muslim peoples have existed as part of various ethnic and national communities, there is no such thing as a Muslim people or nation. (E. Red`i}, Sto godina muslimanske politike, p. 86). In the same vein, Muhamed FILIPOVI] believes that by recognising a Muslim nation, the regime did not truly finalize or ensure the recognition of this entity or allow it to develop... the Muslims were put in a situation where they were the only ones in the world to use the name of a religious denomination for the name of their nation, i.e. defined in this manner, the identity of BH Muslims was not historically conditioned and linked to Bosnian history ... could not bring about constitution of political will (M. Filipovi}, Bonjaka politika, Sarajevo, 1996, pp. 88-91). Compare with Avdo Su}eska, Istorijske osnove nacionalne posebnosti bosansko-hercegovakih Muslimana, in Jugoslavenski istorijski asopis, no. 4, Belgrade, 1969, pp. 47-53. 34 E. Red`i}, op. cit., p. 87. 35 Alija Izetbegovi}, Islamska Deklaracija, Sarajevo, 1990. Islamska Deklaracija was intended for global Islam and up to that moment (according to a statement of A. IZETBEGOVI] given in 1983) it had been published in Kuwait (100,000 copies) and, as far as I have been informed, in Pakistan, Malaysia and Algeria - from the book Sarajevski proces, Zrich, 1987, p. 60. 36 Sarajevski proces, Zrich (published by the Bosnian Institute), 1987, p. 51. 37 Ibid, p. 11.
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Several years prior to the break-up of the second Yugoslavia, one of the hugest Yugoslav political and economic scandals (the so-called Agrokomerc affair) broke in Cazinska Krajina in north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina, resulting in political and legal confrontations with some prominent BH Muslim politicians and businessmen. The first-accused in the staged trial which began in 1988 was Fikret ABDI] who had until that point been a member of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a deputy in the SFRY /Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia/ Assembly and the President of the board of directors of the Agrokomerc Processing Complex. Among other things, the indictment charged ABDI] and some other indictees of posing a counter-revolutionary threat to the social order of the second Yugoslavia through their Agrokomerc trading.38 The public, political and economic aftershocks of the Agrokomerc affair spilled over into the 1990s and Fikret ABDI] became one of the prominent figures in the new developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
I-2. HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE BREAK-UP OF THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA

The entire break-up of the second Yugoslavia may be analysed from two basic aspects: international and internal, i.e. Yugoslav. When observed from the international aspect, it is obvious that both the crisis and the fall of the Yugoslav Communist Regime occurred - judging by both the events themselves and the sequence in which they occurred - simultaneously with similar processes in other European states. Before the break-up of European Communist regimes, during their collapse and in the process of their transition, international institutions and countries of the western, non-Communist, world adopted the same or a highly similar attitude towards all Communist states based on the value they had in terms of security, politics and other aspects. This was not only because of the immense difference which existed between the pragmatic (political, safety-related, economic) interests of the Communist and the non-Communist states and societies but also because of the discontinuity between these two worlds, completely separated by the iron curtain in all aspects (from worldviews to everyday lives) after WWII. The Communists proclaimed, both theoretically and practically, this complete discontinuity and the irreconcilable nature of these two worlds, summarized succinctly in the slogan Communism as a global process. Communism proclaimed non-Communist societies, i.e. their values, management system and social elites, as the worst counter-revolutionary enemy which must literally be destroyed by means of total Communist revolutionary violence and the dictatorship of the proletariat.39 In the past centuries, few peoples and countries have been spared certain types of mass violence ... None of this weakens the conclusion that our century (the 20th, authors remark) seems to have surpassed all others in this respect ...In the flow of history, Communism appears as a tragic flood, overspilling the river bed. Indeed, it is one of the most forceful and most significant moments of our century. Communism,
Hrvoje [O[I], Tree pokrie Agrokomerca, Zagreb, 1989, p. 43. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Djeja bolest ljeviarstva u komunizmu, Zagreb, 1973, pp. 121-2: The dictatorship of the proletariat is a most determined and the most ruthless war waged by the new class against a more powerful enemy, the bourgeoisie ... and victory over the bourgeoisie is impossible without a long, stubborn and desperate life-and-death struggle...
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the greatest phenomenon of this brief 20th century, which began in 1914 and ended in 1991 in Moscow, stands at the very centre of the picture. Communism, which came into being before Fascism, before Nazism and survived both, across four vast continents ... in order to consolidate their power, the Communists actually incorporated mass crimes into the system governance.40 In all aspects, the second, Communist, Yugoslavia was only a part of the global Communist movement and order. As early as 1919, at the founding congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), it was decided that the newly-founded Party should join the Communist International41 which had its seat in Moscow. The KPJ was a section (branch) of the Communist International (KI). Up to 1943 (when the KI was formally abolished), all important doctrinal, organisational and personnelrelated changes in the KPJ were carried out in accordance with the directives issued by the KI and, subsequently (until the conflict erupted between the Informbiro and the KPJ in 1948), in accordance with the directives issued by the Soviet Union. The totalitarian rule established by the KPJ in Yugoslavia during and after WWII was modelled on some other European Communist states. Its management model was characterized by the following: abolishment of basic human rights and freedoms, a blanket ban on any form of political and social pluralism, abolishment of private entrepreneurship and private ownership of manufacturing equipment, all forms of systematic terror used by the state.42 It can therefore be objectively concluded that, just as none of the Communist practices fleetingly popular in the West managed to avoid this pattern43, neither did the Yugoslav practice, of which positive stereotypes were formed after 1948 for cold war purposes by parts of the Western world. The principles of the last Yugoslav Constitution (1974) stressed that, in Yugoslavia, the working class and all working people shall develop socialist self-management democracy as a special form of the dictatorship of the proletariat and they shall secure this.44 Various forms of individual, group, national and other forms of social discontent, as well as permanent administrative and economic failure, were thus a constant feature of Communist Yugoslavia. Numerous crises were left unaddressed and their culminations postponed by the use of violence, propaganda rhetoric and the announcement of new and successful reforms. From the 1970s onwards, however, numerous exact economic indicators (a dramatic rise in prices and unemployment, salary reductions, galloping inflation, rising foreign debt, the shortage of basic consumer goods, the impossibility of creating budgetary revenue, etc.) testified to the existence of an internal crisis, viciously spiralling into general chaos and the disintegration of the Yugoslav Communist administrative system. From the mid-1980s onwards in addition to the mass strikes staged by dissatisfied workers (throughout Yugoslavia) and the Kosovo demonstrations and rebellion which were crushed by force the Yugoslav media and sessions held by
Stphane Courtois, Zlo~ini komunizma in Crna knjiga komunizma, Zagreb, 1999, pp. 10-11. Povijest Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, Belgrade, 1985, p. 63. The KPJ was founded as the Socijalistika radnika partija (komunista) /Socialist Workers Party (of Communists)/ SRPJ(k). Already the following year, in 1920, it changed its name to KPJ and, in 1952, to Savez komunista Jugoslavije /League of Communists of Yugoslavia/ SKJ, after Marxs Communist League - Ibid, p. 379. 42 See Josip Jurevi, Bleiburg jugoslavenski poratni zloini nad Hrvatima, section entitled Povijesne okolnosti nastanka totalitarne vlasti u drugoj Jugoslaviji, Zagreb, 2005. 43 Courtois, op. cit., p. 11. 44 SFRY Constitution, 1974., Basic Provisions, 1.1.4 IV.
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party and state bodies had already started showing the varied and increasing conceptual and actual fragmentation and disintegration of the Communist administrative hierarchies which had until then, at least in public, been presented as ostensibly monolithic. It is particularly important to take the above facts into consideration if one wishes to reach an objective understanding of the seemingly contradictory events which took place in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990 transition process. One fact which stands out as particularly conspicuous and important is that - in all republics - many individuals and parts of the Yugoslav Communist system had moved into key positions of power in the hierarchies of the newly-created pluralist nonCommunist states, market-oriented economic subjects and civil society. Many aspects of this structural shift (motivation, identification, expertise, spontaneity, organisation, etc.) have hardly been examined in the light of the overall social phenomenon.45

I.-3
THE MAIN PLAYERS ON THE TERRITORY OF THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA AT THE END OF THE 1980s AND IN THE EARLY 1990s I.3.1. Institutions of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY)

I.-3.1.1 The League of Communists of Yugoslavia - SKJ The SKJ was the totalitarian political organisation which ruled the second Yugoslav state from 1945 onwards. The entire system of state and social institutions of the second Yugoslavia was under its direct rule: from the state level to local levels and from state bodies, economic entities and the trade unions to the media and various educational, scientific, cultural and sports organisations. Everywhere and at all levels, the SKJ decided on all ideological, organisational and personnel-related changes. Here is how a prominent party historian from Serbia described the situation in Yugoslavia after WWII: After the end of the war, the single-party system of revolutionary democracy had all the elements of the dictatorship of the proletariat which, in the name of the working class, was being implemented by the KPJ /Communist Party of Yugoslavia/ as its avant-garde ... The KPJ filled up the entire political space, made decisions on the course of development, implemented its will through the state apparatus, the legislature and mass-scale political organisms whose programs reflected the party programme.46 A similar description was provided by a prominent party historian from Croatia: Members of the KPJ occupied almost all the management positions in the states administrative and governmental institutions ... the KPJ did not share power with any group with an opposing political or ideological orientation ... the KPJ leadership had almost unlimited opportunity to establish Yugoslavias social development policies. Few are the examples in history of a revolutionary movement with such a powerful and exclusive hold on authority; all organs of authority legislative and executive, the army and the police, security services and the judiciary were without exception firmly in the hands of the KPJ.47
45

The rare successful attempts at scientifically clarifying certain broader aspects were published in the Privatizacija i javnost proceedings, Zagreb, 1999, and Upravljake elite i modernizacija, Zagreb, 2001. 46 Branko Petranovi}, Istorija Jugoslavije, II, Belgrade, 1988, p. 481. 47 Duan Bilandi, Historija SFRJ, Zagreb, 1985, p. 101.

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Relations within the SKJ (KPJ) were centralized to the maximum, both in the actual and symbolic sense of the word. After 1948, when relations with the Soviet Union were broken off, all decisions were conceived and passed by the KPJ (SKJ) leadership and governmental bodies, while the authorities and other bodies of state and social management had to implement them faithfully and with dedication. The organisational hierarchy of the SKJ was a parallel system covering the entire state administration and all other institutions and organisations. Even though an increasing number of lower-level management positions in the state and the society was being filled with SKJ members, as were all the high-level management positions, a separate network of party organizations (each within its scope of activities, in its field and at its level) were drafting - in accordance with the directives issued by the party leadership all the decisions for the state and social institutions and organisations at their level and controlling their implementation. In other words, a separate network of party organisations stretched from the federal level, through republican organizations to the lowest levels of the territorial administration. The same applied to economic and other systems (cultural, educational, scientific, media, sports). It should be stressed here that a separate SKJ network covered the army, i.e. the Yugoslav Peoples Army (JNA), popularly known as the Seventh Republic. The most prominent and dedicated SKJ members carried out several different duties simultaneously in the party, the state administration and economic and other organizations. The most prominent example of this was Josip Broz Tito who was, at the same time, party leader, lifetime president of the state with enormous powers, supreme army commander and an official multiple hero with an untouchable cult of personality. Also testifying to the exceptional power of J.B. Tito in the Yugoslav Communist hierarchy is the fact that his first name and family name were an institution incorporated into the Constitution, which stipulated that, in view of the historic role of Josip Broz Tito ... the SFRY Assembly may ... elect Josip Broz Tito the President of the Republic for an unlimited term of office.48 In addition to that, the Constitution gave J.B. Tito enormous dictatorial powers,49 and stipulated that the institution of the President of the Republic would no longer exist after his death. Because of that, the SKJ (KPJ) was in all aspects (legal, actual and symbolic) definitely the most important, i.e. key, institution of Communist Yugoslavia. This was reflected not only in the practical functioning of the system but also - in a highly declarative and propagandist manner - in all aspects of public life (culture, education, and media), the Constitution and the laws.50 I.-3.1.2 Yugoslav Peoples Army (JNA) During WWII the JNA was gradually organised as Communist Yugoslavias armed force. In the war, the JNA (which changed its name several times) played a decisive role in helping the KPJ establish its totalitarian rule through revolutionary violence. In the decades following the war, the JNA was the main guarantor for
48 49

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preserving and securing the power of Yugoslav Communists.51 Throughout its existence the JNA was a typical party, i.e. Communist, revolutionary army. At the very beginning of the formation of the Communist partisan army in 1941, it was already stipulated that these are the military assault formation of the people of Yugoslavia under the command of the Communist Party52 and the Central Committee of the KPJ vigilantly observed and harshly intervened to keep the army from being separated from the movement.53 The entire organization of the Yugoslav Communist Army, and in particular its system of command, was subordinated to the KPJ. In addition to the military commanders who were Communists, various party institutions were also established within the army to carry out political and propaganda activities aimed at the ideological formation of soldiers.54 Dual authority (dual chain of command) was also introduced, whereby even in military operations the political commissar was superior to the military commander (who was also a party member). The creation and strengthening of the new army, the creation and development of its military skills were directly founded on the policies of the KPJ. This army was the key factor in handling revolutionary tasks - this was the army of the revolution. Its soldiers and senior officers were the most elevated and the most aware members of the population - the bearers and interpreters of KPJ policies ... they organised massive-scale political activities among the people and initiated the creation of revolutionary authorities ...55 There is iron discipline in the brigades. This discipline has nothing in common with the discipline in capitalist armies. This is selfdiscipline based on the awareness and political convictions of every individual soldier....56 These conceptual foundations and the actual and symbolic significance of the JNA did not undergo any significant changes until the fall of Communism and the break-up of the second Yugoslavia. For decades, numerous powerful political, military, economic and other positions in Yugoslavia were taken by the members of the military who, during WWII, had been deeply indoctrinated by the Communists. This is why during this entire time, in addition to being a real armed force, the JNA was (together with Tito) the untouchable and most cherished cult institution in the second Yugoslavia and why, for propaganda reasons, it was very often dubbed Titos Army. A number of legal and constitutional amendments adopted in Yugoslavia between 1969 and 1974 established the defence concept of the so-called All-peoples Defence and social self-protection (ONO and DSZ), organising the Territorial Defence (TO) as part of the armed forces (in addition to the JNA). The aim was in the spirit of Marxs concept of an armed people to make it possible, legally and actually, for all able-bodied people of the country to join in armed combat, for combat to be conducted under all conditions of war and in all parts of the country: for every part of Yugoslavia to be a frontline and each of its citizens a fighter.57
51 52

See Osnovne znaajke jugoslavenske vojske, in J. Jurevi, op. cit., pp. 163-196. Statut proleterskih narodnooslobodilakih brigada, published in Leon Gerkovi, Dokumenti o razvoju narodne vlasti, Zagreb, 1983, p. 38. 53 Milija Stanii, Osnovni principi izgradnje oruanih snaga revolucije 1941-1945. godine in Vojno delo magazine, 1969, no. 2, p. 126. 54 Statut, L. Gerkovi, op. cit., p. 40. 55 Pero Moraa, Moralni faktor u narodnooslobodilakom ratu, in Vojnoistorijski glasnik magazine, 1955, no. 2-3, p. 268. 56 Statut, p. 38. 57 Povijest Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, p. 449.

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Thus, from the early 1970s onwards, Territorial Defence staffs were organised at all levels, from the republics and autonomous provinces to the basic associations of associated labour and local communes. At the same time, forms and systems linking JNA commands, units and institutions multiplied.58 Even though the Constitution (1974) generally defined the Yugoslav armed forces as a unified whole /which/ shall consist of the Yugoslav Peoples Army as the common armed force of all the nations and nationalities and of all working people and citizens and of Territorial Defence as the broadest form of organised total national armed resistance59, other constitutional and legal provisions, reality in particular, turned the TO into an army of republics and provinces (and even smaller socio-political communities). This can, for instance, be concluded from the constitutional provision which stipulates, It shall be the right and duty of the Communes, Autonomous Provinces and the Republics and other socio-political communities ... each on its own territory, to regulate and organize national defence and to direct territorial defence, civil defence and other preparations for the defence of the country, and, in the event of an attack upon the country, to organize and direct total national resistance.60 In addition to that, the Constitution stipulated that no one shall have the right to acknowledge or sign an act of capitulation, nor to accept or recognize the occupation and no one shall have the right to prevent citizens ... from fighting against an enemy who has attacked the country.61 Territorial Defence weapons and military equipment were purchased with the funds of the republics, autonomous provinces, municipalities, enterprises, etc., and TO Staffs (either in co-operation with the JNA or not) organised various types of military exercises, competitions and in other ways of preparing people for ONO and DSZ. Also, various ONO and DSZ experts were educated at universities and the ONO and DSZ was an obligatory module at all levels and in all types of educational institutions, from primary schools to universities. In order to better understand the causes of numerous crimes systematically committed - under the operative organisation and monitoring of JNA-educated hierarchies - in the RH /Republic of Croatia/ and Bosnia and Herzegovina (and subsequently in Kosovo) in the 1990s, one must stress the /?ethical/ instructions which continued providing the foundations for the National Defence School, i.e. the Mar{al Tito Centre for Military Higher Education well after the 1980s. In 1981 the Centre published the Draft Instructions in the form of a large book entitled Priprema i izvo|enje operacija oru`anih snaga u ONOR-u /Preparation and Implementation of Operations of the Armed Forces in the All-People's Defence War/,62 which served as mandatory instructional material, further developing the concept and doctrine of all-peoples defence and social self-protection and the strategy of armed defence in the preparation and conduct of operations, i.e. the use of strategic and operative groups and operative systems.63 At the beginning, the book stresses that, all candidates must pass exams on the Instruction in its entirety.64

58 59

Ibid, p. 450. SFRY Constitution, 1974, Article. 240, second paragraph. 60 Ibid, Article. 239, second paragraph. 61 Ibid, Article 238, first paragraph. 62 Priprema i izvoenje operacija oruanih snaga u ONOR-u, Maral Tito JNA Centre for Military Higher Education National Defence School, Belgrade, 1981. 63 Ibid, Introduction, at the start of the book unpaginated. 64 Ibid, first unpaginated page.

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In the chapter called The role and tasks of the SKJ and the SSOJ (Union of the Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia, authors remark) in groups and bodies the book, among other things, stresses the following: SKJ organisations are the leading ideological and political force in strategic and operative groups and operative bodies. They are responsible for the implementation of SKJ policies in overall combat, moral and political development of these groups and hierarchies and their engagement on concrete tasks. In the preparation and execution of operations, Communists and SKJ organisations and organs are primarily engaged on: raising soldiers and officers awareness of the justified nature of the battle we are engaged in ... explaining the current military and political situation, the essence of class and the countrys defence perspective; uncovering enemy goals and actions, primarily their propaganda activities, and inciting hatred against them....65 As for the SSOJ, it was defined that its activities within the armed forces would be founded on the programmatic and statutory documents of the SKJ and SSOJ. The SSOJ organisation and its organs are constantly engaged on the consistent implementation of SKJ policies, positions and tasks ... cultivation of massscale heroism, fighting spirit and revolutionary zeal; affirmation of faith in our victory, deepening of our hatred towards our enemy...66

I.-3.1.3 Presidency of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY)

The institution of Presidency was first introduced in the Yugoslav Communist administrative system in 1966, as part of the SKJ party structure. Subsequently, the state management system was gradually reorganised in the same manner and the institution of the SFRY Presidency established by the 1974 Constitution and introduced at the level of republics and provinces. In fact, the SFRY Presidency was the collective head of state with a very broad scope of authority. Among other things, the SFRY Presidency was the supreme body in charge of the administration and command of the Armed Forces ... in war and peace,67 appointing, promoting and relieving of duty generals and admirals and other army officers, as specified by the federal statute; appointing and relieving of office the presidents, judges and lay-assessors of military courts, and military public prosecutors,68 laying down the fundamentals of plans and preparatory measures for the defence of the country ... determining the existence of an immediate threat of war ... ordering the use of Armed Forces in peace-time,69 and in specific cases passing decree laws and suspending the implementation of individual provisions of the Constitution.70 The SFRY Presidency shall be composed of a member from each Republic and Autonomous Province, elected by the Assembly of the Republic or the Assembly of the Autonomous Province.71 This means that the SFRY Presidency was composed of eight members. Members of the SFRY Presidency were elected to a five-year mandate. According to the Constitution, the SFRY
65 66

Ibid, p. 13. Ibid, p. 14. 67 SFRY Constitution, 1974, Article 313, third paragraph. 68 Ibid, Article 315, item 6. 69 Ibid, Article 316. 70 Ibid, Article 317 and Amendment XLI, item 3, 1988. 71 Ibid, Amendment XLI, item 1, 1988.

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Presidency was headed by the President of the SFRY Presidency whose term of office lasted for one year and who was automatically (by rotation) replaced by the next member of the SFRY Presidency, in accordance with a previously determined roster. The President of the Presidency was at the same time the President of the National Defence Council.72 The SFRY Presidency operated in this manner only after the death of J.B. Tito (1980), who, according to the SFRY Constitution, held the offices of both the President of the Republic and the President of the SFRY Presidency for life.73 According to the Constitution, Tito (as the President of the Republic, i.e. Yugoslavia) had the same powers as the SFRY Presidency and ruled as such. Thus, the SFRY Presidency did not consummate its constitutional powers before that time (1980) and met at Titos will.74 I.-3.1.4. Security Services The security services were established by the KPJ in WWII.75 They continued operating after the war, were re-organised on several occasions (division into military and civilian security services, division according to type of work and jurisdiction) and had the names of individual services changed.76 The security services of Communist Yugoslavia were exceptionally significant for the preservation of the totalitarian Communist regime and therefore wielded enormous power and had a highly developed network of employees and collaborators. In their activities, the security services frequently carried out assassinations of personae non gratae in Yugoslavia and abroad. Following the break-up of the second Yugoslavia, a number of service employees and other authors published a great many documents and data about this.77 A top secret overhaul of the Yugoslav civilian State Security Service - the SDS (carried out in 1997 for the needs of the security service of the Republic of Croatia by prominent SDS employees who had, since 1990, assumed even more prominent security positions in the Republic of Croatia)78 revealed many details in the organisation and activities of the SDS. For instance, under the category of internal enemies the SDS carried out non-stop surveillance of, among others, all religious communities, universities and student dormitories. In foreign countries it covered Yugoslav emigrants. According to the Law on Basic State Security Systems, the SFRY Presidency and the SIV (Federal Executive Council, the SFRY Government, authors remark) were responsible for providing political and security guidelines for the activities of the State Security Service.79 In many ways, state security services very actively participated in the political, military and economic crises which took place in the second Yugoslavia during the 1980s. They were intensively involved in the intervention in Kosovo at the beginning of the 1980s.80 In the mid-1980s, when the advent of pluralist democracy became
Ibid, articles 327-332. Ibid, Article 335, second paragraph. 74 Ibid, articles 335-345. 75 See J. Jurevi, Bleiburg...., chapter Glavni represivni organi. 76 See Marko Lopuina, Ubij blinjeg svog, Belgrade, 1996; Bo`e Vukui, Tajni rat Udbe protiv hrvatskog iseljenitva, chapter Nastanak, ustroj i rad jugoslavenskih tajnih slubi, Zagreb, 2002. 77 See: Ibid; also Hans Peter Rullman, Mordauftrag aus Belgrad, Hamburg, 1990; Bo`idar Spasi, Lasica koja govori, Belgrade, 2000. 78 Josip Perkovi; Jan Gabri, Sluba dravne sigurnosti, Zagreb 1997. 79 Ibid, p. 14. 80 Ibid, pp. 13-14.
73 72

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apparent, security services started systematically clearing out the archives which, in the new circumstances, could have compromised the Communist administrative elites.81 During the break-up of the second Yugoslavia, a large number of SDS employees and associates left the Yugoslav state security system and took up a number of prominent security and other management positions in the newly created states.82 The extent to which this transfer was organised by the Yugoslav services as part of their security activities in the new order and the extent to which it was spontaneous remains an open issue. It is significant that a large quantity of data and documents on Yugoslav civilian security services and their members have been made public (books, media, internet) since 1990. Contrary to that, information on the Yugoslav military security services, which were clearly very active and systematic both prior to and after 1990, are exceptionally difficult to access publicly.83 On the one hand, none of the states newly created on the territory of the former Yugoslavia has ever taken any steps (scientific, social, legal or from the aspect of lustration) to confront the activities of the Yugoslav military and civilian security services. This testifies to their importance and power as players prior to and, even more so, after 1990. On the other hand, the many confrontations which did occur, even with the most prominent political and military figures, failed to include the members of Yugoslav security services. Certain well-known examples show that in todays Croatia, the security services and their members are still being, in a manner of speaking, protected.84 I.-3.1.5 SFRY Assembly According to the SFRY Constitution, the SFRY Assembly was the supreme organ of power,85 and, in accordance with the Constitution and the federal laws, had a very wide scope of formal authority: to decide on amendments to the Constitution ... discuss and lay down the fundamentals of internal and foreign policy ... decide on alterations of the boundaries ... decide on war and peace ... elect the President of the Republic, elect and relieve the members of the Federal Government, etc.86 For a number of reasons, however, the Assembly was far less powerful than the Constitution stipulated, the main reason being, of course, that Yugoslavia was a typical totalitarian state in which the assembly system and its actual influence were all but formal.
See J. Jurevi, op. cit., pp.138-139. Many cases described in books and the media testify to that. The most obvious examples in the Republic of Croatia are: a) Josip MANOLI], former member of Yugoslav security services (in the period from 1989 to 1994 one of the most powerful members of the ruling HDZ /Croatian Democratic Union/), who was the Prime Minister of the Republic of Croatia, the Chief of the Service for the Protection of the Constitutional Order and, during the four initial and crucial years, the top state personnel officer; b) Josip PERKOVI], former member of Yugoslav security services and subsequently a long-serving Chief of the Military Security Service in the Republic of Croatia. 83 See: 1. statement of Sefer HALILOVI] and others on their activities for the Yugoslav military security service; 2. Veljko Kadijevi: Moje vienje raspada, Belgrade, 1993. 84 The German Supreme Court recently accused the authorities of the Republic of Croatia (usually consistent in their co-operation with the international community) of refusing to co-operate in a trial regarding the investigation of the role played by Josip PERKOVI] (a high-ranking Yugoslav official and subsequently even higher-ranking official in Croatian security services) in the murder of a Croatian migr in Germany in the 1980s. 85 SFRY Constitution, Article. 282. 86 Ibid, articles 283-290.
82 81

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The second reason was the manner, in which the Assembly functioned and its prescribed jurisdiction. It was composed of two councils, based on the specific Yugoslav principle of delegates, in which the passing of decisions involved complex procedures requiring a consensus to be reached between delegations from republics and other organisations.87 The actual weakness of the Assembly became increasingly obvious during the escalation of the Yugoslav crisis and the process of its break-up, and its role was soon marginalized.

I.-3.1.6 Federal Executive Council (SIV)

According to the 1974 SFRY Constitution, the SIV was the executive body of the SFRY Assembly, in other words, the federal Yugoslav Government responsible to the SFRY Assembly for the state in all spheres of social life.88 It was determined that ethnic composition would be taken into account89 in the nomination of the members of the SIV. The jurisdiction of the SIV mainly pertained to the implementation of the policies and decisions adopted by the Assembly and the SFRY Presidency. During the break-up of the second Yugoslavia and due to the marginalization of the Assembly and the blockade of the SFRY Presidency, the SIV sometimes acted independently, encouraged by the international community or various internal interests.

I.-3.1.7 Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia (SSRNJ) According to the Constitution, the SSRNJ was created during the National Liberation War and Socialist Revolution as a voluntary and democratic front of the working people and citizens and all organized socialist forces, headed by the Communist Party.90 This was, in fact, the largest and most mass-scale organisation incorporating all other mass-scale organisations (trade unions, youth organisations, womens organisations, etc.) established and controlled by the KPJ. The SSRNJ came into being in 1953 when the previous mass-scale organisation called the Yugoslav Peoples Front (NFJ) was reorganised and renamed. Membership in most of these mass-scale organisations was automatic and binding; when a person was employed he or she became a member of the trade union, or when a student started school he or she became Titos pioneer, at a certain age a person became a member of the youth organisation, etc. Owing to this, already in 1947 the NFJ had approximately as many as seven million members. Through its management hierarchies in the NFJ (SSRNJ) and its member organisations, the KPJ carried out various mass-scale actions and promoted the legitimacy of the totalitarian regime.91 During the first multi-party parliamentary elections (1990) held in the republics of the former Yugoslavia, new parties were formed in semi-legal legally unclarified conditions, and formally registered as members of the SSRNJ.
87 88

Ibid, articles 283-312, amendments I and III from 1981 and XXXVII from 1988. Ibid, Article 346. 89 Ibid, Article 348, second paragraph. 90 SFRY Constitution, Basic Principles, section VIII, third paragraph. 91 There is hardly a political, economic, cultural or educational action in which the Peoples Front did not act as organiser or executor, popularizer and an active agitation and propaganda force, Povijest SKJ, p. 329.

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I.3.1.8 Alliance of Reserve Army Officers (SRVSJ) The SRVSJ was a mass-scale organisation which brought together military commanders and active military personnel and citizens occupying management positions in Yugoslav defence hierarchies. The organisation was established in 1952 as part of the KPJ programme. It was organised on territorial principles and had approximately half a million members. Many members of this organisation participated actively - on different sides - in the preparation and execution of the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1990.

I.-3.1.9 Federal Association of WWII Veterans (SUBNOR)

The organisation was created in 1961 when the following organisations entered into association: the Association of WWII veterans (established in 1947), the Disabled Veterans Association and the SRVSJ. In 1969 the SRVSJ stepped out of the SUBNOR and became an independent organisation once again. A member of the SUBNOR could be any citizen who, as soldier or supporter, participated in the war on the side of Communist Partisans, and citizens who were members of Allied forces. Family members of soldiers killed and disabled veterans were also accepted as members. In this way, SUBNOR became one of the most massive organisations and, in the mid-1970s, had approximately 950,000 members. The SUBNOR was organised on the territorial principle. From 1969 onwards, the veterans associations of individual republics and provinces were independent organisations under the Yugoslav SUBNOR.92 Being the KPJs army, the soldiers and the monolithic network of their organisations provided very strong political and social support to the Yugoslav totalitarian regime both in terms of propaganda and in real terms. After the war, the entire newly created management hierarchy of the Communist state was largely filled by veterans, in spite of their lack of expertise and because of their dedication to the Party. The SUBNOR was very active during the changes which occurred during and after 1990. SUBNOR organisations and members gradually started dividing along different lines and new organisations came into being, preserving its monolithic nature and ideological radicalism. Even though advanced in age, many SUBNOR members became influential members of new political and military hierarchies in 1990. I.-3.2 Institutions in former Yugoslav republics In every aspect, the institutional management engine of the Yugoslav republics imitated the federal state. Actions taken by Communist republican institutions were therefore of crucial importance, both in the preparatory phase and the initial years of the break-up of the former Yugoslavia and the formation of new institutions and relations. In other words, an overview of the activities of various institutions in individual republics in 1990 can provide an objective insight into the degree to which individual republics had been systematically and institutionally prepared for the key developments of the 1990s. This overview is of particular importance for a more objective /?legal/ identification and assessment of the degree to which individual institutions and prominent individuals/players in the states newly created on the territory of the former Yugoslavia were designed, organised and responsible.
92

esti kongres Saveza udruenja boraca NOR Jugoslavije, Belgrade, 1969.

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I.-3.2.1 Serbia In mid-1985, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) adopted a decision on the drafting of a report on current social issues and on 24 October 1986, Belgrades Ve~ernje novosti (highest-circulation newspapers in Yugoslavia) published a voluminous SANU Memorandum, which claimed that the Serbs in Yugoslavia were discriminated against and in perpetual (demographic, economic and political) danger. It demanded a revision of internal Yugoslav borders and the centralisation of the state to the advantage of the Serbs. In April 1987, groups of Kosovo Serbs, systematically created tensions in Kosovo under the auspices of the Serbian secret service, and Slobodan MILO[EVI] publicly told them, Nobody is allowed to beat you! This sentence provided the controlled media with an opening for the creation of the cult of MILO[EVI] as the defender of the Serbs. From that moment on, his rise was meteoric.93 November 1987 saw the 8th session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia, where MILO[EVI] and his hierarchies took complete control of the republican party, which was a crucial event in the further incorporation of Greater Serbian hierarchies in Serbias political and social organisation. The aim was to implement a plan keeping South Slav peoples and the federal state under the domination of Serbian rulers.94 At the end of June 1988, on St Vitus Day, the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) set out to carry the remains (relics) of medieval Serbian knez /prince/ Lazar. The aim was to visit as many parts of Serbia as possible within a year and inspire the Serbs to return to their religious and national roots.95 This radical mass-scale action soon spread to include parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the summer of 1988, Serbian intelligence structures organised massscale visits (the so-called anti-bureaucratic or yoghurt revolution) of militant Serbs from Kosovo and other places to the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, toppling the local authorities and replacing them with pro-MILO[EVI] politicians. At the time, the model of mass-scale anti-bureaucratic or yoghurt revolution and other forms of mass-media pressure were frequently used in Serbia to cleanse all state and social institutions (politics, state administration, economy, media, etc.) of persons (cadres) who did not agree with the plan symbolised by Slobodan MILO[EVI]. In January 1989, in a series of co-ordinated rallies culminating in Titograd/Podgorica (50,000 people), MILO[EVI] overthrows the Montenegrin government and appoints a regime loyal to him.96 At the end of February 1989, Serbs in Knin (Croatia) organised demonstrations in support of Belgrades settling accounts with the counterrevolution in Kosovo.97
93 94

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini, (group of authors), Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999, p. 371. See 1. Josip Jurevi, Srbijanska oruana agresija na Hrvatsku 1990-1995 in Jugoistona Europa 1918-1995 proceedings, Zagreb, 1995, pp. 216-217; 2. Izvori velikosrpske agresije, (group of authors), Zagreb, 1991. 95 Rat u Hrvatskoj, p. 372. 96 Ibid, p. 372. 97 Ibid, p. 372.

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At the end of March 1989, the Serbian Assembly adopted amendments to the republican constitution, abolishing the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina. This was in direct opposition to the SFRY Constitution which guaranteed Kosovo and Vojvodina their autonomy and constituent position in the Yugoslav federation. Based on their constituent status, the provinces had representatives in all bodies of the federal government (the Presidency, the Assembly, etc.) It is significant that Serbia abolished the autonomy of the provinces but kept the seats in the bodies of the federal government they had been entitled to on the basis of that very autonomy. At the end of June 1989, the most massive Serbian national and religious rally (up to a million people were present, according to estimates from Serbia) was held at Gazimestan (Kosovo). The main speaker was Slobodan MILO[EVI] who said, ...now, we are engaged in battles and facing new ones. They are not armed battles, although such things cannot yet be excluded.98 In a special issue, the magazine of the Serbian Orthodox Church (Glas Crkve) published a Draft Serbian Religious and Ethnic Programme providing support for the abolishment of provincial autonomies and demanding from the Serbian leadership to protect and preserve the rights, freedoms and integrity of its people on the entire Yugoslav territory.99 Another massive Serbian rally, similar in concept and scenario, was soon held (9 July 1989) in Croatia (in the village of Kosovo near Knin) and attended by approximately 50,000 people, mostly from Serbia, who arrived in more than 1,500 buses.100 At the beginning of December 1989, MILO[EVI] was elected the President of the Presidency of the Socialist Republic of Serbia. In February 1990, a state of emergency was imposed in Kosovo; tanks and armoured units in the streets, 33 Albanian protesters killed.101 At the beginning of March 1990, a Greater Serbian rally was held in Petrova Gora (Croatia); retired JNA General Du{an PEKI] demands that new Communist politicians in Croatia and Slovenia be arrested and the crowds shout, We want weapons! 102 Even this brief overview shows that the majority of Serbian scientific, political, military and religious103 institutions and hierarchies - at least from the mid-1980s onwards - were systematically, operatively and ever more intensely preparing for a radical and forceful intervention within the second Yugoslav state. Proof of this is the fact that the reformed Communists led by Slobodan MILO[EVI] convincingly won (held on to the power) the first multi-party elections in Serbia (December 1990), which means that Serbia (and Montenegro) was the only /state/ to fully preserve the continuity of its institutions from the Yugoslav times. In other words, this is how the entire management hierarchy which had been preparing for the events in the 1990s was preserved in Serbia. What renders the tragedy of the events which transpired on the territory of the second Yugoslavia at the end of the 20th century even more awful is the fact that the concept behind the Greater Serbian Project had become totally obsolete, particularly from the aspect of modern European standards.
98 99

Veernji list (daily newspaper), Zagreb, 29 June 1989. Rat u Hrvatskoj, p. 373. 100 Kronologija rata 1989-1998, Zagreb, 1998, p. 7. 101 Ibid, p. 374. 102 Ibid, p. 374; compare with Kronologija rata, p. 19. 103 See Milorad Tomani, Srpska crkva u ratu i ratovi u njoj, Belgrade, 2001.

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The majority of European nations (particularly the developed ones) do not equate nations with ethnic origins and do not achieve national goals through military conquest and ethnic cleansing but by economic, technological, scientific, political, diplomatic and similar means. Serbian aggression built its ideological and political foundations on ethnic and religious identification (All Serbs in one state, religious ornaments, invocation of graves, involvement of the Serbian Orthodox Church, etc.) and planned and tried to achieve its national interests through military occupation, ethnic cleansing of the non-Serbian population and ethnic colonization of the formerly occupied parts of the Republic of Croatia and of the Republika Srpska, which still exists on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, are best testimonies to that). Serbian aggression proceeded without a declaration of war; many banned weapons were used and so were, in addition to the official army, a wide array of paramilitary and voluntary units and groups. Ethnic cleansing was carried out by means of intimidation, abuse, mass murder, camp detention and expulsion. The main targets of devastating attacks - carried out without military reasons - were civilian facilities (apartments, hospitals, schools, etc.), the cultural heritage in particular (settlements, castles, museums, churches, cemeteries), and the purpose of the attacks was to destroy the areas historical identity.104 I.-3.2.2 Croatia At the beginning of the second half of the 1980s, Croatian institutional life was dominated mostly by topics dealing with the escalating Yugoslav (and Croatian) economic crisis and the resulting social and political problems. Communist propaganda stereotypes on the difficulties which will be surmounted dominated the public discourse (mostly controlled by the party) and Croatian institutions never once brought into question Yugoslavias constitutional and territorial integrity. As the 1990s neared, the radicalisation of political developments in Serbia and the problems encountered by Croatian party and state representatives at federal-level meetings in Belgrade gradually started causing concern and drawing more media attention in Croatia. In addition to that, repeated bankruptcies of Communist companies and frequent and massive strikes of dissatisfied workers on the streets of Croatian cities started capturing the public attention. In July 1989, in delayed and bureaucratically constrained statements, Croatian party and state bodies condemned the display of Serbian nationalism and the rallying atmosphere during the celebration of the Battle of Kosovo in Knin Krajina.105 In mid-May 1989, the first new Communist party in Croatia, the Croatian Social Liberal Alliance (HSLS), was founded in semi-legal conditions in Zagreb. In mid-June 1989, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) was founded at the premises of a small football club on the outskirts of Zagreb. Ten months
104

J. Jurevi, Vukovar 91 Meunarodno pravo i europska sigurnost in Vukovar 91 Meunarodni odjeci i znaaj proceedings, Zagreb, 2004, pp. 24-25. 105 Kronologija rata, p. 7.

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later, it won the first multi-party elections in Croatia. During the preparations for the Partys formation, disagreements on the party programme, title and leader were rife. In the end, the group supporting Franjo TU\MAN - in fear of the Yugoslav police but also hiding from the majority of HDZ founders who did not support Franjo TU\MAN as the leader of the emerging party - held the partys founding assembly on the private premises at the outskirts of the city, not in the hotel for which public invitations had been issued.106 Only at the end of 1989 and the beginning of 1990 did the bodies of republican and party authorities in Croatia start legally opening the process of political pluralism. This is why it was only at the beginning of February 1990 (two and a half months after the first multi-party elections in Croatia) that the semi-legally founded parties were registered with the Croatian republican Secretariat for Judiciary and Administration. In December 1989, following the example of other Eastern-European Communist states - the citizens of Zagreb showed up en masse to light candles and sign a petition demanding the calling of multi-party elections. The first multi-party (runoff) elections in Croatia were held in the second half of April and at the beginning of May 1990. Contrary to all expectations and research, the HDZ won by a landslide. Judging by a large number of available documents, historical sources, books and published works, the state and social institutions and hierarchies in Croatia were almost completely unprepared for 1990, i.e. for the fall of Communism and the break-up of Yugoslavia. These sources and literature do not show any systematic preparations for internal armed conflict or radical policies aimed at breaking-up Yugoslavia on the part of Croatian institutions in the 1980s and early 1990s, or the existence of any plans and organisations intended for that purpose. In addition to that, the 1990 elections in Croatia resulted in the change of the ruling party and the concept of government and led to an extensive restructuring of institutions and staff, even though the positions of power in the new ruling party (HDZ) were kept by many members of the old Communist (in particular intelligence) hierarchies. I.-3.2.3 Bosnia and Herzegovina During the second half of the 1980s, the overall situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina was very similar to that of Croatia. The public sphere was dominated by inter-republican Communist political, economic and social topics which were typical for the times. This included the long-winded Agrokomerc trial. Towards the end of the 1980s, the radical developments in Serbia started increasingly occupying the attention of the BH public as well. In October 1989, when the Serbian security services invaded the BH security system - BH Communist party leaders qualified it as an attack on the sovereignty of the Republic and an attempt to Kosovise Bosnia and Herzegovina.107 At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, however, there were very few safety concerns in the BH public sphere (even less than in Croatia) and few people believed Yugoslavia would fall apart, even though historical experiences and current events pointed to the contrary. It is interesting to observe that - even in 1991 when the Serbian occupation of Croatia
106 107

Deset godina Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, Zagreb, 1989, pp. 43-65. Kronologija rata, p. 10.

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had reached its culmination - the BH public was confident that the war would not reach Bosnia and Herzegovina. Because the process of gradual legalization of political pluralism and the formation of new parties proceeded more slowly in Bosnia and Herzegovina than it did in Slovenia and Croatia, the first multi-party (runoff) elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina were held only in the second half of November and the beginning of December 1990. Based on the sources and information available today it is obvious that, prior to 1990, the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina were almost completely unprepared for the fall of Communism and the break-up of Yugoslavia. Also, available sources do not show that by the 1990s there were any republican-level plans or organisations preparing an internal Yugoslav armed conflict and the break-up of Yugoslavia in official BH institutions. It was believed that such potential actions were, in principle, less likely to occur in the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina than other Yugoslav republics because of the constituent status enjoyed by the three peoples, their mixed demographics and management parity, and many other historical reasons and interests. Moreover, the newly formed parties did win at the 1990 elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the concept of government was changed and extensive restructuring of institutions and staff carried out. I.-3.3 Institutions of the International Community Globally and generally speaking, the operations and efficiency of international institutions during the crisis, as well as before, during and after the war were defined by a number of different factors. In the first place were their obligations, dictated by what they were responsible for. In the second place were their real operative capabilities which depended on the perception of the organization, its overall influence, the accessibility and difficulty of problems and many other interests, directly or indirectly linked to a certain issue. Also, with the passage of time, there has been an increase in the number and quality of analyses, assessments and interpretations of the activities carried out by international institutions during the crisis (and war) in the former Yugoslavia.108 In any case, it is an undisputed fact that, even though almost 20 years has passed since the start of the so-called Yugoslav crisis, the most powerful global and European international institutions failed to preserve peace in South-Eastern Europe and the unresolved geopolitical and other issues caused by this war still pose a threat to European security and stability.

I.-3.3.1 United Nations (UN) The UN is the largest and the most powerful global organisation which, according to the very first article of the UN Charter which defines the purposes and principles of the organisation (To maintain international peace and security and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace...), and the events in the former Yugoslavia undoubtedly came under their responsibility.

108 See Carole Hodge, Velika Britanija i Balkan od 1991. do danas, Zagreb, 2007; Josip Jurevi, Meunarodno pravo i europska sigurnost, u zborniku Vukovar 91 meunarodni odjeci i znaaj, Zagreb, 2004.

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The UN only became seriously involved in the so-called Yugoslav crisis at the end of September 1991 with the adoption of a Security Council Resolution imposing an arms embargo on the entire territory of Yugoslavia was adopted. Since Serbia (which had an abundance of weapons) was engaged in total war against unarmed Croatia and, shortly after, against Bosnia and Herzegovina, also unarmed, the soundness of the UNs decision and the motives that lay behind it were challenged at the time the embargo decision was adopted, as they are today. In the same manner, the issue of why the UN had not become engaged much earlier in the former Yugoslavia and why it was not more efficient once it did, also remains open. I.-3.3.2 European Community (EC) Through its monitoring mechanism, the EC was the first international institution present on the territory of Yugoslavia. However, this only occurred in July 1991 on the territory of Slovenia where military conflicts had ceased. In September 1991, the EC established the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia which failed to halt Serbian armed aggression. On several occasions prior to that, in the first half of 1991, EC representatives promised financial help for Yugoslavia and advocated nothing but its survival even though its break-up had reached a point of no return. I.3.3.3 Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) Since its foundation (in 1972), the CSCE played an important role in the establishment of security co-operation between European blocs and contributed to the peaceful ending of the cold war in Europe at the time of the fall of the Communist regimes. The CSCE performed this role as an ad hoc organisation and in 1990 it was transformed into an international organisation with permanent institutions. At the time, however, the CSCE failed to seriously engage in the solving of the so-called Yugoslav crisis which was transformed into the first (and longlasting) war in Europe after WWII. This can certainly be considered a huge failure on the part of the CSCE as the organisation whose primary task is to preserve peace, or rather, European security and co-operation. This particularly pertains to the large number of provisions and obligations adopted by the CSCE in its Helsinki Final Act (Helsinki, 1975) and the Copenhagen Document (Copenhagen 1990) which were systematically and drastically violated in the former Yugoslavia.

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BREAK-DOWN OF THE INSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM OF THE SECOND YUGOSLAVIA

I.4

The institutional management system of totalitarian Yugoslavia was built for decades, in a planned manner, based on scientific foundations and in accordance with the Marxist paradigm of scientific socialism/communism. Many structural and personnel changes and adjustments were constantly effected, among other things, with the basic aim of achieving the greatest possible institutional stability of the state and its Communist regime. The enormous size, complexity (complicated nature) and mutual conditionality of all Yugoslav state and social institutions served the purpose of creating an illusion of their monolithic and timeless quality and of concealing the conceptual weaknesses and practical failures of the totalitarian Communist administrative model. The above is illustrated by the following data: in 1981, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia had 2,120,000 members, or approximately 9.5% of the total population. This means that every seventh adult was a member of the SKJ. The percentage of SKJ members in the entire workforce was as high as 28.6%. Individual republics differed considerably as to the percentage of the total population who were members of the SKJ. The lowest percentage of SKJ members with respect to the number of inhabitants was in Slovenia (6.6%) and Croatia (7.6%) and the highest in Montenegro (12.5%), Serbia (10.5%) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (9.5%). However, the monolithic nature of the Yugoslav administrative hierarchy, in spite of its enormous size, gradually faced a serious crisis, primarily because of the disastrous economic failure of the countrys regime which was practically in charge of the entire economy. In 1981, Yugoslavias foreign debt exceeded USD 20 billion. That year alone, two billion dollars were paid as interest on the foreign debt. At the time, even books dedicated to the party described the situation as follows, The structural imbalance in the economy, the deficit in the balance of payments and extent of the countrys obligations will become key factors limiting its economic development and threatening the very self-management foundations of its economic and political system.109 The party experts assessment of the possible failure of the foundations of the economic and political system of the Communist state constitute the starting point for an understanding of the basic internal reasons for the break-up of the second Yugoslavia. Along with the escalation of the economic crisis, political relations in Yugoslavia also started worsening because of different interests. Many military experts110 believe that key changes which led to the destruction of institutions began with the reorganisation of the JNA carried out from the mid- to late 1980s. These changes - which abolished the army districts established along the republican borders and set up three theatres of operations - were contrary to the constitutional federal defence concept of the Yugoslav state and led to a

Povijest SKJ, p. 469; the numerical indicators were taken from the book. Davor Domazet, Hrvatska i veliko ratite, Association of St George, Zagreb, 2003; Sefer Halilovi, Lukava strategija, Sarajevo, 1997; Martin pegelj, Prva faza rata: pripreme JNA za agresiju i hrvatski obrambeni planovi in the book Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999; Veljko Kadijevi, Moje vienje raspada, Belgrade 1993.
110

109

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centralisation of the state and political management of the army,111 thus facilitating subsequent Serbian military aggression against Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. In taking these steps, the military leadership is said to have been motivated by two principal interests. The first is JNAs vast material power (large-scale manufacture and sales of weapons at home and abroad, enormous military budget) and its political power (the placing of retired and active military personnel in civilian institutions, the cult of the Communist Army). This power caused the JNA to refer to itself in popular terms as the seventh republic, and to implement systematic changes in order to insure, among other things, that the Armys material and political power would be preserved even in a time of crisis. The second interest (motive) was the result of the pronounced Serbianization of the military leadership. Both interests were therefore completely in tune with the SANU Memorandum and the policies implemented by the Serbian hierarchies lead by Slobodan MILO[EVI]. These were the foundations on which, towards the end of the 1980s and at the beginning of 1990s, the Serbian political hierarchies and the Serbianized leadership of the JNA started publicly and ostensibly unifying their activities (in the declarative, political and military sense). 112 The second direct attack against the foundations of the SFRY Constitution and the survival of Yugoslavia occurred in March 1989 when Serbia abolished the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina. Federal bodies which, based on their constitutional and legal jurisdiction, should have reacted to this counterconstitutional act, failed to do so. One of the reasons for their failure to react to these and subsequent counter-constitutional moves made by Serbia, was the blockade of federal bodies because Serbia (having kept the Kosovo and Vojvodina seats in federal bodies and control of the representatives of Montenegro which had been subjugated by mass rallies) had direct control of half of the seats in the most important federal bodies of authority. I.-4.1 1990, the decisive year With hindsight, it is evident that the most important events which took the break-down of the institutional system of the second Yugoslavia to the point of no return, occurred in 1990. In the second half of January 1990, the 14th Extraordinary Congress of the SKJ was held in Belgrade and lasted for three days. During the session, the public and media atmosphere in Serbia and the whole of Yugoslavia was dramatic, but the main drama was unfolding at the congress itself. The greatest discord ruled between the Slovenian and Serbian Communist delegations and the situation at the Congress turned into a conflict along ethnic lines. The Serbian delegation controlled the majority of the delegates present at the Congress and outvoted all (numerous) Slovenian proposals. After three days of this exclusive behaviour, the Slovenian delegation walked out of the Congress in protest and Slovenian Communists announced that they were freezing their relations with the SKJ. The Serbian delegation tried contrary to the Statute - to proceed with the Congress without the Slovenian
The paradoxical nature of the counter-constitutional, but legal, legalisation of the reorganisation of the JNA is explained by M. pegelj in op. cit., p. 40-46. 112 Veljko KADIJEVI] the highest-ranking JNA officer at the time - explained this in his book published in 1993.
111

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Communists and take full control of the SKJ. The Croatian delegation, however, did not agree with that and soon left Belgrade as well, announcing it would return once problems within the party had been resolved. The problems were not dealt with, however, and some ten days later, the League of Communists of Slovenia concluded that the SKJ Congress was finished and that, from that point on, the Slovenian SK /Communist Alliance/ was henceforth an independent political organisation. Thus in 1990 the SKJ disintegrated, the sole political organisation in the second Yugoslavia which held together the entire state and social administrative hierarchy. This is why, at the time, certain analysts were justified in predicting that the breakdown of the SKJ also implied the breakdown of Yugoslavia,113 which was fully confirmed by the future events. The second key event (process) was the first multi-party elections, conducted in all republics of the former Yugoslavia in 1990.114 It is highly significant that in each of the republics the elections were held according to completely independent (newly adopted) republican laws and to the structure of the parties, which were in no way connected or co-ordinated at the Yugoslav federal level or with other republics. After the independent internal republican elections, old Communist (but formally renamed) parties remained in power only in Serbia and Montenegro. Power was taken over in the other four republics by the newly formed parties. After the 1990 elections, the authorities (administrative hierarchies) in all the Yugoslav republics started acting with increasing sovereignty, i.e. cutting off with increasing speed any ties with the recently shared state and its institutions. After the elections, all - practically and formally - administrative life in the newly independent states (republics) went on in a sovereign fashion. Individual republics participated in federal institutions and were occasionally called to fulfil the so-called federal obligations and laws, but only in so far as the fulfilment of republican (state) interests was concerned. Anything beyond that was proclaimed illegitimate and illegal or evaded in various ways. The Federal Assembly practically ceased to exist, as did the SKJ. The SFRY Presidency was in a state of internal 4:4 deadlock of relations. Even when decisions were adopted, they were not adhered to by either the republics or, with increasing frequency, the remaining federal bodies. The Federal Executive Council (SIV), or rather, its President (Ante MARKOVI]), tried to be an allYugoslav player but to no avail.115 By 1990, the JNA leadership and most of its commanding hierarchy (composed mostly of ethnic Serbs), at the time the sole federal binding force at the time that could be imposed on the republics by force, ceased - both actually and constitutionally - to be an institutional part of the federal state by subordinating itself completely to the Greater Serbian Project: it operatively prepared the Serbian armed aggression and participated in it from the very start,
The events of the 14th Congress of the SKJ and assessments were published by almost all media at the time; see, for example, Veernji list of 24 January 1990. 114 In Slovenia in April; in Croatia at the beginning of May; in Macedonia in November; in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of December; in Serbia and Montenegro, separately but at the same time, in the second half of December. 115 In the summer of 1990 MARKOVI] even founded his own party, intending to run in the remaining republican elections on its slate, but the project failed dismally. In the autumn of 1990, JNA leadership also founded a party which completely failed. These two attempts testify to the overall situation at the time and to the greatly advanced state of disintegration of the Yugoslav state.
113

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i.e. by attacking Croatia on 17 August 1990 and by occupying a part of its territory. Within the JNA, the rifts quickly deepened: most persons of nonSerbian ethnicity left the commanding hierarchy, either of their own free will or under pressure, and joined the newly created state hierarchies in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia. Under the weight of the increasingly radical ethnic homogenisation imposed by the Serbian hierarchies, ethnic divisions among JNA soldiers (conscripts) became deeper and deeper. Serbian recruits and reservists were divided into those who wanted to fight for the Project of Greater Serbian Conquest and those who did not. 116 Thus, by the end of 1990, federal institutions were disoriented and in disarray and their objective powers reduced to a minimum. Some of the most important individual federal institutions (the SKJ and the Assembly), to all intents and purposes, mostly ceased to exist. Other most important federal institutions (SFRY Presidency and the SIV) operated individually and without a plan and soon lost all real support and power. Contrary to that, in Slovenia and Croatia at the end of 1990, the processes leading towards institutional independence were firmly shaped. A referendum was held in Slovenia at the end of December 1990 and 86% of the voters voted for independence. In Croatia, a new Constitution was adopted, laying foundations for the states independence. Serbia and its subordinate Montenegro had for all intents and purposes seceded from the federal state even prior to 1990 and the election results (at the end of 1990) only confirmed the institutional independence of their state. The high degree of independence in these four countries and the results of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia forced these two states to carry out extensive internal restructuring of institutions and personnel, leading towards full independence.117 In view of these events and processes, it was unrealistic and exceptionally difficult at the end of 1990 to expect the Yugoslav state to be restored along the conceptual foundations of the second Yugoslavia. Also, Serbian armed aggression and the occupation of a part of Croatia at the end of 1990 rendered the creation of a joint Yugoslav state based on a new and different political agreement seriously difficult because in such a situation, there was not enough trust for any political negotiations to be conducted from the positions of military power. In other words - Serbia, a key player and the only state with an enormous military force at its disposal, unlike other states who had no armed forces at all decided to make good use of this sole and enormous advantage and resolve the internal Yugoslav doubts by using the military to its own advantage. A part of Croatia was thus occupied on 17 August 1990 and armed and other provocations carried out with increased frequency and higher intensity in its other parts. This was the moment when it became completely clear that the federal (joint) army, the JNA, had taken the side of the Greater Serbian Project, because it prevented the Croatian police from legitimately and legally intervening in the occupied territory.118
116 117

For processes of division within the JNA, see M. pegelj, op. cit. Already at the end of January 1991, the Macedonian Sobranje (Assembly) adopted the Declaration on the sovereignty and independence of Macedonia. 118 For an overview of many other important events in 1990, see Josip Jurevi, Srbijanska oruana agresija, chapter 1990 preparation and start of the aggression.

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This is why, when in mid-September 1990 Slovenia and Croatia proposed a new political solution for a peaceful reorganisation of Yugoslavia into a confederation, the proposal was ridiculed by the Serbian and Montenegrin authorities and media.119 I.-4.2 1991 The strengthening of Serbian hierarchies (including the JNA) endorsement of, exclusively, the armed option continued in January 1991, when pressure was exerted on the SFRY Presidency to adopt a decision on military intervention in Croatia. Simultaneously, the JNA Military Court issued a warrant for the arrest of Croatian Defence Minister (M/artin/ [PEGELJ). At the end of February 1991, Serbian authorities in the occupied areas of Croatia adopted a Declaration on secession from Croatia and declared independence in mid-March. The armed destabilization of Croatia continued to worsen. At the beginning of March 1991 it continued in Western Slavonia (the Pakrac area), at the end of March in central Croatia (Plitvice) and at the beginning of May in Podunavlje near Vukovar (Borovo Selo). 120 Republican delegations and/or presidents of the republican presidencies discussed ways of addressing the so-called Yugoslav crisis at several dozens of meetings held in the first six months of 1991. The meetings were held in various compositions and combinations (bilateral, trilateral andsix-party) and in a number of different locations in all newly created countries. First - from the end of January to the end of March 1991 - a number of bilateral meetings were held between republican delegations and/or presidents of the presidency according to the principle of everyone with everyone, followed by six more meetings, held from the end of March to the beginning of June and attended by all presidents of republican presidencies. Each of the six meetings was held in a different state created by the break-up of Yugoslavia.121 At all these meetings, representatives of each republic mostly presented their view of the problems and their proposals for solving the crisis. The talks were long, extensive and superficial and yielded no final conclusions or concrete plans. Declaratively, everyone advocated the survival of Yugoslavia and a political agreement but, conceptually, their departure points were either completely incompatible or highly disparate. The basic theses advocated by Serbia and Montenegro were in line with the Memorandum: regardless of whether Yugoslavia survived or fell apart, all Serbs had to live in a single state. In case of a break-up, areas populated by the Serbs were to be severed from other republics (Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia). The basic theses advocated by Slovenia and Croatia were: there would be a new, confederate agreement of independent states and, in case of the break-up of Yugoslavia, republican borders would turn into state borders in accordance with international law and the SFRY Constitution. At the talks, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia advocated their own integrity and did not have a solid proposal for a solution to the Yugoslav crisis.

119 120

Rat u Hrvatskoj, p. 376. See Josip Jurevi, Srbijanska oruana agresija, pp. 220-221. 121 28 March in Split (Croatia); 4 April in Belgrade (Serbia); 11 April on Brdo near Kranj (Slovenia); 18 April in Ohrid (Macedonia); 29 April in Cetinje (Montenegro); 6 June in Sarajevo (Bosnia and Herzegovina).

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Overall, the talks showed no progress towards a common political solution. Rather, they revealed that it was impossible to reach a mutual agreement on the survival of Yugoslavia in any shape or form. It can therefore be questioned to what extent the participants in the talks were being sincere and whether they, indeed, had a motive and were interested in achieving such an agreement at all. Each of the participants probably had different motives and interests. It is certain, however, that the talks and their media coverage significantly contributed to the affirmation of the independence of the newly created states and of the negotiators themselves. It also drastically confirmed the break-up of the federal state and the actual powerlessness of the remaining federal institutions. Thus, in the second half of 1991, as the SFRY Presidency and the SIV had ceased to play any role whatsoever, towards the end of the year their leaders submitted their resignations.122 At a referendum held in Croatia in mid-May 1991, 93% voters voted for independence and on 25 June 1991 the parliaments of Slovenia and Croatia declared the independence of their states. The JNA, stationed in Slovenia, tried to stage a coup using its heaviest military equipment and combat aircraft. The Slovenian Territorial Defence (which the JNA failed to disarm in 1990) successfully blocked the JNA and - through the mediation of the European Community (EC) - the conflict was interrupted after several days. After that (7 July 1991), pressured by the EC, Slovenia and Croatia introduced a three-month moratorium on their decisions on independence and the EC guaranteed to find a peaceful solution to the so-called Yugoslav crisis. The Serbian hierarchies, however, stepped up their military attacks and began waging a full-scale war against Croatia, carrying out mass executions of civilians and engaging in ethnic cleansing and large-scale destruction of nonmilitary targets, in particular the identity-defining heritage of the area. At the time, Croatia had only begun organising its army and weapons, and resistance against the enemy on eight fronts was mostly put up by self-organised voluntary units and reserve police forces.123 In this seemingly hopeless situation Croatia fought a decisive battle for Vukovar. This battle was a military phenomenon because, in spite of the exceptionally uneven balance of powers, it completely unexpectedly lasted for three months, inflicting heavy losses on the Serbian aggressor and giving the Croatian state time to arm and organise its army.124 When, after the battle for Vukovar, it became obvious that Serbian aggression no longer had the power to conquer Croatia,125 Serbia urged that a truce be signed. The truce was signed through international mediation in Sarajevo at the very beginning of 1992. The first result of the Sarajevo Agreement was that a quarter of Croatian territory remained occupied and that, soon after, UN Protection Forces arrived at the borders of the occupied areas. The second result of the Agreement was the
The President of the SFRY Presidency Stjepan MESI] submitted his resignation on 18 November and the President of the SIV, Ante MARKOVI], on 20 December 1991. 123 See Josip Jurevi, Srbijanska oruana agresija, pp. 221-225 and 228-229; Martin pegelj, op. cit., pp. 58-63; Anton Tus, Rat u Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj do Sarajevskog primirja in the book Rat u Hrvatskoj 124 See Josip Jurevi, Vukovarski otpor srbijanskoj oruanoj agresiji na Hrvatsku 1991, in Drutvena istraivanja magazine, no. 4-5, Zagreb, 1993, pp. 479-499. 125 In November and December 1991, the Croatian Army even embarked on its first military offensive, liberating a part of Western Slavonia.
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transfer of a large number of Serbian troops from Croatia to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the beginning of full-fledged Serbian aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is important to stress that large JNA forces from Bosnia and Herzegovina and certain units of BH Territorial Defence, manned not only by Serbs but also Bosniaks/Muslims, participated in Serbian aggression against Croatia in 1991.126 It is also important to bear in mind that, in terms of the concept and implementation of Serbian aggression, the territory of the Republic of Croatia and that of Bosnia and Herzegovina were considered to be one integral front. In other words, the Serbian forces (the JNA, a part of the Serbs from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and various units from Serbia and Montenegro) were only de iure on the territory of two republics (states). De facto, the Serbian aggressor saw the Republic of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a single area and a single front.127 Only in mid-1991 did the international community start showing more interest in the so-called Yugoslav crisis and supported the survival of Yugoslavia which, by that time, no longer existed at all.128 Pressure was openly exerted on Slovenia and Croatia not to put their referendum decisions on independence through parliamentary procedure. When they nevertheless declared independence, the international community pressured them into introducing a three-month moratorium on their implementation. In July 1991, by introducing the arms embargo in Yugoslavia, the EC revealed its lack, to say the least, of understanding of the situation because the embargo made it significantly more difficult for the victims of the aggression to defend themselves. In August, for the first time, the international community publicly started declaring that international forces should be sent to Yugoslavia. The Peace Conference on Yugoslavia was established only at the beginning of September 1991. It immediately stressed two main principles of negotiations: no changing to the internal Yugoslav borders by force and the protection of human rights.129 Then, at the end of September 1991, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 713, implementing the arms embargo in Yugoslavia, thus rendering the defence of the victims of the aggression even more difficult.

This can be clearly seen from the video footage taken by the aggressors themselves. Portions of the footage were published in Pavle VRANJICANs documentary Komije /Neighbours/. 127 This does not only flow from the operative, military execution of the Serbian aggression, but from a number of other facts. For instance, the Final Report of the Commission of Experts established pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780, confirms the Serbian armed aggression as an undivided (integral) project. The system of camps constituted one whole, as confirmed by the Commissions Report which states that Croatian and BH detainees were without any obstacles assigned and transferred to camps located on the territory of all three states (occupied parts of the Republic of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and the territory of Serbia and Montenegro). The Report also states that Serbian civilians and soldiers from one country visited camps in the other two countries in order to take part in the abuse of detainees. - Josip Jurevi; Katica Ivanda, Vukovar 91 enevske konvencije i logoraka iskustva, in Vukovar 91 Meunarodni odjeci i znaaj proceedings, Zagreb, 2004, p. 63. 128 See Kronologija rata, p. 68-69. 129 Ibid, p. 90.

126

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In the autumn of 1991, a large number of truce agreements and understandings were signed through the mediation of the international community, but each was used to build up and expand Serbian armed aggression against the Republic of Croatia. In mid-October, at the Peace conference in The Hague, the EC presented the plan for Yugoslavia as a community of sovereign states. The perception of the international community only began to change significantly and formally in mid-December, after the Arbitrage (known as Badinter) Commission concluded in its final report that Yugoslavia was undergoing the final phase of its break-up (dissolution). The EC then called on all the Yugoslav republics who wished to do so, to submit a request for international recognition in the following seven days.130 Four republics and the province of Kosovo responded, while Serbia and Montenegro refused, claiming that Yugoslavia was not going through a process of dissolution but that this was a case of secession and they demanded to be the sole successor to the state of Yugoslavia. However, the international community used its mechanisms to impose its solutions. The EC soon recognised the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. The recognition of Macedonia was postponed because of Greeces opposition and it was requested that a referendum be conducted prior to the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The UN had also started implementing its so-called (Vance) peace plan. It can be concluded from the above that, in spite of its late response, the international community very quickly (by the end of 1991) imposed itself as a main player in the events on the territory of the second Yugoslavia. This becomes even more evident if one observes more closely how countries (and their parts) created by the break-up of Yugoslavia fulfilled the demands of the international community. The thing is that, at the time, Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian structures in Bosnia and Herzegovina fully complied with the compromising demands made by the international community. The fact that, at the time, Serbia and Montenegro and their occupying structures in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina only partially accepted the demands of the international community also testifies to the crucial role played by the international community on the territory of the former Yugoslavia at the end of 1991 and the beginning of 1992: local players, who were the victims of Serbian aggression, could come nowhere near to achieving as much with the aggressor.

130

Ibid, p. 122.

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II BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1990 - 1995

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II.-1 BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: A STATE OF THREE CONSTITUENT NATIONS The process of forming three nations with different identities - the Bosniaks/Muslims, the Serbs and the Croats - on BH territory may be systematically traced to the mid-19th century when, slowly and with great difficulty, civil institutions and social interactions started emerging in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its surroundings (primarily in Croatia and Serbia). Many different political, scientific and other discussions on ethnic and other historical foundations, the genesis of these three nations and their identity have been going on since. Most of the discussions were not founded on objective premises but were - in different periods and circumstances - adapted to political and other interests which existed or were introduced in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its immediate and wider environment. The intensity of the discussions and the degree of disagreement depended greatly on the general (geopolitical, security and institutional) instability which has, undoubtedly, always been the main historical trait of the entire BH territory.131 Attempts made throughout BH history to further different (historical, religious, economic, cultural, civilisational) interests on its territory regularly invoked, among other things, the so-called historical right, trying to legitimize the actions taken with the purpose of achieving goals in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In that sense, it was particularly important to prove and show the historic ethnic and national identity of the BH population. In doing so, however, science has hardly ever highlighted a very important fact: that the vast majority of BH citizens had almost never in history been given the opportunity to participate in political or any other organised decision-making process concerning their destiny. This was always done by the ruling elites, who were few in number, or the so-called political figures. The fact that as much as 97% of BH population was illiterate on the eve of the AustroHungarian occupation (1878) clearly illustrates this.132 For a host of historical reasons, the genesis of ethnic and national identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina was to a great extent intertwined with and defined by religious institutions and identities. In other words, ethnic and national identification and differentiation in Bosnia and Herzegovina today (in the 21 st century) is still unusually strongly linked with religious affiliation. Also, religious affiliation does not only refer to general religious or ethnic national affiliation but also to the differences reaching all the way down to the everyday way of living life.

See Enver Redi, Istorijski pogledi na vjerske i nacionalne odnose u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1993, p. 7, Bosnia could and had to accept the fate of a small country, destined to survive on the brink of political existence the uncertainty of its position is the main trait of its historical development; Andrija Zirdum, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007, p 13: In BH history periods of peace are rare and war and destruction frequent; uncertainty is almost permanent. 132 For this and a number of other data, see Mitar Papi, kolstvo u BiH za vrijeme austrougarske okupacije, Sarajevo, 1973, p. 84 and onwards.

131

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II.-1.1 Muslims/Bosniaks133 Most researchers from Muslim/Bosniak, Serbian and Croatian entities agree that the roots of the Muslim/Bosniak nation can be traced back to the four centuries of Ottoman rule (the 15th to 19th centuries) when BH territory was subject to long-term systematic and structured Islamicization.134 It is beyond doubt that this period saw the emergence of social strata which became the bearers of an Islamic, Muslim/Bosniak identity which differed from the identity of the Christian peoples. 135 Certain advocates of the Muslim/Bosniak nation are trying to move its historical roots as far back in history as possible, pointing out that, even prior to the Ottoman period, a separate ethnic entity - the Bosniak/Bosnian people existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and belonged, by its religion, to the Bosnian Church. However, the lack of sources and the fact that little research has been conducted into the early medieval period on the BH territory also gave rise to opposed interpretations (advocated by certain members of the Islamic denomination from Bosnia and Herzegovina, who identify themselves with these interpretations), according to which the inhabitants of the medieval Bosnian state were mostly ethnic Croats and/or Serbs who were subsequently Islamicized. BH history from the Austro-Hungarian period (1878) onwards is of far greater significance for this expert report because it allows one to clearly recognise the situations, circumstances and players that participated in the complex process of shaping the current Muslim/Bosniak nation. In many ways, this process was unfortunate, both for the relations between the members of the Islamic faith and the other two largest religious and national communities (Orthodox/Serbs and Catholic/Croats) in Bosnia and Herzegovina and for the relations between the members of the Islamic faith in Bosnia and Herzegovina themselves. Even though the basic European task of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was to reincorporate Bosnia and Herzegovina in European (Christian) civilization, the interests of the state and the concept of dual monarchy resulted in the preservation of the fundamental levers of social injustice towards Christian peoples (the Croats and the Serbs), inherited from the Ottoman times, throughout the Austro-Hungarian period of BH history (1878 - 1918). First of all, there was no agrarian reform and the land (90% of people lived from farming) mostly remained in the hands of the Muslim nobility. Also, in order to neutralize
The term Muslims (with capital M) in the sense of a people was first introduced by Communist Yugoslavia in the 1960s. Prior to that, the term muslims (with a lowercase m) was used to denote a religious denomination. The term Bosniaks, as a formal term denoting one of the three constituent peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, has been used more frequently since 1994. In order to avoid potential misunderstandings, this expert report consistently uses the dual term Muslims/Bosniaks because between 1990 and 1995 most sources and literature, as well as people in everyday speech, used Muslims (more frequently), Bosniaks or the dual term. 134 See op.cit. of: E. Redi, M. Hadijahi, A. Handi, M. Handi, M. Imamovi, M. Filipovi, S. irkovi, S. Daja, A. Zirdum. 135 One of the first consequences of the Islamicization in the Bosnian countryside was the creation of separate groups, the emergence of Muslim and Christian hamlets which were not open towards each other . . . Separation along religious lines was even more obvious in the cities Everyone lived next to each other, coming into contact only through work or in the street, their houses and their souls were closed for those who were not part of their (religious) laws. For instance, religious division was reflected in the choice of ones trade Ones affiliation with a religious community was also reflected in the way one dressed The death penalty also differed depending on the convicted persons religious affiliation The religious division of the Bosnian population was also expressed in other ways - E. Redi, Istorijski pogledi., pp. 26-27.
133

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Serbian and Croatian territorial aspirations towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Austro-Hungarian administration pressed for the institutional establishment of the Bosnian (mostly Muslim) nation, which was utterly unacceptable to either the Serbs or the Croats or partly, even, to the Muslims. Thus, by preserving the inherited state at all levels, the policies of Austria-Hungary continued providing the foundations for religious and ethnic intolerance between the Islamic and Christian worlds in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as other forms of social stratification. This basic fact was not significantly altered with the introduction of formal and legal equality, industrialization, development of infrastructure or any other significant material feats accomplished by Austria-Hungary in the four decades of its rule over Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, the arrival of the non-Islamic (Austro-Hungarian) administration model in Bosnia and Herzegovina resulted in multiple divisions within the Muslim entity. Part of the nobility and educated elites accepted the new authorities to further their own interests. Part of the old Ottoman feudal structures and a significant portion of the Muslim population found the new authorities, in principle and otherwise, mostly unacceptable and either mounted armed rebellions and/or moved en masse to Turkey. Also, driven by various interests and motives, parts of the Muslim elites and population were drawn towards either Croatian (predominantly) or Serbian national ideas.136 A part of the Muslim elites tried to take advantage of various crises and other opportunities for their own affirmation or for the achievement of a different degree of autonomy for Bosnia and Herzegovina within Austria-Hungary. This justifies the conclusion that, at the end of the Austro-Hungarian period, political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina ... was characterized by a deep religious and ethnic rift in which instability and a lack of definition for the Muslim/Bosniak national identity issue constituted a particular problem and the dominant direction taken by the Muslim policies advocated a historically, geopolitically and nationally absurd formula - the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into Hungary.137 The most powerful Muslim organisation in the first Yugoslavia was the Yugoslav Muslim Organisation (JMO). Its most influent members were the representatives of the former Muslim feudal nobility who were primarily trying to protect their own narrow interests. 138 In such a pragmatic environment, the JMO changed its political positions and alliances in accordance with the changes in the state. Consequently, the party often had its representatives in the government and rarely co-operated with the opposition. This is why, most of the time, the JMO fit into the regimes thesis on integral Yugoslavhood, pointing out that the Muslims have the necessary preconditions to become the core of real and complete Yugoslavhood ... the best foundation for the Yugoslav idea, in other words, that the Muslims belonged to the Yugoslav people as its Muslim part139 Only occasionally, again for pragmatic reasons, did the JMO switch to the opposition by activating autonomist affiliations, but would soon return to co-operating with the regime,
136

E. Redi, Sto godina muslimanske politike, p. 152, A significant number of Muslim politicians declared themselves ethnically Croatian, compare with ibid, pp. 150-152. 137 E. Redi, Istorijski pogledi, p. 57. 138 See Atif Purivatra, Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija, Sarajevo, 1974. 139 E. Redi, Sto godina, p. 97.

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thus contributing to some members of Muslim intelligentsia declaring themselves as Croats.140 When the Croatian Banovina was created (1939), the autonomist movement among the BH Muslims was gaining ground. Simultaneously with the rallying cries of Serbs, come together! and Croats, come together! the call Muslims, come together! was also spreading through Bosnia and Herzegovina. One national homogenization encouraged another. The nationaldenominational confrontation in Bosnia and Herzegovina threatened to become general.141 During WWII on the territory of Yugoslavia (1941 - 1945), Bosnia and Herzegovina was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Considered by the Ustasha regime to be Croats of Islamic faith, the Muslims occupied highranking administrative positions in the entire totalitarian state system and the Ustasha movement. A large portion of the Muslim elite accepted this national concept and the corresponding state and social status. The fact that, for decades after the war, numerous Croats of Islamic faith and a network of Croatian Islamic centres operated among Croatian emigrants testifies to the profundity of their personal identification. In the NDH, Hakija HAD@I] and Alija [ULJAK enjoyed PAVELI]s special confidence and, as his BH delegates, organised political institutions and organisations of the Ustasha movement. 142 In the difficult and unstable times of war, however, not all BH Muslim elites were loyal to the NDH regime; in various situations some of them tried, unsuccessfully, to obtain autonomy for Bosnia and Herzegovina directly from the Germans.143 Also, some of the BH Muslims joined the Communist Partizan movement. Out of various motives and interests, most of the Muslim elites in Communist Yugoslavia were loyal to the totalitarian regime, both in the period when the Muslims were not recognised as a national entity and in the period when the regime - to further its own interests - recognised them as a special and constituent entity. In this period, however, the aforementioned stratification within the Muslim national entity had already begun and was carried into the break-up of Yugoslavia. The insight into the historical genesis of the Muslim/Bosniak nation thus testifies to the exceptionally complex and unstable historical circumstances in which many processes and institutions on the BH territory could not develop in a continuum, but often faced interruptions, unfinished projects and frequent restarts. The coming into being of the Muslim/Bosniak nation was also uneven, erratic and took very different, almost incompatible, routes. This is why, after 1990, Muslim/Bosniak elites had only very opposing concepts of the Muslim/Bosniak nation, its identity, name and the scope and organisation of the state they should be living in. 144
E. Redi, Historijski pogledi, p. 69; compare with Ljubo Boban, Maek i politika Hrvatske seljake stranke 1928-1941, Zagreb, 1974. 141 E. Redi, Historijski pogledi, p. 75. 142 E. Redi, Sto godina, p. 149. 143 See Zija Sulejmanpai, 13. SS divizija Handar. Istine i lai, Zagreb, 2000; Enver Redi, Muslimansko autonomatvo i 13. SS divizija, Sarajevo, 1987; Zdravko Dizdar, Prva pobuna u nacistikoj vojsci: Pobuna Trinaestog pionirskog bataljuna 13. SS divizije Croatia u Villefranche-deRouergueu 17 .rujna 1943. godine in asopis za suvremenu povijest magazine, Zagreb, 1993. 144 This will be presented in further detail at a later stage in the report.
140

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II.-1.2. Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina The national identity of the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina - both at the beginning of the 19th and the end of the 20th century - was very closely and institutionally connected with the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) and the state of Serbia. These links can be traced back to medieval times. The Serbs were Christianized by Byzantium in the 9th century, i.e. at a time when all of Christianity was under one church. After the great schism (1054), Catholicism remained a united supranational church with the Pope at its head, while Orthodoxy was divided into individual independent (autocephalous) state churches in which the Patriarch of Constantinople played but a symbolic role. The Serbian Orthodox Church became autocephalous in 1219, at the time when Stefan NEMANJI] became the first Serbian king and his brother (Sava NEMANJI]) a church leader and a saint. This marked the beginning of a close and unbreakable bond between the Serbian state and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Serbianhood became a part of religion, religion became a part of the state identity and the cult of St Sava became a perennial symbol of this symbiosis. In medieval times, the pragmatic consequence of this process was that the expansion or diminishing of the SPCs authority coincided with the expansion and diminishing of the Serbian state.145 Monasteries and high-ranking SPC clergy provided the main support to the Serbian medieval rulers. When, in 1459, the Ottoman Empire occupied the whole of Serbia, destroyed its medieval state and dynasty and established its own system of authority (the same model as in Bosnia and Herzegovina), the SPC remained the only relevant institution maintaining the identity of the Serbian people and the myth of the Serbian state (empire) in the coming centuries (until the 19th century). In spite of the adverse and difficult situation the SPC found itself in during the Ottoman period, new circumstances (conquest successes and failures of the Ottoman Empire and the ensuing migrations), however, opened new possibilities for the expansion of its religious and political influence.146 In the Ottoman Empire, Orthodox churches were a part of the Ottoman feudal system and their rights and obligations were similar to those of the spahi. The SPC thus assumed jurisdiction over the parts of the Ottoman territories west of the former medieval Serbian state (i.e. including Bosnia and Herzegovina), as well as jurisdiction over the people (Vlachs, etc.) arriving there in the wake of persecutions, colonisation and other migratory trends. The SPC thus gradually turned part of this population into its followers and, later on (during the 19th century) into the Serbian people.147 In the 19th century, Serbia gradually increased the degree of its independence from the Ottoman Empire. By the middle of the century, Serbia had become mainly independent and received a formal recognition of its independence at the Berlin Congress (1878). The overall crisis in Bosnia and
Sima irkovi, Pravoslavna crkva u srednjevjekovnoj srpskoj dravi in Srpska pravoslavna crkva 1219-1969, spomenica povodom 750-godinjice autokefalnosti, Belgrade, 1969. 146 Mirko Mirkovi, Pravni poloaj i karakter srpske crkve pod turskom vlau (1459-1766), Belgrade, 1965. 147 Mirko Valenti, O etnikom korijenu hrvatskih i bosanskih Srba in asopis za suvremenu povijest magazine, 24, Zagreb, 1992; Rajko Veselinovi, Srpska pravoslavna crkva u BiH in Srpska pravoslavna crkva 1219-1969, Belgrade, 1969; Aleksa Ivi, Migracije Srba u Hrvatskoj tokom XVI, XVII i XVIII stolea, in Naselja i poreklo stanovnitva, 16, Subotica, 1923.
145

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Herzegovina grew as Serbias independence grew. This suited the Serbian hierarchy which had been progressively interfering in the events on BH territory and displaying growing and ever overt ambition to annex BH territory. The main players involved in Serbian activities on BH territory were the following: parts of the SPC institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina, an increasing number of various interlinked Serbian organisations and societies (secret and public) which had been established on BH territory in order, among other things, to act with the purpose of annexing BH territory to the state of Serbia.148 Such systematic actions, aimed at increasing the intensity and number of members, reinforced the sense of identity among BH Serbs in the 19th century; institutionally, almost all of them were committed to annexing the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Serbia.149 This process gained even more speed and momentum after AustriaHungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, in spite of the many measures taken by the Austrian administration in BH to contain it. Among other things, the Austrian administration invested a lot of money in the institutions and cadres of the SPC in Bosnia and Herzegovina, expecting the loyalty of the Orthodox clergy and the acceptance of the rule of Austria-Hungary among the Serbian people, but achieving little or no success.150 The establishment of the first Yugoslav state (1918) - into which the state of Serbia transferred most of its governing structures (administration, army, diplomacy) - created the institutional conditions for the implementation of an even more radical national homogenisation aiming to establish a centralist state in which Serbia would have prestige and dominance. 151 Also, Serbian politicians were quick to include the Orthodox churches from outside of Serbia into the new patriarchy because they were aware that the Church was the strongest factor in bringing all Serbs together.152 The Serbian Patriarchy (abolished during the Ottoman rule) was thus reconstructed in 1920 and the decision of the SPC bishop to unite was proclaimed by ... Regent Alexandar.153 During the first Yugoslavia, many new organisations and societies were founded supporting the regimes pro-Serbian policies, including the Chetnik movement which in WWII supported a national ideology based on the idea of a large national state.154 The ideological and political programme of the Chetnik movement was formulated by the Banja Luka attorney Stevan MOLJEVI] in his act Homogenous Serbia ... MOLJEVI] demanded that they commence cleansing Serbian lands of non-Serbian elements - the Croats and the Muslims. Thus, in WWII, Eastern Bosnia, just like other parts of Bosnia and

See Savi, Markovi, tedimlija, Zavjere protiv svjetskog mira, Zagreb, 2005. Bosnia was in the centre of Serbian political propaganda and plans GARA[ANINs Naertanije became the doctrine and the ideology of Serbian national politics for more than a century; its programme was to gradually expand Serbia and its first task to annex the so-called Serbian lands of Bosnia and Herzegovina and other areas inhabited by Serbian population. - E. Redi, Sto godina, pp. 135-136; compare with Vasa ubrilovi, Historija politike misli u Srbiji XIX veka, Belgrade, 1982. 150 A. Zirdum, op. cit., p. 366. In the first ten years or so of the Austrian occupation, as many as 151 Orthodox churches and monasteries were rebuilt and 54 churches reconstructed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. - Ibid, p. 365, note 51. 151 E. Redi, Sto godina, p. 139. 152 A. Zirdum, op. cit., p. 370. 153 Ibid, p. 371. 154 E. Redi, Sto godina, p. 140.
149

148

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Herzegovina, turned into mass execution sites where Chetniks ... slaughtered and killed tens of thousands of Muslims.155 Serbian institutions in the second Yugoslavia and the preponderance of Serbs in Yugoslav administrative hierarchies reflected the above-average homogeneity of all Serbs in Yugoslavia and their awareness of their own superiority. The major crisis which erupted in Communist Yugoslavia (in the 1980s) advanced the implementation of the radical homogenization of the Serbian national entity throughout Yugoslav institutions, including those of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In that sense, the Greater-Serbian aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992) was meant to mark the extinction of Bosnian Muslims.156 The national identity of the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina thus has deep ethnic and religious roots, which are almost exclusively linked to the idea of an all-Serbian state and the Serbian St Sava Orthodoxy. Historical circumstances of the 19th century and the network of pro-Serbian institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina had already formed a homogenous Serbian national identity which was very advanced and politically exclusive: Bosnia and Herzegovina had to be a part of the Serbian state. The perpetuation and further reinforcement of this awareness was helped by the general circumstances and a number of events which occurred in the 20th century. In the first place, both Yugoslav states had a repressive administrative system, were economically underdeveloped and unsuccessful in addressing their national, social and other problems. Yugoslavias permanent internal crisis made it simple for the Serbian hierarchy - dominant in the institutions and staff of both Yugoslavias - to engage in radical actions. As a rule, the events which occurred on Yugoslav territory towards the end of the 20th century reproduced experiences similar to those from the previous hundred years or so. II.1.3 Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina The national identity of BH Croats in the 19th and 20th century, like the identities of the other two constituent peoples, was essentially linked with their religious affiliation. The vast majority of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina identify themselves with the Roman Catholic Church, which is a supranational church and has therefore had a very different influence on the historical identity of its congregation and a different attitude towards particular national and staterelated issues. In other words, because of its supranational structure, the Roman Catholic Church does not identify itself with any individual state. This was clearly visible in medieval BH, when the Roman Catholic Church - trying to establish a solid church organisation - used the power of various states and dispatched many of its officials, mostly from Western European countries, to Bosnia and Herzegovina.157 As a principle, Christians (Catholics and Orthodox) in Ottoman Bosnia and Herzegovina had the same status, i.e. unfavourable, in relation to Islam which was the state ideology and faith. The practical treatment of Catholics (Croats) was worse than that of the Orthodox (Serbs) because the Catholic leader (the Pope) was not only not subordinated to the Ottoman authorities but indeed its adversary. This is why the Catholic hierarchy could not operate in Bosnia and
155 156

Ibid., p. 140. Ibid., p. 141. 157 See A. Zirdum, op. cit, p. 183-231

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Herzegovina in the Ottoman times. For pragmatic reasons (to prevent Catholic peasants from running away), the Ottoman authorities allowed only the Franciscan order to operate on its territory, provided they stayed loyal to the authorities.158 Also, the position of Croats-Catholics in Ottoman Bosnia and Herzegovina was even worse because the neighbouring Croatian state was part of the Habsburg monarchy which had been engaged in a centuries-long conflict with the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans therefore considered the term Croatian hostile and politically inappropriate, which prompted the BH Croats, educated people, priests or tradesmen to introduce themselves when communicating with other people as Slovenes, Illyrians ... Croatians, Slavonians, Bosnians, Dalmatians ... certain Franciscan friars sometimes declared themselves as Bosnians and referred to their language as the Bosnian language.159 Civic institutions (political, cultural, scientific) in the 19th century Croatia emerged slowly and in a highly unfavourable situation because Croatian districts (though they were a part of the Habsburg Monarchy), were neither politically nor administratively united. The situation became even worse in 1867 when the Monarchy was reorganised as a dual Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, creating an even greater political and administrative rift between Croatian districts and subordinating the central Ban-governed Croatia to the Hungarian part of the Monarchy, depriving it of its financial independence. Croatian leadership elites and the emerging civic institutions had drastically opposing ideas on the solution of the so-called Croatian issue. Some were in favour of the existing situation while others advocated the reorganisation of the dual monarchy into a tri-partite one or the creation of a new, Yugoslav state, or the creation of an independent Croatian state.160 Accordingly, the Croatian national identity took two basic (mutually opposing) directions: first Croats as a separate nation and second - Croats as part of the South-Slav nation.161 Each of these concepts had different views on how to solve the problems developing in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time. The most important fact, however, is that Croatia was unable to resolve or even improve its position within the dual monarchy (which was a strong priority), let alone have any significant influence on the events in Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the other hand, due to a number of reasons, the overall position of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina was significantly worse than the position of other Croats in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and institutional processes among the BH Croats therefore proceeded more slowly and with much more difficulty. In such a situation, the identity and politics of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina at that time (19th century) were already oriented towards Croatia. This was also influenced by the fact that in Bosnia and Herzegovina there were far fewer Catholics (mostly Croats) than members of the Orthodox faith (mostly Serbs) and Muslims.
158

See Sedam stoljea bosanskih franjevaca 1291-1991, proceedings, Samobor, 1994; An|elko Barun, Svjedoci i uitelji - povijest franjevaca Bosne Srebrene, Sarajevo-Zagreb, 2003. 159 A. Zirdum, op. cit., p. 331-332. 160 See Jaroslav idak; Mirjana Gross; Igor Karaman; Dragovan epi, Povijest hrvatskog naroda 1860-1914, Zagreb, 1968. 161 In this respect it is significant that, in 1966, when the first Academy was formed in Croatia as the most prestigious intellectual institution, it was named the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (JAZU).

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After 1878, a deep rift which appeared in the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina created additional difficulties for the identity and political activities of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the start of the AustroHungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina started setting up a regular hierarchy, demanding the Franciscans to return to their monasteries and permanently remove their presence from all the `upe /parishes/ they had run for years. The Roman Curia adopted a compromise solution, but the Bishop in Bosnia and Herzegovina still tried to remove /the Franciscans/ ... the Franciscan province resisted vigorously and the internal church conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina continued and has still not finished today.162 With the structure of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina being almost the sole carrier of Croatian public (lay) activity, this internal conflict was transferred onto the social and political life of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In these circumstances, it was only in 1908 that the BH Croats founded their national organisation, Hrvatska Nacionalna Zajednica /Croatian National Union/ (HNZ) which was joined by several tens of thousands of Croats in its first year alone. In the wake of the aforementioned internal church rift, however, another organisation called Hrvatska katoli~ka udruga /Croatian Catholic Association/ (HKU) was formed already in 1910. This led to a conflict and a rift within the Croatian national movement and in 1912, following an intervention of the Roman Curia, the HKU was disbanded. 163 Even though Croatian institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (particularly the structures of the Catholic Church) supported the creation of the first Yugoslavia and pledged their loyalty to the regime, the pro-Serbian concept and the centralized nature of the state did not change and any advocating or expression of Croatian national feelings in Bosnia and Herzegovina was subject to indirect and direct repression, thus rendering difficult or impossible institutional articulation of national identity of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which increased their expectations and orientation towards Croatia.164 During the brief period of WWII, most BH Croats divided along ideological and political lines: some supported and were loyal to the ruling regime of the Independent State of Croatia while others joined the Communist Partisans. In this manner, Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina (and the entire NDH) fought and engaged in political conflicts amongst themselves.165 In Communist Yugoslavia, BH Croats were divided in a manner similar to the muslims (or Muslims). A minor number of Croats participated in the ruling regime because of their interests and/or convictions, the majority lived a politically passive life, and large numbers (for political or economic reasons)

Zirdum, op. cit., p. 361; compare with Berislav Gavranovi, Uspostava redovite katolike hijerarhije u BiH 1881. godine, Belgrade, 1935; Sre}ko Daja, Bosna i Hercegovina u austrougarskom razdoblju (1878-1918), Mostar-Zagreb, 2002. 163 Marko Karamati, Katolianstvo u BiH u doba Austrougarske (1878-1918) in Katolianstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1997. 164 See Lj. Boban, Maek i politika; Bo`o Golua, Katolika crkva u Bosni i Hercegovini 1918-41, Mostar, 1995. 165 See E. Redi, Bosna i Hercegovina u Drugom svjetskom ratu, Sarajevo, 1998; F. Jeli Buti, Ustae i Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska 1941-1945, Zagreb, 1978.

162

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emigrated to the West (mostly Europe) or other parts of Yugoslavia (mostly Croatia). The national identity of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina thus formed late, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The basic concepts underpinning their identity were (and still are): dedication to the BH as their homeland, to Catholicism and an awareness of nationality shared with the Croats in Croatia and elsewhere. II.-1.4 Demographic Indicators Censuses have been regularly carried out on the BH territory since 1895. However, many demographic processes and aspects in 20th century BH have been either poorly researched or not researched at all. Among the demographic topics that were poorly researched were those pertaining to ethnic and national traits of BH population. There are many reasons for that 166, and only the 1971-1991 censuses can be compared because they provide a uniform classification of the populations national affiliation.167
Croats Rel. (%)
19.4 20.7 22.0 22.5 23.9 23.0 21.7 20.6 18.4 17.4

Year 1895 1910 1921 1931 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991

Total
1,566,781 1,894.829 1,890,325 2,324,255 2,564,308 2,847,459 3,277,948 3,746,111 4,124,256 4,377,033

Abs.

Muslims Abs. Rel. (%)

548,631 606,306 587,316 715,233 788,403 891,798 842,248 1,482,430 1,630,033 1,902,956 35.0 32.0 31.1 30.8 30.7 31.3 25.7 39.6 39.5 43.5

Abs.

Serbs Rel. (%)

42.7 43.3 43.6 44.0 44.3 44.4 42.9 37.2 32.0 31.2

(304,000) 393,168 416,516 523,983 614,123 654,227 711,665 772,491 758,140 760,852

669,311 819,868 822,710 1,023,383 1,135,147 1,264,045 1,406,057 1,393,148 1,320,738 1,366,104

Fig. 9 Trends in the absolute number of inhabitants and the absolute and relative number of Croats, muslims and Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period between 1895 and 1991. (Taken from: N. Pokos, op. cit., p. 14) Data for 1910, 1921 and 1931 were deduced from the mother tongue and religious denomination, and data from 1895 present the number of persons of Islamic and Orthodox faith as Muslims and Serbs, and provide an estimated number of Croats.168

166

Nenad Pokos, Hrvati u Bosni i Hercegovini 1895-1991 (demografski aspekti), Magistarski rad, Sveuilite u Zagrebu, 1996, pp. 1-13. 167 Ibid, p. 6. 168 Ibid, p. 14.

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Year
1895 1910 1921 1931 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991

Total 100 120.9 120.7 148.3 163.7 181.7 209.2 239.1 263.2 279.4

Croats 100 129.4 137.0 172.4 202.1 215.3 234.1 254.2 249.4 250.3

Muslims 100 110.5 107.1 130.4 143.7 162.5 153.5 270.2 297.1 346.9

Serbs 100 122.5 122.9 152.9 169.6 188.9 210.1 208.1 197.3 204.1

Fig. 10

Relative change in the total number of inhabitants, and Croats, Muslims and Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1895 and 1991. (1895 =100)

Fig. 11

Trends in the proportion of Croats, Muslims and Serbs in total BH population between 1895 and 1991. (Figures 10 and 11 taken from: N. Pokos, op. cit., pp. 15 and 18)

/translation: Muslims; Serbs; Croats/

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II.-2 THE MAIN POLITICAL CONCEPTS OF THE STRUCTURES OF THE CONSTITIUENT PEOPLES At the time when the Yugoslav crisis intensified rapidly and as the Greater Serbian /nationalist/ project gained momentum (the late 1980s), the Communist authorities in BH failed to carry out effective political and security-related activities. Thus the structure of the totalitarian Communist system in BH was actually in a state of accelerated decay as well and the political, social and public domains were gradually taken over by a new, civic, pluralist paradigm. In this process in BH (as in most of the other Yugoslav republics and communist countries in Europe), the former representatives of the communist paradigm began to join this new paradigm both structurally and individually on a broad scale. Due to the historical legacy and a host of other reasons, the establishment of the new civic structures, institutions and relations in BH proceeded along national lines in the 1990s and the corresponding political concepts of the constituent nations in BH gradually took shape. The leading role in each of the nations was carried by the structures of the newly-established national parties which had won the first multiparty elections (held in two rounds, on 17-18 November and 1-2 December 1990) and thus acquired political legitimacy to represent the interests of their voters, i.e. nations, because each of the three most prominent parties was almost exclusively backed by voters from their nation. Other political parties in BH, those not based on ethnicity, suffered a serious blow in the elections and were relegated to the margins of influence on what was going on and soon became almost invisible in public life. II.-2.1. Muslims/Bosniaks

In late May 1990, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA) was founded in Sarajevo and Alija IZETBEGOVI] was elected its president, which essentially determined in reality and in symbolic terms the political concept advocated and implemented by the SDA. It is an interesting fact that the title of this party has no national designators (because of formal reasons at the time in BH) although the SDA was unquestionably since its establishment the party of the Muslim/Bosniak nation. The SDA won at the BH parliamentary elections (with a relative majority) taking 86 of the 240 deputy seats and Alija IZETBEGOVI] was elected President of the Presidency of the Socialist Republic (SR) of BH, i.e. head of the collective presidency of the state of the Socialist Republic of BH, although Fikret ABDI] had won more votes.169 The Muslim/Bosniak elites and structures disagreed among themselves about the political concept to be applied in BH. Part of the Muslim elites advocated the concept of an integral state for BH, with all three constituent nations living on equal terms, but the other part favoured Islamic radicalism which ranged from a

169

The Presidency consisted of seven members: three from the SDA, two from the Serbian Democratic Party and two from the Croatian Democratic Union. In addition to A. IZETBEGOVI], the other two SDA members of the Presidency were Fikret ABDI] and Ejup GANI] (on the list of the so-called other nations). See: Kronologija rata, p. 36.

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Muslim/Bosniak hegemony in the whole of BH to the establishment of an independent Muslim (Islamic) state in a part of this territory. The process of rifts within the Muslim community in BH can be traced conceptually, structurally and personnel-wise from the summer of 1990 to the present day. As early as the summer of 1990, a symposium entitled Bosnia and Bosnianhood, attended by elite scientists, philosophers, historians, sociologists and writers170 was held in Sarajevo and in 1991, two academic gatherings took place with the aim of broadly articulating the possibilities of reaffirming national Bosnianhood.171 In the summer of 1991, the Serbs and the Muslims announced a political agreement (the so-called Historijski sporazum /Historical Agreement/) drafted by Radovan KARAD@I] on the part of the Serbs and Muhamed FILIPOVI] for the Muslim side. The Agreement was based on awareness of the difficulties which existed in the Yugoslav territory and in BH and included basic decisions to commit ourselves to realising the historical and political interests of our two nations to ensure the full territorial integrity and political subjectivity of our Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, etc.172 In December 1992, the Congress of Bosnian-Muslim Intellectuals adopted a decision to establish the Council of the Congress of Bosnian-Muslim Intellectuals (VKBMI), with the task of drafting a programme of the fundamental interests and tasks of the Bosnian-Muslim (Bosniak) people in all spheres of society during the war, the Council will affirm itself with broad and productive activity.173 To that same end, an Assembly of Bosniaks was held in late September 1993, ending in controversies regarding the plan of its organiser to declare the establishment of a Bosniak state in a part of the territory of BH in a separate document.174 The Assembly did not adopt the document, but one of the most prominent advocates of Bosnianhood and a member of the BH Government until the end of 1993, Mr Rusmir MAHMUT]EHAJI], believes that the idea of a piece of Bosnia for Bosniaks, as a way to break up the BH state, is part and parcel of the overall plan to destroy the Bosniaks.175 Despite the discussions, however, after the 1990 BH elections, the prevailing political concept in the Muslim/Bosniak institutional structure was based on Alija IZETBEGOVI]s political platform in his text Islamska deklaracija /Islamic Declaration/, published that year in Sarajevo in no less than 200,000 copies. This radical pan-Islamic concept espoused by the top officials of the leading Muslim/Bosniak party (the SDA) and its leader was absolutely unacceptable for the peoples outside the Islamic cultural circle and it was even unacceptable for a part of the Muslim/Bosniak nation, including a part of the Muslim/Bosniak social elites. The unacceptability of the concept promoted by the Islamic Declaration had several levels in BH. Primarily, the Islamic Declaration emerged in BH, i.e. at the periphery of the Islamic world and it did not contain a trace of a certain Bosnian component. The Declaration is pure in /the teaching of/ Islam, both in terms of inspiration and messages. It is Bosnian only in the fact that it was written in Bosnia

170 171

E. Red`i}, Sto godina, p. 167. Ibid, p. 169. 172 Quotations from the Sporazum /Agreement/, Oslobo|enje (daily newspaper), Sarajevo, 2 August 1991; the text of the Sporazum taken from Miroslav Tu|man, Istina o Bosni i Hercegovini, Zagreb, 2005, pp. 64-65. 173 E. Red`i}, op. cit., p. 169. 174 Ibid., p. 170. 175 Ibid., p. 170; See: Rusmir Mahmut}ehaji}, @iva Bosna, Sarajevo, 1994, p. 199-200.

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by an author who is a Bosnian Muslim. In it, its Bosnian voice cannot be heard the voice that can be heard is solely and utterly Islamic.176 Then, the pragmatic political messages of the Islamic Declaration are extremely radical and unambiguous. Inter alia, the Declaration states: we announce to our friends and foes that the Muslims have decided to take the fate of the Islamic world into their own hands and organise it in accordance with their concept the Declaration does not contain ideas that could be regarded as completely new what is novel is that it calls for ideas and plans to be translated into organised action and turned into reality.177 Further on, the principle of the Islamic order as a unity of faith and politics leads to other important conclusions The first and the most important of these conclusions is definitely the one on the incompatibility of Islam and non-Islamic systems. There can be no peace or co-existence between the Islamic faith and nonIslamic social and political institutions Islam clearly rules out any right or possibility of action of any foreign ideology in its territory. There is no room for the secular principle and the state should be an expression of, and support to, the moral concepts of religion. 178 This is why moderate Bosniaks/Muslims justifiably concluded that the Islamic Declaration promotes ideological totalitarianism as the fundamental principle of global Islam in building the Islamic order179 at a time when in Western and Eastern Europe, totalitarianism is collapsing to make way for civilisation, culture, progress and democracy.180 In that context, concern was expressed about the fact that from 1990 to the present day, the Bosniak SDA has persistently been aspiring to hegemony in BH.181 After several months of preparations, mostly within the SDA, on 10 June 1991, at a meeting of 365 leading Muslim political, cultural and humanitarian activists from all over Yugoslavia, the Council of National Defence was established as a civilian and military Bosniak/Muslim national organisation.182 II.2.2 Serbs in BH

The Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) of BH, led by Radovan KARAD@I], was founded in mid-July 1990 in Sarajevo. Another party with the same name (SDS) had been founded earlier (February 1990) in the Republic of Croatia. At the first multi-party elections in BH, in 1990, the BH SDS won 72 seats in the Parliament (of a total of 240). Biljana PLAV[I] and Nikola KOLJEVI] were BH SDS representatives elected to the BH Presidency. The concept, public speeches and organisational action of the SDS in BH were consistent with the idea of a Greater Serbia and they were presented to the public
176 177

Ibid., pp. 102-103. Alija Izetbegovi}, Islamska deklaracija, Sarajevo, 1990, p. 2. 178 Ibid., p. 22. 179 E. Red`i}, Sto godina, p. 109. 180 Ibid., p. 106. 181 Ibid., p. 195. 182 Marko Atilla Hoare, Civilno-vojni odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992-1995 /Civilian-Military Relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995/ in Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 210; the founding date of the Council of National Defence (i.e. the Patriotic League) is in dispute; more on this and the Patriotic League in general will be given in the following chapters.

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often and widely. For example, looking to the events in Serbia, the SDS BH, together with the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) and politicians from Serbia, spent a year organising mass events in commemoration of Serbian victims of World War II, exhuming their bones from karst pits and explicitly calling for revenge (the key message being that the descendents of the victims, the Serbs, did not want to and could not live with the descendents of murderers, the Croats and Bosniaks). KARAD@I] himself made a theatrical descent into one of the pits.183 In late March 1991, the founding assembly of the Association of Serbs from BH in Belgrade took place, at which KARAD@I]s and Bishop Amfilohije RADOVI]s statements about the establishment of the united Serbian states were greeted with ovations.184 In the second half of 1991, as a consequence of various activities of GreaterSerbian institutions, the political and security tensions in BH mounted. Under such circumstances the BH SDS thwarted the adoption of documents at the Assembly and undermined the legitimate authorities in BH all of this in concert with the Serbian government.185 Simultaneously, separate Serbian territorial organisations were established in BH and promptly proclaimed by the BH SDS in April and November 1991 depending on the circumstances.186 In mid-October 1991, the Assembly of the Socialist Republic (SR) of BH published a Memorandum, of which the starting point was the sequence of events and decisions which irreversibly changed the composition of Yugoslavia and created a new legal and factual reality. Thus, it was emphasised that according to its Constitution, BH was a democratic sovereign state of equal citizens, the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that different interests could be achieved in BH on the condition that they are achieved without force and in a legal and democratic manner.187 Several days later, under dramatic circumstances, at the proposal of the SDA and with the support of the Croatian Democratic Union of BH (BH HDZ), but in the absence of BH SDS deputies, the SRBH Assembly adopted the Platform on the Position of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Future Organisation of the Yugoslav Community.188 Serbian deputies, led by the President of the SRBH Assembly, Mom~ilo KRAJI[NIK, left in protest during the discussion, but prior to this, KARAD@I], who was not a deputy or a state official of any sort, but who regularly attended discussions at the Assembly took the floor and threatened: Do not think that you wont drive BH to hell and the Muslim people possibly to extinction.189 Ten days later, on 24 October 1991, the deputies of the Serbian Democratic Partys Club and the Club of the Serbian Renewal Movement at the Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted the unlawful Decision to Establish the Assembly of the Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina, declaring this Assembly, in its Article 1, the supreme representative and legislative organ of the Serbian people in Bosnia

J. Divjak, Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 377. Ibid., p. 378. 185 J. Divjak, Prva faza rata 1992-1993: Borba za opstanak i nastanak Armije BH /The First Phase of the War 1992-1993: The Struggle for Survival and Establishment of the Army of BH/ in Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 182. 186 More about this in the Chapter entitled Republika Srpska. 187 HINA (news agency) Zagreb, EVA Database, News HNA0121, 16 October 1991/1714; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 70-71; (3D00320). 188 Ibid., pp. 72-74; (3D00320). 189 J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 182, b. 2.
184

183

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and Herzegovina.190 To understand the situation in BH, one should be aware of the important fact that this decision (as well as a range of those that ensued) was signed by the president of this unlawful (so-called Serbian) Assembly, Mom~ilo KRAJI[NIK, who was still the official President of the legitimate and joint Assembly of the SRBH. On the basis of the facts given above, it is evident that the national concept of the structure of the Serbian people in BH was an integral part of the (Greater-)Serbian project and that it was in an advanced phase of operational political implementation as early as 1991.

II.-2.3 Croats in BH In mid-August 1990, the Croatian Democratic Union of BH (BH HDZ) was established in Sarajevo.191 At the time of its establishment and throughout its active period, it maintained more or less close relations with its namesake party from the Republic of Croatia. 192 The leader of the party (BH HDZ) in the first few weeks was Davorin PERINOVI], but he was replaced in September 1990 due to a clash of interests within the BH HDZ. The new President of the party became Stjepan KLJUI]. KLJUI] was the leader of the party until the beginning of February 1992, when he was replaced by Miljenko BRKI], who was a temporary solution. In late October 1992, Mate BOBAN was elected President of the party. In early February 1994, Mr BOBAN was replaced by Kre{imir ZUBAK. In the first elections in BH, the BH HDZ won 44 deputy seats in the BH Parliament (of the total of 240). Franjo BORAS and Stjepan KLJUI] were elected into the Presidency of the SRBH. The BH HDZ thus became the legitimate political representative of the Croats in BH. In comparison to the Bosniak/Muslim and Serbian national structures in BH, the Croatian national structure, i.e. the BH HDZ, was the most heterogeneous in terms of the political concepts and practical actions. This was manifested, inter alia, in the facts that the BH HDZ was established after the SDA and the BH SDS, and that there were frequent and serious disputes, conflicts and personnel changes at the top. Because of this and the fact that there were far fewer Croats in BH than the Muslims/Bosniaks and the Serbs, the BH HDZ was considerably weaker than the SDA and the BH SDS in every aspect. In such a situation, the party made efforts to adapt its activity to the developments in BH. In this, the main aim and concept of the BH HDZ was generally determined to be protecting the interests of the Croatian people in the state of the SR /Socialist Republic/ of BH. In addition, due to the poor quality and the heterogeneity of the structure of the BH HDZ, this concept was not thought out thoroughly rather it adapted superficially to the complex ongoing events in BH, trying to achieve aims which were often in mutual contradiction. Hence, throughout the period after 1990, the policy of the BH HDZ was almost exclusively one of reaction (in theory and in practice), lacking initiative or a clearly defined plan. This was manifested in frequently inconsistent, heterogeneous or
Smail ^eki}, Agresija na Bosnu i genocid nad Bo{njacima 1991-1993 /The 1991-1993 Aggression on Bosnia and Genocide against Bosniaks/, Sarajevo, 1994, pp. 270-272; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 83-84 (3D00320). 191 A party with the same title (HDZ) had been established in Croatia in 1989 and won the first elections in the Republic of Croatia. 192 See: Deset godina Hrvatske demokratske zajednice Spomenica, Zagreb, 1999.
190

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contradictory behaviour by the BH HDZ in reaction to (as a consequence of) the events in BH, which were developing very complexly and in various contradictory directions. Consequently, there was much disagreement among and quite opposite action taken by the different groups within the BH HDZ, particularly those from different regions.193 In late February 1991, when the SDA proposed the Declaration on the Sovereignty and Indivisibility of the State of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the SR of BH Assembly, the BH HDZ voted in favour of the Declaration, but it was not adopted because the deputies of the BH SDS voted against it.194 A similar situation occurred in October 1991, when the SDA proposed the aforementioned Platform on the position of BH to the Assembly of the SRBH.195 Likewise after the Bosniak/Muslim structure had established the Council of National Defence of the Muslim People and after the Serbian hierarchy in BH had made a host of political and military moves, including the proclamation of the Assembly of the Serbian People in BH in October 1991 the Croatian structure acted in reaction and proclaimed the Croatian Community of Posavina in Bosanski Brod as late as 12 November 1991 and, on 18 November 1991, adopted the Decision on the Establishment of the Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna. After the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina had been formally proclaimed on 9 January, the Croatian hierarchy proclaimed the Croatian Community of Central Bosnia on 27 January 1992. Both then and later, strong political and other disagreements, conflicts and rifts kept erupting among the different Croatian communities and their formally joint leaderships. The Croatian national hierarchy in BH therefore failed to define a unified national concept or to establish and demonstrate the required interconnection of the leadership in its activities. Hence, the reaction-based response, fickleness, heterogeneity and contradiction were the main characteristics of the actions taken by the Croatian hierarchy in BH.

Anto Marini, Opina epe ili klju za funkcioniranje Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine, Zagreb, 2000. 194 The document and event are published in M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 53-54; (3D00320). 195 See: text referring to footnotes 187 and 188.

193

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II.-3 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NATIONAL POLITICAL ENTITIES

II.-3.1 The Patriotic League (PL)

The beginnings of the separate national, political and military organising of Muslims/Bosniaks have not been fully explored because, due to the uncertain and threatening security situation in BH and the region, the SDA worked gradually in secret on the establishment of the political and military organisation, the existence and activity of which was not known even to all the members of the SDA.196 Even then, there were differences within the SDA about the assessment of how the situation would develop in BH and in the territory of the Former Yugoslavia and about the political and security measures to be taken. This, inter alia, influenced the later deep rifts in the military and political Bosniak/Muslim structure led by the SDA.197 The (semi)secret organisation, later named the Patriotic League, was most likely established on 31 March 1991.198 The father of the Patriotic League is the founder of the SDA and the President of the Presidency of the Republic of BH, Mr. Alija IZETBEGOVI] and its name was created at the SDA, when Messrs Hasan ^ENGI], Dr Rusmir MAHMUT]EHAJI] and others agreed on it.199 The Patriotic League was divided into a civilian wing, headed by IZETBEGOVI], and a military wing, composed of Muslim officers who had left the JNA /Yugoslav Peoples Army/. Despite the differences, the Patriotic League would stay anchored to the structure of the SDA. The bodies which grew into Bosnian civilian and military leadership were thus originally two halves of one and the same Muslim national organisation.200 The SDA leadership, which was also the leadership of the new state authorities of the SRBH, acted under contradictory circumstances. On the one hand, the SDA leadership stood at the top of the state administration and barely had any supervision over it and on the other, the new authorities discovered that its most dangerous opponents were those who persecuted the security services of the very same republic. The Yugoslav military counterintelligence service (KOS) had its agents at all levels of the Bosnian state.201 In such a situation, the SDA leadership, with Alija IZETBEGOVI] as their leader, opted for a pragmatic policy. In a state whose political, security and national spheres were in disorder, an attempt was made to take over institutions of the government by accepting as many individuals and groups from the existing state system as possible who wanted to be loyal to the new government. In this fashion, in BH, a number of policemen, clerks, JNA officers and others who had served under
196

Nihad Halilbegovi, injenice o Patriotskoj ligi Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo, 1994, p. 10; Halilbegovi dates the roots of the Patriotic League to late 1990 (Ibid, pp. 9 and 16), whereas Hoare dates it to February 1991 (Hoare, op. cit. p. 210). 197 See: R. Mahmutehaji, Kriva politika, Tuzla-Sarajevo-Zagreb, 1988; Sefer Halilovi, Lukava strategija, Sarajevo, 1997. 198 See: N. Halilbegovi, op. cit., pp. 5 and 9.
199 200

Ibid, pp. 9-10. M. A. Hoare, op. cit., p. 210. 201 Ibid., p. 210.

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the communist government, adapted to the new times and entered the orbit of the SDA the SDA leadership was trying to find a peaceful solution with Belgrade, the JNA and the SDS through negotiations.202 IZETBEGOVI] naively hoped that the JNA units in the Bosnian territory would either transform into a Bosnian army or withdraw from the country without bloodshed he later admitted that he had not believed that after fifty years of preaching brotherhood and unity the Yugoslav Army would engage in genocide.203 Although some founders of the Patriotic League must have been aware even then that the forming of quasi-state and paramilitary structures was directly in the interest of the destroyers of BH and therefore tried to protect the survival of the intact BH through institutions on the basis of a patriotic alliance of all of its people,204 still, the state institutions of BH, through the activities of the Patriotic League, continued to transform into an exclusive national organisation of Muslims/Bosniaks. The process of the transformation and the overall Islamisation of BH state institutions into a Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy reached radical proportions in 1993. The sway of the SDA, as the leading Bosniak party, grew increasingly All of this, the interference of religious officials and the overall introduction of religion to the armed forces in 1993, led to the creation of a monoethnic hierarchy and political beliefs.205 In consequence of many influences, reasons and interests, this process continued throughout 1994 and 1995, although in this period, formal agreements on political and military integrations of the Muslim/Bosniak and the Croatian side were signed and their military cooperation (with the assistance of the Republic of Croatia) inflicted strategic losses on Serbian aggression. One should bear in mind that as the process of Islamisation of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina went on, the Decree Law (of 6 August 1992) established that the units of the Croatian Defence Council were an integral part of the Army206 From the radical Muslim/Bosniak viewpoint, the joint institutions of the Bosnian statehood were deemed unreliable and were therefore demolished, while the Bosnian national interest was identified exclusively with the President, the ruling party and the Army, causing these three institutions to grow even closer. The high Bosnian officials, generals and politicians who opposed this merging were replaced or shoved aside.207 A question that remains open is to what extent this process was planned and by whom, and to what extent it was simply spurred by complex events and various factors. It is unquestionable, however, that the disintegrating social system in BH, which was inherited from communism, was permeated with double agents of all nationalities, who had a tendency to cooperate with the efforts of Belgrade and the JNA to undermine the Bosnian state from within and subjugate it.208

Ibid., p. 211. Ibid., p. 211. 204 R. Mahmut}ehaji}, Put u rat /The Way to War/ in Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 175. 205 J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 191. 206 Decree Law on the Amendment of the Decree Law on the Armed Forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, RBH /Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/ Presidency, 6 August 1992; See: Tape recording of the 153rd session of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina held on 6 August 1992 in National Security and the Future, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2007, pp. 7-9; (4D00410). 207 M. A. Hoare, op. cit., p. 228. 208 M. A. Hoare, op. cit., p. 209.
203

202

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In any event, the process of transforming BH state institutions into Muslim/Bosniak institutions facilitated the implementation of the Greater-Serbian concept and had immense effects on the three-way national homogenisation in BH and, by this, on the long-term disintegration of the territory of BH in terms of identity and organisation. On the one hand, this even caused division within the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy, which concluded that Bosnianhood was instrumentalised to fit the interests and requests of the leading Bosniak party,209 and Alija IZETBEGOVI] was even directly accused (together with Slobodan MILO[EVI] and Franjo TU\MAN) of being a part of the central force of the destruction of unity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.210 On the other hand, this process was used by the (Greater-)Serbian structures for propaganda purposes to justify armed aggression against BH, simultaneously contributing at a social and psychological level to an even deeper homogenisation of the Serbs in BH. Thirdly, the national, political and military organising of Muslims/Bosniaks contributed to a growing general mistrust, more divisions and the eruption of limited armed clashes between the Croats and Muslims/Bosniaks, paved the way for a similar process of political and military organising in the Croatian national community in BH. To sum up (regarding the balance of power and the events in which various interests were realised in the territory of BH in the period from 1990 to 1995), the process of national divisions and homogenisation in BH was beneficial only to Serbian aggression against BH, while the national interests of Muslims/Bosniaks and the Croats in BH suffered immense and long-lasting damage from it. These facts were reaffirmed indirectly in the later statements of some prominent Muslim/Bosniak activists who disassociated themselves from the process of strictly national organisation and homogenisation only after it had left negative consequences. Thus, one of the founders of the Patriotic League and a member of the Government of RBH, Rusmir MAHMUT]EHAJI], in an attempt to justify his prominent participation in the negative processes, subsequently gave a contradictory account: In hindsight, nobody can show or prove that the Patriotic League or the other organisations we created were quasi-state organisations or that they existed outside the state institutions. There are those who write along these lines, but nobody can prove this! Some parts of this system were closely linked to the patriotic segment of the leadership and served as a forum for analysing and preparing the stable anchors for the preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in cooperation with the state organs.211 II.-3.2 Republika Srpska (RS)

The institutional hierarchy of the Serbs in BH, which was expressed in political form in the BH SDS, was not as undecided about politics and organisation as the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchies were, but rather implemented the Greater-Serbian plan systematically, of which they were an integral part. All this time, the Greater-Serbian political, security-related and propaganda activities on all levels in the Yugoslav institutional hierarchy, in Serbia, in Croatia and in BH were synchronised and interlinked. They also kept up with international circumstances,
209 210

E. Red`i}, Sto godina, p. 171. Ibid., p. 177. 211 J. Divjak, Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 280.

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both substance-wise and time-wise, particularly the meetings and decisions of the international Peace Conference on the (Former) Yugoslavia and other international factors. In all variants of the resolution of the so-called Yugoslav crisis, the main aim of the Greater-Serbian structure was to achieve territorial unity of all so-called Serbian territories in the Former Yugoslavia, including ethnic cleansing of these territories in order to ensure a convincing Serbian majority in them. All their political and military activities were subordinated to this. Thus, the main political and military developments in the Former Yugoslavia and in the territory of BH had been determined clearly and made public by the Greater-Serbian structure even before they were put into practice operationally in the territory of BH. For this reason and in order to ensure objectivity, to comprehend and understand the events in BH (1990 1995), one must be familiar with the events in the Republic of Croatia, because they are one indivisible set of events in causal terms (cause, course, effect, participants), regardless of the fact that there were republican (state) borders between BH and the Republic of Croatia. The other participants from within Yugoslavia, who were weaker in every aspect, particularly in the military one, and generally unprepared at an institutional level, mostly just followed the events (trying to adapt to them as much as possible) dictated by the Greater-Serbian structure and/or, consequently, the international community. According to the scenario which had been applied earlier in the Republic of Croatia, throughout April and May 1991, the BH SDS established illegal Communities of Municipalities in some parts of BH. The first one established was the Community of Municipalities of Bosnian Krajina, in April 1991. The Community of Municipalities of the Eastern and Old Herzegovina and the Community of Romanija Municipalities followed in May.212 In mid-June 1991, the leader of the SDS in Croatia (Jovan RA[KOVI]) established the Homeland Front which proclaimed as its aim the unification of the SAO /Serbian Autonomous District of/ Krajina (the occupied parts of the Republic of Croatia, authors note) and Bosnian Krajina into one federal unit, if Yugoslavia should break up.213 Several days earlier, Alija IZETBEGOVI], Slobodan MILO[EVI], and Franjo TU\MAN had met in Split and discussed BH, in particular214 although without results; at the press conference, MILO[EVI] supported the Serbian para-government in Knin.215 In mid-September 1991, the BH SDS proclaimed (consecutively) three Serbian Autonomous Districts (SAO): SAO Eastern Herzegovina, SAO Bosanska Krajina and SAO Romanija. Two more were created subsequently (SAO Semberija and SAO Ozren and Posavina). Separate Serbian authorities were established at municipal level as well, primarily for the purpose of establishing security control, particularly that of the local police. At both levels (district and municipal), this was done in the same way as in the Republic of Croatia in 1990, and it was a prerequisite for and an integral part of the armed aggression and occupation.216 In the first half of November 1991, the BH SDS organised an unlawful referendum of only the Serbian people in BH, offering the Serbs a choice between an
212 Glas, (Banja Luka newspaper), 27 and 28 April 1991; Javnost (official periodical of the SDS, Sarajevo) 11 May and 1 June 1991. 213 J. Divjak, Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 379. 214 Kronologija rata, p. 67. 215 J. Divjak, Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 379. 216 See: Nikica Bari}, Srpska pobuna u Hrvatskoj 1990-1995, Zagreb, 2005.

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independent BH and staying in Yugoslavia and, on the basis of falsified results, announced that the second option had won the majority.217 On the basis of the unlawful referendum, the unlawful Assembly of the Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina, at its session on 21 November 1991, adopted a Decision to Verify the Serbian Autonomous Districts Proclaimed in Bosnia and Herzegovina.218 At the same session, the Assembly of the Serbian People in BH adopted a Decision to recognise the Republic of Srpska Krajina as a federal unit of Yugoslavia219 This Decision which was absurd in many ways because an illegal assembly from a part of BH recognised the occupying authorities in a part of a neighbouring state, the Republic of Croatia, as part of a third state (Yugoslavia) is primarily testimony to how elements of the Greater-Serbian project were synchronised and how they were adapted to give results at the level of international institutions. In the second half of December 1991, the Assembly of the Serbian People in BH adopted a Decision to Proceed with Preparations for Forming Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that it will be established no later than the Serbian /Eastern Orthodox/ New Year in 1992.220 In accordance with the above, on 9 January 1992, the Assembly of the Serbian People in BH adopted the Declaration Proclaiming the Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which determined that the Republic is in the composition of the federal state of Yugoslavia as one of its federal units. This was in direct contravention of the Constitution of the SFRY /Social Federative Republic of Yugoslavia/ and the Constitution of the SRBH in force at that time. Inter alia, the Declaration was supposed to prevent the international recognition of BH, judging by its Article X, stating that: This implementation of the Declaration shall be postponed for an indefinite period of time on condition that those who submitted the request for the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovinas independence withdraw their request by 15 January 1992.221 The Declaration achieved this aim pursuant to Opinion No. 4 of the Arbitration Commission, the SRBH was not internationally recognised by the European Community (EZ) simultaneously with the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia (15 January 1992). After the referendum in the SRBH (in accordance with international instructions and supervision) and after the announcement of the European Unions (EU)222 peace plan (the so-called Cutilheiros Plan) for BH in late February, the Assembly of the Serbian People in BH adopted a Decision Proclaiming the Constitution of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second half of March 1992, the Assembly of the Serbian People in BH in Pale (in Sarajevo, authors note) opposed an independent and sovereign BH.223 On 6 April 1992, BH was recognised by the EU and the USA (effective from 7 April). On the same day, Serbian terrorists fired at the participants of anti-war
217 218

J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 182. Odluka /Decision/, in S. ^eki}, op. cit., p. 275-276; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 101-102; (3D00320). 219 Odluka, in S. ^eki}, op. cit., p. 277; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 103; (3D00320). 220 Odluka, in S. ^eki}, op. cit., p. 278; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 117; (3D00320). 221 Borba (daily newspaper), Beograd, 10 January 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 119-121; (3D00320). 222 A decision from the Maastricht Treaty (7 February 1992) changed the name from EZ to EU. 223 J. Divjak, Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 386.

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demonstrations outside the BH Assembly in Sarajevo (killing four and wounding six people).224 The following day, at a session of the Assembly of the Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina a decision was adopted to proclaim the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina an independent republic.225 Ten days later, the Government of the Serbian Republic of BH issued a public statement in Belgrade, accusing the EU and its premature recognition of contributing to the aggravation of the situation in this Republic (BH, authors note) and that those who were the most responsible for the aggravated situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina were the Muslim and Croatian members of the Presidency of the SRBH. For propaganda purposes in order to cover up Serbian armed aggression and the mass crimes which had already been committed against the Muslims/Bosniaks in Eastern BH, the statement also said that this is not a struggle to expand Serbia. The Serbian people in BH are defending their sheer survival And before this, to the same end, the statement said that the armed conflicts in BH were started by the army of the Republic of Croatia and that the international community did nothing to stop Croatian aggression.226 In mid-August 1992, the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina changed its name to Republika Srpska (RS). In the second half of September 1992, the Protocol on Cooperation between Republika Srpska and the Republic of Serbian Krajina was adopted. In practical terms, it envisaged the establishment of a state. Specifically, the Protocol envisaged cooperation between the two republics in all economic and social spheres and that all the existing constitutional and legislative solutions will be analysed and proposals submitted to the Assemblies for the harmonisation required in order to establish the same form of government and political system determine the same state symbols both republics agree that there will be no borders or border crossings between them the defence of sovereignty will be organised and carried out jointly by the establishment of joint forces and a single command. The cooperation also entailed the establishment of a unified educational system the validity of health care records and personal health insurance cards in both republics the establishment of a unified information system227 The following step was the adoption of the so-called Prijedor Declaration adopted at a joint session of the two Assemblies (RSK and RS) in late October 1992, proclaiming that the legal systems in the Republic of Serbian Krajina and Republika Srpska will be identical, that they are forming a defence alliance a monetary and customs union entrusting the organs responsible within the two republics to form immediately the appropriate joint bodies for achieving the proclaimed aims and all forms of cooperation will be offered to other Serbian states An initiative will be launched for convening an all-Serbian assembly (of the Republic of Serbian Krajina, Republika Srpska, Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro) the Assembly of Republika Srpska and the Republic of Serbian

Ibid., p. 386. Veernje novosti (daily newspaper), Belgrade, 8 April 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 169-170; (3D00320). 226 Ibid, pp. 171-172; (3D00320). 227 Protokol, Hrvatski informativni centar /Croatian Information Centre/ (HIC) Zagreb, Documentation, Document No. L-A002/041; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 245-248; (3D00320).
225

224

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Krajina proclaim the determination of the Serbian people in these republics to be united in a state.228 II.-3.3 The Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna (HRHB)

The Decision to Establish the Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna (HZHB) of 18 November 1991 determined the HZHB as a political, cultural, economic and territorial entity comprising the territories of the municipalities listed in Article 2 of the Decision. Article 5 of the decision states that the Community will respect the democratically elected government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as long as Bosnia and Herzegovina retains its state sovereignty in relation to the Former or any other Yugoslavia.229 This brief Decision also specifies the following: The supreme body of the Community shall be the Presidency, which shall comprise representatives of the Croatian people in the municipal authorities, the first by virtue of their office, or chairmen of Croatian Democratic Union municipal boards. The Presidency shall elect a President, two Vice-Presidents and a Secretary. However, due to a series of various events in the first half of 1992 (conflicts in the party, the referendum, international recognition of BH, intensified Serbian armed aggression), the HZHB did almost nothing to organise itself at institutional level. It is important to emphasise that members of the BH HDZ were active in institutions of the central (S)RBH, both then and in the following years. In the first half of April 1992, the Presidency of the HZHB faced with aggression in the territory of the HZHB and being aware of the powerlessness of the legal authorities of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly of the collapse of its defence system, adopted a very brief Decision (of only a few lines) on the Establishment of the Croatian Defence Council (HVO).230 The Decision established the HVO as a supreme body of the defence of the Croatian people in the HZHB and that it would be responsible for defending the sovereignty of the territory of the HZHB and protecting the Croatian people, as well as other peoples in this community attacked by any aggressor. The Decision was signed by the President of the HVO and HZHB, Mate BOBAN.231 In mid-May 1992, the Presidency of the HZHB adopted the Statutory Decision on Temporary Organisation of the Executive Government and Administration in the Territory of the HZHB.232 The Decision was amended in early July 1992. Article 1 read: the Croatian Defence Council is hereby established as the highest body of executive government and administration in the territory of the HZHB, although as a temporary body, to execute its powers until the establishment of the regular executive government.233 The HVO HZHB had six departments: defence, interior, economy, finance, social affairs, justice and administration), and there was an option

228

In Sr|an Radulovi, Sudbina Krajine, Beograd, 1996, pp. 154-155; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 290-292; (3D00320). 229 Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina..., pp. 99-100; (3D00320). 230 Odluka, document published in Narodni list HZHB /Official Gazette of the HZHB/, No. 1, September 1992, p. 4; (P00151). The very fact that the first issue of Narodni list HZHB was not published until September indirectly shows the low level of organisation of the HZHB at the time. 231 Ibid.; (P00151). 232 Narodni list, No. 1., pp. 5-7. (1D00156). 233 Ibid., p. 5; (P00290).

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for the establishment of independent professional and other bodies.234 The HVO HZHB supervised the work of its departments and municipal HVOs, and was authorised to dissolve a municipal HVO if the basic principles of the HZ HB were violated by it.235 In mid-June 1992, the HVO HZHB adopted a Statutory Decision according to which the activities of the executive government at municipal level in HZHB are executed by the Croatian Defence Council.236 As late as early July 1992, the Presidency of the HZHB adopted a series of decisions, decree laws and codes which formally, at least in part, regulated basic relations within the HZHB. Thus, after more than seven and a half months, the (amended) Decision on the Establishment of the HZHB was again adopted. In relation to the previous Decision, the new version contained a new part Reasons for the Establishment, which, inter alia, said: Faced with ruthless aggression by the Yugoslav Army an enormous number of victims, suffering and peril and the destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its legally elected bodies.237 The new Decision introduced the duty of the President of the HZHB, which had not been included in the earlier version, and the Presidency of the HZHB was designated as a legislative body.238 The highest bodies of authority in the HZHB did not pass laws, instead they passed decree laws, decisions, etc. adopting the existing laws or parts of laws of the state of BH, most often with a note that these regulations were implemented in the territory of the Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna at a time of an imminent threat of war or a state of war. It is very important to emphasise that the institutional signature block in all formal decisions, decree laws and documents adopted by the highest bodies of the HZHB, first gave the name REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, followed by CROATIAN COMMUNITY OF HERCEG-BOSNA. This state administration hierarchy was also adhered to consistently in official forms, school diplomas, certificates, military ID booklets and other documents used in the territory of the HZHB. The prescribed graphic forms of these documents were published as images in Narodni list, the official gazette of the HZHB (HRHB).

234 235

Ibid., p. 7; (P00290). Ibid., p. 6; (P00250). 236 Ibid., p. 8; (P00290). 237 Ibid., p. 2; (P00302). 238 Ibid., p. 2-3; (P00302).

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Figure 12: The prescribed template for the cover page of the personal identity card in
the HZHB. (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 12/93, p. 328) /translation: Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of HercegBosna; Personal Identity Card; No.; JMBG /personal identification number/; First name; Surname; Date of Birth; Place and State of Birth; Place of residence and address; Issued by; Date; Signature; Valid until/

Figure 13: The prescribed template for the cover page of the military ID booklet in
the HZHB (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 7/92, p. 36) /translation: Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of HercegBosna; Military ID Booklet; Cover first page/

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Figure 14: The prescribed template for the cover page of the vehicle registration

document in HZHB (heading) (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 1/93, p. 16)

/translation: Form 1; Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna; Vehicle Registration/

Figure 15: The prescribed template for a primary school certificate (heading)
(Source: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, p. 256) /translation: Form 1a; Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna; Municipality; School; Place; School register; Number; Primary School Certificate/

Figure 16: The prescribed template for the cover page of School Register in the HZHB
(heading) (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, p. 264)

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/translation: Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of HercegBosna; Gymnasium Vocational Secondary School/

Figure 17: The prescribed template for the copy of a birth certificate in the HZHB
(heading) (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, p. 393) /translation: Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of HercegBosna; Municipality; Copy of a Birth Certificate/

Figure 18: The prescribed template for a marriage certificate in the HZHB (heading)
(Source: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, p. 394) /translation: Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of HercegBosna; Municipality; Marriage Certificate/

Figure 19: The prescribed template for a certificate of death in the HZHB (heading)
(Source: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, p. 395) /translation: Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Croatian Community of HercegBosna; Municipality; Certificate of Death/

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The name, status and organisation of the HZHB did not change significantly until late August 1993, when the Basic Decision on the Establishment and Proclamation of the Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna (HRHB) was adopted.239 The adoption of this decision and other documents stemming from it was influenced by a host of factors, the most important of which was certainly the so-called OwenStoltenbergs peace plan,240 which envisaged a joint state (union) consisting of three constituent republics and that the agreement between the legitimate representatives of the republics (nations) in BH would enter into force once there was agreement on the maps and appendices regarding strict guarantees of human rights.241 Like similar plans before and after, this peace plan was the focus of the attention of negotiators, politicians and the military for several months; it was accepted, rejected and, on several occasions, amended and supplemented. In general, judging by the already inflamed national expectations and fears, the peace plans of the international community had significant influence on political developments in BH and the region.242 In addition, political and armed conflicts between parts of Croatian and Muslim/Bosniak political and military hierarchies were erupting in some localities in BH and war crimes against civilians of different religion and nationality were committed in some places. Although Owen-Stoltenbergs peace plan eventually failed, the authority structures of the HRHB acted as if had been accepted and continued to adopt the relevant political and legal documents needed for the establishment of the HRHB as one of the constituent republics of the joint state of BH. In addition to the Basic Decision, the following documents were adopted: Decision on Constituting the House of Representatives of the HRHB and the Presidential Decree on the Promulgation of the Law on the Government of the HRHB, etc.243 Such action of the HRHB structure (and the HZHB earlier) was conducive to a deepening of existing inter-ethnic mistrust and intolerance in BH and contributed to further processes of disintegration in BH. This was definitely not in the national interest of the Croats in BH because (inter alia) most of the Croats lived in other areas of BH outside the HRHB. Nonetheless, as during the HZHB, all official documents of the HRHB formally and strictly abided by the hierarchy of state titles, meaning that the title Bosnia and Herzegovina always preceded that of Croatian Republic of HerzegBosna. The HRHB structure, however, despite the high normative production as earlier, under the name of HZHB was not able to stabilise the situation at any level (within the BH Croatian community, in relations with the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy, in relations with the Republic of Croatia and in relations with the international community). Actually, throughout the period from 1990 to 1995 (and later), the internal synergy of the Croatian hierarchy in BH, as well as its general situation in
239 240

Narodni list HRHB, no. 1, October 1993, pp. 5-6; (P04611). At that time, David OWEN and Thorwald STOLTENBERG were the co-chairs of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, who offered a peace plan for BH as peace mediators, on the basis of negotiations with representatives from the territory of the Former Yugoslavia; (3D00320). 241 Details about the document were taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 414-415 and 429-431; (3D00320).
242 243

See documents about this in M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 410-490; (3D00320). For these and similar documents, see Narodni list HRHB, 1, October 1993; (P04589).

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relation to the Serbian and Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy in BH, were noticeably of poorer quality, weaker and less successful. Although the question of causes and factors which led to this is still open for research, it cannot be explained merely by the small number of Croats in BH, because this fact intrinsically facilitated the quality of the structuring of Croatian national interests in BH. Thus, throughout the period before, during and after the war, Croatian structures in BH remained divided in various respects regional membership, political beliefs and aims, common and individual interests, etc. The general situation and actions of the Croatian hierarchy in BH was hence very similar to that of the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy, as were its final outcomes. Actually, the Croatian hierarchy was heterogeneous within itself (even more so than the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy), but the part which prevailed was the one which was limited to superficially and narrowly defined national interests, used as a pretext for working in the interest of small groups which, coincidentally, gained great institutional and financial power and used it disregarding the common good. Of the three leading national parties in BH, the internal situation in the BH HDZ was the most chaotic. This was reflected primarily in the numerous dramatic changes at the head of the party (presidents and secretaries) and in civilian (the HZHB and HRHB) and military (HVO) managing hierarchies. There is no justification for the fact that full political and military cooperation between Croatian and Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy was not established promptly and that there were partial armed clashes and crimes in a few localities that happened mutually. These are equal and vast failures of both the Croatian and the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchies, because in the balance of power in BH that was absolutely clear, they were expected to join forces in full-fledged defence against Serbian aggression (the full implementation of which did not begin until after March 1994, i.e. after the signing of the Washington agreements). However, the overall situation in BH was significantly shaped by factors, interests and individuals outside the territory of BH, which one must also take into account in order to understand and assess the events in BH objectively.244 For a host of reasons, the BH HDZ, HZHB and, subsequently, HRHB, were dependent, to an extent, in finance, the military and politics upon the Republic of Croatia, just as the security and stability of the Republic of Croatia (particularly its southern areas) depended on the development of the situation in BH. However, one dimension of this inter-dependence was the fact that the continually unstable and chaotic state of the Croatian structures in BH weakened the position of the Republic of Croatia in relation to the international community (whose help Croatia expected in regaining parts of the occupied territory) and in relation to the BH state (which Croatia assisted abundantly for its own strategic interests),245 because some parts of the international community and BH began to believe in the unfounded stereotype that the Republic of Croatia was working secretly on the destruction and partitioning of the BH state.246 For this issue to be understood objectively, it is important to emphasise that the HZHB (and the HRHB) introduced very clear normative regulations on crossborder relations with the RH by adopting the Decision on Border Crossings towards the Republic of Croatia in 1992247 and, in 1993, the Decision to Amend248 the first
244 245

See: Carole Hodge, Velika Britanija i Balkan od 1991. do danas, Zagreb, 2007. More on this in the third chapter of this expert report. 246 See J. Divjak, Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni; and M. Tuman, Vrijeme krivokletnika, Zagreb, 2006. 247 Narodni list, 6/92, p. 42.

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Decision and also by adopting a new Decision on Border Crossings towards the Republic of Croatia.249 Finally, the impact of the poor quality and other shortcomings of the institutional hierarchy of the Croats in BH on the peace-establishing process of the international community in BH contributed to the fact that only the Croatian national institutions in BH were largely deconstructed, which brought into question the issue of whether the Croats were indeed a constituent people in BH. The HRHB ceased to exist on 31 August 1996 in keeping with the Dayton General Framework Agreement and the agreement on the Federation of BH, which specified that HVO control of the territory of the Federation would cease on this day.250

248 249

Ibid., 4/93, p. 88. Ibid., 10/93, p. 239. 250 Vjesnik (daily newspaper), Zagreb, 16 August 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 697-698; (3D00320).

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II.-4 REFERENDUM The events which took place in the territory of BH in the period from 1990 to 1995 were burdened by various interests, an unstable historical legacy and incomplete institutions. In addition, these instabilities changed greatly during the war, which on the whole - significantly impeded the forming of impartial views of the whole process, its separate parts and the actors in it. In such a situation, the referendum organised in BH was a very important event for two main reasons. Firstly, a referendum is one of the key instruments of direct democracy, through which the will of the people regarding important issues can be determined. Secondly, in the complex and changing situation in BH, from the way the governing hiearchies of the constituent peoples in BH treated the referendum question about the political future of the state, one can recognise the basis of their political concepts. In mid-December 1991, the EC Council of Ministers prepared and adopted the Guidelines on the Formal Recognition of New States in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union251 and the Declaration on Yugoslavia.252 In accordance with the stipulations of these documents, the state of SRBH requested international recognition and the Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia issued its Opinion no. 4 on 11 January 1992, stating that according to the declarations and undertakings assumed by BH, the state of BH had met the requirements for recognition, with the exception of the fact that the Serbian members of the Presidency did not associate themselves with those declarations and undertakings.253 The Commission concluded: In these circumstances the Arbitration Commission is of the opinion that the will of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina to constitute the SRBH as a sovereign and independent State cannot be held to have been fully established. However, this assessment could be reviewed if appropriate guarantees were provided by the Republic applying for recognition, possibly by means of a referendum of all the citizens of the SRBH without distinction, carried out under international supervision.254 On 25 January 1992, the Assembly of the SRBH adopted a Decision to Call for a Referendum on the Independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Deputies of all parties voted for the referendum, with the exception of the BH SDS and the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), who left the session of the Assembly before the vote. The Referendum was scheduled for 29 February and 1 March 1992. In the period preceding the referendum, consistent with their vote at the Assembly of the SRBH, the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchies in BH, as well as the institutions of the Republic of Croatia, publicly encouraged the citizens of BH to participate in the referendum and vote for an independent BH state. There were some disagreements about the phrasing of the referendum question, because the BH HDZ proposed that the question emphasise BH as a state union of constituent and

See Anelko Milardovi, Dokumenti o dravnosti Republike Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1992, p. 136; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp.11-112; (3D00320). 252 Slobodna Dalmacija (daily newspaper), Split, 18 December 1991; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 113-114; (3D00320). 253 Vjesnik, 23 January 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, p. 126-128; (3D00320). 254 M. Tuman, Istina, p. 128; (3D00320).

251

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sovereign Croatian, Muslim and Serbian peoples in their national territories (cantons)255 As the population waited for the referendum, the Serbian hierarchies in BH condemned it with increasing vehemence and announced that the Serbs would not take part. Before the referendum, throughout BH, in the organisation of the Serbian hierarchies, barricades appeared overnight and detonations reverberated and, on the night before the referendum, shots were heard everywhere and the population was intimidated.256 During the referendum, the SDS set up barricades in Sarajevo in order to interfere with the collection of ballot boxes.257 On 9 March 1992, the BH Republican Electoral Secretariat announced the final and official results of the referendum. Of a total of approximately 3,250,000 citizens with the right to vote, 64% took part in the referendum. Of them, as many as 99.4 % voted for a sovereign and independent state of BH. There were approximately 5,000 voting stations and the referendum was successfully conducted in 107 of the 109 municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was not conducted only in Drvar and Bosansko Grahovo and only partially in Bosanski Brod.258

255

See S. eki, op. cit., p. 312; document taken from M. Tuman, M., Istina, p. 133; (3D00320). A document on the closed (secret) session of the SDA Main Board held on 25 February 1992 in Sarajevo illustrates the political activities of the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchies regarding the referendum and the role of the international community. See Dani (weekly), Sarajevo, 7 March 2008. 256 Kronologija rata, p. 142. 257 J. Divjak, Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 385. 258 Kronologija rata, p. 147.

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II.-5 THE ARMED FORCES OF THE NATIONAL ENTITIES IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA II.-5.1 The Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) The key institution for the establishment of the VRS was the JNA /Yugoslav Peoples Army/, which was one of the most important institutional components of the whole Greater-Serbian project. The JNA had all the prerequisites for armed organisation of the Serbs in the territory of BH because, in accordance with the Yugoslav defence concept, there were very strong forces deployed within it. Thus, as early as 1990, the JNA was arming the members and supporters of the SDS pursuant to orders of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the SFRY /Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia/ and the political and military factors of Serbia and Montenegro.259 According to documents which were kept at the Command of the Yugoslav Second Military District (Sarajevo) by 19 March 1992, the JNA issued about 51,900 firearms to Serbian volunteer units, of which 23,298 were given to SDS members.260 The presence of JNA troops in BH was significantly bolstered from the summer until October 1991, when almost all JNA units and equipment had been withdrawn from Slovenia and chiefly deployed in the territory of BH. In November 1991, an agreement was reached between the JNA and the Republic of Croatia for JNA to withdraw from about 40 barracks which had been sealed off by Croatian forces. In the ensuing months, the JNA pulled out 310 tanks, 210 APCs, 260 field guns, 210 aircraft, 40 helicopters, 4 submarines, 4 frigates and 38 smaller warships from Croatia.261 This is how the territory of BH became densely covered with Serbian military forces. The then JNA commander-in-chief, General Veljko KADIJEVI], explained the reasons clearly: In the assessment of future developments, we believed that after leaving Croatia, the JNA should keep strong forces in BH. This was consistent with any realistic and possible option of future developments in BH.262 Accordingly, at the very end of 1991, the rump (pro-Serbian) Presidency of the SFRY adopted a decision to reorganise the JNA. The Plan was made in early 1992 by the Federal Secretariat for Peoples Defence (SSNO) and the Republic of Serbia Defence Ministry, under the title The Concept of Forming Yugoslav Defence Forces. The Plan invited the JNA to continue to protect the Serbian population outside Serbia by transforming its command structures into Territorial Defence units and supplying them with personal weapons, artillery, armoured units and rocket launching systems. The SAO defence ministries in Croatia and BH were subordinated to the Serbian Defence Ministry and were expected to coordinate their defence plans and protect the outer borders and the constitutional order together. The SAO were
259 260

J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 183. Ibid., p. 183; One of the three snipers arrested by MUP /Ministry of the Interior/ special unit members on 6 April 1992 while they were shooting at the crowd gathered in front of the BH Assembly was Branko KOVA^EVI], Assistant Secretary for the Peoples Defence of Sarajevo, former personal secretary to Radovan KARAD@I]. 261 T. Kulenovi, Pripreme za rat i poetak rata u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992. godine, in Polemos, 1. Zagreb, 1998, p. 104. 262 V. Kadijevi, Moje vienje raspada, Beograd, 1993, p. 147.

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required to organise their armed forces and recruit conscripts with prior approval from Belgrade. The JNA General Staff had operative command over all forces.263 In the first half of January 1992, simultaneously with the proclamation of the Republic of the Serbian People in BH, MILO[EVI] issued an order requesting that all JNA officers born in BH return to this Republic.264 After the international recognition of BH (7 April 1992) and despite the fact that the JNA had already become the instrument of Serbian armed aggression against BH, at its sessions in the second half of April 1992, the Presidency of RBH invited the JNA forces in the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to subordinate themselves to the command of the legal authorities of this republic and thwart the aggressor forces in all spheres.265 At a session held in late April 1992, however, in view of the fact that BH /was/ a sovereign and internationally recognised state and that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had been proclaimed, the RBH Presidency adopted a Decision on the Withdrawal of JNA units from the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.266 Shortly after, on 4 May 1992, the JNA General Staff announced the withdrawal of military personnel who were not citizens of Bosnia and their families from BH while members of the Federal forces who were citizens of Bosnia were transformed into the Territorial Defence of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (later on, the VRS).267 In mid-May 1992, JNA Colonel Ratko MLADI], Commander of the Knin Corps of the JNA, was appointed Commander of the Serbian army in BH, i.e. the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS).268 Organisation-wise, the VRS was divided into five corps: the 1st Krajina Corps (Banja Luka), the 2nd Krajina Corps (Drvar), the 3rd Northern Bosnia Corps, the 4th Eastern Bosnia Corps (Sarajevo Romanija) and the 5th Herzegovina Corps.269 In this period, the total strength of all VRS corps was between 90,000 and 100,000 well-armed soldiers, cadets and officers, 750-800 tanks, about 1,000 APCs and other armoured vehicles, more than 4,000 mortars and artillery pieces and up to 100 aircraft and 50 helicopters.270 In conclusion, the VRS was put together from large parts of the JNA, parts of the BH Territorial Defence and various paramilitary units. KADIJEVI], however, rightfully concluded: JNA commands and units were the backbone of the army of Republika Srpska, together with the weapons and equipment. This army, fully relying on the people created military prerequisites for the adequate political solutions, which would suit their national interests and aims, of course, to the extent allowed by the current international circumstances. 271

263 Milan Vego, The Yugoslav Ground Forces, in Jane's Intelligence Review, 5, 6, 1993, p. 250; quote taken from T. Kulenovi}, op. cit. 107-108. 264 Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 384. 265 Minutes of the 69th Session of the BH Presidency, held on 13 and 14 April 1992, published in National Security and the Future, Vol. 7, No. 3, 2006, p. 136. 266 Minutes of the 79th Session, published in National Security, Vol. 7, No. 3, 2006, p. 178. 267 Minutes of the 79th Session. held on 27 April 1992, in Ibid., p. 177. 268 J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 184. 269 T. Kulenovi, op. cit., p. 108. 270 J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 184. 271 V. Kadijevi, op. cit., p. 148; See Davor Domazet, Uloga JNA kao srpske imperijalne sile u bosanskohercegovakom ratu, Hrvatski vojnik, Zagreb, 1998. (English translation: The Role of the JNA as a Serbian Imperial Force in the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina); see corresponding images at www.slobodanpraljak.com .

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II.-5.2 Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH Army)

The beginning of the BH Army was in the (semi)secret military part of the Patriotic League (PL), established in late 1990 or early 1991 under the auspices of the SDA. The military part of the PL was engaged in organising armed resistance, while its civilian part through the SDA and the BH governmental bureaucracy composed of SDA members sought a political resolution at the level of Yugoslavia and BH through negotiations. The first PL units were established under conspiratorial conditions, on a voluntary basis, without a clear military structure and hierarchy. It was because of this that the units had many different names (Bosnia-1, Bosnia-2, Zelene Beretke /Green Berets/, etc.), which did not indicate their type and strength. The Commander of the PL was Sefer HALILOVI], a former JNA officer and collaborator of the JNA Counterintelligence Service (KOS). The PL gradually grew in numbers and developed its structure, so at the military consultation meeting held in Mehuri}i near Travnik (7-8 February 1992) it was established that the Patriotic League had 60,000 to 70,000 armed members. The force covered the whole territory of BH and consisted of the Main Staff of the PL at the level of the Republic, nine regional staffs, 103 municipal staffs and many different units, organised in formations from platoons to brigades.272 A day after the international recognition of BH, on 8 April 1992, the Presidency of RBH adopted a Decree Law abrogating the Republican Territorial Defence Staff and establishing the Territorial Defence Staff of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (TORBH Staff). Hasan EFENDI] was appointed its Commander. It was decided that the Presidency of the Republic would make decisions regarding the use of Territorial Defence. At this session, the Presidency of BH also adopted decisions declaring an immediate threat of war and changing the name of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.273 On this and the following day (8 April 1992, authors note) 40 of 48 members of the earlier Republican TO Staff affirmed their loyalty to the new TO Staff in writing In 1990, there were nine district TO staffs in BH, and on this day (8 April 1992, authors note) seven of them confirmed their acceptance of the decision 73 out of 109 municipal staffs did the same.274 At its next session (9 April 1992), the Presidency of RBH adopted a Decision to Join all Armed Forces in the Territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, according to which all armed forces and individuals, except the JNA and the MUP, were to report to the local TO responsible in order to be placed under unified command and assigned a unique designation. This meant that all units of the Patriotic League were to join the new TO in BH. The Main Staff of the Patriotic League joined the TORBH Staff straight away, on 12 April.275 This is when the gradual regrouping and systematisation of the existing units began: TO staffs and units platoons, companies and battalions will be organised in May and June; brigades will be established in June and July, and
T. Kulenovi, op. cit., p. 105; See: S. Halilovi, op. cit., p. 120. Zapisnik 65. sjednice Predsjednitva Socijalistike Republike Bosne i Hercegovine /Minutes of the 65th Session of the Presidency of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/ in National Security, 7, 3, 2006, p.126. 274 J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 187. 275 Ibid., p. 187.
273 272

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corps will be formed from September until the end of 1992.276 A significant and objective difficulty, which seriously slowed down and threatened the smoothness and continuity of the process of integration of BH armed forces was the isolation of Sarajevo, both in military and in communications terms. Sarajevo was the formal centre of military and political authorities, whose communications and, even more, the supervision of subordinate structures, were carried out with difficulties.277 Many other problems emerged during the establishment of the armed forces of RBH, and some lasted until the end of the war.278 Two serious technical problems included the shortage of educated military professionals279 and a lack of weapons and ammunition. About 75% of armed forces members spent the first year of the war in civilian clothes and footwear even the insignia were different from the emblems of the TO and the Patriotic League to the coats-of-arms of various towns (Tuzla, Mostar) and stripes on the sleeves.280 The other types of problems were much more difficult to overcome. They concerned the fact that the Patriotic League had kept its staff, which was separate from the TO and the inevitable rivalry did not end even when the Republican TO Staff formally assumed the command of all BH units which were based on the political platform of the PL.281 In addition, the lack of unity of the RBH armed forces was also strongly influenced by the fact that various other armies and units should have been involved: the Croatian Defence Council (HVO), the Croatian defence forces (HOS), the Green Berets, as the SDA party police, and other resistance groups which were emerging throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina.282 A particular problem of the highest and high command levels was in the fact that in the structure of civilian and military authorities the importance of personal relations between individual politicians, officials and commanders grew,283 which is why the influence of political and military leaders on military issues depended on their own networks of patron-client relations, which in turn encouraged struggles for power.284 Everything was a part of the broader process in which the leaders and officials the SDA and the bureaucrats and security officers of the former Communist regime blended in into a new Bosniak elite.285 In this situation lacking any control, one should not overlook the fact that in various areas of BH the criminal elements in Bosnian armed forces had their own selfish interests too. For instance, with regard to the siege of Sarajevo, the interest of criminal groups which were a part of defence was in maintaining the siege and the lucrative black market where they operated in cooperation with their criminal counterparts from among the Serbian soldiers who held the siege and those in the

276 277

Ibid., p. 189. See Tomo imi, Djelovanje Predsjednitva BiH u uvjetima bitno smanjene komunikacije izmeu Sarajeva i drugih dijelova BiH /Activities of the Presidency of BH under Conditions of Significantly Limited Communication between Sarajevo and Other Parts of BH/ in National Security and the Future, Vol. 7, No. 1-2, 2006, p. 115-161. 278 J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 187. 279 Ibid., p. 189: In many brigades commander posts were held by men who had not even completed compulsory military service and in one 5,000-plus-strong brigade, they even bragged about not having a single commissioned or non-commissioned officer. 280 Ibid., p. 189. 281 M. A. Hoare, op. cit., p. 213. 282 Ibid., p. 213. 283 Ibid., p. 213. 284 Ibid., p. 215. 285 Ibid., p. 216.

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HVO. The commander of the 1st Bosnian (Sarajevo) Corps insists that the frontlines on Igman were controlled by a mafia composed of all nationalities.286 As early as the second half of May 1992, Hasan EFENDI], Chief of the TORBH Staff was replaced by Sefer HALILOVI]. On 4 July 1992, the BH armed forces were officially named the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH Army).287 The conflicts of interest within the SDA Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy were also reflected in the struggle for dominance over the BH Army. The replacement of HALILOVI] was considered as early as July 1992, but only in June 1993, with the reorganisation of the Supreme Command of the BH Army was he demoted to the fourth place in the Army hierarchy288 and in Operation Trebevi} (which started in late October 1993) HALILOVI] was immediately removed from the position of Chief of Staff and an investigation was initiated against him.289 When Rasim DELI] was appointed to the top position of the BH Army in June 1993, a process of deeper, radical changes in personnel and ideology began in the BH Army, through which it gradually became a party army of the SDA, independent of the supervision of official state bodies. Accordingly, the role of President IZETBEGOVI] as an individual was becoming more central in army propaganda.290 In the process of reorganisation of the BH Army in 1993 the Armys Islamic orientation grew stronger.291 The symbolic expression of this process was exhibited in October 1994, when IZETBEGOVI] was pronounced honorary commander of the 7th Muslim Brigade,292 which excelled in radical religious indoctrination. The strength of the BH Army grew continually. In 1993, it had close to 200,000 men, although not all of them were armed, but in 1994, the number reached 250,000. Our main problem was that we did not even have a rifle for each soldier.293 The course of the war and the growth of the BH Army, was accompanied by the corresponding changes in the military organisation. The main problem of the units was their poor manoeuvring capability, which is why operations groups were formed in early 1994, while manoeuvre battalions were organised in brigades. In the spring of 1995, operations groups were disbanded and manoeuvre brigades and divisions were formed.294 Throughout the entire war, the BH Army also depended on assistance from institutions of the Croatian state in various ways (logistically, organisationally, in training, joint activities). This is explored in detail in the third part of this report. II.-5.3 Croatian Defence Council (HVO)
286 287

Ibid., p. 217. Ibid., p. 215. 288 Ibid., p. 219. 289 Ibid., p. 221; It is an open question to what extent the fact that Mr. Alija IZETBEGOVI]s term of office at the helm of the RBH Presidency was ending in December 1992 and that, according to the Constitution, he was to be replaced (and succeeded by a representative of the Croats, i.e. the HDZ), affected the processes in the BH Army until the end of 1992 (and other processes in BH). However, he was not replaced, and this was justified by the state of war, and IZETBEGOVI] was the President of the RBH Presidency until the end of the war. 290 Ibid., p. 223. 291 Ibid., p. 222. 292 Ibid., p. 223. 293 J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 191. 294 Ibid., p. 194.

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The roots of the emergence of the HVO lie primarily in the fact that many Croats from BH (the estimate is 10,000 to 20,000)295 participated in the defence of the Republic of Croatian from Serbia armed aggression in 1990 and 1991. Hence, throughout 1991, in various ways and in response to the increasingly open Serbian threats in the territory of BH weapons kept being sent to the Croats in BH to be used for defence and local, unconnected volunteer groups were formed. It should be said that a yet unknown number of Muslims/Bosniaks from BH who had participated in the defence of RH also participated in the establishment and activities of the HVO. Furthermore, the territory of BH was used intensively for Serbian aggression against Croatia and the southern territories of BH became a part of the Croatian theatre of war in the second half of 1991. Thus, groups or individuals who had already volunteered in the Republic of Croatia began to arrive (return) gradually to join the Croats in BH. In the unusually complex (or even chaotic) political and military circumstances which prevailed particularly in the initial years of the war in BH, the process of involvement of the then members of the Croatian Army HV (from the Republic of Croatia) in the defence of BH, i.e. the armed forces in the territory of BH (HVO, HOS, BH Army) is an open question for researchers. The process was undoubtedly massive and went on in a range of various fashions, aided by the overall situation in the RH, which was uncertain and with the organisation of the institutional hierarchy in the RH in its initial stages, significantly burdened by so-called transitional problems. This process will be explored partly in the third chapter of this report. On the other hand, the vital state interests of the RH were linked to the defence of BH from Serbian armed aggression, which is why the RH generously and diversely assisted the survival of BH.296 In that context, as early as 7 July 1992, a brief Instruction was issued by the Minister of Defence (RH) to all commands of the Croatian Army, which clearly defined the relationship and interests of the RH state towards the defence of the state of the RBH. The Instruction specified: No commanders are allowed to send or use the Croatian Army outside the borders of the Republic of Croatia. Anyone doing so without the explicit command of the Supreme Commander shall suffer the consequences of his actions. Should volunteers from Croatian units who are natives of Bosnia and Herzegovina wish to go to battle and defend their homes, commanders are not allowed to stop them.297 During the process of organising various armed groups and units into the composition of the Croatian Defence Council (HVO) as part of the armed forces of the HZHB (subsequently, the HRHB) and part of the Armed Forces of BH, a particular problem was that of the Croatian Defence Forces (HOS), the establishment of which was initiated and which was later partially supervised by the Croatian Party of Rights (HSP). The HOS Staff for Herzegovina was established on 3 January 1992 and it is estimated that the HOS had up to 5,000 members in BH the HOS played an important role in the liberation of Mostar, ^apljina, Neum and Stolac.298

T. Kulenovi}, op. cit., p. 106. This is explored in the third chapter of the report (The Relationship of the RH towards BH from 1990 to 1995). 297 Archives of Slobodan PRALJAK, POS-2-113. 298 T. Kulenovi}, op. cit., p. 106.
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295

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There were many Muslim/Bosniak members in HOS units. The Commander of the HOS was Bla` KRALJEVI], a Croat who had emigrated to Australia and returned as a volunteer. He supported the cooperation between the Croats and the Muslims/Bosniaks. In early August 1992, the Government in Sarajevo appointed General KRALJEVI] a member of the BH Army Main Staff.299 Due to the many differences between parts of the HVO and the HOS, KRALJEVI] was soon killed in an ambush near Mostar. At this point, an all-out armed conflict between the HOS and the HVO was avoided by an agreement signed on 23 August 1992 by Mate BOBAN and the Chief of the Main Staff of the HOS (Ante PRKA^IN). After this, the HOS was completely disbanded when groups or individual members transferred to the HVO or the BH Army. According to assessments, which vary extensively, in the most critical period in political and military terms, the HVO probably had between 35,000 and 37,000 members, organised in 40 to 45 battalion-strong and 20 platoon-strong units. Territorially, there were about 20,000 HVO members in western Herzegovina, 10,000 to 12,000 in northern Bosnia, 3,000 in central Bosnia and 2,000 in northwestern Bosnia.300 There are multiple reasons, however, for the fact that the problems remain unresolved of ascertaining the strength, activities and other characteristics of the HVO. The first reason is the (abovementioned) disorganised and chaotic (inferior) Croatian hierarchy in BH. These weaknesses were even more pronounced in the armed forces collectively called the HVO. The reliability of their records is therefore problematic, as are the data processed from them. Symbolically, the fact that the highest body of the executive administration and government in the territory of the HZHB was also called the HVO is also interesting,301 and was a source of confusion at the time and still is today among the less informed. In 1992 and 1993, the highest authority bodies of the HZHB and the HRHB adopted many different regulations on the armed forces, war and an immediate threat of war.302 In practice, the armed forces (i.e. the HVO) survived despite several elementary shortcomings. It is an interesting fact that the often very extensive regulations concerning defence and the army mention the term HVO (in the military sense) extremely rarely, but rather refer to the armed forces etc. The basic document is certainly the extensive Decree Law on the Armed Forces of the HZHB, adopted on 3 July 1992 and published in September 1992. It was amended to an extent in mid-October 1992 and published in November 1992. Its Article 2 specified: The defence system of the HZHB is a unified form of
Ibid., p. 106. Ibid., pp. 102 and 106. The data given in the ICTY case against PRLI] et al. specifies: as for the HVO, the total number of soldiers was 36,797, divided as follows: 20,841 Croats and 15,956 Muslims. (taken from Slobodan Praljak, Financiranje HVO-a, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008, p. 97). 301 Narodni list, 1, 1992, p. 5. 302 Narodni list, 1992; No. 1 (Decree Law on the Armed Forces, Decree Law on Taking Over the /?Equipment/ of the JNA and the SSNO /Federal Secretariat of National Defence/, Decree Law on the Treatment of Persons Taken Prisoner in Armed Conflicts, Decree Law on Salaries and Other Financial Compensation for Members of the Armed Forces of the HZHB, Decree Law on Ranks, Code of Military Discipline); No. 4 (Decree Law on the Establishment of War Damages); No. 5 (Decree Law on the Status of Refugees and Expellees, Rules of Requirements and Procedures for Posting, Conferring Ranks and Promotions); No. 7 (Rules on Completing Compulsory Military Service and Civilian Service); Narodni list, 1993, No. 4 (Rules on Military ID Booklets); No. 11 (Rules on Implementing and Carrying Out Mobilisation).
300 299

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organisation of the armed forces, command bodies and legal entities with the purpose of prompt and organised prevention of attacks and other threats the armed forces and other bodies have the right and the responsibility to immediately commence armed combat and other forms of resistance against the attackers.303 Almost all important powers over the armed forces were given to the President of the HZHB, who is the supreme commander of the Armed Forces, who determines the basic organisation of the Armed Forces adopts the plan of use and orders the use of the Armed Forces provides the guidelines for stand-by measures and mobilisation establishes the basis of personnel policy adopts general and basic rules appoints and relieves army commanders.304 In practice, however, under these chaotic circumstances, it was impossible to establish meaningful and comprehensive coordination between the Croatian political and military components in BH and the situation was similar within the military relations in the HVO. The HVO commanding structures, particularly those in units, mostly lacked personnel with a military education, most of the soldiers had no military training, hierarchy and discipline were almost inexistent, the units were incomplete in structure and manning levels, they were formed in accordance with the territorial principle and hence acted and were supplied accordingly. As a result of all of the above, subordination, communication and cooperation in and among the units were very poor, but also impeded by other circumstances: a total absence of links among areas controlled by some parts of the Croatian hierarchies or HVO units (Herzegovina, central BH, Posavina, western BH). Under such circumstances, in which units were mostly organised at municipal level and isolated, one of the largest problems of the HVO was the strong influence of local (municipal) civilian structures and /?local/ interests and relations on HVO units. This additionally harmed the already weak command hierarchy and introduced the deviation of amoral informality into military affairs, decisions and activities. The indicated problems and lack of information regarding the emergence, strength, methods of operating and other issues regarding the HVO are recognised clearly in the available documents concerning the financing of the HVO.305 The governing hierarchy of the HZHB (HRHB) including the military and civilian components of the HVO was financed from several sources: its own central revenue (taxes, war tax, compensations, etc.), local revenue (war taxes, etc.), loans from the RH and donations from Croatian migrs. The common characteristic of all these methods was their mutual and individual poor quality (formal and actual incompleteness, inconsistency or contradiction, etc.). For example, in January 1994, the HRHB Ministry of Defence prepared a balance sheet, i.e. its Annual Report for 1993,306 where the main difficulty in the preparation of the Annual Report was created by all units and military districts which failed to send us their balance sheets with the exception of Ora{je ZP /Military District/, which did send us their balance sheet.307 Furthermore, the document stressed that in 1993, the financial operations of the HRHB Ministry of Defence were carried out with as much as 18 important limiting factors, including the following: the lack of a unified system of financing self-financing of the HVO units through municipal organs the lack of a
303 304

Narodni list, 6, 1992, p. 9. Ibid, p. 12, Article 29. 305 See the selected documents published in S. Praljak, Financiranje HVO-a, Zagreb, 2008, and a more comprehensive compilation of documents at www.slobodanpraljak.com. 306 S. Praljak, Financiranje HVO-a, str. 79-88. 307 Ibid., p. 84.

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complete military system Units/institutions being constantly formed and reorganised the lack of war reserves the lack of the required storage space supplies not /?classified/ by type the lack of permanent sources of financing.308 The Report on the Transfer of Fun. (Funds, authors note) to the Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna, i.e. the Federation of BH, sent by the Sector for Finances and Accounting of the RH Defence Ministry to the State Auditing Office of the RH, provides precise and detailed information on the funds transferred by the RH from 1992 to 1998 to the budget of the Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna, i.e. the Croatian component of the Federation of BH for the following purposes: - basic salaries of HVO members; - war allowance for HVO members; - subsidies for the expenses of the establishments and public institutions of the Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna, i.e. the Croatian component of the Federation of BH.309 This document also reveals that the transfers of funds were planned as a separate budget line in the budget of the MORH (RH Defence Ministry, authors note) for the entire reporting period Every year, the Assembly of the Republic of Croatia adopted the aforementioned budgets of the Defence Ministry.310 The other documents clearly show that the MORH transferred the funds to the HZHB (HRHB) as a loan, to be charged from the budget of the HZHB (HRHB).311 Local municipal authorities (presidencies of municipal assemblies, municipal war presidencies, municipal executive boards, etc.) in the territory of the HZHB (HRHB) and other areas in BH controlled by Croatian and/or Muslim/Bosniak hierarchies adopted decisions or orders on war taxes which people working abroad or beneficiaries of foreign pensions had to pay to municipal budgets. The amounts collected by this war tax and the way it was spent varied among municipalities and some of them changed it in accordance with their assessments and needs.312 A good example illustrating what the situation in the territory of the HZHB was actually like, was a letter sent by the local (municipal) HVO in Tomislavgrad on 20 February 1993 to the central HVO HZHB, requesting that the HVO HZHB take over future funding of the local HVO brigade (Kralj /King/ Tomislav),313 and that they reimburse the municipality for the expenses incurred so far. The letter states: From the beginning of the war until today, Tomislavgrad Municipality has not received financial aid from the HZHB or any other municipality. It had to pay for all war expenses by itself We know for certain that the financial burden and all other burdens concerning the war in personnel, equipment, machines or finances have not been distributed evenly among municipalities. Kralj Tomislav Brigade includes a battalion from Kupres and one from Posu{je. It was unlikely to expect that Kupres municipality would cover the expenses of its army and refugees by itself, but Posu{je municipality did not finance the expenses of its battalion either In addition, Tomislavgrad municipality funded the organisation and training of the Jajce battalion and after the fall of Jajce, it was stationed in the territory of Tomislavgrad, together with refugees All these expenses have been duly recorded in documents it is evident that the expenses of
308 309

Ibid., pp. 81-82. www.slobodanpraljak.com . 310 Ibid. 311 S. Praljak, Financiranje HVO-a, pp. 77-78. 312 Ibid., pp. 11, 39, 40, 41, 56, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 71, 72, 73 and 74. 313 Ibid., p. 69.

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units from other municipalities covered by Tomislavgrad municipality amounted to 1,479,550 DEM /German marks/ in 1992 we therefore request that the HZHB: - take over the funding of all defence costs, - distribute war expenses, on all bases, evenly among all HZHB municipalities, - find ways to compensate the funds spent so far to Tomislavgrad municipality.314 The second main problem of the HVO was the ambivalent political and military relations between the Croatian hierarchy in BH and the state authorities of BH and the BH Army (which mostly consisted of Muslims/Bosniaks). There were moments when, HVO units would be clashing with the BH Army in some localities (central Bosnia, Mostar), while at the same time elsewhere, they would be fighting together against Serbian aggression (Ora{je, Tuzla, Sarajevo).315 In view of all of the above, if one attempts to comprehend objectively the overall activity of the HVO as a military force, from its establishment until 1994, one should not disregard the crucial differences which existed in specific periods and the crucial differences which existed in some areas and /?local communities/ in BH. For example, at first, the HV had more troops and operations in the border area, particularly to the south (in accordance with the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation signed by the RBH and RH on 21 July 1992 and its Supplement of 23 September 1992)316 and due to the fact that they were on a single front, with a common enemy (the Serbian aggressor) had greater influence on the HVO at the time. Likewise, in some areas (fronts), the HVO (and the Croats) acted in conjunction with the BH Army and its predecessors (and Muslims/Bosniaks) throughout the war, while in some areas their joint operations lasted until mid-1993. In addition, one should be aware of the complexity of the general situation in BH and the changes that took place at the political level (from local, through BH to international) and those at the military level (the balance of powers in BH, restructuring, etc.).

Ibid., p. 69-70. See J. Divjak, op. cit., pp. 201-203; M. A. Hoare, op. cit., pp. 217-218. 316 More about this in the third chapter of this report - Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation of the RBH and the RH. See also documents in: S. Praljak, Pad Bosanske Posavine 1992. godine, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007.
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II.-6 THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA II.-6.1 Up to the International Recognition of BH (7 April 1992)

In 1990, each of the former Yugoslav republics held their own independent parliamentary elections, based on which new sovereign systems of state authorities were established in these republics. Concurrently, the main institutions of the Federal state of Yugoslavia either ceased to exist (SKJ /League of Communists of Yugoslavia/) or were in the final stages of formal and actual dissolution. The international community focused its attention on the problem of the crisis and break-up of the second Yugoslavia only in mid-1991, which was too late, as the crisis had reached a critical stage and the process of dissolution of the joint state was truly and formally irreversible. Coming to the problem so late, the international community failed to acknowledge the situation at hand (the existing dissolution) and used entirely the wrong approach which boiled down to supporting something which no longer existed (Yugoslavia) and which none of the dominant institutional agents in the territory of the former Yugoslavia wanted. The other compound error made by the international community was in the fact that at the beginning of its involvement, it focused on Slovenia and Croatia, trying to bring them back into the framework of a non-existent state, although in mid1991, Slovenia and Croatia were for all intents and purposes independent states (referendums had been held and the parliaments had proclaimed their independence). At that time, the international community showed almost no direct interest in Bosnia and Herzegovina, despite the fact that an internal political and security-related drama was already happening and that BH and its resources were key to Serbian armed aggression, which was being conducted on a full scale against the Republic of Croatia. Two days after the proclamation of independence by Slovenia and Croatia, on 27 June 1991, the Assembly of the SR /Socialist Republic/ of BH discussed the Six Items of the President of the Presidency Alija IZETBEGOVI] on the future of the SFRY,317 which announced the forthcoming referendum in BH. On this occasion IZETBEGOVI] said that he had asked the US Secretary of State (James BAKER had visited Yugoslavia several days earlier, authors note) for the international community to focus on BH, because a civil war, as a realistic threat, could first break out in this republic. BAKER agreed with this, added IZETBEGOVI].318 Expecting a national partition of the republic, IZETBEGOVI] wrote to the Presidency of the European Community on 12 July 1991 and requested a good will mission. The request was supported by BH Croats Stjepan KLJUI] and Ivan MARKE[I], leaders of the Croatian Democratic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina.319 The Government of BH requested again, on 11 September, that EU observers be sent to BH.320 This, however, produced no results and in December 1991, the international community mentioned BH for the first time, although in passing, in Opinion Number 1 of the Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia, quoting the
317

Borba (daily newspaper), Belgrade, 28 June 1991; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina..., pp. 55-56; (3D00320). 318 Ibid., p. 56; (3D00320). 319 Carole Hodge, Velika Britanija i Balkan od 1991. do danas, Zagreb, 2007, p. 64. 320 Ibid., p. 65.

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BH Resolution on sovereignty, adopted by the Assembly on 14 October 1991, as one of the facts which led to the important opinion of the Arbitration Commission that Yugoslavia was in the process of dissolution.321 Then followed the above-described request of the BH for international recognition, which was postponed and tied to the referendum. II.-6.1.1 Cutilheiros Peace Plan

In mid-1992, the foreign ministers of European Union (EU) member states published the brief, so-called Lisbon Statement on Yugoslavia, in an attempt to overcome the crisis of the EU /as printed Peace Conference on Yugoslavia which had started in October 1991, when Serbia rejected the offered proposals. Inter alia, the Lisbon Statement said that the EU supported the current efforts of the Conference promoting dialogue of the interested parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the aim of reaching a constitutional resolution, which will take into account the legitimate aspirations of all nations within the inviolable borders of the republic.322 The Statement was an overture to the first peace plan (of the EU) for Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is widely known as Cutilheiros Peace Plan or the Lisbon Agreement.323 The foundations of this plan were laid on 22 February 1992 at a press conference in Sarajevo, after the delegations of the three constituent peoples, led by Alija IZETBEGOVI], Radovan KARAD@I] and Mirko LASI], returned from Lisbon. They announced that an agreement was reached in Lisbon on the reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where BH would remain within the existing borders, but a thorough decentralisation will be carried out and (three, authors note) national units will be established, with limited self-government.324

Vladimir uro Degan, Hrvatska drava u meunarodnoj zajednici, Zagreb, 2002, p. 334-336; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 108-110; (3D00320). 322 Veernji list (daily newspaper), Zagreb, 20 February 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp.134-135; (3D00320). 323 In January 1992, Portugal took over the presidency of the EC and the Portuguese Foreign Minister Jos CUTILHEIRO became the president of the EC Council of Ministers. Carole Hodge wrote that Cutilheiros Plan was developed by Lord CARRINGTON in close cooperation with Belgrade. C. Hodge, op. cit., pp. 69-70. 324 Veernji list, 24 February 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 136-137; (3D00320).

321

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Fig. 20: The so-called Cutilheiros Peace Plan

(Taken from M. Tuman, Istina, p. 734) /translation: Croatian part, Muslim part, Serbian part; Sarajevo, Konak Residence, 18 March 1992; Proposal of the EC on the internal organisation of BH into three constituent units based on ethnic principles Cutilheiros Plan; Source: Vijesnik, 19 March 1992/ The representatives of all three peoples announced that they were satisfied with the agreement and KARAD@I] called for rifles to be put back on rifle racks and said: The SDS will halt that which could interfere with the agreement, there is no need for the proclamation of krajinas and We do not aspire to annex a single fraction of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Serbia.325 Several days later, the HDZHB issued a statement about the Lisbon Agreement: The HDZs main request is preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina within its historical borders, which are also the current borders, as an independent and sovereign state of three constituent and sovereign peoples and citizens living in this

325

Ibid., p. 137; (3D00320).

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territory.326 In addition, the statement said that this model of a state was not unusual in the world (the United States, Switzerland, Belgium) and that the HDZBH is not asking for any more rights for the Croatian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina than what it finds belong to the other constituent peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina.327 In the following month or so (until the end of March 1992), several meetings were held of further negotiations and the interested parties from BH presented their proposals and suggestions. In the fifth round of negotiations, on 18 March 1992, under the auspices of the EU, a Statement of Principles for New Constitutional Arrangements for Bosnia and Herzegovina328 was adopted in Sarajevo. Item 1 of this document reads: Bosnia and Herzegovina will be a state comprising three constituent units founded on the principles of nation and with respect to economic, geographical and other criteria.329 A large number of principles was elaborated on the general legal standards, responsibilities and the organisation of bodies in BH and its constituent units. In the sixth round of negotiations, held in Brussels on 30 and 31 March and chaired by Ambassador J. CUTILHEIRO, coordinator of the Peace Conference, the participants adopted a Supplement to the Statement on Principles for New Constitutional Arrangements of Bosnia and Herzegovina.330 An appeal was sent from this meeting to everybody in Bosnia and Herzegovina to refrain from violence and all other activities which could threaten a peaceful resolution of the problem.331 According to the Supplement, among other things, it was agreed that a working group will be established, chaired by an EU representative, to define the territories of the constituent units and submit its recommendations to the Chairman of these negotiations by 15 May 1992 The working group will make a map of constituent units. It will base its work on the criterion of the nation.332 However, Cutilheiros international peace plan failed because the Serbian hierarchy in BH rejected it (by continuing their military and political action and by directly giving up). To them, the negotiations served only as a tactical means (the Greater-Serbian hierarchy had done exactly the same in the Republic of Croatia in 1991 and continued in BH). Actually, the Serbian leaders obviously assessed that they could achieve more through war than at the negotiating table.333 The Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy also gave up on Cutilheiros international peace plan, but in a more cautious fashion and more slowly. Any deeper motives and interests of these two hierarchies and other interests and factors which influenced their giving up of the plan have only been researched partially.334 It was only the Croatian side which took the plan seriously and agreed with it fully. The most important impact of Cutilheiros international peace plan on further developments in the territory of BH was the fact that it introduced the concept of
326 327

Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 141-143; (3D00320). Ibid., p. 143; (3D00320). 328 Vjesnik (daily newspaper), Zagreb, 16 March 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 156-159; (3D00320). 329 Ibid., p. 156; (3D00320). 330 Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 160-162; (3D00320). 331 Ibid., p. 160; (3D00320). 332 Ibid., pp. 160-162; (3D00320). 333 C. Hodge, op. cit., p. 71. 334 See Ibid., pp. 70-81. A document quoted in Dani weekly (Sarajevo), 7 March 2008, should be considered in the exploration of the motives, interests and political actions of the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy in relation to Cutilheiros peace plan and, in general, with regard to the resolution of the problem in BH.

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territorial partition in accordance with national criteria into the international peace process very early (in February 1992) in addressing the problem in BH and the fact that this later influenced all peace plans, including the Dayton Agreement.335 On the other hand, the actions of all the parties in the territory of BH and the former Yugoslavia were more or less shaped by the influence of the international community, since all of them were aware that sooner or later the final decision would be made by institutions of the international community. In this context, a particular international problem (which had a long-term reach far beyond the territory of the former Yugoslavia) was the fact that the international plan nevertheless created a precedent by indirectly endorsing and supporting the ethnic cleansing which had started several months earlier.336

335 336

Ibid., p. 70. Ibid., p. 71.

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II.-6.2. From the International Recognition of BH to the Failure of the Vance-Owen Peace Plan (7 April 1992 19 May 1993)

In April 1992, Serbian armed aggression against BH was at its highest; in eastern and northwestern BH, the ethnic cleansing of Muslims/Bosniaks was conducted through mass expulsions, detention in camps and killings. Armed members of the BH SDS took over power in Banja Luka by force; the area between Kupres and Neretva was under attack. In consequence, at the end of April, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees estimated that there were over 400,000 displaced persons in BH.337 Of this number, according to the same source, 122,000 people remained in BH and 201,000 refugees from all over BH went to the Republic of Croatia. On 12 May 1992, the EU adopted a Declaration on BH, which stated that the EU monitored, the situation in BH with great concern, reaffirming its opinion that a political resolution may only be based on the principles established through discussions on the constitutional arrangement held between the Serbs, the Croats and the Muslims under the auspices of the Peace Conference.338 The Declaration was also clear about who was responsible: Although all parties, each in its own way, contributed to the state of affairs, those who are by far the most responsible are the authorities in Belgrade, which control the army directly and indirectly, by assisting paramilitary forces. The killing and expulsion of the population siege and the systematic shelling of Sarajevo are acts deserving of general condemnation. This is why the EU and its members requested, inter alia, the complete withdrawal of the JNA and its weapons from BH or that its forces be disbanded and subordinated to effective international supervision.339 At the end of May 1992, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 757, imposing sanctions on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, a country which had been officially formed several days earlier as a union of Serbia and Montenegro. Serbian armed aggression against BH, however, continued unabated. In the first half of June 1992, the UN Security Council allowed the peacekeeping forces to assume control of the Sarajevo airport in order to enable the supply of humanitarian aid. Until then, the airport had been controlled by Serbian forces. In mid-May 1992 (more than a month after the international recognition of BH), the chairman of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia (Lord CARRINGTON) asked the Arbitration Commission whether the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia could be considered finished. In its Opinion No. 8, adopted on 4 July 1992, it concluded that that the process of dissolution of the SFRY has ended and it must be noted that the SFRY no longer exists.340 In order to explain the intricate complexity of the overall situation in BH (at the time and now) one must emphasise that in the period from mid-June until late July 1992, there was a telling trial held by the High Court in Sarajevo. Namely, on 15 June 1992, filed with the High Court in Sarajevo by the High Public Prosecutors Office in Sarajevo (i.e. the High Public Prosecutor Ivica STANI]) was a Proposal to Ban the
337 338

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 387. Veernji list, 13 May 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 178-179; (3D00320). 339 Ibid., p. 178; (3D00320). 340 V. \. Degan, op. cit., pp. 357-362; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, p. 188-194; (3D00320).

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Serbian Democratic Party, the Party of Democratic Action and the Croatian Democratic Community, for their activities which were in contravention with the law, the programme and the aims declared at their establishment.341 In the Statement of Reasons for the Proposal, the High Public Prosecutor provided a detailed description of the catastrophic security-related, economic, political, social and inter-ethnic situations in BH, directly and completely accusing the three ruling parties in BH. One separate charge against the three parties referred to: Agreeing to conducting negotiations on the partition of the territory of BH on the basis of nation, imposing the option on representatives of the European Community, participation in discussions on such partition and accepting the principles of this partition342 At the end of this comprehensive Proposal, the High Public Prosecutor drew a conclusion which was typical of many political trials in the Communist Yugoslavia: All of the reasons presented above are corroborated by a host of NOTORIOUS FACTS, additional evidence therefore being unnecessary for now.343 On 24 July 1992, after several hearings, the Trial Chamber of the Court in Sarajevo (Judge Suljo BABI] Presiding) rejected the Proposal of the High Public Prosecutor to ban the BH HDZ Such an outcome was to be expected because several days ago, this same Trial Chamber rejected the Proposal of the High Public Prosecutor to ban the SDA for almost identical sins344 In early July 1992, the United Kingdom took over the presidency of the EU at a critical moment for the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.345 From the perspective of the problem of BH, the period of the UK presidency was characterised by the production of a large number of ineffective international documents (including the Vance-Owen peace plan), which had a great influence on the culmination of the security-related and humanitarian disaster in BH.346 In this period, basic stereotypes (erroneous perceptions of reality) of the events in BH were created. They significantly influenced the international perception and further political and judicial treatment of the events in BH and the region. Namely, in the summer of 1992, in addition to the intensive activities of Serbian lobbying organisations, even Radovan KARAD@I], at a press conference held at the House of Commons (of the UK Parliament, authors note), chaired by Henry BELLINGHAM, then parliamentary Private Secretary to Defence Secretary Malcolm RIFKIND presented a document entitled Concentration Camps in the New Europe 1992, listing alleged concentration camp sites and detention facilities used for the imprisonment or extermination of Bosnian Serbs.347 Thus, the seed sown by Serb lobbyists nurtured the civil war myth essential to British strategy and suggested a symmetry of guilt while the platform chosen the House of Commons lent a gloss of credibility.348 Further evidence of how the situation developed in BH is the fact that at the G7 annual summit in July, the Bosnian war was singled out as carrying considerable

341

Proposal of the High Public Prosecutors Office, Number: UT 65/92, of 15 June 1992, p. 1. The author of this report has a copy of the document. 342 Ibid., p. 2. 343 Ibid., p. 6. 344 Osloboenje (daily newspaper), Sarajevo, 25 July 1992. 345 C. Hodge, op. cit., 83. 346 Ibid., pp. 83-112. 347 Ibid., 85-86. 348 Ibid., p. 86.

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risks for European stability.349 However, the situation in BH quickly deteriorated and the international community was inefficient. For example, on 17 July 1992, the President of the EC Conference on Yugoslavia Lord CARRINGTON, read the full text of the Agreement signed in London by representatives of the three ethnic communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina to journalists.350 The first item of the Agreement read: We have agreed to a ceasefire, to come into effect on Sunday, at 1800 hours local time, in the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.351 However, only three days later (on 20 July 1992), the EU Council of Ministers adopted a Declaration on the Former Yugoslavia, in which the first item read: The European Union and its Member States express deep concern about the fact that the Agreement signed by the parties in BH on 17 July in London under the auspices of the EU, has not yet been implemented.352 In the following 40 days or so, the three parties adopted several general documents in preparation for the announced London Conference, held on 26 and 27 August 1992, when a document entitled Draft Declaration on Principles and Programme of Action353 was adopted. The document listed a large number of principles and announced the establishment of a Steering Committee, six working groups and some other bodies and determined that the conference will last until a final resolution is found for the problem of the former Yugoslavia.354 Thus, several days later, in early September 1992, commenced the work of a new, permanent International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia (ICFY), based in Geneva. Very soon, the ICFY began the production of extensive, complicated and mostly general and inefficient documents. At the same time, as the Greater-Serbian hierarchy in Serbia and BH hailed the establishment and work of the new international peace conference, Serbian aggression continued by way of ethnic cleansing, destruction and an expanding occupation of territories in BH. In September 1992, the ICFY adopted several documents.355 A document called Trust, Security Building and Verification, in its ambitious chapter entitled Current Decisions of the Conference, inappropriately stated the following: The most important task is to alleviate the suffering in BH by continually reporting on the locations of staffs and the names of commanders in all military, including paramilitary units.356 In mid-September 1992, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 776, which allowed international peace forces to be sent to BH and in the first half of October, Resolution 781 of the UN Security Council banned combat aircraft flights in BH airspace. In the last trimester of 1992, the ICFY even increased the production of documents, both its own and those issued under its auspices.357 The most significant
349 350

Ibid., p. 84. Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, p. 209; (3D00320). 351 Ibid., p. 209; (3D00320). 352 Vjesnik, 22 July 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, M., Istina, pp. 210-211; (3D00320). 353 Vjesnik, 26 September 1992; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, p. 225-230; (3D00320). 354 Ibid., p. 226; (3D00320). 355 Documents in M. Tuman, Istina; Povjerenje, izgradnja sigurnosti i verifikacija /Trust, Security Building and Verification/ (pp. 236-238); Cjelovit tekst zajednikog priopenja Vance, Owen, osi, Pani /Full Text of a Joint Statement Vance, Owen, ]osi}, Pani}/ (pp. 240-242); Tekst zajednike izjave predsjednika RH dr. Franje Tumana i predsjednika SRJ Dobrice osia /Text of the Joint Statement of the President of the RH Dr Franjo Tu|man and the President of the FRY Dobrica ]osi}/ (pp. 249-250); (3D00320). 356 Ibid., p. 236; (3D00320). 357 Ibid., p. 252-303; (3D00320).

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of them was certainly the Draft Constitutional Arrangement of BH by the Working Group of the Geneva Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, which later (early 1993) became the basis for a new officially presented international peace plan, the so-called Vance-Owen peace plan. The Draft proposed the most important (and the most disputed) provision of general arrangement: BH would be a decentralised state which would be divided into 7 to 10 autonomous provinces.358 The adoption of the Draft which indicated an unspecified partition (7 to 10 regions or provinces) and unclear criteria in ethnic, geographical, historical, communications and economic terms for this partition, and the protracted negotiating process was really bait for the parties interested, which used all political, military and other means to reach the best possible positions in the final international adjudication on territorial partition. Finally, in early 1993 (2 January), the Draft Agreement Relating to Bosnia and Herzegovina or the Vance-Owen Peace Plan was presented in Geneva. The first part of the plan (entitled: Determining the Borders of Provinces) contained only one, very explicit sentence: Bosnia and Herzegovina will be divided in accordance with the enclosed map (there were 10 provinces). The second part of the Vance-Owen Peace plan (entitled: Constitutional Framework for Bosnia and Herzegovina) foresaw that the three-party negotiations of the representatives of the three nations from BH would continue in Geneva under the auspices of the ICFY, with the task of agreeing on the system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in keeping with the following principles: 1. Bosnia and Herzegovina will be a decentralised state and most functions of the government will be performed by its provinces.359

358 359

Ibid, p. 261; (3D00320). Slobodna Dalmacija (daily newspaper), Split, 15-18 January 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 309-314; (3D00320).

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Fig 21: The so-called Vance-Owen Peace Plan

(Taken from: M. Tuman, Istina, p. 737) /translation: Province 1, Province 2, Province 3, Province 4, Province 5, Province 6, Province 7, Province 8, Province 9, Province 10; Geneva, 2 January 1992; Vance Owen Peace Plan; Source: David Owen, Balkanska odiseja /Balkan Odyssey/, Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada, Zagreb, 1998, p. 129. However, the official publication of the Vance-Owen international peace plan caused a further escalation and deepening of political and military clashes in BH and its immediate vicinity360 and a new crisis in the international community about the problems in BH.361 This expert report cannot go into deeper causal analysis of this fact. Rather, it would be sufficient to emphasise its basic and obvious problem at the level of phenomenology. And the problem is: this international peace plan for BH (as
360

This is clearly recognisable from several documents published in M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 315-387; (3D00320). 361 C. Hodge, op. cit., pp. 118-155.

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the other plans), regardless of its basic intentions, could not have been implemented without some corresponding mechanisms for imposing /implementation/ (which the international community did not use until 1994) and it therefore had due to the situation in BH and its vicinity negative ramifications. In view of the above, the reaction of the US should also be considered. Already in the first half of February 1993, the US expressed their reservations about the Vance-Owen plan for the very aspect which de facto awarded the policy of ethnic cleansing362 and said that the US President (Bill CLINTON) decided to take six steps, of which the first was that the US would become actively involved in the Vance-Owen negotiations with the full weight of American diplomacy.363 In the following period, the UN Security Council passed several resolutions which referred to the territory of BH; Resolution 816 (of 31 March 1993), permitting NATO to down aircraft violating the flight ban; Resolution 819 (of 16 April), proclaiming Srebrenica a safe zone; Resolution 820 (of 27 April) imposing strict sanctions on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, for numerous reasons, Serbian aggression continued, unabated. Following a series of proposals from various sides, negotiations and some amendments, on 25 March 1993, the leaders of the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchies in BH (Alija IZETBEGOVI] and Mate BOBAN) signed the Vance-Owen Peace Plan in New York, although IZETBEGOVI] added that the agreement (the signed plan) would not be valid unless the third (Serbian) party signed it within a reasonable period of time, unless the international community soon takes efficient steps for the implementation of the signed documents and should aggression continue.364 None of these conditions were met. The Serbian side in BH, having organised a referendum on 19 May 1993,365 announced that the voters rejected the VanceOwen plan. This was the ultimate failure of this international peace plan. Therefore, the Vance-Owen peace plan was rejected by the Serbian hierarchy in BH, while the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy abandoned it with a soft strategy, by laying down legitimate conditions. Again, only the Croatian hierarchy in BH accepted the international (VanceOwen) peace plan unconditionally, thus being truer to it than its international creators which testifies to the afore-mentioned (non-)qualitative characteristics of this hierarchy. II.-6.3.1 From 20 May 1993 to July 1994

II.-6.3.1 Owen-Stoltenberg Peace Plan According to a Report366 written by the co-chairs as early as January 1992, the Vance-Owen peace plan was based on very clear basic premises: The population of Bosnia and Herzegovina is indivisible and intermixed. It is therefore impossible to
Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, p. 391. Vjesnik, 12 February 1993; document est toaka /Six items/ taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 330-331; (3D00320). 364 Vjesnik, 26 and 27 March 1993; documents taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 336-338; (3D00320). 365 See document in M. Tuman, Istina, p. 386-387; (3D00320). 366 Document Izvjee supredsjedatelja o izradi nacrta ustavnog ustrojstva Bosne i Hercegovine /CoChairs Report on the Creation of the Draft Constitutional Arrangement of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 272-289; (3D00320).
363 362

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create three territorially separate states based on ethnic or religious principles Such a plan could achieve the unity and coherence of borders only through a process of forced moving of the population already condemned by the International Conference and the main Assembly and the Security Council of the UN and Mr VANCE and Lord OWEN concluded that any model based on three separate states which are based on ethnic/religious principles must be rejected.367 Only a month after the failure of the Vance-Owen peace plan, on 20 June 1993, foreign ministers of the EU member states agreed on the new basic principles of a new international peace plan for BH.368 The EU ministers established that the proposal to create three territorial units does not necessarily have to lead to the dissolution of the republic and the expansion of Serbia and Croatia at the expense of the Muslims, which was quite the opposite from the basic principles of the previous peace plan. Prior to this, on 22 May 1993 (only three days after the failure of the VanceOwen peace plan), five members of the UN Security Council (France, the Russian Federation, Spain, the UK and the US) had issued a joint Statement on BH, expressing their profound concern over the continuation of clashes in Bosnia and Herzegovina, despite the ardent efforts of the international community and the co-chairs of the International Conference369 and stating that they would continue to work expeditiously to stop this horrible war and achieve a permanent and just solution. This new international just solution was the so-called Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan. At the 16 June Geneva Conference, under the chairmanship of Lord OWEN and Thorvald STOLTENBERG, the Serbian and Croatian presidents (Slobodan MILO[EVI] and Franjo TU\MAN) announced an agreement on the establishment of a new Bosnian state, comprising three ethnically based republics.370

367 368

Ibid., p. 275; (3D00320). Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 396-397; (3D00320). 369 Ibid., p. 388; (3D00320). 370 C. Hodge, op. cit., p. 155.

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Fig: 22: The so-called Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan

(Taken from: M. Tuman, Istina, p. 742) /translation: Croatian majority; Muslim majority; Serbian majority; Sarajevo area; Geneva, 20 August 1993; Proposal of the MZ /international community/ on the organisation of BH as a union of three republics; Source: David Owen: Balkanska odiseja /Balkan Odyssey/, Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada, Zagreb, 1998, p. 266/ The France-Presse news agency published this on 23 June 1993 as a confidential document, adding that Bosnia and Herzegovina will be a confederation

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of republics. The constitution will recognise three constituent peoples and most of the functions of the government will be performed by the republics themselves.371 Subsequently, on 30 July 1993, an announcement was made that the agreement on the Union of the Republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina was signed and that it laid out a state of three constituent republics with a joint government and limited powers One of the changes in relation to the original text of the OwenStoltenberg plan concerns the right to veto, to which each of the republics will be entitled.372 However, on the very next day, 31 July 1993, the head of the Muslim delegation at the Geneva negotiations, Alija IZETBEGOVI], withdrew his acceptance of the peace plan in a letter to the peace mediators, IZETBEGOVI] emphasised that his advisors believed that the text of the plan has ambiguities regarding the legal status of the new union In spite of the disputes, IZETBEGOVI] continued the negotiations with Radovan KARAD@I] and Mate BOBAN on the maps to determine the territories of the three republics.373 Further negotiations went on bilaterally and trilaterally and each of the sides would occasionally directly or indirectly make its proposals known. As a result, in Geneva, on 1 September 1993, a new version was created of the Agreement on Peace and the Union of the Republics of BH, which was not signed.374 But on 14 September 1993, IZETBEGOVIC and TU\MAN signed a Joint Declaration in Geneva, agreeing, inter alia, on the following: 1. to ensure an urgent cessation of all hostilities and military clashes between units of the BH Army and the HVO 2. to ensure bilateral and unconditional closing of all detention camps and release of detainees.375 A similar declaration was signed by IZETBEGOVI] and Mom~ilo KRAJI[NIK (representative of the Serbs from BH) on 16 September 1993.376 Yet another version of the Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan was created on 20 September 1993 on the British aircraft carrier (HMS Invincible) in international waters of the Adriatic Sea. But this draft agreement was not signed either, although it laid out what had been reached by agreement that the Constitutional agreement will enter into force one week after the Security Council has been informed of this agreement and after it has confirmed that the Union of the Republics of BH will continue its membership in the UN.377 In late September 1993, this new, amended version of this peace plan was created. The plan contained both the peace agreement and seven annexes and thus actually was a complete package for peace. It did not differ significantly from the previous version, the so-called Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan, because it was based on the following: The alliance of the republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina comprises three constituent republics and encompasses three constituent peoples: the Muslims, the Serbs and the Croats.378
371 372

Vjesnik, 26 June 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 400-401; (3D00320). Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 414-415; (3D00320). 373 Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, p. 416; (3D00320).
374 375

Vjesnik, 4 September 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 429-431; (3D00320). Veernji list, 15 September 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 436-438; (3D00320). 376 Veernji list, 17 September 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 440-442; (3D00320). 377 Vjesnik, 23 September 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 444-447; (3D00320). 378 Veernji list, 30 September 1993; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 450-477; (3D00320).

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At the end of September 1993, however, the Assembly of RBH, i.e. the Muslim/Bosniak majority hierarchy, permanently rejected this peace package, which also meant that the so-called Owen-Stoltenberg plan ultimately failed. At this time, another division of the Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy took place and Fikret ABDI] left for the western parts of BH and proclaimed the Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia (APZB), where armed clashes broke out among the Muslims/Bosniaks. All this additionally complicated the political and military situation in BH.379 Until the end of 1993, the so-called Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan existed only as a tactical, political and propaganda tool used every now and then on different occasions by some of the participants in the events in the territory of BH. The socalled Action Plan should therefore be regarded as a superficial, brief and unsuccessful attempt of the EU to resuscitate some versions of the failed OwenStoltenberg peace plan.380 In conclusion, the prevailing Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy was always reserved about the Owen-Stoltenberg international peace plan, until it finally and decidedly rejected it. The Serbian hierarchy in BH used it for tactical purposes. Again, it was only the Croatian hierarchy of the HZHB that accepted this international peace plan, as it had other plans earlier, although various representatives of many Croats in BH who had beeb excluded from negotiations, as well as Croats who were not included in the envisaged Croatian republic in BH did not support it. II.-6.3.2 The Washington Agreements

At the time of negotiations on the so-called Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan and in the months following its failure, the overall security situation in BH continued to deteriorate. In addition, the peace efforts of the EU were becoming increasingly futile. This opened space for more active and direct involvement on the part of the US in addressing the crisis in the territory of the second Yugoslavia. Actually, in early 1994, the US was obviously successful in many activities because in late February 1994, the armed clashes between the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian units ended and a new round of Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian peace negotiations commenced in Washington under the auspices of the US.381 On the basis of this, the so-called Washington Agreement was signed as early as 1 March 1994. The agreement initiated a period for establishment of full military and political cooperation between the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchies in BH and an era of very close strategic relations between the BH and the Republic of Croatia. In practice, this meant that several documents (agreements) were signed. First, the documents signed (on 1 March) included: the Declaration of Understanding and Provisional Agreement on the Federation of BH,382 the Draft on a Confederation between the Republic of Croatia and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina383 and the Agreement between the Republic of Croatia and the Federation of Bosnia and
379 380 381 382

See Kronologija rata, pp. 309, 311, 315 and 317. Ibid., pp. 333 and 338.

See Kronologija rata, p. 350. Slobodna Dalmacija, 5 March 1994; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 528-537; (3D00320). 383 Slobodna Dalmacija, 5 March 1994; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 538-539; (3D00320).

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Herzegovina on Access to the Adriatic Sea through the Territory of the Republic of Croatia.384 Subsequently, several other documents were signed in March,385 including a Decision on the Promulgation of the Constitution and the Constitution of the Federation of BH,386 on 30 March 1994. II.-6.3.3 The Peace Plan of the Contact Group

The ICFY became finally defunct with the signing of the Washington Agreement and the so-called Contact Group (CG), which comprised the US, the Russian Federation, the UK, France, Germany, Belgium and Greece, became the key international player in the territory of BH. The first meeting of the CG was held in London on 25 April 1994. The peace plan of the Contact Group was presented on 13 May 1994 in Geneva. It was based on a partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina into into largely autonomous entities, with 51 per cent of territory ceded to the Croatian-Bosniak Federation, and 49 per cent to the Serbs. On 5 July, the parties were presented with the final map and a working paper on a take-it-or-leave-it basis, with massive penalties for non-compliance.387

384 385

Vjesnik, 4 March 1994; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 540-542; (3D00320). See documents in M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 548-554; (3D00320). 386 Document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 555-570; (3D00320).
387

C. Hodge, p. 201.

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Fig. 23: Contact Group Peace Plan

(Taken from: M. Tuman, Istina, p. 747) /translation: The Croatian-Muslim entity; The City of Sarajevo; The Serbian entity; Geneva, 4 July 1994; Proposal of the Contact Group on the internal division of BH into two entities and the city of Sarajevo, under UN administration; Source: Vijesnik, 5 July 1994/ The Contact Group peace plan was accepted immediately and in all respects by the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchy in BH. However, the Serbian hierarchy in BH, which had occupied about 70% of the territory of BH until then, rejected it. The Contact Group, following a well-trodden path, abandoned the corrective measures previously announced and reverted to diplomacy,388 which opened a new round of an even more vehement war in BH between the Serbs on the one side and the allied Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian forces and RH forces on the other.

388

Ibid., p. 202.

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II.-7 IMPORTANT WAR-RELATED TOPICS II.-7.1 Bosnia and Herzegovina in the War against the Republic of Croatia

In the course of preparations for Serbian armed aggression against the Republic of Croatia and its implementation, the aggressor considered and used the territory of the Republic of Croatia and the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina as one entity, without inter-republican or (after international recognition) inter-state borders. This approach was also present in pre-war JNA reorganisations, because the entire story about the so-called modernisation of armed forces boiled down to the abolishment of armies whose commands were in republican centres and which were almost consistent with republican borders and the establishment of three theatres of operations for land forces and one naval theatre of operations.389

Fig. 24: Spatial reorganisation of the JNA in three theatres of operations (after
1988) (Taken from: Rat u Hrvatskoj, Map 2, at the end of the book) /translation: Northwestern Theatre of Operations (1st Military District); Northern Theatre of Operations (1st Military District); Southeastern Theatre of Operations (3rd Military District); Naval District (VPO); Theatre of operation military districts borders; corps VP /Military Post/ sectors borders; republican provincial borders; KOGB Command of the Defence of the City of Belgrade; OG Operations group of the VPO; K Corps; VPS Military Naval Sector; Corps VP Sector Base.
M. pegelj, op. cit., p. 44; more on this in D. Domazet, op. cit.,; T. Kulenovi, op. cit.,; S. Praljak, Agresija Bosne i Hercegovine na Republiku Hrvatsku, - injenice, Zagreb, 2007.
389

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Within this concept, the northwestern theatre of operations and the naval theatre of operations partly corresponded to the traditional maps of the imaginary borders of Greater Serbia and later (1990-1995) they were almost identical to the war conquests of the Serbian army and were consistently supported and included in the political concept at various negotiations. Many maps published in books and papers are clear testimonies to this.390 Namely, the JNA used the territory of BH as a basis for military operations against the Republic of Croatia and for assisting riots of part of the Serbian population in Croatia391 and later, all communication toward the occupied parts of Croatia (except for Eastern Slavonia) went through the territory of BH. Further rather obvious evidence that Serbian armed aggression regarded and used the territories of RH and BH as one entirety is the detailed operational Report on the Possible Variants of Use in the Zone of Responsibility, which was approved by the Command of the 10th Motorised Brigade of the JNA in June 1991 (signed by Commander Colonel Milojko PANTELI]).392 Furthermore, in addition to JNA units from the territory of BH, some units of the republican army Territorial Defence (TO) of BH participated in the campaign against the Republic of Croatia.393 It is noteworthy that on 15 October 1991, in the final item of the document entitled The Platform on the Position of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of BH, noted, inter alia, that the Territorial Defence forces in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina shall be under the control of the Presidency of the Republic. In the event of an outside attack on the Yugoslav community, those forces will be placed under joint command.394 At the beginning of Serbian armed aggression in the Republic of Croatia, on 17 August 1990, JNA aircraft which were stationed in Biha} (BH territory) prevented an intervention of Croatian police helicopters. Likewise, on 7 October 1991, when the base of the President of the Presidency of the Republic of Croatia, Franjo TU\MAN, was shelled, the JNA war aircraft took off from Biha}. Confidential report number 301/1, of 19-20 September 1991, sent by the Main Staff of the SAOK TO (Territorial Defence of the Serbian Autonomous District of Krajina, authors note) to the Supreme Commander of the SAOK OS (Armed Forces of the SAOK) stated, inter alia, that at the initiative of Krajina natives from Grahovo, Drvar and Petrovac (towns in BH territory, authors note) to become actively involved in the defence of Krajina SAO and help our people, President Milan BABI] and Secretary Milan MARTI] visited the area and accepted the cooperation offered and arranged for the reception of personnel.395 An exceptionally important document entitled Information on the Transit of JNA Military Columns, number 04-32/92, Sarajevo, 13 January 1992, issued by the JNA and forwarded by the Ministry for National Defence of BH to governmental bodies in BH, shows that even institutions of the new authorities in BH occasionally cooperated directly with Serbian hierarchies in the implementation of armed aggression against the Republic of Croatia, but also in the attacks against their own town of Mostar. The Information also stated: We hereby inform you that on their
See Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, annexes at the end of the book maps 1, 2, 5 and 7; S. Praljak, Agresija, maps and data on pp. 5-9. 391 T. Kulenovi, op. cit., p. 93. 392 www.slobodanpraljak.com. 393 See original video recordings used in Pavle Vranjicans documentary Komije, Zagreb, 2003. 394 Vjesnik, 16 October 1991; document taken from M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 72-74; (3D00320). 395 Document taken from S. Praljak, Agresija, pp. 28-29.
390

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way to assume obligations at the front or to their base garrisons, the units will be dispatched along axes leading from western Serbia, Montenegro and eastern Herzegovina towards Dubrovnik, Ston (both towns in the territory of the Republic of Croatia, authors note) and Mostar (town in BH, authors note).396 In addition, a host of documents from 1992 and 1993 proves that the Serbian units and logistics stationed in BH continually (throughout 1992 and 1993) participated in aggression and occupation of parts of the territory of the Republic of Croatia.397 II.-7.2 Alija IZETBEGOVI] Taken Prisoner

In late April 1992, the war drama in BH escalated. In this situation, the EU called for a new round of negotiations in Lisbon. A session of the RBH Presidency was held on 28 April 1992, on the eve of Alija IZETBEGOVI]s departure to Lisbon, which warned the public in the country and abroad that a dialogue cannot be held under conditions of occupation, as towns and populated areas are being destroyed and innocent civilians are being killed en masse and when communications are fully blocked. At this session the RBH Presidency expressed its views on the situation in BH for the first time by concluding that aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina was carried out by Chetnik-terrorist armed formations from Serbia, assisted by reserve forces of the former JNA from Serbia and Montenegro and the armed formations of the SDS, assisted by the forces of the former JNA from BH. The Presidency does not accept the assessment that all parties are responsible for the current situation in BH. The Presidency adopted these positions unanimously.398 At this time, a decisive political and military battle for control over the Bosnian capital was being waged On 2 May, the Green Berets and the population of Sarajevo prevented the JNA from removing files from the JNA Social Centre In response to this obstruction, the Commander of the JNA Sarajevo Corps, General KUKANJAC, ordered a general attack and seizure of the Bosnian Presidency building. It seems that this was not meant to have been coordinated with the abduction of IZETBEGOVI] at the Sarajevo airport and an attempt of a coup dtat by ABDI] and DELIMUSTAFI].399 KUKANJAC was unsuccessful, however, in his intentions and he remained sealed off in his Sarajevo barracks. On his way back from Lisbon, IZETBEGOVI] and his daughter were taken prisoner by KUKANJAC. A real-life drama went on in the public, as television broadcast IZETBEGOVI]s audio transmissions from where he was being held. On 3 May 1992, the Presidency held an extraordinary session and discussed which action should be taken for the release of IZETBEGOVI], but in the panicked situation, there was no consensus any one form of action. Rather, each

396 397

Ibid., p. 39. Ibid., pp. 48-92. 398 Zapisnik 80. sjednice Predsjednitva Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, odrane 28. aprila 1992. godine /Minutes of the 80th session of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, held on 28 April 1992/, Document taken from National Security, Vol. 7, No. 3, 2006, pp.179-181. 399 M. A. Hoare, op. cit., p. 215.

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member had their own confused views and nobody was willing to go and negotiate with the JNA, rightfully fearing being taken prisoner too.400 In the meantime, IZETBEGOVI] was released under unexplained circumstances and transported, with the assistance of UNPROFOR, to the part of Sarajevo controlled by the legal authorities. In return, KUKANJAC was let go from the encirclement, along with 20 trucks loaded with equipment and soldiers. On the following day, 4 May, the BH Presidency held another session and the minutes of this session only briefly stated: The Presidency adopted a Report on the Activities Carried Out by Members of the Presidency during the absence and imprisonment of the President of the Presidency of JNA Alija IZETBEGOVI] /as printed/ by the former JNA on his return from Lisbon.401 The Tape Recording of the 81st Session, is very extensive. It testifies to the overwhelming chaos and lack of control over the events in BH by the legal authorities. Inter alia, IZETBEGOVI] said the following of UNPROFOR: They are the only eye left to us through which we can see into the outside world. No telephones, there is nothing any more We have been cut off, our post office is not working, we have no communications with the outside world. The telephones are not working, we have no communications with Zagreb, Vienna, no communications with anybody.402 Many other sources (of which some were used in this expert report) clearly confirm that in the spring of 1992, Sarajevo was completely sealed off by Serbian units and the RBH Presidencys road access and communications were mostly cut off from other parts in BH and the rest of the world. The aggressor had 35 artillery pieces of over 12.7 mm per kilometre of front around Sarajevo for the purposes of illustration, one should be aware that the highest concentration of artillery pieces in World War II was with the Red Army at Berlin 25 artillery pieces per kilometre of front.403 For example, in such a situation, it was impossible for Alija IZETBEGOVI] to leave Sarajevo and meet with Franjo TU\MAN. Hence, without having met, but after a telephone conversation, they published a Joint Statement in mid-June 1992.404 II.-7.3 Armed Attacks against Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991

The complexity of the political and military situation in BH is recognised in many ambiguities and lack of knowledge about many topics related to the war and pre-war periods. Inter alia, there are many differences in the dating of the onset of Serbian armed aggression against BH. The prevailing opinion is that it started in the spring of 1992, but there are differences about the events and dates which marked the beginning.

400

Magnetofonski snimak vanredne sjednice Predsjednitva. /Tape recording of the Extraordinary Session of the Presidency/, document taken from National Security, Vol. 7., No. 3, 2006, pp. 183194. 401 Zapisnik 81. sjednice /Minutes of the 81st Session/ , document taken from National Security, Vol. 7, No. 3, 2006, pp. 195-196. 402 Magnetofonski snimak 81. sjednice /Tape Recording of the 81st Session/, document taken from National Security, Vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 199-245; the quote is on pages 199 and 203. 403 J. Divjak, op. cit., 193. 404 See Vjesnik, 16 June 1992; or M. Tuman, Istina, pp. 181; (3D00320).

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For various interests and reasons, three events from 1991, which prove that the Serbian armed attacks (aggression) against BH took place as early as 1991 are rarely mentioned. The first event took place on 10 May 1991. It was an armed attack by units of the Krajina SAO police from the occupied areas of the Republic of Croatia on a populated place called Uni{ta in the western part of BH.405 The population of Uni{ta, Croats from BH, found themselves in a hopeless situation, after they were encircled by MARTI]s outlaws, who cut off their water and power supplies.406 The second event, on 8 June 1991, was a surprise attack by 200 MARTI]s special unit members from the so-called Krajina SAO on Bosansko Grahovo and Titov Drvar (towns in western BH, authors note). As MARTI]s men were lining up for troop review in Titov Drvar the BH MUP (Ministry of the Interior, authors note) remained absolutely powerless and fragmented.407 In response, on 9 June 1991, the BH Government stated that the surprise attack of illegal armed forces from the so-called Krajina SAO was an unprecedented violation of the constitutional order of BH.408 The following day, however, on 10 June 1991, in response to the aforementioned incident, Alija IZETBEGOVI] addressed the public on BH national television (Televizija Sarajevo) as a private person and as President of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a very inconsistent statement, offering a rather questionable concluding message: Remember, this is not our war. Let it be fought by those who want to fight it.409 Actually, in such a difficult security-related situation in BH and its region, this public message coming from the President of the Presidency of SR BH had manifold negative social and psychological effects. On the one hand, the message encouraged the aggressors while on the other, the population of BH were clearly being told that the state institutions of BH had no intention of defending them and that they were left to themselves. The third event would be an armed attack on Ravno village (in southeastern BH). The village was Croatian, but the surrounding villages in eastern Herzegovina were mostly Serbian. The attacks began on 15 September 1991 and continued intermittently until 6 October 1991. The village of Ravno was one of the targets of the Serbian large-scale operation with the aim of occupying southern parts of the Republic of Croatia to the confluence of the Neretva River, Dubrovnik and Prevlaka and western Herzegovina. In mid-September 1991, reports were issued that the entire Herzegovina was under general threat, since JNA units from Bile}a and Trebinje were moving toward ^apljina, a town with a Croatian majority Thirty five buses and a hundred armoured vehicles, trucks and cars were transporting JNA soldiers and civilians fully equipped for war, who fired all their weapons as they were passing through Stolac Eight thousand Montenegrin reservists were stationed in the Dubrovnik area; they started their attack by destroying the village of Ravno in Herzegovina and went on to destroy Dubrovnik.410 Eventually, on 6 October 1991, Ravno village was burnt down to the ground and all its inhabitants who did not manage to get away were massacred. The JNA
405 406

See S. Praljak, Agresija, p. 10. Kronologija rata, p. 57. 407 Ibid., p. 65. 408 Ibid. 409 A. IZETBEGOVI]s address www.slobodanpraljak.com . 410 Kronologija rata, p. 95.

to

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Sarajevo,

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June

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denied access to the village during the investigation to the Republican Prime Minister or the EC observers stationed in the area, not to mention the press.411 II.-7.4 Partial Muslim/Bosniak Croatian armed clashes

For many reasons and interests, objective understanding and exploration of the partial Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian conflict is still rather burdened by stereotypes. It is therefore necessary to explain the main scope and consequences of the conflict at several levels, as well as the types of causes behind it. Most importantly, it should be emphasised that the Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian conflict was actually marginal in relation to all the events that happened during the war in BH. Territory-wise, the clashes took place on some sites, mostly in central BH and in some parts of western Herzegovina. Time-wise, the conflict was not continual in most cases (except Mostar, to an extent) it involved brief armed clashes. The total time span during which these separate clashes took place was from October 1992 to the first months of 1994. The intensity of these separate armed clashes was at a low level. It is essential to emphasise that there was never a general Muslim/BosniakCroatian war. That is to say, the clashes on these individual sites were not strategic, organised or time-coordinated. The fact that best proves this point is that when these individual clashes occurred and during the entire period of their recurrence the BH Army and the HVO armed forces cooperated without interruption in other areas and on other battlefields. This is what one of the senior commanders of the BH Army literally said: It is essential to note that even during the fiercest clashes between the BH Army and the HVO, there was uninterrupted cooperation going on between these two armies in many other joint theatres of operations, from Ora{je in the north of Bosnia, through the Tuzla region to the Sarajevo battlefield... .412 In any case, in the period when the Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats were clashing, neither of the sides was capable of conducting (integrated) offensive military operations for a range of reasons. First of all, the BH Army and, particularly, the HVO were then in the process of establishment, which was divergent, both on the overall and in some individual areas. Then, in 1992 and 1993, as the powerful Serbian aggressor was advancing in his conquest of the BH territory, defence was the necessary option of the weaker BH Army and the HVO. In the period from the second half of 1994 and throughout 1995, when the BH Army and the HVO were at their strongest and most capable for offensive operations, they cooperated fully and successfully in war activities, which (along with the political and military assistance of the Republic of Croatia and the international community) eventually forced the Serbian aggressor to accept a political agreement. Out of a range of circumstances which facilitated or caused the clashes between the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian armed forces, one is obvious and striking: before the clashes, a large number of Muslims/Bosniaks arrived in central BH from other areas in BH. This in itself caused great demographic, humanitarian, social and

411

Ibid., p. 101; See S. Praljak, Agresija, p. 11. See also documents in: Slobodan Praljak, Zloini koje su poinili neki pripadnici JNA/VRS (srpske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. J. Divjak, op. cit., 203.

412

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security-related disturbances in central BH, an area with a historical tradition of successful co-existence between the Muslims/Bosniaks and the Croats. This is to say, due to the ethnic cleansing carried out by the Serbian aggressor in BH, a large number of the expelled Muslims/Bosniaks arrived in the small territory of central BH. Thus the urgent need to find a place for them to live413 also affected the breaking out of clashes between Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats in central BH. One of the people who participated in the event in central BH testified about this and explained it in a simplified way: the local Croats and Muslims would never have clashed had there not been the influx of refugees who were looking for space for themselves, having lost their own in western and eastern Bosnia.414 This situation was undoubtedly favourable for the breaking out of clashes between individuals and small groups, which in turn under these extremely disorganised circumstances opened further multiplication of various negative events. Likewise, the unsuccessful international peace plans which offered various types of disputable internal territorial partitions based on ethnicity and religion presented a permanent framework which encouraged the focusing of poor quality Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian management structures (central and local) on mutual political and military conflicts based on ethnicity and religion. In this way, considering the overall issue, the partial Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian armed clashes were indeed a paradox, since they happened while both the Muslims/Bosniaks and the Croats were the practically unprotected victims of the military superior Serbian aggressor, while subsequently when the BH Army and the HVO became stronger, with the capacity to attack they cooperated in full. For this very reason, one must explore and ascertain the causes and circumstances behind every individual Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian armed conflict with extreme caution. Undoubtedly, at the general logical level, as well as at the level of actual events, the Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian conflicts were only beneficial for many reasons to the Serbian aggressor. They primarily facilitated the Serbian campaign of conquest and their occupation of two-thirds of the territory of BH. Then, the partial Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian armed conflicts were used by Serbia and some other interests to create and maintain an entirely unrealistic and unselective perception of the civil war and the balance of (moral, political, legal, historical) responsibilities of the Serbian, Croatian and Muslim/Bosniak hierarchies for the events in BH. This was also a strategic interest of the Serbian aggressor, because this perception of the events in BH strongly influenced the same perception for other parts of the former Yugoslavia where Serbia was the aggressor.415 It is indicative that the stereotypes about the civil war and the balance of responsibility began to form in the period when the international community rightfully and clearly began to refer to Serbia as the aggressor and imposed sanctions against it. Finally, the existence of these stereotypes enabled the emergence and survival of the international verification of the territorial acquisitions of Serbian aggression in BH, which were achieved through the worst crimes known to international humanitarian law.
413

Charles R. Shrader, Muslimansko-hrvatski graanski rat u srednjoj Bosni, Golden Marketing, Zagreb, 2004, p. 27. 414 Ibid., p. 27; Statement of Franjo NAKI] (Chief of Staff of the HVO Central Bosnia Operations Zone from December 1992 to December 1996), 13 April 2000, in the trial of KORDI] and ^ERKEZ, The Hague. 415 See C. Hodge, op. cit.; Norman Cigar, Srpski ratni napor i okonanje rata /Serbian War Efforts and the End of the War/, in Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, pp. 229-254.

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Secondarily, the Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian conflicts were encouraged by many circumstances which existed within the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchies. In general, this included their unpreparedness and therefore a lack of quality on both sides, which led to their distorted understanding of the hierarchy of the values, both at the level of world civilisation and the nation, and the interests, in accordance with which they often made decisions on concrete actions whereas this was actually a struggle for power between groups at central (state), regional and local levels in BH. The most systematic way to follow this process is at the highest level in BH the Presidency of the (S)RBH, which took over the entire central authority in practical terms during the war. From the available minutes and tape recordings of Presidency sessions from 1991 to 1994,416 one can easily follow the process of division and the conflict of interests between Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian representatives in the Presidency of the (S)RBH, as well as the identical separate processes which went on within both groups. It is obvious from these source materials that the processes of all the aforementioned divisions and conflicts were actually based on the interests of smaller groups (hierarchies) and individuals, although they occasionally invoked the common state, national and ethnic interests. This situation spread from the Presidency of the (S)RBH to the political and military hierarchies, for which decisions were made by the Presidency at a time of war, although (due to aggression, isolation, lack of organisation and other weaknesses of the hierarchy of the legal authorities in BH) this influence was generally not powerful and was very different or absolutely subsided at lower levels, depending on the circumstances. There is no doubt, however, that the situation in the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian hierarchies, which were the most powerful in formal terms, contributed to the general atmosphere of intolerance and irresponsibility at the lower levels. On the other hand, for the sake of impartiality, such overall circumstances require very careful research and assessment of each individual case of the partial Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian armed conflicts, without the methodologically erroneous automatic generalisation. II.7.5 The Destruction of Stari most /Old Bridge/ in Mostar

The war which was fought at the end of the 20th century in BH has not yet been sufficiently researched from the aspects of its cause, course of events and consequences. On the one hand this has fostered significant ignorance and, on the other hand, it has meant the emergence or production of distorted or entirely fabricated knowledge. Likewise, the war in BH was a very complex event and there are few individual war-related events in BH which can serve as an example of its overall complexity. The destruction of the Old Bridge in Mostar is one of the events illustrating how insufficiently the war and post-war events in BH have been researched, as well as how complex they are. From a statistical point of view, the Old Bridge in Mostar, which was destroyed on 9 November 1993, is merely yet another of the many bridges destroyed in the war in BH. Before and after its destruction, other bridges of much greater
A large number of Minutes and transcripts of tape recordings were published in six issues of the National Security and the Future (periodical) in 2006 and 2007.
416

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military importance were destroyed in Mostar and BH. Even before the summer of 1992, the Serbian aggressor had destroyed all the bridges in Mostar except for the Old Bridge, which was fully damaged. In general, the greatest objective significance of the Old Bridge, which was used only by pedestrians, was its historical value, as an old masterpiece of 16th-century Ottoman architecture. Until its destruction, the Old Bridge was a direct physical source of knowledge about the wartime events going on in Mostar and an indirect source for the territory of BH, as Mostar had strategic importance for everybody concerned in BH. It illustrated for a long time and with much intensity political and military relations in the Mostar area and the entire BH. The Old Bridge was first damaged as early as June 1992 in Serbian shelling during their attack on Mostar. This was reported with text and picture in the then local papers.417 Because of this, in June 1992, the HVO put planks as temporary protection on the bridge The protection was installed under the constant threat of Serbian shells.418 In October 1992, repeated Serbian shelling damaged the Old Bridge even more extensively. This, too, was reported with text and picture in local papers.419 In the period that followed, the bridge was in the heart of the Muslim/BosniakCroatian armed clashes in Mostar. The Old Bridge was in the zone controlled by the BH Army, several hundred metres from the line of disengagement therefore, in the area of relatively fierce armed clashes. People crossed at great risk. Members of the BH Army frequently transported war materiel over the Old Bridge (including weapons and ammunition) and troops for maintaining manning levels. Hence, the Old Bridge was undoubtedly a military facility at that time. On several instances, the bridge was damaged by all parties to the conflict using various types of weapons. Under the circumstances of war and with so many casualties and so much material destruction, it is understandable up to a point why the fact that the bridge was being continuously damaged did not draw the attention of the public. The bridge endured despite being damaged, most probably because it was not targeted for destruction until 9 November 1993. It is indicative that this very act of destruction was recorded by video cameras from several locations and that later albums and a video-tape entitled The War in Mostar, a BBC production, were sold in 2000.420 After its destruction, in the next 12 years, through systematic political, media and other activities, the Old Bridge was turned into a key and allegedly unquestionable indicator, proof and symbol testifying to the alleged negative wartime identity and the further negative identity and character of the Croatian hierarchies in BH and the Republic of Croatia. The marketing premise of this stereotype was simple: the Croatian side allegedly ordered artillery fire and destroyed the Old Bridge, allegedly insignificant in military terms, thus exhibiting the depth of its alleged criminal plan. The alleged commander of the destruction of the Old Bridge was General Slobodan PRALJAK, until then Commander of the HVO Main Staff. The marketing power in disseminating this stigmatising stereotype was enormous. Thus, even some very obvious basic facts remained overlooked.421 The production of the public veracity of the stereotype regarding the destruction of the Old
417

Bo`o Golua, Tko je uistinu sruio Stari most?, Motrita 28, Matica Hrvatska, Mostar, 2003, p. 74. See also documents in: S. Praljak, Urbicid koji su poinile postrojbe JA pod vodstvom Momila Periia nad Mostarom u ljeto 92., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. 418 Ibid., p. 65. 419 Ibid., p. 74. 420 Ibid., p. 65. 421 S. Praljak, Kako je sruen Stari most, Zagreb, 2006.

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Bridge was so vast, that it caused immeasurable damage in political and other terms to the Croatian hierarchies in BH and the Republic of Croatia at international and national levels. Even they themselves believed the stereotype, to such an extent that the President of the Republic of Croatia refused to see General PRALJAK, who wanted to acquaint him with the facts.422 Only in 2006 with the publication of the book Kako je sruen Stari most injenice /How the Old Bridge was Destroyed the Facts/, which, in addition to many documents, included a detailed Analysis of the Destruction of the Old Bridge, written by three prominent scholars, who proved that the bridge was knocked down by planted explosives and not by an artillery shell did the systematic and intensive marketing activities suddenly cease, and the story of the Old Bridge and its fate was pushed to the margins of public attention, even further than before its destruction. Even more significant was the fact that public enquiry into the causes, interests and participants in the fabrication of stereotypes on the destruction of the Old Bridge in Mostar was obstructed. Coincidentally, any inquiry or expression of public interest of in an answer to the open question of who really destroyed the Old Bridge and why, has been totally suppressed. II.-7-6 The Mujahidin and Al-Qaeda in BH

In parallel to the rapid expansion and strengthening of Serbian armed aggression in BH in the first half of 1992, there was an increasing presence of Islamic humanitarian organisations and radical Islamic volunteers (the mujahidin) arriving in BH from Islamic parts of the world. The Islamic humanitarian organisations and the mujahidin were focused exclusively on assisting Muslims/Bosniaks. In the complex and difficult times in BH at the time, this exclusivity was self-explanatory in a way, and was thus not seen as a problem or analysed. Moreover, a large (unknown) number of humanitarian organisations, groups, individuals and volunteers from all over the world had been present earlier (in the Republic of Croatia) and then, in BH, and nobody asked about their motives, interests or purposes. After the shocking terrorist attack in the US on 11 September 2001 as well as other terrorist attacks and the explicit long-term security threats sent subsequently to the countries of the West, very systematic police, intelligence, scientific, media and other research of the problem commenced. In this context, many traces led to the territory of BH and the period of war and a very different understanding of the presence of Islamic humanitarian organisations and the mujahidin in the territory of BH. It was ascertained that the presence of Islamic humanitarian organisations and the mujahidin in BH was not so much of a spontaneous act of solidarity, as a comprehensive, thoroughly planned and highly sophisticated operation of the radical Islamic terrorist organisation Al-Qaeda (basis, network).423 Unfortunately, the importance of the conflict in the Balkans has often been underestimated. The Americans and the Europeans often wonder how Al-Qaeda infiltrated Europe and the West so successfully, organising terrorist cells Some of the most important answers

422 423

Ibid., p. 47. See Evan F. Kohlmann, Al-Qaidin dihad u Europi, afganistansko-bosanska mrea, Zagreb, 2005; Evan F. Kohlmann is an advisor of the US Department of Justice and the FBI for international terrorism.

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may be found in Bosnia, where the cream of the Afghani Arabs honed their war skills and trained a new generation of hardened guerrilla followers.424 From the hills of Afghanistan and the Saudi desert, connections were established easily with Sudan with supporters in Canada and with Bosnia When the first mujahidin began to arrive in BH, they brought along equipment which was unusual at first sight: tin crates with satellite telephones and antennas, computer monitors and keyboards. Throughout the war in BH (1992-1995) BIN LADENs men and trusted connections thus controlled the Islamic fighters, regardless of the fact that they were formally subordinated to the BH Army.425 Al-Qaeda used Bosnia for infiltration at five levels. In terms of propaganda, the organisation was an ideal setting for the promotion of its ideas on pure Islamic states These propaganda workshops used only computer technology. Al-Qaeda used the propaganda clips made in BH to show as much to those interested Bosniaks they meant to recruit as to its supporters in the Arabic and Islamic countries and the fresh authentic video shots of the holy war were often sufficient to motivate the undecided.426 People from around the world who wanted to join Al-Qaeda were sent to BH to so-called live training in the field. For example, the key men of the banned Algerian organisations the FIS and the GIA were trained in fierce fighting, where else than in BH Al-Qaeda needed Bosnia for money laundering not only through humanitarian and cultural associations, but also through the marginal parts of the administration built and maintained by Bosniaks and the government of Alija IZETBEGOVI].427 As early as April 1992, following the mujahidin conquest of Kabul (in Afghanistan), Shaykh Abu Abdel Aziz had travelled with four other unidentified veteran Arab-Afghan commanders to Bosnia-Herzegovina to check out the landscape," and soon concluded that this was indeed a legitimate holy war. All Muslims should participate he suggested, either by contributing money, caring for orphans and widows, taking in refugees or fighting in the jihad There are a lot of organisations that can do that. We bring men.428 The mujahidin leaders in BH and Afghanistan designated Shaykh Abu Abdel Aziz as the first Amir, or commander-in-chief of the Bosnian Arab-Afghans and hr quickly established the first headquarters at the Mehuri}i training camp, near the central-Bosnian town of Travnik.429 At the same time, in the spring of 1992, the militant Egyptian Shaykh Anwar Shaaban fashioned an epic role as the political leader and chief spokesman for the foreign jihadis based in Bosnia.430 Soon, a new Islamic Centre was opened in Milan (Italy), which quickly developed under Shaabans leadership into the major hub in the network of Arab-Afghan activity in all of southern Europe.431 Already in the summer of 1992, Mr Shabaan led the first quasi-official Arab-Afghan delegation to

Ibid., p. 14. Fran Vinar, Al-Qaidin put: od Afganistana preko BiH do mekanog trbuha Europe, Afterword in E. F. Kohlmann, op. cit., p. 290. 426 Ibid., p. 293. 427 Ibid., 293. 428 E. F. Kohlmann, op. cit., pp. 34-35. 429 Ibid., p. 35. 430 Ibid., p. 37. 431 Ibid., p. 39.
425

424

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arrive in Bosnia and subsequently served for over three years as the spiritual and political Shaykh of the foreign mujahidin in the Balkans.432 Warriors were a part of Al-Qaedas complex activities with extensive, diverse and ample financial support. A 1996 US intelligence report concluded that nearly one third of the Islamic NGOs in the Balkans have facilitated the activities of Islamic group that engage in terrorism433 Among them, the Benevolence International Foundation or BIF was used to move funds to areas where Al-Qaeda was carrying out operations and its headquarters in Croatia was established for relief operations and support to jihad in Bosnia and Herzegovina.434 Similarly, the Third World Relief Agency (TWRA), founded in 1987 in Vienna, Austria (with additional offices in Sarajevo, Budapest, Moscow and Istanbul) quickly became notorious for allegedly serving as a financier of - and arms broker for - irregular Muslim soldiers and mujahidin in Bosnia, in direct violations of an international arms embargo.435 In May 1992, the first two jihad (holy war) military training camps were established in Zenica and in Mehuri}i, near Travnik. More military camps were then established in other places, mostly in central Bosnia: on the Igman hill and in Turbe, Radina and elsewhere in the La{va Valley. The camps were arranged exactly along the Afghan model: intense, aggressive recruitment and training in both military tactics and violent, confrontational form of Islamic fundamentalism.436 The mujahidin armed operations in central BH may be followed from September 1992 and, according to some estimations, from late 1992437 there were about 700 men drawn from Iran, Turkey, north Africa, Afghanistan and Palestine438 in Bosnia. Interestingly, until September 1992, Muslim fighters were usually able to cross Croatia and transport weapons en route to Bosnia without incident but in September Croatia suddenly cracked down on arms smuggling routes through its territory.439 Throughout 1993 and the early months of 1994, the mujahidin participated in Muslim/Bosniak-Croatian armed clashes in a number of localities, both independently and in cooperation with the BH Army.440 In addition to participating in armed conflicts, in some parts of central Bosnia, the mujahidin were charged with the responsibility of special operations, primarily the kidnapping and assassination of Croatian leadership figures441 and committed various crimes and intimidation in order to expel Croatians from some parts of central BH. International monitors reported civilians running away from the Bosnian (Muslim) militia under machinegun fire. There is strong evidence of atrocities We have no witnesses of a massacre, but we have found a large number of civilians dead.442 The following situation was described: In late June, the Arab extremists marched from Gu~a Gora (near Travnik in central BH, authors note) to a school in the neighbouring town of Metrovi}i containing 231 Croat civilian refugees. Without
432 433

Ibid., p. 40. Ibid., pp. 55-56. 434 Ibid., pp. 57-58. 435 Ibid., p. 69. 436 Ibid., p. 43. 437 Ibid., Chapter: The Battle Begins, pp. 75-94. 438 Ibid., p. 92. 439 Ibid., p. 107. 440 Ibid., Chapter: Confrontation with the Croats (1993-94). 441 Ibid., p. 110, 442 Ibid., p. 116.

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provocations, the jihadis suddenly took the refugees hostage and threatened to slaughter them en masse. In the end, local Bosnian army guards forcibly ejected the Arabs from Metrovi}i and eventually negotiated an acceptable compromise with them by agreeing to move all the Croats out of Muslim territory.443 The mujahidin also were also in conflict with units of the international peacekeeping forces. In the first half of June 1993, the confrontation between the mujahidin and British UN troops attempting to protect civilians along the ZenicaTravnik access routes grew more serious. The jihadis instantly trained their rocket propelled grenade launchers and rifles on the UN vehicles, and the mujahid commander on scene, an unidentified man of British origin wearing an Afghanistan hat and a blue scarf over his face, addressed the British officer in charge of the patrol, Major Vaughan Kent-Payne, in perfect English and coldly reassured him be cool, these people won't fire until I give them the order.444 When an agreement was eventually reached, the mujahid refused to shake hands with the British officer, saying that he would not touch the flesh of an infidel.445 Although the role of Al-Qaeda in the political and war-related events in BH has largely not been researched, several conclusions may safely be drawn on the basis of the information gathered so far. The first one is: Al-Qaedas decision to take up arms in the Bosnian civil war contributed in turning much of central Bosnia into a humanitarian nightmare.446 The second conclusion is a fact-based logical presumption: The government of Alija IZETBEGOVI], its military personnel and the people (Muslim/Bosniak, authors note) welcomed the mujahidin with enthusiasm and relief, hoping that with their assistance, war luck would finally turn around to the advantage of the Bosnian side.447 A total of about 5,000 volunteers from the Arabic-Islamic world arrived in BH and joined the BH Army.448 They were a significant military power in the situation in BH, mostly because they were well-trained and fanatical and due to the fact that their operations were concentrated in the small area of central BH. The significance of the jihadis in terms of war, politics and identity for a part of the most powerful Muslim/Bosniak hierarchy in BH is illustrated in the following fact: On 13 August (1993, authors note), the government officially mobilised the Kateebat al Mujahideen (Battalion of the Holy Warriors) on the personal orders of Bosnian president Alija IZETBEGOVI], to whom the unit was directly responsible.449 Extensive further research is required in order to draw conclusions on the pace, implementation, depth and degree to which the Muslim/Bosniak military, political and societal governing hierarchies were permeated by radical Islamism. It is certain, however, that it was present and that it shaped the overall war and post-war developments in BH, as testified to by the facts presented in this and several other chapters of this expert report.450

443 444

Ibid., p. 117. Ibid., p. 119. 445 Ibid., p. 120. 446 Ibid., p. 76. 447 F. Vi{nar, op. cit. 291. 448 Ibid., p. 291. 449 E. F. Kohlmann, op. cit., p. 126. 450 Eg.: Islamska deklaracija, the layering of the Muslim/Bosniak elites, the process of Islamisation of the BH Army, etc.

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III. THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA TOWARDS BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1991 1995)

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Introductory Remarks

In order to fully understand and assess the relation of the Republic of Croatia (RH) toward Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1990 to 1995, it is necessary to be familiar with and recognise the crucial issues the RH was facing in this period. Just before the Serbian armed aggression, the RH and BH were in a very similar position. In the Serbian plans at the time the territories of the RH and BH were a single unit clearly marked as the target for conquest. In accordance with this, Serbian leaderships in the territories of the RH and BH were politically active, using propaganda and arming part of the Serbian population in the RH and BH. As early as 1990 the pro-Serbian JNA /Yugoslav People's Army/ illegally took a large majority of weapons from the TO RH /Territorial Defence of the Republic of Croatia/ and TO BH /Territorial Defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, so that the two states which were in the process of establishment were left with no army or weapons. In such an extremely unequal military balance of power, the fundamental interest of the RH and BH (as well as Slovenia and Macedonia, and Kosovo) was to find a political way to unravel the so-called Yugoslav crisis. In other words, even if they wanted to, the RH and BH did not have even the basic prerequisites to resolve the Yugoslav crisis by military (armed) means. Thus the RH, BH, Slovenia and Macedonia had to focus on overall mutual cooperation. However, organised systematic strategic cooperation between them was not established (until 1994), but instead specific mainly spontaneous and occasional forms of agreement appeared. This type of cooperation was institutionally mostly evident in 1990 and 1991 at (previously mentioned) sessions of the Yugoslav Presidency. Agreement was evident to a lesser extent at the (previously mentioned) inter-republican meetings in 1991. Although it is illogical, even paradoxical, in the initial (most important) period there was absolutely no cooperation among the victims of the Serbian armed aggression in the crucial security-related area, which significantly facilitated Serbian involvement in the war and conquests in the RH and BH, and later in Kosovo. It is still a very open question in terms of research which factors caused (how and to what extent for each factor) caused the lack of overall, but particularly securityrelated cooperation among the states which were victims of Serbian aggression. Later specific and very successful forms of political and security-related cooperation between the RH and BH best indicate how useful this cooperation could have been in the initial period of the war, and what an enormous strategic mistake the lack of this cooperation had been. The relationship of the RH toward BH (and also the relationship of BH toward the RH) must also be viewed in this general context. Therefore, as a whole, this relationship was neither systematic nor bilaterally arranged nor was it reciprocal. In other words, it depended (where the RH was concerned) on assessments and decisions by the government institutions of the RH (Assembly, President, Government) which primarily used their perception of interests of the RH as a guide. The principal interest of the RH in the period from 1990 to 1992 consisted of three intertwined parts: the establishment of a state (in very difficult conditions with approximately 1/3 of the territory occupied), defence from the Serbian armed aggression and international recognition. In the period from mid-1992 to 1998 the absolute primary interest of the RH was simpler in principle: to reintegrate (return) the occupied parts of the territory into the constitutional and legal order of the RH. After 1991 about one fourth of the territory of the RH was occupied, and the occupied parts in terms of territory and

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security still jeopardised the survival of the RH, because the occupied parts in three directions prevented in practical terms the integrity of the free parts of the country. The most critical point was the fact that the large southern part of the RH was cut off by land so communication between the northern (and central) and southern parts of the RH ran across the islands. In terms of security and communication, the situation was only slightly less critical in the occupied parts in the directions toward Slovenia and Hungary. The entire national and social life in the RH until the end of 1995 (when most of the occupied parts had been reintegrated, except Podunavlje) was almost entirely subjected and committed to resolving these problems. This is, for example, clearly discernible from the structure of the budget and foreign policy activities, but also from political and media speech and everyday life in the RH. Until 1995 these main problems of the RH were crucially and manifoldly connected with the area of BH. Even before Serbian aggression, and unrelated to it, it was clear at first sight (both geographically and historically) that the areas of the RH and BH were extremely interdependent in every respect (in terms of security, economy, communication, etc.), and it was therefore difficult to imagine any sort of stability in one area without stability in the other. With reference to logistics, armed operations, units and replenishment, Serbian armed aggression against the RH replied on the area of BH and its resources to a large extent. Furthermore, the territory of most of the occupied parts of the RH bordered with BH. Since Serbian aggression westward involved an integral plan and operative implementation, after 1991 the occupied parts of the RH became part of the Serbian conquering process in BH. Suffice it to say that from 1992 to 1995 all (military and civilian) supplies for of the occupied parts of the RH (except Podunavlje) traversed the territory of BH. Thus in fact any future reintegration of the occupied parts of the RH crucially and directly depended on the outcome of the war in BH. And finally, integrally viewed, due to Croatias lack of political and military readiness for the events in the 1990s, the inadequacy of the majority of the governing bodies which carried over their institutional power from communism to the system of the RH, and a number of other transitional problems in most of the crucial events in 1990 1995 the RH had taken a reactive course of action, which was particularly evident in its treatment of the variable and contradictory requests put before the RH by the international community. For example, in June 1991 the RH accepted the unfavourable Brijuni Declaration; in early 1992 it accepted the unfavourable Sarajevo Accord, for which it halted its very successful operation for liberation of western Slavonia and even abandoned a part of the liberated territory; the extension of UNPROFORs mandate in the RH was accepted on several occasions, although UNPROFOR did not carry out the obligations it had taken on; in the 1992-1995 period (and beyond) the RH followed all the variable and contradictory actions taken by the international community in relation to BH; in 1995 the RH accepted the very unfavourable international Z-4 Plan which practically offered all the attributes of a state to the occupied parts of the RH. The facts as laid out here constitute a framework without which it is not possible perceive objectively the causality (causes, course and consequences) of the relationship of the RH towards BH in the period of 1990-1995. In this part of the expert report for analytical reasons and easy reference the representation of the relationship of the RH towards BH is divided into eight thematic chapters comprising a single section. This section, using an approach standardised through scholarships, provides an objective and integral reconstruction

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of the institutional relationship of the state of the RH towards the state of BH between 1991 and 1995.

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III 1 STATE AND POLITICAL LEVEL III 1.1. The RH Recognises the Independent State of BH (7 April 1992)

The specific state and political level of the relationship of the RH towards the state of BH is most reliably and objectively discussed if one proceeds from the interaction between the leading state institutions (Assembly, President, Government) in the period following the international recognition of BH (7 April 1992). Up to that time (after 1990) there is any number of topics and facts (founding of the political parties and the first multi-party elections in BH in the second half of 1990: interrepublican talks and negotiations in the first half of 1991, etc.) which have their historiographical significance and interest, but this part of the expert report is not focused on it, rather just like other earlier historical periods these are adequately covered in previous chapters. The fact that the RH recognised BH as an independent state at the same time as the EU and the US did has particularly great political weight, but it must be noted that the EUs decision was a decision issued by the community, while individual EU states implemented it later. Thus the EU, US and RH the first to recognise BH clearly indicated that their greatest interest lies in the existence of BH as an independent state. This international recognition did not happen all at once. The preparation process itself took around half a year, during which a number of international decisions, opinions and recommendations were issued, and an internationally monitored referendum was conducted in BH in accordance therewith. Throughout this international process, the RH firmly held the position that BH must be an independent state, and used its influence to directly urge the Croats in BH to vote for BH independence at the referendum. Serbia and the Serbian leaderships in BH opposed this fiercely and in a number of ways. The very act of the international recognition of BH had its direct international overture in the joint Declaration on the recognition of the Yugoslav republics issued by the EU and US (10 March 1992),451 culminating in the Decision on the international recognition of BH, adopted by the EU and US on 6 April, with the recognition coming into effect as of 7 April 1992. The highest state institutions of the RH monitored this international process and the Decision of the President of the RH (Franjo TU\MAN) on the recognition of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign and independent state was based on a corresponding conclusion of the Assembly of the Republic of Croatia of 27 March 1992 and proposal of the Government of the Republic of Croatia of 6 April 1992.452 The Decision also proposed dual citizenship to members of the Croatian people who wish it, and /we/ propose that this issue be resolved by a bilateral agreement and that the governments of our countries begin talks as soon as possible on the establishment of diplomatic relations and comprehensive cooperation between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia.453 III. 1.2 Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between the R BH /Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/ and the RH (21 July 1992)
451

See Vjesnik, 12 March 1992; the document can also be found in M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 151-152; (3D00320). 452 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 167-168; (3D00320). 453 Ibid.; (3D00320).

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However, the concretisation of bilateral relations between the R BH and the RH, which both sides wanted in principle, was being substantially slowed down because due to Serbian aggression on BH it is (was, authors note) not possible for IZETBEGOVI] to leave Sarajevo. Therefore, without meeting but hoping that they would be able to meet soon, on 15 June 1992 Alija IZETBEGOVI] and Franjo TU\MAN decided to issue a Joint Declaration in which, among other things, BH extends its gratitude to the Republic of Croatia for the humanitarian aid provided and the reception and care for a large number of refugees, citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the RH supports the efforts of Bosnia and Herzegovina to preserve its independence and prevent aggression, providing its help, and will continue to do so.454 The Joint Declaration furthermore stated that both Presidents expressed their full agreement regarding the principle that when the war is over a political solution for relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina must be sought on the basis of the equality of its three constituent peoples, and that the President of the RH supports the efforts of the international community to stop the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the appeal of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the international community requesting help and efficient action for preventing further aggression.455 In early July 1992 the President of the RH (Franjo TU\MAN) replied to a letter from the President of the Presidency of the R BH (Alija IZETBEGOVI]), explaining that faced with Serbian aggression, the Croatian people in BH had to organise themselves, adding that we interpret the organising of the HZBH /Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna/ and the HVO /Croatian Defence Council/ as initiatives within the framework of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and only as such do we support them..456 The leaders of the RBH and the RH finally met at the summit of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, authors note) on 8 July 1992 in Helsinki, and after a talk at which their associates were also present, they issued another Joint Declaration.457 In it they said that both states have a common interest in defending their independence and territorial integrity against Serbian and Montenegrin aggression, and that they agree that this common interest must be pursued with efforts and by means which are envisaged in the Charter of the UN and CSCE documents.458 After that it was pointed out that BH appreciates the efforts of the International Community and the Republic of Croatia to provide help, particularly in terms of receiving and accommodating a large number of refugees, and that both Presidents once again emphasised the adherence of their states to the principle that the internal arrangement of BH is organised democratically on the basis of equality of the three constituent peoples.459 In his speech at a CSCE plenary meeting in Helsinki on 9 July 1992 Franjo TU\MAN460 made a point of the following: When joining the CSCE the Republic of Croatia adopted all the principles and values of the CSCE In this context, allow me
454 455

Vjesnik, 16 June 1992; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 181-182; (3D00320). Ibid., p. 183; (3D00320). 456 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 195-196; (3D00320). 457 Novi Vjesnik (daily newspaper), Zagreb, 7 July 1992; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 197-198; (3D00320). 458 Ibid., p. 198; (3D00320). 459 Ibid.; (3D00320). 460 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 199-202; (3D00320).

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to present very clearly once again the position of my country in relation to the neighbouring state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatia was among the first countries that recognised the sovereignty and independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina and it fully observes the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatia supports the efforts of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international community to preserve its independence and its resistance to the common enemy. Soon after that, on 21 July 1992, the President of the Presidency of the RBH and the President of the RH signed a bilateral Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation in Zagreb,461 which was the most important bilateral document until 1994 because almost all the relations between the two states (until 1994) were based on it, and in particular, the uncommonly broad spectrum of help provided institutionally by the RH to BH in defence against Serbian aggression and repairing the grave consequences caused by Serbian aggression in BH territory. The start of this Agreement proceeded from the joint interests of the R BH and the RH in defending their independence and territorial integrity and serious concern over the continuation of aggression carried out by the remnants of the Yugoslav People's Army of the former Yugoslavia and Serbian and Montenegrin regular and irregular military forces against the territories of their countries.462 It went on to establish the adoption of a number of documents and opinions issued for the area of the former Yugoslavia by the international institutions and groups. After that, the ten items of the Agreement list agreements reached on various matters. Among other things, it is established in item one of the Agreement that the future composition of BH shall be based on the principle of total equality between the three constituent peoples, and that the constitutional and political composition of BH shall be based on constituent entities, during the formation of which, national, historical, cultural, economic, transport and other elements shall be taken into consideration.463 Item two of the Agreement states that the RBH and the RH shall cooperate and reach mutual agreements, respecting the specific interests and being aware of the common interests of their countries.464 A special item of the Agreement (item three) reads: The state delegation of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina wishes to express its gratitude to the Republic of Croatia for accepting and providing accommodation for refugees from the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina beyond its capacities.465 Item six of the Agreement established that the armed part of the Croatian Defence Council is an integral part of the united armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina The temporary civilian authorities formed within the Croatian Defence Council in war-time conditions shall be brought into line as soon as possible with the constitutional and legal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and talks on this issue shall be held immediately in accordance with the provisions of Item 1 of this Agreement.466 A particularly important, and also most extensive item of the Agreement, is item eight which served as the basis for the future complex bilateral military relations, including the military assistance which the RH provided for the BH Army and the
461

Novi Vjesnik, Zagreb, 22 July 1992; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 212-214; (3D00320). 462 Ibid., p. 212; (3D00320). 463 Ibid., p. 213; (3D00320). 464 Ibid., p. 213; (3D00320). 465 Ibid., p. 213; (3D00320). 466 Ibid., p. 214; (3D00320).

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HVO and occasional activities of the HV /Croatian Army/ in the border regions of BH. This item of the Agreement noted the continuation of aggression by Serbian and Montenegrin military forces against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but to a large degree also from border areas of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina against the Republic of Croatia, and called on the institutions of the international community (UN and EU) to take real and effective measures to decisively stop the aggression prevent further casualties, the persecution and expulsion and the destruction of property .467 In addition, item 8 of the Agreement concluded that in order to stop Serbian aggression the RBH and the RH shall continue their current successful cooperation and shall constantly coordinate their defence activities in the border areas between them. Being aware of the fact that failure to halt aggression against both states could result in further destruction of their statehood and integrity, the two states shall, in the event that the efforts of the international community remain unsuccessful, discuss and apply all forms of closer cooperation in the military sphere and coordinate their military operations with the aim of finally removing all threats.468 In late August 1992 groups of leaders of the SDA /Party of Democratic Action/ and the HDZ /Croatian Democratic Union/ of BH met in Me|ugorje and adopted Conclusions for the purpose of implementation of the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation.469 The Conclusions proposed the establishment of four constituent units comprising several regions, and an organisation in which the legislative power in BH would be held by a War Presidency, and the executive power by a War Government which would be composed on principles of parity. It was also proposed to establish state-level unified armed forces made up of HVO and BH Army members with a parity joint command.470 However, 12 days later (9 September 1992) the Office of the President of the Presidency of BH issued a statement indirectly dissociating itself from the Conclusions in Me|ugorje stating that the Presidency of BH did not initiate the work of these commissions nor does the Presidency have anything to do with this.471 During a session of the UN General Assembly on 21 September 1992 the delegations of the RBH and RH, led by Alija IZETBEGOVI] and Franjo TU\MAN, met in New York and proceeding from the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation of 21 July 1992, they agreed to sign the Annex to the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation.472 The Annex proceeded from the fact that the diplomatic, political and humanitarian efforts of the international community have so far failed to stop aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia, and therefore, BH and the RH decided, among other things, (in accordance with the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation) to set up a joint Committee order to harmonize defence efforts, until aggression stops completely.473 III. 1.3 Attempts to Establish Full Cooperation (October 1992 April 1993)

467 468

Ibid., p. 214; (3D00320). Ibid., p. 214; (3D00320). 469 Ve~ernji list, 9 August 1992; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 234-235; (3D00320). 470 Ibid., p. 234; (3D00320). 471 Ve~ernji list, 10 September 1992; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 239; (3D00320). 472 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 243-244; (3D00320). 473 Ibid., p. 244; (3D00320).

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In accordance with this, on 16 October 1992 Alija IZETBEGOVI] sent an official letter to the Minister of Defence of the RH (Gojko [U[AK) informing him of his decision (appointment of): In accordance with the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia, the following persons are hereby appointed to the Commission for Coordination of Military Activities as representatives of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina: 1. Rifat BILAJAC, 2. Fabijan BENO, 3. Hasan ^ENGI] (substitute Salem [ABI]).474 On the same day, in accordance with the responsibility and powers I have as the Chairman of the National Defence Council and the President of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija IZETBEGOVI] issued the following Order: 1. The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH Army and HVO) shall immediately start preparing an operation to lift the blockade of the city of Sarajevo by military means The operation must be prepared and carried out as soon as possible Jasmin JAGANJAC is hereby appointed operation commander, with full powers.475 However, despite the displayed awareness and intentions of the states of the RBH and the RH, which are particularly clearly manifested in item 8 of the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation and its Annex, events took place which decelerated and impeded full cooperation between the two states (the R BH and the RH) which were victims of Serbian aggression. Although it is absolutely evident that decelerating and impeding full cooperation between the R BH and the RH constituted the fundamental interest of the Serbian aggressor, it is open to investigation to answer the historiographical question regarding the deep mechanisms, participants and interests which specifically controlled the process involving the attempts at destroying and delaying full cooperation between the R BH and the RH.476 But on the factual level, it is clear that instead of the establishment of swift strategic cooperation between the R BH and the RH, several partial local armed clashes between the BH Army and the HVO units took place in the central R BH, which inappropriate to its objective importance had an impact on the current (and former) process of cooperation between the R BH and the RH, and the overall unobjective (mostly negative) perception of that relation. The first partial local armed clashes between the BH Army and the HVO units occurred in the central R BH (in the area of Novi Travnik, Vitez and Prozor). These clashes stopped after a few days. Regarding this first clash in some localities in central BH, on 27 October 1992 the President of the Presidency of the R BH sent a letter to the President of the RH, most gravely accusing the Croatian side in BH, and to some extent also the international community. The letter includes the following statement: HVO units have systematically provoked conflicts in Novi Travnik, Vitez and Prozor, in which there were casualties and destruction. All the roads through western Herzegovina have been closed, even for humanitarian aid. At the same time, a propaganda war against Bosnia and Herzegovina and its legal authorities is being waged in the Croatian media.477
www.slobodanpraljak.com www.slobodanpraljak.com 476 A specific aspect of special warfare is evident from the document Report for Mr Mate BOBAN which was sent on 23 December 1992 by Brigadier Milivoj PETKOVI], Chief of the HVO Main Staff; www.slobodanpraljak.com. 477 Vjesnik, 30 October 1992; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 259-260; (3D00320).
475 474

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Furthermore, IZETBEGOVI] said this in the letter: Negotiations are in progress in Geneva regarding the future organisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time a policy of fait accompli is being implemented by force, invalidating the negotiations in London and making them pointless.478 Three days later, the President of the RH replied as follows in his letter: Croatia has recognised the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina ... and it is actively promoting the survival of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a single state since we are interconnected historically, spatially and economically, this is a long-term strategic interest of Croatia and, I am sure, of Bosnia and Herzegovina too. I have kept encouraging the leaders of these Croatian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina and you and your associates the leaders of the Muslim people to reach an agreement and link up I assure you that the Republic of Croatia will implement all provisions of our agreement consistently. Full friendship and honest and active cooperation are of vital interest to both of our states, and therefore it is the duty of both you and me to work hard on them.479 Indicative for understanding the complexity of the background leading to the start of these armed clashed is the fact that as early as 4 November 1992 Alija IZETBEGOVI] informed the Minister of Defence of the RH that a replacement has been made among the BH representatives in the Commission for Coordination of Military Activities between BH and the RH and instead of Beno FABIJAN, we hereby appoint Milivoj PETKOVI], which is in accordance with the proposal by the HVO.480 On 27 January 1993 the President of the RH sent another letter to the President of the Presidency of the R BH, stating as follows: The grievous events of the last few days, in which the Muslim extremists in Central Bosnia have been attacking Croatian settlements in an organised, criminal and brutal way, and shooting at civilians and defenders, force me to write this letter to you I use this opportunity to appeal directly to the Croatian and Muslim peoples in BH to cease hostilities and achieve full cooperation in defence against the common aggressor and in seeking a way to achieve harmonious coexistence.481 Soon, on 11 February 1993, the Main Staffs of the BH Army and the HVO signed an agreement with the aim of preventing further misunderstandings and conflicts between the BH Army and the HVO and organising a common struggle against the aggressor.482 The Agreement also specified that a joint coordinating team will be formed in Central Bosnia which will issue joint orders for units to immediately abandon positions between the HVO and the BH Army for all units brought in from other areas to immediately withdraw.483 After the talks in Zagreb, on 27 March 1993 the President of the RH and the President of the Presidency of the R BH issued a Joint Statement stating as follows: The Republic of Croatia welcomes the signing of the VANCE-OWEN plan by Mr. Alija IZETBEGOVI] and Mr. Mate BOBAN.484 Under item 2 Franjo TU\MAN and Alija IZETBEGOVI] demand efficient and consistent implementation of the VANCE-OWEN plan by the international community, bearing in mind the bad experiences with the inefficacious implementation of the VANCE plan in the
478 479

Ibid., p. 260; (3D00320). Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 270-271; (3D00320). 480 www.slobodanpraljak.com 481 Vjesnik, 28 January 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 322-323; (3D00320). 482 Vjesnik, 12 February 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 328-329; (3D00320). 483 Ibid., p. 328; (3D00320). 484 Vjesnik, 28 March 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 339; (3D00320).

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Republic of Croatia, and then under item 5 express their readiness for the closest possible cooperation in future between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and stress the need for comprehensive cooperation between the Croatian and the Muslim peoples in BH.485 On 21 April 1993 the BH Army and the HVO signed a Ceasefire Agreement in Zenica which opens with the following statement: The BH Army and the HVO are the legal military forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and have equal status, and then specifies that all commanders at all levels must observe and implement an absolute ceasefire throughout the territory of the Republic.486

Fig. 25: The extent of Serbian conquest in the winter of 1992/1993

(Taken from: Rat u Hrvatskoj, map 5, at the end of the book)

Then on 25 April 1993 in Zagreb, in the presence of numerous international representatives (David OWEN, Peter HALL, Herbert OKUNA, Geert AHRENS, John WILSON, MESSERVY-WHITING, Frederick ECKHARD, David LUDLOW, Mr BRADE), BH representatives (Ejup GANI], Sefer HALILOVI], Bisera
485 486

Ibid.; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 22 April 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 343; (3D00320).

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TURKOVI], Muhamed [A]IRBEGOVI], Kasim TRNKA, Milivoj PETKOVI]) and RH representatives (Jure RADI], Vladimir [EKS, Gojko [U[AK, Zdenko [KRABALO, Janko BOBETKO, Zdravko SAN^EVI], @eljko MATI], Ivan JARNJAK, Branimir JAK[I], Mile ]UK), Alija IZETBEGOVI] and Mate BOBAN signed a Joint Statement (with Franjo TUDJMAN signed as a witness) on cessation of hostilities between the BH Army and the HVO and on establishing a joint command of these forces comprising representatives of both staffs.487 In addition, the signatories stated that they reaffirm that the clashes between the HVO and the BH Army in the Republic of BH are contrary to the policy implemented by representatives of these two peoples and that they most strongly condemn all violations of provisions of international humanitarian law, regardless of who perpetrated them.488 The Joint Statement also had Annex I which specified as follows: The BH Army and the HVO will retain their separate identity and command organization They shall set up a Joint Command The Joint Command shall comprise two supreme commanders, General HALILOVI] and General PETKOVI] They shall set up a joint main staff The two supreme commanders shall form military districts under a joint staff Each military district shall exercise operational control over all units of the BH Army and the HVO in its areas. The Chamber of Deputies of the Croatian Assembly (presided over by Stjepan MESI]) also joined the process of attempting to stop the partial clashes and restore cooperation between the Muslims/Bosniaks and the Croats and on 30 April 1993 it issued a Conclusion stating as follows: Muslims and Croats, the conflicting parties in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, are called to immediately suspend all armed conflicts, and to resist with joint forces Serbian imperialistic aggression whose objective is to annihilate both peoples. Then it was concluded: With the aim of promoting a peaceful solution to existing disagreements and preserving the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the friendly, neighbouring State of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Chamber of Representatives of the Assembly of the Republic of Croatia shall send a multi-party delegation on a mission of peace and good will.489 On the same day the Assembly appointed seven members to the multi-party delegation, and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RH (Ivo SANADER) sent a letter to the UNPROFOR Commander (Lars-Eric WAHLGREN) informing him of the intentions and the composition of the parliamentary delegation and places in BH that the delegation will visit, at the same time requesting the assistance and protection of the UNPROFOR forces for the parliamentary delegation.490 The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the RH sent a similar letter to the BH Embassy asking the authorities of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to provide the necessary assistance during the delegations stay in the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.491 With the same intention and on the same day, 30 April 1993, the state delegations of Turkey and the Republic of Croatia (led by the Turkish Prime Minister Suleyman DEMIREL and the President of the RH Franjo TU\MAN) signed a Joint Declaration on the Crisis in the Former Yugoslavia.492 The Declaration includes the following statement: Turkey and Croatia are two countries in this region with a
487 488

Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 348-349; (3D00320). Ibid., p. 349; (3D00320). 489 Official Gazette of the RH, Zagreb, no. 43/1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 351; (3D00320). 490 www.slobodanpraljak.com 491 www.slobodanpraljak.com 492 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 352-353; (3D00320).

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special interest in preserving peace and stability and in promoting the spirit of cooperation. Turkey and Croatia share the view that the causes of the crisis in the region are militant nationalistic expansionism and racist policies, whose aim is to create a Greater Serbia. Both countries strongly condemn continued aggression by the SR /Federal Republic of/ Yugoslavia They strongly condemn the shocking practice of genocidal ethnic cleansing.493 Also, both countries have agreed to set up a joint government mission of good will that would be sent to Bosnia and Herzegovina, but they believe that the international community shall have no other choice but to impose peace through credible and effective military measures, to be decided by the UN Security Council.494 III. 1.4 New Dissent (May October 1993)

Despite the attempts by different participants and a relative calming of the situation, in some localities clashes soon again broke out between the Muslims/Bosniaks and the Croats. Due to this on 10 May 1993 the President of the RH sent a public message to Alija IZETBEGOVI] and Mate BOBAN. The Message first lists the agreements that have been signed, and the actions taken by the RH to stop the clashes. It was pointed out that the multi-party delegation of the Croatian Assembly has as yet not been able to visit the crisis area, adding the following: Yesterday, 9 May 1993, I agreed with Mr. [efko OMERBA[I], President of the Meshihat of the Islamic Community of Croatia and Slovenia, that he join the group of Croatian representatives and go to BH, also with the task of acting in the interest of the establishment of peace and cooperation between Croats and Muslims.495 The Message went to on state the following: I most strongly condemn the armed conflicts between Croats and Muslims in BH, irrespective of which party has caused them.496 TU\MAN in particular appealed to all Muslims who have been offered protection and asylum in Croatia during this aggression to influence their compatriots to refrain from any conflicts with Croats and to ensure their mutual cooperation, and also all Croats in Bosnia-Herzegovina not to allow themselves to be fooled by provocations and to do their best to avoid this highly detrimental conflict. Lastly, he called upon Alija IZETBEGOVI] and Mate BOBAN to immediately order all /their/ commanders and units to end all conflicts without any delay and to start cooperation in the spirit of the agreements and statements already signed.497 A day later the Presidential Defence and National Security Council in the RH issued a similar statement from its session.498 Then on 12 May 1993 the President of the RH sent a letter to the UN Secretary General which was focused on the problem of reintegration of the occupied parts of the RH, but under a separate item of this document a request was also made to set up international observers on the borders between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina which are adjecent to the UN Protected Areas in order to prevent military activities against these two republics.499
493 494

Ibid., p. 352; (3D00320). Ibid., p. 353; (3D00320). 495 Ve~ernji list, 11 May 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 359-360; (3D00320). 496 Ibid., p. 360; (3D00320). 497 Ibid., p. 360; (3D00320). 498 Vjesnik, 12 May 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 364-365; (3D00320). 499 Ve~ernji list, 13 May 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 369-372; (3D00320).

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One of the most severe letters addressed to the RH (regarding BH) by the international community is a letter sent on 12 May 1993 to the President of the RH by the Chairman of the EU Council of Ministers (Niels HELVEG).500 The letter also states that the EU and its member states are shocked by the constant Croatian attacks and violence against the Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina Moreover, reports indicating Croatias direct involvement in the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina are alarming.501 The letter ended on an even more severe and direct note, indicating that the EU and its member states ask for a swift, clear and concrete manifestation which would clearly show that the Croatian leadership is not only doing everything in its power to stop the bloodshed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but is also succeeding in doing so.502 Franjo TU\MAN sent an extensive reply to this letter a day later (13 May 1993). First it listed seven concrete actions (or documents) in which the institutions of the RH, using the options available to them, participated in the attempts to stop the ongoing conflicts between the Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats in BH. Then it was pointed out to Niels HELVEG that in his letter he makes no distinction between the Republic of Croatia and the Croats living in BH, and that the RH cannot be responsible for all the developments or possible atrocities committed in the territory of another sovereign state, and that Croatia can by no means be held responsible for acts committed in a foreign territory by persons who are not Croatian nationals.503 At the end of the letter Franjo TU\MAN was also severe, saying that he was surprised by the new legal standard introduced in international law by the European Community, and asked how could anyone blame Croatia for not doing everything it could to stop the bloodshed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, if he is aware of the facts mentioned in this letter? It would be very hard to apply the standard of evaluating how honest and appropriate the efforts made are in terms of how successful they have been to the activities of the United Nations and the European Community in the crisis in the area of the former Yugoslavia without reaching very interesting conclusions.504 In a letter sent by the Ministry of Defence of the RH to the Government of BH, the Government of the RH also responded extensively to a number of misunderstandings and doubts which had appeared at the time in relations between the RH and BH. The letter indicates the principal starting points in the relation of the RH toward BH and the concrete facts which refute the suspicions regarding the relation of the state of the RH toward the state of BH, ending with the following conclusion: We sincerely hope that you will stop making such false accusations which divert attention from the war in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia, and from aggression aimed at creating a Greater Serbia, which stands to benefit from your approach. Only its absolute defeat will make peace possible in the area of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and throughout the former Yugoslavia.505 On 25 June 1993 the President of the RH sent a letter to the Presidency of BH, stating as follows: The Croatian public has been greatly outraged and alarmed by the
500 501

Vjesnik, 14 May 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 373-374; (3D00320). Ibid., p. 373; (3D00320). 502 Ibid., p. 374; (3D00320). 503 Vjesnik, 14 May 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 375-377; (3D00320). 504 Ibid., p. 377; (3D00320). 505 Glas Slavonije (daily newspaper), Osijek, 19 May 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 378-380; (3D00320).

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conflict between the HVO and BH Army which degenerated into open aggression and misdeeds by the Muslim forces against the Croatian people.506 The letter then points out that The authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina freely hold sessions in Zagreb; representatives of these authorities move freely throughout the Republic of Croatia, disregarding basic international rules on announcing and seeking permission for their activities on the territory of another sovereign state; and in many places in Croatia, numerous different offices and logistical centres of political organisations and the military are in operation, and are committing crimes and aggression against the Croatian people Due to this, if the aggression and crimes are not halted immediately, the Republic of Croatia will seriously re-examine its overall policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina.507 On 4 August 1993 the President of the Presidency of BH sent an interesting letter to the President of the RH proposing for adoption a number of proposals regarding the internal organisation of BH for the Croatian people in BH.508 The President of the RH soon replied, and the most important point he made was this: The State of Croatia will welcome and support any initiative that is aimed at achieving close cooperation between the Muslim and Croatian constituent entities in the future Union of Republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but this agreement should be reached by the leaderships and legitimate representatives of these republics.509 On 6 September 1993 the President of the RH sent a letter to the President of the HRHB, Mate BOBAN, which includes the following statement: I urge you to condemn all violations of the international law of war and humanitarian law in the strongest possible terms and do everything necessary in the Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna to ensure the immediate humane treatment of detainees in detention centres in accordance with humanitarian law and the Geneva Conventions ... to see to it that the International Committee of the Red Cross is granted free access, wherever this has not yet been done I appeal to you once more not to allow any kind of obstructions to the delivery of humanitarian aid to all those in need At the same time I also call on all the warring sides in Bosnia and Herzegovina to do the same.510 After the news on the crime committed against Muslims/Bosniaks in Stupni Dol was widely covered in the international media, in late October 1993 both the President of the RH and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RH strongly condemned all the crimes regardless of the perpetrators, but they also stated that the international public must be informed that simultaneous crimes against the Croats do not cause such media attention or concern of political circles, and therefore one could conclude that there are double standards and that such an approach in establishing the responsibility of the individual sides to the conflict is not helping the establishment of a just peace in the area of BH.511

Vjesnik, 26 June 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 402-403; (3D00320). Also, see Slobodan Praljak, Zloini koje su poinili neki pripadnici A BiH (muslimanske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2006. And Slobodan Praljak: Sruene i oteene katolike crkve i vjerski objekti u Bosni i Hercegovini u ratu 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. 507 Ibid., pp. 402 and 403; for example, at that time (11 July 1993) the Presidency of BH held its session in Zagreb; (3D00320). 508 Vjesnik, 8 August 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 417-418; (3D00320). 509 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 419; (3D00320). 510 Ve~ernji list, 7 September 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 432-433; (3D00320). 511 Novi list (daily newspaper), Rijeka, 31 October 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 489-490; (3D00320).

506

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As a result, Croatia asked that that all those who committed crimes in BH be brought to justice, but it added that it also expects the international community and the International War Crimes Tribunal to shed light on all the crimes committed in the territory of the Republic of Croatia.512 Although disagreements appeared in this period in the relations between the states of the RH and BH, neither the RH nor BH (government institutions) did not at any point say or indicate in any other appropriate way that the RH and BH were involved in an armed conflict against each other or a conflict which could be described as such. The fact that there was no armed conflict between the RH and BH is even more evident if we examine the concrete relation of the RH toward the state of BH, particularly regarding the arming of the BH Army, and organising and training of BH Army units in the territory of the RH, which will be discussed in more detail in the following sections of this expert report. III. 1.5 The Process of Establishing Full Cooperation (November 1993-1995)

The first indication that agreements on full military and political cooperation will be reached later between the RH and the BH Army appeared as early as in midSeptember 1993 during a stay in Geneva at a session of the MKBJ /International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia/, when the so-called Secret Agreement on Confederation between the RH and BH was reached between Franjo TU\MAN and Alija IZETBEGOVI]. The Agreement is very brief, outlines the principles and states that accord has been reached to develop relations in all areas between the BosnianMuslim republic and the Croatian republic within the Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the aim of forming a common state which will simultaneously enter into a confederate relation with the Republic of Croatia.513 In early November 1993 when the Geneva Convention and other international attempts came to a standstill, the President of the RH presented a proposal for a peace initiative which involved a comprehensive solution to the problems in the RH and in the R BH. Franjo TU\MANs main motive was most probably to resolve the most vital problem of the RH, i.e. reintegration of the occupied part of the territory of the RH, because at the time this problem was of secondary importance for the international community in relation to the problem of the R BH. Therefore Franjo TU\MANs proposal first includes an elaborate peace plan proposal for the RH, followed by a brief peace plan proposal for the R BH.514 Neither of the peace proposals contained any major new solutions, rather they restored parts of the peace documents formerly issued or proposed, which needed a firmer support of the international community. A special aspect of Franjo TU\MANs peace proposal for the RH was contained in the following very compromise proposal: The Croatian Government is willing to conclude within 15 days an agreement on the cessation of all hostilities with the representatives of local Serbs, giving them guarantees of local and cultural autonomy.515 The next peace proposal which Franjo TU\MAN presented on 10 January 1994 in Bonn was related only to the R BH. It involved a detailed draft Contract Agreement on Establishing a Permanent and Coherent Peace between the Croatian and Bosniak- Muslim Peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Grounds for Future Co512 513

Ibid., p. 490; (3D00320). Ve~ernji list, 30 January 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 439; (3D00320). 514 Vjesnik, 3 November 1993; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 493-497; (3D00320). 515 Ibid., p. 493; (3D00320).

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existence.516 The starting point for the proposal was the fact that considering their territorial links, historical experiences and common strategic interests, co-existence on friendly terms between the Croatian and the Bosniak-Muslim peoples in the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina is a historical necessity.517 On 2 February 1994 the Chamber of Deputies of the Assembly of the RH issued a Resolution on Foreign Policy, reaffirming once again Croatias decisiveness and commitment to reaching a permanent peace, security and stability in these areas primarily by political means.518 This Resolution also expressed regret that the peace proposals for the R BH which were current at the time did not bear fruit and clearly stated: If the Muslim forces do not stop the offensive in Central Bosnia, the Chamber of Deputies of the Croatian Assembly believes that the Government and the President of the Republic should review and re-examine the current state of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.519 On 5 February 1994 the Presidential Defence and National Security Council adopted conclusions which mainly referred to the situation in BH, including as follows: The Council reiterates that Croatia allowed up to 2,000 volunteers, originally from BH, to leave the Republic of Croatia in order to help their compatriots in Bosnia protect themselves from aggression and ethnic cleansing Regarding the allegations that regular units of the Croatian Army are in central and southern Bosnia Croatia is already not only expressing readiness but also requesting that the actual situation be internationally monitored.520 On 10 February 1994 in Geneva the President of the Government of BH and Minister of Internal Affairs of the RH issued a Joint Statement which included the following: The two sides agreed that the commanders of the HVO and the BH Army meet in the next seven days in order to concretise the reached agreement on absolute ceasefire.521 In accordance with this, on 23 February 1994 in Zagreb the Commanders in Chief of the HVO and the BH Army signed a Ceasefire Agreement stipulating immediate and full cessation of hostilities which shall take effect on 25 February.522 Negotiations were held after this under the auspices of the US and on 1 March 1994 the so-called Washington Agreements were signed which also included a document called Draft Preliminary Agreement between the Republic of Croatia and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.523 The Draft states as follows: It is expected that a Confederation will be established between the Republic of Croatia and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina The steps toward the establishment of the Confederation shall be as follows: (1) Preliminary Agreement, which shall be concluded as soon as possible, and (2) Final Agreement.524 The Draft also called for the establishment of a customs and monetary union and a defence agreement in the Confederation.

Vjesnik, 11 January 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 503-509; (3D00320). Ibid., p. 504; (3D00320). 518 Vjesnik, 3 February 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 512-514; (3D00320). 519 Ibid., p. 513; (3D00320). 520 Vjesnik, 6 February 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 515-518; (3D00320). 521 Vjesnik, 11 February 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 523; (3D00320). 522 Ve~ernji list, 24 February 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 524-525; (3D00320). 523 Slobodna Dalmacija, 5 March 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 538-539; (3D00320). 524 Ibid., p. 538; (3D00320).
517

516

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On 1 March 1994 in Washington a document was signed entitled Agreement between the Republic of Croatia and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina on Access to the Adriatic Sea through the area of the Republic of Croatia, stating that it is considered desirable that the Federation has safe and unlimited access to the Adriatic Sea, and that Croatia would lease to the Federation, while this Agreement is in effect, a portion of the land inside the port of Plo~e.525 Since the Washington Agreements were issued suddenly and most probably at the dictate of the US, and they crucially modified the constitutional definitions of the position of the RH (for which the signatories on behalf of the RH were not authorised), as early as on 3 March 1994 the President of the RH addressed the public via national television regarding the signing of the Washington Agreement.526 The speech was very long and full of vague phrases which were unconvincingly used to try to justify the manner and content of the signed agreements. Thus it contained the following statements: this agreement has farreaching, even crucial historical significance As a result of the principled and consistent nature of our policy in that sense, Croatia was gradually winning the favour and full guarantees of the most responsible international factors for the security of its country and future of the Croatian people The implementation of the Washington Agreement will ensure the survival and future of the Croatian people This confederate union will be based on common interests in developing comprehensive relations in all areas Croats must realise that such a solution is historically necessary and purposeful and it all bears evidence that our consistent government policy is correct and purposeful Let us be proud of the results achieved and new open perspectives, but also aware of the obligations and the difficulty of the tasks before us in the new more favourable international circumstances!527 In accordance with the Washington Agreements (Framework Agreement on the Federation in BH and Draft Preliminary Agreement on Confederation between the RH and the F BH /Federation of BH/) on 12 March 1994 in Split military representatives of the BH Army and the HVO (General Rasim DELI] and General Ante Zorislav ROSO) signed an agreement for transition period on the principles which will constitute the bases for the future military agreements.528 This Agreement first accepted the principles from the Framework Agreement (the current command structures shall remain, forces shall immediately be separated from each other), and then a number of other corresponding principles were worked out. The most important points of the agreement referred to merging the BH Army and the HVO into a Federation Army, and for a transformation process, it was agreed that a parity joint staff will be established which will organise military districts under its jurisdiction, each of which will have operative control over all the BH Army and HVO units in its district.529 Then on 26 March 1994 in Sarajevo the Commanders of the BH Army ([VK /Supreme Command Staff/ Commander, Army General Rasim DELI]) and the HVO (Chief of the HVO Main Staff, Colonel General Ante Zorislav ROSO) signed an agreement for the transition period on the organisation of a joint staff of the BH Army and the HVO which will comprise five officers from each side, who will be
525 526

Vjesnik, 4 March 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 540-542; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 4 March 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 543-547; (3D00320). 527 Ibid. 528 Croatian State Archives 529 Ibid.

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appointed within five days by the Commanders of the BH ARMY and the CROATIAN DEFENCE COUNCIL.530 The Agreement also stipulated the following: The current organisation and method of unit command of the BH Army and the HVO is hereby adopted, and The existing situation regarding the zones of responsibility of the BH Army Corps Commands and the command districts of the Croatian Defence Council are hereby adopted,531 thereby verifying once again the military organisation which was in place and the military situation which the BH Army and the HVO had achieved up to that point. The duration of the transition period was specified descriptively, i.e. the Agreement shall be in effect until the transition period ends and changes are introduced by the organisation of the FEDERAL ARMY ARMY OF THE FEDERATION, which shall be established and organised after the Constitution of the Federation is examined and appropriate decisions are adopted by the highest state organs and the Ministry of Defence.532 On the same day (26 March 1994) Generals Rasim DELI] and Ante Zorislav ROSO issued a joint order (comprising 10 items) for the BH Army Corps Commands and the HVO Military Districts.533 In the order they proceeded from the Zagreb and the Split Agreements, considering the results achieved in effecting the cessation of combat operations between the HVO units and the BH Army, in order to enable free movement on some roads, unhindered passage of humanitarian convoys and establishment of normal living conditions for the population.534 A few months later, on 17 August 1994, a secret meeting was held in Hrasnica near Sarajevo between the highest representatives of the Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian structures in BH,535 in order to examine to what extent the current agreements have been implemented and what joint actions must be taken to overcome the weaknesses detected.536 Thirteen joint conclusions were adopted after a debate at the meeting. The first and basic conclusion was as follows: In the implementation of the agreements signed so far, the goals set have mainly been achieved, in the military field more than in others.537 Item eight reads as follows: Cooperation of the HVO and Army (BH ARMY, authors note) with the Serbo-Chetniks must be stopped at once.538 Item 12 of the conclusions was particularly important, stating as follows: Conditions for a joint army are currently not in place, but we can aim at coordinating combat operations against the Serbo-Chetnik aggressor. In certain areas we must aim at joint actions which will be planned by the ZS (joint staff) in cooperation with the GS HVO /Croatian Defence Council Main Staff/ and the [VKA /Army Supreme
The document is kept in the Croatian State Archives and entitled Ustrojstvo zdru`enog sto`era i zadaci /The Organisation of the Joint Staff and Tasks/. 531 Ibid., items 3 and 5. 532 Ibid., items 3 and 6. 533 The document is kept in the Croatian State Archives. 534 Ibid., chapter Commands. 535 The following persons were present on the Muslim/Bosniak side: Alija IZETBEGOVI, Haris SILAJDI (President of the Government of the R BH and President of the Government of the F BH), Ejup GANI (member of the Presidency of the R BH and Vice President of the F BH), Rasim DELI (BH Army VK Commander) and General Sulejman VRANJ. The following persons were present on the Croatian side: Kreimir ZUBAK (President of the Presidential Council of the HRHB and President of the F BH), Jadranko PRLI (Prime Minister of the HRHB and Minister of Defence of the F BH), General Tihomir BLAKI (Chief of the HRHB HVO Main Staff) and Brigadier Ivan KOLAK. 536 The document is kept in the Croatian State Archives, p. 1. 537 Ibid., p. 2. 538 Ibid., p. 2.
530

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Command Staff/.539 It is interesting that the conclusions also state as follows: The proposal for the organisation of the BH Federation Army was sent by the GS HVO. The proposal of the [VKA will be sent to the Federation MO (Ministry of Defence, authors note) after the debate at the BH Presidency.540 In the part of the Washington Agreements which referred to the establishment of a confederation between the BH Federation (F BH) and the RH, military and political events evolved in different directions from the ones which had been agreed on and the provisions on the Confederation slowly faded away, despite the fact that a new round of Washington documents was signed on 18 March 1994,541 and the fact that on 22 July 1995 a Declaration on the Implementation of the Washington Agreements, Joint Defence from Serbian aggression and Finding a Political Solution in Accordance with the Efforts of the International Community was signed in Split between the RH, R BH and F BH.542 Very soon the decline of the idea of the Confederation became evident on the bilateral level of relations as well between the RH and BH. For instance, in a letter which Alija IZETBEGOVI] sent to Franjo TU\MAN on 30 April 1994,543 and also in Franjo TU\MANs reply (2 May 1994),544 in which no particular concern is expressed due to the delayed implementation of the agreement on the Confederation. Furthermore, in September 1994 top (and large) delegations of the Republic of Croatia, Republic of BH and Federation of BH led by Franjo TU\MAN and Alija IZETBEGOVI] met in Zagreb for a two-day session, and on 14 September 1994 they published a Joint Statement, in which the delegations expressed their common and unquestionable political will to implement the Washington Agreement consistently and fully.545 But in the conclusions on the relations between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina it is only mentioned at the end that a joint group made up of national television broadcasters must be appointed which will produce a joint programme or broadcast through which they will inform the public once a week on the development of relations and cooperation, and on the development of the Federation and establishment of confederate relations. Generally speaking, the success of the Washington Agreements was most rapidly and clearly evident in the military operations. In early November 1994 the HVO freed a very important area of the Kupres plateau and its surrounding area totalling around 600 km2, and at the same time the BH Army freed the area southwest of Bugojno. After that, on 13 November 1994, a meeting was held in Kre{evo between the representatives of the HVO and the BH Army led by the President of the BH Federation, Mr Kre{imir ZUBAK, and the Vice President of the BH Federation, Mr Ejup GANI].546 Joint conclusions were adopted at the meeting, among which the first and the ninth (last) figure prominently.
Ibid., p. 3. Ibid., p. 3. 541 Sporazum izmeu Federacije BiH i Republike Hrvatske kojim se Hrvatskoj jami slobodan prolaz podrujem Federacije /The Agreement between the BH Federation and the Republic of Croatia guaranteeing Croatia free passage through the area of the Federation/ see M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 553-554; (3D00320). 542 Vjesnik, 24 July 1995; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 614-616; (3D00320). 543 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 576-577; (3D00320). 544 Ve~ernji list, 3 May 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 578; (3D00320). 545 Vjesnik, 16 September 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 598-602; (3D00320). 546 The document is kept in the Croatian State Archives.
540 539

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The first states as follows: Joint actions of the Army and the HVO in the operation to free Kupres were of great military and political significance in terms of encouraging more rapid and efficient resolution of all the other matters and problems which are present in the relations between the Army and the HVO. At a special meeting the Army Commander and the Chief of the GS HVO will reach an agreement on combining Army and HVO operations at the operative and tactical level.547 The ninth conclusion reads as follows: In the planning and implementation of joint combat operations and resolving all other problems and matters it will be taken into account that after the territory of the Federation of BH is liberated the HVO wants to proceed with operations until all the territory of the Republic of BH is finally liberated.548 By mid-December 1994 the HVO liberated a part of the area in the direction of Glamo~ and Bosansko Grahovo (western part of BH). At the same time Serbian units from the occupied parts of the RH (the area under the control of UNPROFOR) helped Fikret ABDI]s army to push the 5th Corps of the BH Army and capture Velika Kladu{a (in north-western BH), bringing the humanitarian catastrophe in the international (UN) Biha} safe area to a culmination. It is important to note that as early as mid-November 1994 Alija IZETBEGOVI] sent a letter to Franjo TU\MAN informing him of military attacks on the UN Biha} safe area from the occupied areas of the RH (which were under the control of the international peacekeeping forces), and asked that in the spirit of the provisions of international law, without delay, take all the necessary measures to prevent attacks on Bosnia and Herzegovina from the territory of your country.549 An agreement on ceasefire in BH was signed on 23 December 1994 in Sarajevo by Alija IZETBEGOVI] and General Rasim DELI] on one side and Radovan KARAD@I] and General Ratko MLADI] on the other side,550 and on 12 January 1995, also in Sarajevo, Generals Tihomir BLA[KI], Rasim DELI] and Ratko MLADI] signed an agreement on cessation of hostilities in BH.551 However these agreements did not result in a cessation of armed conflicts, on the contrary, it was becoming more and more evident that peace will be possible only after Serbian aggression was defeated militarily. The Plan in Nine Points for Support of the Federation of BH,552 adopted on 5 February 1995 in Mnchen by member countries of the Contact Group, must also be interpreted in that sense. The Plan also specifies that the US will send a senior retired officer to help in the integration of federal military institutions.553 During the first half of 1995 military and political events in the area of the RH and the R BH were becoming more and more interconnected, both regarding military operations and from the position of the political negotiating process led by the international community, with which they attempted to reach an integral solution for peace-enforcement in the area of the former Yugoslavia. In a rapid military operation (so-called Flash /Bljesak/) in early May 1995 the Croatian Army (HV) freed 600 km2 of territory in western Slavonia, and then from 4 to 11 June 1995 the HV and HVO freed a number of strategic mountaintops in the
547 548

Ibid., p. 1. Ibid., pp. 2-3; cf. article Kupres je samo prvi korak /Kupres is only a first step/ in Kronologija rata, p. 426. 549 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 606; (3D00320). 550 Vjesnik, 24 December 1994; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, p. 607; (3D00320). 551 Ve~ernji list, 13 January 1995; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 608-609; (3D00320). 552 Document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 610-611; (3D00320). 553 Ibid., p. 611.

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border area between the western R BH and the RH. Then the Serbian army committed a mass crime in the international (UN) Srebrenica safe area, and fiercely attacked the Biha} safe area which was being defended by besieged and exhausted BH Army and HVO units. In such circumstances, on 20 July 1995, the BH Army Commander, Army General Rasim DELI] sent an appeal to the HV and HVO on behalf of the BH Army General Staff, asking for direct assistance for the BH Army 5th Corps in the defence of the free territory of the Biha} area. DELI] proposed that the HVO and HV also provide assistance in the following way: by continuing offensive operations and exploiting the success achieved on the axis toward Bosansko Grahovo and Glamo~ (in BH, authors note), and possibly starting offensive operations on the Sinj Vrlika Knin axis (in the RH, authors note), and also on the Karlovac Vojni} Petrova Gora axis (in the RH, authors note). The unusual type of salute with which General Rasim DELI] ended the appeal indicates the gravity of the situation at the time and the particular importance of the Biha} area: Death to fascism and Chetniks freedom to the Bosniak and Croatian peoples. Long live the Republic/Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Long live the Republic of Croatia.554 A day later (21 July 1995) Franjo TU\MAN and the President of the Republic of Turkey, Sulejman DEMIREL, met on Brijuni (in the RH) and issued a Joint Statement.555 In the Statement they strongly condemned the newest offensives and invasion of the United Nations safe areas in BH by the Bosnian Serbs They also condemned the attacks by the Croatian Serbs on areas in BH The two Presidents are dismayed by the lack of will of the international community to take appropriate measures to prevent and alleviate the current very dangerous developments They repeated their conviction that Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina as the victims of aggression have a right to defend themselves. They reiterated their conviction that the gravity of the situation reaffirms the need for direct and full implementation of the Washington Agreements They called on the Contact Group to take concrete and resolute measures to prevent further Serbian aggression.556 The next day (22 July 1995) in Split the delegations of the RH (led by Franjo TU\MAN), R BH (led by Alija IZETBEGOVI]) and F BH (led by Kre{imir ZUBAK) adopted the Declaration on the Implementation of the Washington Agreements, Joint Defence against Serbian Aggression and Reaching a Political Solution in accordance with the Efforts of the International Community.557 As a result of this Declaration (the so-called Split Declaration) the highest levels of military and political cooperation was achieved between the states of the RH and R BH in defence against Serbian armed aggression, and the successful military operations that were carried out in the next few months made possible the signing of the so-called Dayton Peace Agreement. In the Split Declaration an agreement was also reached regarding the continuation of cooperation and permanent coordination of defence activities between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Arrangements for cooperation were made between the Croatian Army Main Staff and the Joint Staff of the BH Army and the HVO in order to coordinate defence activities in the field of command, logistics,

554 555

The document is kept in the Croatian State Archives. Vjesnik, 22 July 1995; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 612-613; (3D00320). 556 Ibid. 557 Vjesnik, 24 July 1995; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 614-616; (3D00320).

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military-industrial production, communication systems, IT and analytical needs and other fields.558 Once full security cooperation was achieved between the RH and the R BH, by late (25-20) July 1995, the HVO freed the strategically important towns of Bosansko Grahovo and Glamo~, and in early (4-10) August 1995, in the greatest liberating operation (so-called Operation Storm /Oluja/) the HV swiftly freed approximately 11,000 km2 of occupied territory of the RH, and prevented a humanitarian catastrophe in the UN Biha} safe area. As early as 7 August 1995 the Commander of the BH Army General Staff (General Rasim DELI]) sent a confidential letter to the Chief of the HV Main Staff (General Zvonimir ^ERVENKO) congratulating him personally and on behalf of BH Army members on successful operations carried out by the Croatian Army in liberating the occupied areas of the Republic of Croatia, expressing satisfaction that there has been a high degree of coordination between the units of the BH Army 5th Corps, the HVO and the HV, and remarking that it has been once again demonstrated that we can defeat the common aggressor militarily through absolute mutual trust and coordinated action.559 By mid-September 1995, in additional liberating operations (so-called operation Breeze /Maestral/), the HV, HVO and BH Army freed approximately 2,000 km2 of territory in central and western parts of the R BH (Drvar, [ipovo, Jajce, Donji Vakuf, Bosanski Petrovac). After that, from 22 to 24 September 1995, work teams fortified the positions reached by the Croatian forces and the Army, mapped the area and both sides signed, and on 25 September 1995 representatives of the Croatian forces (HV and HVO) and the BH Army met in Novi Travnik and compiled a protocol, arranging the following: Operation Commanders, Colonel General Ante GOTOVINA and Brigadier General Vahid KARAVELI] will make a draft of the basic idea for further b/d (combat operations, authors note) and send it to the Leadership by 1200 hours on 30 September 1995.560 Based on this, on 5 October 1995 a meeting was held in Zagreb between the HV (Minister of Defence of the RH, Gojko [U[AK; Generals: Zvonimir ^ERVENKO, Ante GOTOVINA, Mirko NORAC and Mladen MAREKOVI], and Colonel Dunja ZLOI]-GOTOVINA), HVO (Minister of Defence of the HRHB, Vladimir [OLJI], and General Tihomir BLA[KI]) and the BH Army (Minister of Foreign Affairs of the R BH, Muhamed [A]IRBEJ; Generals: Rasim DELI], Mehmed ALAGI], Vahid KARAVELI] and Ferid BULJUBA[I]). Conclusions were adopted at the meeting regarding cooperation in the upcoming military operation561 (so-called Ju`ni potez /Southern Stretch/), in which, by mid-October 1995, the HV, BH Army and HVO exacted new extensive defeats against the Serbian army in central and north-western R BH, and the occupational Serbian system of government in the R BH was on the brink of total collapse. However, the great liberating progression of joint Muslim/Bosniak and Croatian forces, which was supposed to reverse the conquests resulting from Serbian

558 559

Ibid., item 1. Croatian State Archives. 560 www.slobodanpraljak.com: Document entitled Protocol, which was sent as strictly confidential to the MORH /Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Croatia/ by the Security Sector of the Ministry of Defence of the HRHB (No. 02-09-95-01-1534/95) on 26 September 1995. 561 Files of General Slobodan Praljak: MORH (S)-2-431.

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armed aggression against the R BH, was stopped by the imposition of a hasty truce and peace talks under international sponsorship.562 Thus the talks in Dayton (US) resulted in the so-called Dayton Peace Agreements563 adopted on 21 November 1995 in Dayton and finally signed on 14 December in Paris which stopped the war in BH and verified the situation as it was at the time (status quo), which was the result of the Serbian armed aggression and numerous Serbian war crimes committed in the R BH. Thereby, with the international verification, the notorious Republika Srpska also survived. The Dayton Peace Agreements also somewhat amended the Washington Agreements, so that in relations between the RH and the R BH the provisions regarding the establishment of a confederation were not kept in, rather the Agreement on the Establishment of a Joint Council for Cooperation between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic and Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was signed.564

562

See Kronologija rata, p. 530 (Primirje spasilo Banja Luku /Truce Saved Banja Luka/) and p. 535 (Zakulisne igre oko Daytona /Backstage manoeuvring around Dayton/). 563 See documents in M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 628-690; (3D00320). 564 Ve~ernji list, 15 December 1995; document taken from M. Tu|man, Istina, pp. 689-690; (3D00320).

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III 2 REFUGEES III 2.1. Introductory Remarks

Among the numerous negative effects caused by Serbian armed aggression against the RH and BH (1990 1995) one which is especially negative is the problem of expelled persons and refugees, who appeared in vast numbers and to a particularly large extent in relation to the total population of the RH. The cause of such a large number of expelled persons and refugees in the RH lies primarily in the fact that Serbian armed aggression relied on systematic implementation of ethnic cleansing in large parts of the territory of the RH and the R BH. Thus all the numerical data on the expelled persons and refugees from the area of the RH and the R BH, and their temporal pattern, spatial arrangement, stratification and the care provided for them represent one of the most exact factual and interpretative indicators of the events in that area from 1990 to 1995. In other words, these indicators clearly show the war objectives of individual participants (state, nation, institutions, leaderships) and the methods used to implement them. Also, what with the existing stereotypes, confusion and ignorance regarding the provision of the basic answers to the question who was the aggressor and who was the victim in the area of the former Yugoslavia? the indicators referring to expelled persons and refugees are the least susceptible to subjective interpretation and therefore the least questionable. On the other hand, the humanitarian crises involving expelled persons and refugees in the RH and the R BH required years of the greatest possible financial and organisational efforts, first of all on the part of the RH and then international humanitarian organisations (especially UNHCR). Also, since the effects of this crisis still have not nearly been repaired (restored to their initial state), the effects regarding expelled persons and refugees represent the greatest and longest-lasting negative consequence of Serbian armed aggression against the RH and the R BH, and thereby also the greatest failure of all the international and domestic institutions which have a humanitarian and humanistic purpose. Finally, the indicators regarding expelled persons and refugees also have the greatest possible value, in every respect, for objective understanding of the basic theme of this work and the entire expert report. III 2.2. Refugees and Expelled Persons565 in the Republic of Croatia

The first large groups of refugees in the RH, resulting from Serbian armed aggression, appeared in the first half of 1991 and around the middle of that year there were around 30,000 of them. In January 1992 the number of expelled persons in the RH was approximately at 700,000 (including the expelled persons who left Croatia as refugees and went to

The term expelled persons implies expelled persons who remained in the territory of the same (their own) state, while refugees are expelled persons who have left the territory of their state. The information and numerical indicators regarding expelled persons and refugees in the RH listed in this part of the expert report were taken from Progonstvo i povratak, Ivan Rogi} et al., Zagreb, 1995; cf. Narodne novine (Official Gazette of the RH), 92/1998, Zagreb, 7 July 1998, pp. 2120-2127.

565

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other countries). This means that by the end of 1991 over 15% of the population of Croatia (in accordance with the census of 1991) were expelled persons. A list of all expelled persons in the RH was compiled in April 1992 and it included 247,278 persons, which means that the number of expelled persons had decreased in a few months because after the truce for the territory of the RH was signed (2 January 1992) a large part of the expelled persons returned to the unoccupied parts of the RH. In April 1992, in addition to the existing crisis involving expelled persons, a refugee crisis also started in the RH because by that time 187,000 persons arrived in the RH as refugees from the R BH. In as early as May 1992 around 100,000 new refugees arrived in the RH from the R BH. The number of refugees from the R BH continued to grow and in August 1992 the Government of the RH appealed to the European countries to receive Bosnian refugees because it is no longer able to accommodate them on its own.566 Although part of the refugees from the R BH who were accommodated in Croatia (together with the new refugees from the R BH who were passing through Croatia) were going to third countries, nevertheless in late 1992 the number of refugees from the R BH accommodated in Croatia grew to 402,000. In addition, since 260,705 expelled persons were also accommodated in Croatia at the time, this was the culmination of the humanitarian crisis (involving refugees and expelled persons) in the RH. During the first half of 1993 the wave of refugees from the R BH was less strong, and a part of the refugees from the R BH accommodated in Croatia were leaving for third countries, together with a part of the new refugees who were also passing through Croatia on their way from the R BH to third countries. A part of the refugees from the R BH returned to the R BH. The list of refugees in April 1993 established that 269,005 of them were accommodated in Croatia at the time. In the second half of 1993 the wave of refugees from the R BH in Croatia increased (mostly Croats from the central R BH) as a result of clashes between Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats. At the end of 1993 these refugee movements resulted in around 270,000 refugees from the R BH being accommodated in Croatia. In addition, in 1992 and 1993 a total of as many as 700,000 refugees from the R BH passed through Croatia on their way to third countries. In 1994 the number of refugees from the western parts of BH in Croatia increased. At the same time, a part of the refugees who were accommodated in Croatia returned to the R BH or went to third countries. According to a census taken in July 1994, 183,038 refugees (and 196,870 expelled persons, totalling 379,809 refugees and expelled persons accommodated in Croatia at the time or 9% in relation to the entire population of the RH) were accommodated in Croatia at the time. Refugee movements in all directions continued throughout 1995, and a census taken in late July 1995 established that 190,772 refugees (and 198,230 expelled persons, which means that a total of 389,002 refugees and expelled persons were being accommodated in Croatia) were accommodated at the time in Croatia. In total, around 600,000 refugees from the R BH were accommodated in Croatia from 1992 to 1995. Of this number, around 425,000 were Muslims/Bosniaks and around 175,000 were Croats from the R BH. When these indicators are compared with some other data in Croatia, then one can fully realise to what a vast extent refugees and expelled persons represented social, economic, security and other types of burden for the RH.
566

Progonstvo i povratak, Ivan Rogi} et al., Zagreb, 1995, p. 51.

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In 1994 in the RH there were around 817,000 retired persons, 243,408 (or 17%) unemployed and only 1,156,000 employed persons. In addition, 300,000 persons in the RH lived in households which had been issued with a welfare card.567 III 2.3. Care Provided by the RH for the Refugees from BH

Under pressure from the growing number of expelled persons, on 23 July 1991 the Government of the RH issued a Decision establishing the Republican Centre for Provision of Care and Aid for Expelled Persons, and on 30 August 1991 the Office for Refugees was established pursuant to a Decision issued by the Government of the RH.568 However, the problem of expelled persons and refugees was becoming bigger and bigger, and on 22 November 1991 the Government of the RH organised a special body, the Government Office for Expelled Persons and Refugees, and issued a Decree on the Status of Expelled Persons and Refugees.569 The Government Office was placed in charge of accommodation, building and additionally constructing accommodation units, sorting, transporting and distributing humanitarian aid, financing accommodation in various buildings and collecting and registering information.570 In addition, the Office coordinated its activities with all the institutions of the RH dealing with expelled persons and refugees and cooperated with the relevant international non-governmental and government organisations. In Croatia the Office directly controlled its territorial network which comprised 21 regional offices and associates in 99 social centres. While its was active, the Office produced and collected a vast number of documents and information on expelled persons and refugees. This material is kept in folders, herbaria and files, which are stored on shelves totalling as much as 921 metres in length.571 Due to their large number, refugees and expelled persons in the RH were accommodated in all the available accommodation units in various areas throughout Croatia; in hotels, sports halls, army barracks, welfare institutions, huts used by construction companies to accommodate their workers, rest homes, kindergartens, schools, hospitals, nuclear shelters, railroad cars, camp grounds, etc. In 19/?9/2 new settlements were built for expelled persons and refugees and buildings were reconstructed to improve the standards for old expelled persons and refugees or to accommodate new arrivals In late 1994 there are (were, authors note) 612 buildings in Croatia where accommodation and/or food for expelled persons and refugees was organised.572 However, in all the listed joint accommodation units in the RH there was room for about 20% of the refugees and expelled persons. Therefore, according to the information from 1994, around 80% of the refugees and expelled persons in the RH were placed in private accommodation (houses, flats, holiday cottages, etc) with families which showed the highest degree of humanity and solidarity by receiving most of the expelled persons and refugees into their homes.573

Data in this paragraph was taken from I. Rogi}, op. cit., p. 50. Narodne novine, Zagreb, 45/91. 569 Ibid., 64/91. 570 I. Rogi}, op. cit., p. 16. 571 See S. Praljak, Pomo Republike Hrvatske Muslimansko-Bonjakom narodu i Armiji Bosne i Hercegovine tijekom 1991.-1995. godine injenice, Zagreb, 2007, pp. 367-370; (3D02633). 572 I. Rogi}, op. cit., p. 54. 573 Ibid., p. 17.
568

567

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Provision of care for the expelled persons in the RH was based on laws which had been issued for that purpose, and care for the refugees was provided in accordance with international conventions on refugees.574 Both expelled persons and refugees in the RH were entitled to provisional accommodation, food, help with social adaptation, childrens education, health care, humanitarian aid and aid for covering the other bare necessities (transport, funeral fees, etc.). The costs of the care provided for a huge number of refugees and expelled persons from 1991 to 1995 were mostly borne by the RH. The King Zvonimir Fund, a central institution for covering the costs of providing care for the expelled persons and refugees receives over 70% of its funds from the Croatian budget, while the other funds come from donations, and in 1994 the costs of accommodation alone for the expelled persons and refugees amounted to around 360 million DM, 78% of which came from the Croatian national budget.575

Ibid., pp. 52-53. Ibid., p. 55. In addition to everything listed, the vast war damage which the RH sustained during Serbian armed aggression must also be taken into account: see Slobodan Praljak, Procjena ratnih {teta u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, 2006.
575

574

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III 3 ARMING AND EQUIPPING OF BH ARMY UNITS III 3.1. Arming and Equipping

Even when the war in the area of the R BH ended, the BH Army was an armed force which was, in every respect and while the war was ongoing, in the process of being established. Due to this the BH Army was constantly faced with a number of basic and atypical problems, and the main problem within this was the lack of weapons, ammunition and all materiel and technical equipment.576 Due to the geopolitical position of the R BH, generally the only way to resolve this problem was through or from the territory of the RH, and that is what happened. Throughout the war in the area of the R BH, the institutions of the RH, particularly the Ministry of Defence of the RH (MORH), were intensively and directly involved in and assisted and approved the process of arming and equipping the BH Army. This cooperation between the institutions of the RH and the R BH in the process of arming the BH Army was also active during the period of partial armed conflicts between Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats. The reasons for this uninterrupted cooperation on part of the RH lie in its strategic interests, one of the main being to defeat Serbian aggression militarily in the area of the R BH because without this defeat it most probably would not be possible to reintegrate the Croatian occupied areas, which was the principal issue for the survival, security and stability of the state of the RH. A vast number of documents at all levels and of various bilateral origin bears evidence to the facts showing cooperation between the states of the RH and R BH regarding the arming of the BH Army (and its predecessors).577 For example, the RH government bodies organised the transport of weapons for the BH Army, from the RH to the R BH, by land and air (helicopters and airplanes).578 Throughout the RH there were as many as 26 points where weapons were loaded for the BH Army and then sent to 12 destinations in the R BH controlled by the BH Army.579 Numerous MORH documents signed by the highest officials, including those from the period of partial armed conflicts between Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats in the R BH (from the final months of 1992 to the initial months of 1994), indicate that weapons, military equipment and food for the BH Army were being sent from the RH. For example, in mid-December 1992 HV Colonel General Ivan ^ERMAK (Assistant Minister of Defence of the RH) issued an order for the Maintenance and Transport Administration of the MORH to issue materiel for the needs of the armed forces of BH, Visoko Logistics Centre.580 In March 1993 Croatian Army (HV) Major General Ivan BASARAC (Chief of Services Administration at the Main Staff of the RH), Mladen VRGOTUK (Chief of Maintenance and Transport Administration of the MORH), HV Colonel General Ivan ^ERMAK and others issued a number of Orders
576 577

J. Divjak, op. cit., p. 191. See web page www.slobodanpraljak.com where around 2,000 documents referring to this topic have been published in digital form; or see around 60 documents published in S. Praljak, Pomo}, pp. 8-89; (3D02633). 578 See S. Praljak, Pomo}, pp. 10-12; (3D02633). 579 See ibid., p. 13; (3D02633). 580 Ibid., p. 16; (3D02633).

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and other documents regarding delivery of weapons and equipment for the needs of the BH Army.581 III 3.2. Logistics Bases for the BH Army in the Territory of the RH

There were a large number of BH Army logistics bases in the area of the RH which also sent weapons and other equipment to BH Army units. In addition, in cooperation with the authorities of the RH or without it, other institutions of the R BH (for example, the Embassy of the R BH in Zagreb) and different organisations and individuals in the area of the RH also sent weapons and military equipment to BH Army units in different areas of the R BH. For example, the document sent on 6 March 1993 by the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, BH Army, Zagreb Logistics Centre, and addressed to the Republic of Croatia, Ministry of Defence, to Colonel Vladimir ZAGORAC personally, includes the following statement: Dear Sir, we hereby send you the list of trucks and drivers who are to collect materiel and technical equipment The materiel and technical equipment under paragraph 1 will be sent to Pazari} and those under paragraph 2 to Grada~ac for the needs of the 1st and 2nd BH Army Corps and the 106th and 107th HVO units. The document is signed BH Army, Zagreb Logistics Centre, Coordinator, Azem KARAMEHMEDOVI].582 A few days later the BH Army, Zagreb Logistics Centre, sent a letter to the MORH stating as follows: Please allow transport of materiel and technical equipment for the needs of the BH Army Visoko Logistics Centre for the following vehicles.583 Documents of the same type were also routinely sent in the following period, which shows that there was systematic cooperation between the BH Army and the MORH regarding the arming and equipping of the BH Army.584 A document of 14 January 1993 bearing the title List of MTS (materiel and technical equipment, authors note) in depots of Lu~ko Air Base (near Zagreb, authors note) belonging to the BH Army 5th Corps, and under supervision of the Biha} District Office based in Zagreb, and a stamp of the Office at the end of the document (Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Biha} District, Zagreb Office) sufficiently illustrates the relationship of the government institutions of the RH towards the BH Army and the state of the R BH.585 A number of documents issued by the Embassy of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Republic of Croatia, from May 1993 to March 1994 (during the fiercest conflicts between Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats), indicate that the Embassy also intensively and freely participated in the arming and equipping of the BH Army from the territory of the RH.586 According to the information in these documents, weapons and ammunition generally arrived in the area of Biha} hidden in UNHCR trucks which were transporting humanitarian aid. Some documents indicate that weapons and equipment were sent by the BH Embassy Military Economic Mission, which was based in Zagreb, Savska cesta 62 E/V. Also, some documents are signed For the Military Attach, Hajrudin OSMANAGI], and some documents bear the following

581 582

Ibid., pp. 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33; (3D02633). Ibid., pp. 25-26; (3D02633). 583 Ibid., p. 29; (3D02633). 584 Ibid., p. 40; (3D02633). 585 Ibid., pp. 51-52; (3D02633). 586 See Ibid., pp. 53, 69, 70, 71, 75, 77, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88; (3D02633).

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stamp at the end: Military Mission of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Republic of Croatia.587 In mid-July 1993, at the request of the Supreme Command Staff of the BH armed forces, the Ministry of Defence of BH appointed (employed) six persons to the Zagreb Military Economic Mission, 21 persons to the Logistics Department of the Supreme Command Staff of the Armed Forces of the R BH in Zagreb and two persons to the Logistics Department of the Supreme Command Staff of the Armed Forces of the R BH in Split.588 The Embassy of the Republic of BH in Zagreb informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the RH of this.589 However, another strictly confidential document from the R BH shows that eight persons had been actually appointed by Order of the Intelligence Administration Strictly Confidential number, and one can only speculate about the reasons.590 The subject of the logistics centres of the R BH in the territory of the RH is still very much open to investigation, and it is therefore not possible to fully reconstruct either the scope of the logistics network of the R BH in the RH or the scope and methods of its operation.591 Some documents show that the Main Staff for Support of BH was also active in the RH, which had Regional Staffs subordinate to it. In a document bearing the coat of arms of the R BH, the Main Staff for Support of BH, Split Regional Staff, sent a letter to the Rijeka Main Staff which reads only as follows: I hereby send for you to see the stamp of the Split Regional Staff and my signature, and bears the signature Staff Commander Senad BI[^EVI] and the Staff stamp.592 In addition, numerous Muslim or Islamic humanitarian ( ) /as printed/ organisations593 and individuals invested with powers594 who were sent to the RH for that purpose by a number of BH Army units and other government institutions of the R BH were also semi-legally active in the RH and involved in different types of logistics and logistics for the BH Army and the Muslim/Bosniak leadership in the R BH. A particularly significant (according to the place of origin indicated) confidential document is one written in Zagreb on 18 February 1993 by the institution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, OS Supreme Command Staff, RV and PVO Administration595 and sent to the Chief of the BH Army Supreme Command Staff. It is evident from item 5 of the document that the Chief of the BH Army RV and PVO Administration, and probably also the Administration itself, were based in Zagreb for months. This document includes the following statement: Two medium-sized Mi-8T transport helicopters were purchased for the needs of the BH Army our crews flew them to Visoko a. (airfield, authors note) The purchase of two more Mi-8T helicopters is under way.596

587 588

See Ibid., pp. 70 and 89; (3D02633). Ibid, pp. 157-158; copy of the document Rje{enje /Decision/; (3D02633). 589 Ibid, pp. 159-160; (3D02633). 590 Ibid, p. 163; (3D02633). 591 Ibid, pp. 177-179, 182, 183-184, 185; (3D02633). 592 Ibid, p. 188; (3D02633). 593 Ibid, pp. 180, 189-197; (3D02633). 594 Ibid, pp. 174, 186, 187; (3D02633). 595 Ibid, p. 35; OS = Armed Forces; RV = Air Force; PVO = Anti-Aircraft Defence ; (3D02633). 596 Ibid; (3D02633).

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III 3.3. HZHB and the HVO and Arming of the BH Army

Due to the territorial development of Serbian armed aggression against the R BH, by far the most secure supply routes from Croatia to central and eastern parts of the R BH (and thereby also of military supply for the BH Army) went through the area of the HZHB (HRHB). A number of documents indicate that this supply for the BH Army went through the area and with the cooperation of the HZHB (HRHB), even at a time when there were armed conflicts going on between Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats at certain localities. A document of the HVO Main Staff of 26 June 1992 issued in Grude (in Herzegovina) shows that in the period before these conflicts the supply for the BH Army through the area of the HZHB went on according to standard procedure. The document is short, bears an HZHB HVO letterhead and the title Permit for Transport of Equipment and Weapons, and reads as follows: Transport of equipment for Pazari} is hereby allowed by this Command Colonel Mustafa POROBI] is responsible for the transport. All police units must let this transport through. It is signed HVO Commander, Brigadier Milivoj PETKOVI].597 A document dated 6 November 1992, a report of the HVO Main Staff issued in Grude, first lists the distribution of equipment sent to BH Army units (Fo~a, Gora`de), and then provides a record of equipment transported for the needs of the BH Army (1st Krajina Brigade and Jajce HVO).598 A document dated 1 March 1993 issued by the Logistics Sector of the HVO Main Staff, a List of MS (materiel, authors note) seized by the BH Army, which was sent to Central Bosnia OZ /Operations Zone/, was sent to the Minister of Defence of the RH, Minister Gojko [U[AK personally. In addition to indicating problems in the relationship between the BH Army and the HVO, this document also shows that the MORH and the HVO cooperated in the process of arming the BH Army units. On 7 April 1993 the HVO Main Staff issued a Permit for free passage of a large quantity of materiel and technical equipment which is being transported by trucks from Grude to Srebrenica.599 The document is signed Ante JELAVI], Assistant Chief of the HVO GS /Main Staff/ for Logistics. In addition to those already listed, a number of other MORH documents show that shipments of weapons, ammunition and military equipment for the needs of the BH Army and the HVO were frequently sent from the RH to Grude, and from there on to various regions in BH. For example, the frequency of shipments of weapons and military equipment to Grude, by order of the MORH, is also evident from a number of documents referring to March 1993.600 Documents issued by the BH Army also bear evidence of the same. For example, on 22 March 1993 Commander Rasim DELI] sent the following document to the Chief of the SSVK OS R BH /Supreme Command Staff of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, Sefer HALILOVI]: Proposal for unloading of TMS (materiel and technical equipment, authors note) which will (maybe) leave Zagreb tomorrow. The total amount of TMS is reduced by 25% which is supposed to be taken by Croatia or in Grude.

597 598

Ibid, p. 59; (3D02633). Ibid, p. 14-15; (3D02633). 599 Ibid, p. 34; (3D02633). 600 Ibid, pp. 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 39, 55; (3D02633).

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Upon arrival the equipment for Tuzla would be partially returned to Visoko to be distributed for the 3rd Corps and other units. This would be done in agreement with Hazim, and in Pazari} the equipment would be divided between the 1st and 8th Corps (as agreed).601

601

www.slobodanpraljak.com

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III 4 ESTABLISHMENT AND TRAINING OF BH ARMY UNITS IN THE TERRITORY OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA III 4.1. Establishment of BH Army Units in the Republic of Croatia

Civilian and military authorities of the states of the R BH and the RH cooperated in establishing BH Army units in the territory of the RH and dispatching them to a number of fronts in the R BH. Units were established through mobilisation and volunteer intake. Among other things, volunteer intake was based on the earlier mentioned Instruction of the Defence Minister (of the RH, authors note) to all Croatian Army commanders pursuant to which HV commanders could not prevent volunteers from HV units who are originally from BH and wanted to go to the front in BH.602 In addition, the RH helped to equip BH Army units and enabled their partial military training. Due to the existence of ungrounded stereotypes, it is important to point out that it is evident from the available documents that the state institutions of the RH more systematically helped the BH Army than the HVO, which is also evident from the fact that BH Army units were established and trained in the territory of the RH, while (according to the documentation available) this was not the case with HVO units. One of the reasons for this is also the strategic interest of the state of the RH to have the state of the R BH defend itself from Serbian armed aggression, and this was not possible without the BH Army, which was more numerous and covered a larger territory of the R BH than the HVO. It is particularly important to point out the fact that numerous parts of civilian and military authorities of the R BH and other organisations were present and freely active in the territory of the RH, and were even helped by the RH government bodies. In late January 1993 the Military Mission of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Republic of Croatia, which was active within the Office of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Republic of Croatia, sent a letter to the Croatian Army Main Staff requesting the following: Continue talks and establish a collection centre camp and later also establish large centres and groups up to battalion-brigade size, break through into the zone of responsibility of the BH Army 5th Corps.603 Even earlier, in early June 1992, the Minister of Defence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina sent a letter from Sarajevo to General STIPETI] (member of the Croatian Army Main Staff), which clearly displays one of the typical methods of cooperation between the R BH and the RH in the establishment of BH Army units in the area of the RH. The letter reads as follows: we have been informed that organised activities are under way to form units that would join the armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In connection with this, we ask for your help in receiving these men at the Borongaj barracks in Zagreb (there are 300 men from Rijeka, 300 from Ljubljana and around 5,500 from Germany). These men should rally at the Borongaj barracks and be provided with uniforms and prepared for movement to Bosnia and Herzegovina by Saturday (6 June 1992).
602 603

See the chapter of this expert report entitled Croatian Defence Council (HVO). S. Praljak, Pomo}, p. 92; (3D02633).

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The men who have already rallied in Zagreb have made a request for the units to be manned with military personnel. As we are unable to transfer men from Sarajevo to Zagreb, we ask you, if you can, to man this unit with 10 officers, if possible those who were born in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (because of their familiarity with the territory).604 The letter sent to the MORH by the Secretary for Military Matters with the Office of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Republic of Croatia (Colonel Hasan EFENDI]) in early January 1993 bears clear evidence of the continuity and method of engaging HV officers for the needs of the BH Army. The letter states that the BH Military Mission would like to express its high esteem for the MORH and would ask that you permit engagement of the following HV officers for the needs of the OS R BH (names of three HV officers and their personal details are listed, authors note) We ask that the status of these officers be resolved as previously, by suspension (so that they have all the entitlements as HV officers), and upon completion of task to enable them to renew their engagement in the HV.605 A similar indication is given in the Request sent to the Department for Establishment of the MORH by the Biha} District Office, Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, (based in Zagreb) on 21 May 1993, requesting the following: Please demobilise or relieve of duty in the HV Mr Senad PALI], mobilised to NG (National Guard, authors note) unit 9158, because as of 1 January 1992 he has been engaged in the 5th Corps Command, in accordance with the document you received for your inspection.606 This means that Senad PALI] was formally a member of the HV, although he in fact spent almost 16 months at the BH Army 5th Corps Command. The Ministry of the Interior (MUP) of the RH was also involved in the implementation of mobilisation for the needs of the BH Army in the area of Croatia, and the clearest indication of this cooperation is a letter sent to the MUP of the RH, City of Zagreb Police Administration, by the Sarajevo Main Staff of the Armed Forces of BH, Zagreb Mission for Croatia, on 23 September 1992. The letter includes the following statement: when bringing in and deporting conscripts-nationals of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina who are currently in Croatia, tasks which are carried out by the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Croatia at the request of the Government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.607 On 18 October 1992 the Crisis Staff for Bosnia and Herzegovina, based in the RH, in the town of Split, Tolstojeva 28, submitted a Strictly Confidential Report on the work from 6 April until 18 October 1992, which contains substantial information which is very important for understanding the relationship of the government institutions of the RH towards the state of the R BH and its Muslim/Bosniak structure. The Report includes the following statement: The Crisis Staff for Bosnia and Herzegovina Split was established on 6 April 1992 as part of the Split branch of the Party of Democratic Action of Croatia very brisk activity ensued in the following sectors: mobilizing volunteers, Muslims and Croats born in Bosnia and Herzegovina, registering them, equipping and sending them to the fronts throughout the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, collecting humanitarian aid, technical equipment and materiel and other kinds of aid for Bosnia and Herzegovina Once the Crisis Staff for BH Split was established they immediately started summoning and receiving volunteers, Muslims and Croats born in BH, with the help
604 605

Ibid., p. 100; (3D02633). Ibid., p. 114; (3D02633). 606 www.slobodanpraljak.com 607 Ibid., p. 118; (3D02633), (3D01651).

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of all the mass media (Radio Split, TV Marijan, Slobodna Dalmacija and others). The help of the 6th Split Operations Zone was significant during these activities ... A plan and programme of the Crisis Staff were drawn up and approved by the military and civilian authorities of the town of Split and the Republic of Croatia. Close cooperation was established which is evident to this day. By 18 April 1992 the 1st Split independent company was established as the first military formation to help the BH Armed Forces The 6th Split Operations Zone helped us directly in its establishment and supply with weapons, ammunition, military outfits and daily rations ... After the departure of the 1st Split Company all the volunteers who had signed up, and later also the conscripts, were entered and registered in proper lists and sent to the following OS BH units, following the wishes of each volunteer: - OS BH, Visoko volunteers admission camp 142 volunteers; - OS BH, Livno Tomislavgrad 89 volunteers; - OS BH, Northern Bosnia, Zagreb Borongaj barracks 34 volunteers; - OS BH, 1st Bosnia and Herzegovina Kralj Tomislav Corps Ba{ko Polje 157 volunteers; - OS BH, 1st Mostar Independent Battalion 118 volunteers; - HVO Grude 22 volunteers; - OS BH, Te{anj, ^apljina and Stolac 56 volunteers; - OS BH, Tuzla 31 volunteers; - Other towns and villages in BH Bugojno, Jajce, Zenica, Doboj, Zavidovi}i and Biha} over 70 volunteers and conscripts; - HRM /Croatian Navy/ - Northern Bosnia Biha} and Cazin 120 volunteers A total of 862 volunteers were registered and sent to the fronts to units in BH. (By the end of 1992 over 2,000 OS BH and HVO volunteers were sent and registered.)608 Volunteers registered and mobilised in Pula, Rijeka, Vara`din and Zadar were transferred through this K[ /Crisis Staff/. This was a significant number of soldiers. Among the volunteers sent through the KV[ Split were also women and foreign citizens from Algiers, France and Turkey who were sent to the volunteers admission camp of the OS BH Cooperation with the military and civilian organs of Split and the RH is maintained daily and is beneficial to both sides.609 In the end, this extensive document is signed: President of the Crisis Staff for BH, Split, Alija D@AFO, and states that the Report was sent to the Government of the Republic of BH, Military Attach Hasan EFENDI], the Office of the Republic of BH in Croatia and the Archives.610 The brief report compiled in Zagreb on 17 May 1993 by the Commander of st the 1 Berbir Battalion of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina and sent to the Embassy of BH, Zagreb Military Economic Mission (to the Deputy Military Attach Hajrudin OSMANAGI] and Commander for Security D`evad TOPI]) includes the following information: The 1st Berbir Battalion was established in Zagreb on 30 May 1992, as part of what was the TO R BH /Territorial Defence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/ at the time and currently, without the wounded and convalescents, numbers 120 soldiers.611
608

The text in the brackets was obviously subsequently added to the document and is handwritten, unlike the rest of the text in the document which is typewritten. 609 S. Praljak, Pomo}, pp. 93-95; (3D02633). 610 Ibid., p. 99; (3D02633). 611 Ibid., p. 103; (3D02633).

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A document with the heading reading Rijeka Municipality, Secretariat of National Defence, contains 20 pages with a list of about 700 members of the 77th Brigade, which was most probably established for the needs of the BH Army. For each member of the 77th Brigade, the document lists full name, rank, status (for example, commander, signals operator, etc.), employment (for example, unemployed, HV, shipyard, etc.) and date of joining the Brigade.612 It is evident from this information that members of the 77th Brigade lived and worked in the RH at the time. A document of the Main Staff for Support of BH, issued in Rijeka on 21 September 1992, contains a List of men for the 7th Brigade of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina.613 A document (memorandum) of 12 November 1992 with the BH Army coat of arms at the top of the page and the heading reading Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Zagreb, Radni~ka cesta 228, telephone: 041/232-482 shows the broadness of institutional methods used and the RH government bodies which were involved in helping the BH Army. The document includes the following statement: Pursuant to the Decision of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Croatia no. and the power of attorney no. of the Office of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Republic of Croatia, on transfer of jurisdiction, the following Order was issued: A group of 25 men and 3 guides (with weapons and equipment) will be sent from the sector of Sljeme near Zagreb to the Biha} region on the Zagreb-Karlovac-Ogulin road for the purpose of infiltrating the Biha} region.614 On 10 February 1993 the Military Mission of the Office of the Republic of BH in the Republic of Croatia sent the following stamp order from Zagreb to the Zagreb Stamp-Cutters Shop: Please make a round stamp for the needs of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 4 cm in diameter, with the following text: THE ARMY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, KOBRA SPECIAL ANTI-TERRORIST BRIGADE. Make a coat of arms of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the centre of the stamp, with lilies and crossed swords. We will pay in cash for the costs of making the stamp.615 Another document, labelled strictly confidential, indicates that the Military Mission of BH in the RH was in charge of project Kobra /Cobra/, and that the project was orally approved by the President of the Presidency of BH (Alija IZETBEGOVI]) and in writing by the N[ VK /Chief of the Supreme Command Staff/, Mr HALILOVI]. The document then states that reliable sponsors have promised funds for the project, of which you (Alija IZETBEGOVI], authors note) have been personally informed, that professional personnel has been found, and the location for the establishment has also been partially arranged, which depends on your (IZETBEGOVI]s, authors note) decision. Based on the above stated, one can conclude with great certainty that the arrangement regarding professional personnel and the location for the establishment of the brigade has been made with an institution of the RH. III 4.2. Training of BH Army Units in the Republic of Croatia

612 613

Ibid., p. 105; (3D02633). Ibid., p. 112; (3D02633). 614 Ibid., p. 118; (3D02633). 615 Ibid., p. 121; (3D02633).

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Cooperation between the states of the RH and the R BH in training BH Army units in the territory of the RH is a completely unexplored and very rarely mentioned theme, but the case is similar to other types of bilateral cooperation between the RH and the R BH which are discussed in this expert report. However, based on the documents currently available, it is absolutely clear that cooperation in training BH Army units in the territory of the RH proceeded very systematically, and with full and very committed participation on part of the institutions of the Croatian state, which is understandable given the fact that carrying out military training is an extremely complex and demanding work. It is even more important to point out that the RH and the R BH started this cooperation very early on, and that elite and special units of the armed forces of the R BH were particularly systematically trained in the RH. Also, it must be pointed out in particular that the RH started and intensely trained special and elite BH Army units in very difficult circumstances, when a large part of the units of the RH were made up of volunteers with no military training, and Serbian aggression against the RH was in full force. The earliest currently available and very important document, which fully shows the features and extent of this cooperation, but also the overall characteristics of the situation in the RH and the R BH at the time, is dated 8 July 1991 and was issued by the Party of Democratic Action, Sarajevo, Mar{ala Tita Street no. 7-a/IV. The document is entitled List of candidates for training special forces at the MUP /Ministry of the Interior/ of the Republic of Croatia, followed by personal details for 463 persons from different parts of BH, and a final note: You will get more entries for this list in seven days. On the first and last page the document bears the stamp Party of Democratic Action, and (on page one) a registry number on the relevant Party stamp.616 Other documents also directly show that cooperation was agreed between government institutions of the RH and the Muslim/Bosniak leadership from the R BH. For example, on 11 July 1991 the Party of Democratic Action sent a letter (Dispatch for candidate Sulejman KADRI], signed by the Secretary of the SDA, Hasan ^ENGI]) to the MUP of the RH, stating as follows: In accordance with the joint agreement between the authorised representatives of the MUP of the SR BH /Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/ and the MUP of the RH, and the instruction on the method of employment of candidates for the post of policemen-interns at the Education Centre of the MUP of the Republic of Croatia, the Party of Democratic Action Sarajevo nominates the above named candidate for a course at your Centre.617 Among other things, these documents also indicate the high level of influence exerted by the SDA Party in the establishment of a new security structure for the state of the (S) R BH, after the first parliamentary multi-party elections held in BH. In the 1991-1992 period members of the R BH armed forces were undergoing training in at least 15 localities in the RH, which were based in all the unoccupied parts of the RH (from Eastern Slavonia, through central Croatia, to Istria and Dalmatia).618 For example, requisition slips from July 1992 have been kept in which the MUP RH permits the issuing of weapons, which were then taken over by the Bosanska Krupa Crisis Staff, with a note that the location of costs is Borongaj
Ibid., pp. 127-129; (3D02633), (3D02837). www.slobodanpraljak.com 618 \akovo, Kutina, Sisak, Zden~ina, Zagreb (3), Velika Gorica, Jastrebarsko, Plje{ivica, Delnice, Rijeka, Pula (2), Vrgorac.
617 616

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Jaska. Another requisition slip bearing the stamp of the party taking over the goods the Bosanska Krupa Crisis Staff, indicating that a small sum of money was taken over, shows much more because it states that the money was intended for the financial needs of the Behar Brigade stationed in @a`ini (@a`ini, near the town of Sisak in the RH, authors note) and intended for BD (combat operations, authors note) in Bosnian Krajina.619 In the absence of more important documents, this source is also very important because it shows that a BH Behar Brigade was present in the RH, and it was most probably in training (mobilisation establishment) in the RH (@a`ini) for the purpose of going to the front in the western R BH. It is an open question whether parts of this brigade or some other unit were in training in Jastrebarsko and Borongaj, as indicated by two other requisition slips. In a similar way, a very brief but clear illustration is given in a document from Plje{ivica (a hill in the RH, near Zagreb) of 22 September 1992 registering materiel and technical equipment (mostly weapons and ammunition) which remained after the stay of a group from Slovenia (165) The groups stay at Plje{ivica from 8 September 22 September 1992. The document states that the weapons registered must be transported to the Biha} Regional Staff (based in Zagreb, authors note), to Commander Hajrudin OSMANAGI] The Rijeka Staff must also be informed of this. This document also implies that the training of the group from Slovenia at Plje{ivica and then its deployment to the front in BH was most probably organised by the Biha} Regional Staff. A convincing illustration in favour of this conclusion is a brief but informative report written on 16 November 1992 in Zagreb stating that on that day the quarters of the JPN (Special Purpose Unit, authors note) for the Biha} District were cleaned. They were stationed at the hospital for TB at Plje{ivica near Jastrebarsko (near Zagreb, authors note). We used the facility for accommodation and training of the JPNs which were then sent to this field. The facility was used in the period from 4 August 1992 to 16 November 1992, by approval of the 3rd Zagreb OZ /Operations Zone/. An HV truck was used for transport of MTS /Materiel and Technical Equipment/ and equipment, in two rounds.620 Regarding the training of military pilots and technicians for maintenance of BH Army military aircraft (and helicopters), there are several documents available which offer credible evidence of this successful and specific form of help which the RH provided for the state of the R BH in circumstances when both states had a minor, but very necessary, air force. The significance of this help is also illustrated by the fact that on 9 August 1992 the President of Presidency of BH (Alija IZETBEGOVI]) personally sent a letter to the MORH co-signed by the Defence Minister of BH (Jerko DOKO), stating as follows: Please allow the following persons to stay and undergo training in the Republic of Croatia for the needs of the Armed Forces. This is followed by personal details for 22 persons (military pilots and technicians) and a closing note: As you can see from the information, most of the men listed were members of the former JNA /Yugoslav Peoples Army/. We have carried out preliminary checks and selection.621 However, the RH was helping to train R BH military pilots even before that (in July 1992). A letter sent to the Defence Minister of the RH by the HV Main Staff reads as follows: In accordance with an oral agreement, three pilots and one technician arrived in an HRZ PZO (Croatian Air Force and Anti-Aircraft Defence,
619 620

S. Praljak, Pomo}, pp. 137-138; (3D02633), (3D02273). Ibid., p. 132; (3D02633), (3D01650). 621 Ibid., p. 141; (3D02633).

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authors note) unit for retraining on an AN-2 aircraft. These pilots would fly in the territory of BH for the needs of defence of that Republic. This task is very urgent due to the constant need for evacuation and supply of the TO BH /Territorial Defence of BH/. Please give very urgent approval for this training.622 The help provided by the RH for training BH Army pilots was systematic and became routine. On 8 March 1993 the Chief of the RV and PVO (Air Force and AntiAircraft Defence) Administration with the Supreme Command Staff of the OS BH /Armed Forces of BH/ sent the following Order for training pilots and technicians in the Republic of Croatia: In accordance with the demonstrated needs and agreements reached with the Command of the RZ and PZO of the Republic of Croatia, the following pilots and technicians from the RV and PVO of the OS of the Republic of BH shall be sent to the Republic of Croatia for training and task implementation. This is followed by a list of 13 pilots and three technicians, and the following note: The group is to be trained according to the training plans agreed on between the HRZ and PZO /Croatian Air Force and Anti-Aircraft Defence/ and the RV and PVO OS R BH /Air Force and Anti-Aircraft Defence of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/.623 In addition, we should reiterate that that the RV and PVO OS BH Administration was based in Zagreb at the time. The training of BH Army military pilots was carried out in Zagreb, Velika Gorica (near Zagreb) and Pula (Istria, western part of the RH),624 and airports in the RH. RH military aircraft and crews were also used for flights to/from the R BH, according to the needs of the BH Army and other government bodies of the R BH.625 According to a report of the HRZ PZO for the second half of December 1992 the following tasks were carried out from Pleso and Pula a. (airports, authors note): transport of weapons, uniforms and medical supplies to the R BH, and mainly the wounded and other persons were transported from the R BH to the RH. In this half a month there were 32 flights in total: of this number, six flights were for the needs of the HVO BH, and 26 flights for the needs of the TO BH. Specifically, 4 hours and 40 minutes of flight time were accumulated and 6 t of cargo, 28 passengers + 11 wounded were transported for the needs of the HVO BH, and a total of 22 hours and 40 minutes of flight time were accumulated and 21.5 t of cargo, 90 passengers + 35 wounded were transported for the needs of the TO BH.626 In accordance with an agreement between the HRZ and PVO Commander and the Chief of the RV and PVO OS BH Administration, in early April 1993 a permit was issued for two BH Army members allowing them to take over information wave frequencies at the HRZ and PVO Command each month for the needs of the Information Centre in the Republic of BH and distribute them at the Information Centre in the Republic of BH.627 However, quite a while before that, in early 1992, a logistics centre was established in Zagreb, controlled by the Service (Service for the Protection of the Constitutional Order SZUP RH, authors note), which was tasked with equipping the Armed Forces of BH, i.e. HVO and TO BH units (the beginning of establishment of the BH Army), and training them in the use of radio-communications equipment, and forming a flexible communications network. The task of the Logistics Centre
622 623

Ibid., p. 146; (3D02633), (3D01684). Ibid., pp. 144-145; (3D02633), (3D01860). 624 Ibid., p. 148; (3D02633), (3D01857). 625 Ibid., p. 147; (3D02633), 151 (3D02633) (3D01658). 153-154 (3D02633) (3D01867). 626 Ibid., p. 153; (3D02633), 151 (3D01867). 627 Ibid., p. 155; (3D02633).

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was to arrange, programme and coordinate components of the radio-communications system which, after being stored for a brief period, were promptly sent to destinations in BH. In addition to the above mentioned telecommunications equipment, JRC satellite phones were also sent to BH through the Logistics Centre. Their subscription and use had been arranged through British Telecom and they were used by top government officials of BH. In the course of the first years of the war in BH the system surpassed its initial role of military-logistics communication and also covered economic and humanitarian segments. Thus the purpose of equipping and training the OS BIH at that point was to strengthen the fight against Greater-Serbian aggression, give it a new logistics and technical component, link up the HVO and the TO BIH at information and command level, and thereby facilitate Croatias position. At the beginning of the conflict between the HVO and the BH Army, the HVO stopped using the system, while the BH Army continued using it with other cryptographic data protection algorithms and keys.628

628

Ibid., pp. 44-50; (3D02633), (3D00795).

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III 5 MEDICAL TREATMENT RECEIVED BY THE WOUNDED BH ARMY SOLDIERS AND MUSLIM/BOSNIAK CIVILIANS IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA FROM 1992 UNTIL 1995

In the 1992-1995 period, due to a very difficult health-care and humanitarian situation in the R BH, a large number of wounded BH Army soldiers and Muslim/Bosniak civilians did not have even the minimal requirements for provision of care and treatment in the area of the R BH. This was the main reason why they constantly arrived in large numbers and in different ways in the available hospitals and other health-care institutions in the area of the Republic of Croatia, which were filled beyond capacity with the sick and wounded from the Republic of Croatia as it was. However, reception, provision of care and medical treatment for the BH Army wounded and R BH civilians was not called into question for a single moment: neither by the RH government leadership nor administration and staff of hospitals and other health-care institutions in the RH. However, this example of enormous solidarity shown by the institutions and in particular the medical staff in the Republic of Croatia, has unfortunately remained completely unexplored, and the materials on it are scattered in the archives of medical institutions, which readily responded in 1998 and sent the requested individual copies and collective statistical indicators to the Office of the Government of the RH for Cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal. A particular difficulty for the Croatian medical institutions in providing the information on hospitalised R BH nationals, i.e. military personnel and civilians of Muslim/Bosniak nationality, in 1992 and 1993 was the fact that there is no entry for nationality in our medical documentation, so we selected the sick and wounded who came from the area of BH or who were refugees from BH in Croatia with typical (Muslim) names.629 A record of treatment was kept for each individual patient, and they were registered in the admission record books with all the relevant indicators (personal details, time of admission and release, diagnosis, the state of the patient at the time of release, etc.).630 Thus information was obtained for a very approximate number of BH Army soldiers and R BH civilians of Muslim/Bosniak nationality who received care and treatment in medical institutions in five towns in the RH, which were assumed to be most accessible from the area of the R BH. The number of wounded and sick soldiers and civilians of Muslim/Bosniak nationality, R BH nationals who received care and treatment in some hospitals in the RH in the 1992-1995 period is as follows:631 Split. 3,991 Zagreb.. 2,982
Ibid., p. 337; (3D02633). Ibid.; (3D02633). 631 Ibid., p. 326; it must be noted that due to an error of addition, the total number was reduced by ten; (3D02633). In addition, cf. a book of documents: Slobodan Praljak, Ratno zdravstvo HVO - ~injenice, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008.
630 629

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Slavonski Brod. 2,730 Karlovac.. 849 Vinkovci 81 TOTAL..10,633

Another type of medical help provided from 1992 until 1995 by the medical institutions of the RH for the medical institutions throughout the R BH, including the areas where Muslims/Bosniaks are a majority, was in sending medicines, medical supplies and equipment, baby food, vitamins, etc. This is evident from the numerous requisition slips with attached specifications which medical institutions in Croatia have from that time. Also, at the time, medical institutions in the RH received a vast number of written expressions of gratitude from the individuals treated and their institutions from the R BH, as well as written expressions of gratitude from hospitals and medical institutions in the R BH to which they sent help. For example, the Firule Clinical Hospital Centre in Split received, among other things, a number of Letters of Gratitude from different units, staffs and medical services of the Armed Forces of BH for the aid given in medicines and medical supplies which you have sent us for the treatment of civilians and BH Army members.632 One Letter of Gratitude arrived at Firule in Split from the President of the Presidency of BH (Alija IZETBEGOVI]) for providing care for Ejup GANI] (member of the Presidency of BH, authors note) and his escorts injured in a serious traffic accident.633

632 633

Ibid., pp. 344-345; (3D02633). Ibid., p. 339; (3D02633).

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III 6 HUMANITARIAN ORGANISATIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA FOR COLLECTION OF AID FOR BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Serbian armed aggression, one of whose main goals was ethnic cleansing, very quickly caused vast demographic, economic and communication disorders in the R BH, and in as early as mid-1992 the R BH, which was poorly developed as it was, was also facing a humanitarian catastrophe, in which peoples basic existential survival was threatened, even in parts of the R BH which were not directly hit by armed aggression. In such circumstances, basic survival in the R BH mostly depended on humanitarian aid supply which in various ways arrived in the R BH from all over the world. Since the security situation in the RH at the time was much more favourable than in the R BH, and since practically the only way for humanitarian aid to reach the R BH was through the RH, numerous humanitarian organisations (and individuals) which were focused on the R BH established their headquarters or offices in Croatia. As many as 234 offices of foreign humanitarian organisations were registered in the RH at the time.634 In the procedure for registration, taxes and customs duty and particularly in their relationship to the activities of humanitarian organisations, the authorities of the RH were practically liberal in the extreme, and only one organisation was banned from working, although 41 humanitarian organisations were cautioned that there were irregularities in their work.635 Of 234 foreign humanitarian organisations which had offices in the RH, as many as 114 were active in the area of the R BH, and 117 more which also provided care for the refugees from the R BH were active in the area of the RH, which means that only three (out of 234) foreign humanitarian organisation in the RH were not active in the R BH or did not deal with the refugees from the R BH. These humanitarian organisations came from as many as 34 states from all the continents except South America, and humanitarian aid for the R BH arrived in the offices in the RH from 32 countries around the world.636 The governments of the RH and the R BH signed a Protocol on Cooperation pursuant to which the RH allowed the establishment of Offices of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina for humanitarian matters and aid in the Republic of Croatia with warehouses in Zagreb, Split and Plo~e, and it was agreed that other warehouses and other facilities would be opened according to demonstrated needs. In addition to the fact that humanitarian aid for the R BH was exempt from all customs duties and taxes in the RH, the RH also took on the obligation of providing land corridors for convoys for humanitarian and other aid from warehouses of the Offices in the Republic of Croatia to the state border between the RH and the R BH.637 A total of 601,133 t of humanitarian aid arrived only in the port of Plo~e during the war.638 For the sake of comparison, a total of 120,000 t of food arrived in Croatia from the EU from 1992 to 1994.639
634

Ibid., pp. 204-225; Popis predstavni{tava stranih pravnih osoba koje se bave humanitarnom djelatno{}u /List of Offices of Foreign Legal Entities Involved in Humanitarian Activities/; (3D02633). 635 I. Rogi}, op. cit., p. 56. 636 S. Praljak, Pomo}, pp. 199-200; (3D02633). 637 Ibid., p. 229; (3D02633). 638 Ibid., pp. 249-288; (3D02633). 639 I. Rogi}, op. cit., p. 56.

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However, despite the enormous quantities of humanitarian aid which was entering the R BH, and a great amount of help invested by the RH in the provision of care for a huge number of refugees from the R BH and waves of refugees from the R BH going to third countries, the humanitarian crisis in the R BH was not ceasing, both due to the persistent brutality of Serbian aggression and the constant shortage of humanitarian aid. An additional burden to all this was the crime and lack of social awareness in the handling of humanitarian aid in the area of the R BH, because the central government of the R BH was not able to successfully establish control over the authorities subordinate to them. This was probably just one of the reasons that prompted the military and civilian leadership of the R BH to briefly and objectively assess the situation in late May 1993, and issue a specific and in many ways problematic decision on the manner of distribution of humanitarian aid. The Military Economic Mission at the Embassy of BH in Zagreb also wrote the following note about this: Organised help for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is of vital interest both for its people and its Armed Forces. For the purpose of a more just and better distribution and allotment of humanitarian aid for BH Army units, the government administration organs and the military command classified municipalities by territory and towns within the zones of responsibility of the five BH Army Corps.640 Thus the BH Corps headquarters (Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar and Biha}) also became centres for distribution of humanitarian aid, with the primary motive of enabling the BH Army military units to have as much impact as possible on the distribution of humanitarian aid, so they could keep the part needed for themselves. In the second half of 1993 the ungrounded stereotypes linked to the partial armed conflicts between Muslims/Bosniaks and Croats most probably also caused great damage in the humanitarian field in the R BH and the RH, and therefore in midSeptember 1993 the Croatian Caritas, the Meshihat of the Islamic Community of Croatia and Slovenia and the Merhamet issued a joint Declaration which includes the following statement: we would like to publicly declare that the Croatian Caritas, Merhamet and Meshihat cooperate in many different ways despite all those who are constantly trying to dispute the existence of this cooperation. Since the beginning of the war the Merhamet, Meshihat and Croatian Caritas have been investing joint efforts to alleviate the suffering of numerous victims, thus successfully performing their duties. Given that the international political interests are conflicting and malevolent, we firmly stand behind the obligation of alleviating this tragic suffering of innocent individuals, whether they are of the Orthodox, Muslim or Catholic religion. This declaration is addressed to those intending to crush the good will among people of different origins Therefore, in the end, we wish to reiterate our deep concern over such actions, which only make this holocaust which involves the innocent even more difficult. We again call upon all those to whom this refers to reexamine the damaging effects of such actions.641

640 641

S. Praljak, Pomo}, pp. 233-234; (3D02633). Ibid., p. 236; (3D02633), (3D02047).

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III 7 EXTRATERRITORIAL SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA FROM 1992 UNTIL 1994 The activity of the extraterritorial school system of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the territory of the RH from 1992 until 1994 is also an unexplored topic, and an additional problem is that there are very few documents on that topic currently available in Croatia.642 Therefore, it is currently not possible to render a more comprehensive reconstruction of the establishment and activity of the extraterritorial school system of the R BH, whose activity in the RH from 1992 until 1994 was clearly very extensive, but it is only possible to give indications from the available documents. It is certainly important to point out that even before Serbian armed aggression on Croatia the capacities of primary and secondary schools in the RH were insufficient and the number of pupils in many classes in Croatian schools was too large, and although they could not resolve the problem in this way either, schools were introducing an addition shift. With the appearance of large waves of expelled persons in 1991, the school system in unoccupied parts of the RH was increasingly entering into an emergency situation. In 1992, with a large increase of refugees coming from the R BH, which included many school-age children, the situation in the school system of the RH was becoming even more dramatic. As early as late April 1992 the Government of the RH issued a Mandatory Instruction on including expelled and refugee children of pre-school age, /and those of/ primary and secondary schools from the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the appropriate education programmes in the Republic of Croatia so that everyday life and classes would be organised for expelled and refugee children as soon as possible. Due to this the Government of the RH decided to compile a preliminary bill of costs for provision of care for over 70,000 children (probably assessing that that many refugee children from BH had arrived in the RH at the time).643 In the following period, the Primary Education Fund of the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport of the RH received requests (invoices) for payment of costs incurred by expelled and refugee pupils of primary schools for the period covering the first half of 1992, totalling 97,745,135 of what were Croatian dinars at the time.644 The school child-refugees from the R BH were joining the education system of the RH in two basic ways: one, by joining the existing school system of the RH, and two, by joining the specially organised (extraterritorial) schools of the Republic of
On 11 July 2007 (through the Administration for International Cooperation, International Legal Aid and Cooperation with International Criminal Tribunals of the Government of the RH) the author of this expert report requested the Ministry of Science, Education and Sport to allow him to examine their files for the topic of the extraterritorial school system in the RH (1992-1995) for the purpose of writing an academic article on the subject. More than 14 months later (on 17 September 2008) a contradictory reply arrived, stating that the Ministry was unable to grant your request due to relocation, and it is visible from your request that the Ministry is not in possession of the requested documentation. The second part of the explanation is inaccurate because it is absolutely not visible from the request that the Ministry is not in possession of the documentation, and it is evident from individual documents used in this expert report that the Ministry is (was) in possession of a certain amount of the requested documentation. 643 S. Praljak, Pomo}, p. 400; (3D02633), (3D00317). 644 Ibid., p. 404; (3D02633).
642

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Bosnia and Herzegovina in the area of the Republic of Croatia. In both cases, joining was on a voluntary basis, according to the decision of the pupil or his parents. In accordance with a Report of the relevant Ministry of the RH of January 1994, which was compiled at the request of the Embassy of BH in Zagreb, childrefugees from the R BH were joining the school system of the Republic of Croatia (voluntarily and at their own request), subject to the current capacities of schools in terms of space and staff, where they are educated according to the curricula of the Republic of Croatia, which covers all the costs of their education (pays the teachers and covers other expenses, the same as for children from Croatia). In this way, 32,006 refugee children from the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina are receiving education in schools of the Republic of Croatia in the 1993/1994 school year. Of that number, 25,012 are in primary schools and 6,994 in secondary schools. There are 2,800 children from the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in pre-school institutions (the figures are dynamic and constantly changing).645 Responding to the request of the Embassy of BH, this Report denies having any information on the extraterritorial school system of the R BH in the territory of the RH, stating as follows: A part of the children are joining specially organised schools of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the area of the Republic of Croatia, for which this Ministry does not have any systematic information due to the spontaneous way in which these schools are organised. The Embassy of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and, probably, the humanitarian organisations involved have the information on these schools and pupils. The Ministry most probably did not have any systematic and comprehensive information on the extraterritorial school system, but it undoubtedly had a number of official and other sorts of information on it, because it itself provided support for the extraterritorial school system of BH in the area of the RH. For example, in February 1993 the Ministry of Culture and Education of the RH officially received, for reference, the curriculum used by self-organised primary schools for refugees from the R BH. A new version is currently being compiled which will be adapted to the schools which are yet to start working. When we receive this version we will send it to your Ministry for reference, and the Ministry is then thanked for the support you offered us.646 The curriculum sent at the time (February 1993) for extraterritorial primary schools of the R BH in the Republic of Croatia shows that this was a reduced curriculum, and that its content was formed according to the needs of (and by) the institutions of the state of the R BH. For example, a basic subject, the mother tongue, is called Bosnian language, and most of the material covered under the subject of History refers to the history of the area of the R BH. Based on the documents currently available and mostly incomplete, we can establish that in the period from 1992 to 1994 at least 33 extraterritorial schools of the state of the R BH were active in different parts of the territory of the RH.647 Individual available documents (mainly letters from individual schools sent to the relevant ministry of the RH) show that the problem of education of child-refugees from the R BH (and expelled persons and other pupils in the RH) during wartime in the RH was practically rather variable, dramatic and often depended on a number of local circumstances and on how enterprising the school staff was. This and the entire wartime situation in the RH is accurately illustrated by the Report on a School for
645 646

Ibid., p. 408; (3D02633), (3D00316). Ibid., p. 423; (3D02633). 647 Ibid., p. 399; (3D02633).

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Expelled Persons which was sent to the Government (RH) Office for Expelled Persons and Refugees in February 1993 by the first school for expelled persons. The Report includes the following statement: The Vladimir Nazor Primary School from Topusko school for expelled children has been active in Veli Lo{inj since 1 September 1991. Last school year as many as 1,200 pupils attended the school. In addition to the pupils from Topusko, pupils from Vukovar and its surroundings, Petrinja, the Zadar hinterland, Dubrovnik and its surroundings (and) refugees form Bosnia and Herzegovina were also present at the school. Today the school numbers 250 pupils, 52 of whom are from Bosnia and Herzegovina Our school was established and located here by a Decision of the Crisis Staff of the Ministry of Education and we are the first independent school for expelled persons in Croatia. The teachers working in this school are also expelled persons Back in the summer of 1991, when Topusko was attacked, with the help of the Croatian Army and police we managed to save the school teaching files and basic teaching aids and we transported it all to Lo{inj In addition to regular classes, the school also provided care for the pupils in their spare time We are not only teachers, we are counsellors, doctors, nurses, psychologists, mothers and fathers to these unfortunate children. Our living conditions are really difficult. We were not accommodated in hotels, instead from day one we have been staying in childrens holiday centres, where often two families live in one room, without the basic requirements for a normal life.648

648

Ibid., pp. 419-421; (3D02633).

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III 8 COOPERATION BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE AREA OF SPORT AND CULTURE III 8.1 Sport

War, uncertainty and poverty which dominated all areas of the R BH fully prevented preparation and competition for all, but particularly the top athletes, thus extensively disrupting that form of social life in the R BH. A number of sports competitions and leagues in the R BH were discontinued, a large number of athletes stopped training, and a part of them went to Croatia and through Croatia to third countries. Government institutions, sports clubs and individuals in the RH showed a very great degree of solidarity towards athletes and clubs from the R BH, as well as towards other refugees from the R BH, helping them with accommodation, athletic preparation and participation in various competitions. In that respect, the help provided in 1992 for ten members of the national team of the state of BH (in six different sports) figures prominently. At the expense of the government budget of the RH, they prepared in Croatia for the Olympic Games in Barcelona, where their participation greatly contributed to the overall public affirmation of the newly established state of the R BH. In addition, Croatian officials and athletes who were lobbying for Croatia, as a newly established state, to be allowed to participate in the Olympic Games in Barcelona, did the same for the state of the R BH.649 A similar thing happened again regarding the preparation and participation of athletes from the R BH at the Mediterranean Games which were held in France in the summer of 1993, where the R BH was introduced as a Mediterranean country with the smallest territorial contact with the Mediterranean. Numerous very young athletes who were absolutely publicly unknown at the time, who had arrived in Croatia as refugees, continued their sports careers in Croatian clubs, and years later some of them became top world-renowned athletes: for example, the tennis player Ivan LJUBI^I] and the basketball player Damir OMERHOD@I]-MARKOTA. III 8.2 Culture

In the beginning and during Serbian armed aggression on the R BH, and particularly during the long and brutal Serbian siege of Sarajevo, numerous prominent figures from Bosnia and Herzegovinas culture, writers, actors, directors, artists, architects, film-makers, entertainers and others temporarily or permanently took refuge in the Republic of Croatia, where they received all sorts of help from government and social institutions, so they could continue their professional and creative activity. No difference was made between them in Croatia based on their view of life and political convictions, or religious, ethnic and other affiliation. Thus the following prominent writers from Bosnia and Herzegovina came to Croatia and continued working there: Mile PEORDA, Miljenko JERGOVI, Devad KARAHASAN and Darko LUKI. Actors: Hasija BORI, Jasna BERI,
649

Ibid., p. 548; (3D02633).

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Daria LORENCI, Tarik FILIPOVI and Sandra BAGARI. Actor and director Zijah SOKOLOVI, film director Antonio NUI, film producer Boris T. MATI, painters Mersad BERBER i Ljubo PERINLI, architects Sejo i Lejla KURTI, entertainers Kemal MONTENO, Senad od Bosne, Indexi, Edo Maajka and many others.650 Zlatko VITEZ, who was the Minister of Culture in the Government of the RH at the time, received refugee artists and prominent figures from culture and also personally helped them in various ways. As a sign of solidarity with the people of the besieged Sarajevo, in 1994/1995 a Croatian director (Tomislav DURBE[I]), with the support of the Ministry of Culture of the RH, directed the play There Will Be no Trojan Horse /Trojanskog konja ne}e biti/ which was simultaneously (on the same day and at the same time) performed in Sarajevo and Zagreb. The Ministry of Culture of the RH led by the Minister (Zlatko VITEZ) accepted the invitation to see the play in Sarajevo. However, due to fierce shelling of Sarajevo, the UNPROFOR aircraft flight was cancelled and the delegation did not make it to the premiere.651

650 651

Ibid., p. 522; (3D02633). Ibid., p. 522; (3D02633).

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ABBREVIATIONS APZB BBC BD BIF BH BH Army CSCE EC EU F BH FIS GIA G7 HDZ HDZ BH HIC HINA HKU HNZ HOS HR HB HRM HRZ HRZ PZO HSLS HSP HV HVO HZ HB ICFY ICTY ID i.e. JAZU JMO JNA JPN JRC KBC KI KOS KPJ KS K MKBJ MORH MTS Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia British Broadcasting Corporation combat operation Benevolence International Foundation Bosnia and Herzegovina Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe European Community European Union Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina Front Islamique du Salut Group Islamique Arm Group of Seven the seven most developed countries in the world Croatian Democratic Union Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina Croatian Information Centre Croatian News Agency Croatian Catholic Union Croatian People's Union Croatian Defence Forces Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna Croatian Navy Croatian Air Force Croatian Air Force and Anti-Aircraft Defence Croatian Social Liberal Party Croatian Party of Rights Croatian Army Croatian Defence Council Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna International Commission on Former Yugoslavia International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Islamic Declaration id est (in other words) Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts Yugoslav Muslim Organisation Yugoslav People's Army Special Purpose Units Japan Radio Corporation Clinical Hospital Centre Communist International Counter-intelligence Service Communist Party of Yugoslavia Contact Group Crisis Staff International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Croatia Materiel and Technical Equipment

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MUP NATO NDH NFJ NG NOR N VK op. cit. ONO i DSZ ONOR OS OSCE OS (R)BiH OS SAOK OZ PL PZO R BH RH RS RV PVO RZ PVO SANU SAO SAOK SDA SDS SDS (SDB) SDS BH SFRY SHS SIV SKJ SPC SPO SR SR BH SRJ SRPJ(k) SRVSJ SS SSNO SSRNJ SUBNOR SZUP VK TB TMS TO TO (R)BH

Ministry of the Interior North Atlantic Treaty Organization Independent State of Croatia Peoples Front of Yugoslavia National Guard National Liberation War Chief of Staff of the Supreme Command opere citato (the work cited) All-People's Defence and Social Self-Protection All-People's Defence War Armed Forces Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Armed Forces (of the Republic) of Bosnia and Herzegovina Armed Forces of the Serbian Autonomous District of Krajina Operations Zone Patriotic League Anti-Aircraft Defence Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Republic of Croatia Republika Srpska Air Force and Anti-Aircraft Defence Air Force and Anti-Aircraft Defence Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Serbian Autonomous District Serbian Autonomous District of Krajina Party of Democratic Action Serbian Democratic Party State Security Service Serbian Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes Federal Executive Council League of Communists of Yugoslavia Serbian Orthodox Church Serbian Renewal Movement Socialist Republic Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Socialist Workers' Party of Yugoslavia (of communists) Alliance of Reserve Army Officers of Yugoslavia Schutzstaffel (protection squads) Federal Secretariat of National Defence Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia Federal Association of WWII Veterans Service for the Protection of the Constitutional Order Supreme Command Staff tuberculosis Materiel and Technical Equipment Territorial Defence Territorial Defence (of the Republic) of Bosnia and Herzegovina

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TO RH TO SAOK TWRA UDBA UN UNHCR UNPA UNPROFOR UNSC VKBMI VRS ZP

Territorial Defence of the Republic of Croatia Territorial Defence of the Serbian Autonomous District of Krajina Third World Relief Agency State Security Administration United Nations United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees United Nations Protected Areas United Nations Protection Forces United Nations Security Council Council of the Congress of Bosnian Muslim Intellectuals Army of Republika Srpska Military District

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1: BH territory as part of the Roman Empire from the 3rd to the 5th century . . . . .
(Taken from: Hrvatski povijesni zemljovidi, [kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1996, p. 3)

Fig. 2: Medieval Bosnian State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (Taken from: Dragutin PAVLI^EVI], Kratka politika i kulturna povijest Bosne i Hercegovine, Croatian Information Centre, Zagreb, 2000, p. 43)

Fig. 3: Bosnian Pashalic at the turn of the 17th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

(Taken from: D. PAVLI^EVI], op. cit. p. 45)

Fig. 4: Bosnia and Herzegovina in Austria-Hungary (1978 /as printed/ - 1918) . . . . . . .

(Taken from: D. PAVLI^EVI], op. cit., p. 46)

Fig. 5: Administrative division of the first Yugoslavia into nine banovinas (1929 -

1939) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (Taken from: Josip JUR^EVI], Marija RAI], Povijest VIII, Alfa, Zagreb, 2003, p. 37)

Fig. 6: Croatian Banovina (1939.-1941. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

(Taken from: Historical Maps of Croatia, Croatian Information Centre, Zagreb, p. 20) (Taken from: D. PAVLI^EVI], op. cit., p. 49)

Fig. 7: Administrative division of the Independent State of Croatia (1941 - 1945). . . . . Fig. 8: Bosnia and Herzegovina in the second Yugoslavia (1945 - 1990) . . . . . . . . . . .
(Taken from: Historical Maps of Croatia, p. 22)

Fig. 9: Trends in the absolute number of inhabitants and the absolute and
relative number of Croats, muslims and Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period between 1895 and 1991. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (Taken from: N. Pokos, op. cit., p. 14)

Fig. 10: Relative change in the total number of inhabitants, and Croats, Muslims
and Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1895 and 1991. . . . . . . . . .

Fig. 11: Trends in the proportion of Croats, Muslims and Serbs in total BH
population between 1895 and 1991 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . (Figures 10 and 11 taken from: N. Pokos, op. cit., pp. 15 and 18)

Fig. 12: The prescribed template for the cover page of the personal identity card in
the HZHB. (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 12/93, p. 328)

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Fig. 13: The prescribed template for the cover page of the military ID booklet in

the HZHB. (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 7/92, p. 36)

Fig. 14: The prescribed template for the cover page of the vehicle registration

document in HZHB (heading).. (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 1/93, p. 16) (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, p. 256)

Fig. 15: The prescribed template for a primary school certificate (heading) Fig. 16: The prescribed template for the cover page of School Register in the HZHB
(heading) .. (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, p. 264)

Fig. 17: The prescribed template for the copy of a birth certificate in the HZHB
(heading) (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, p. 393)

Fig. 18: The prescribed template for a marriage certificate in the HZHB
(heading) . (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, p. 394)

Fig. 19: The prescribed template for a certificate of death in the HZHB
(heading) (Source: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, p. 395)

Fig. 20: The so-called Cutilheiros Peace Plan ..

(Taken from M. Tuman, Istina, p. 734)

Fig. 21: The so-called Vance-Owen Peace Plan ..

(Taken from: M. Tuman, Istina, p. 737) (Taken from: M. Tuman, Istina, p. 742)

Fig: 22: The so-called Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan .. Fig. 23: Contact Group Peace Plan
(Taken from: M. Tuman, Istina, p. 747)

Fig. 24: Spatial reorganisation of the JNA in three theatres of operations (after
1988) .. (Taken from: Rat u Hrvatskoj, Map 2, at the end of the book)

Fig. 25: The extent of Serbian conquest in the winter of 1992/1993

(Taken from: Rat u Hrvatskoj, map 5, at the end of the book) SOURCES AND LITERATURE Sources

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- Croatian State Archives, Zagreb - www.slobodanpraljak.com - Final Report of the Commission of Experts established pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 (1992), S /1994/ 674, 27 May and Annexes (submitted by the Secretary-General to the Security Council December 1994, available soon through United Nations documentation). - The Constitution of the SFRY, 1974, Wikisource.

Books of published documents - Leon Gerkovi, Dokumenti o razvoju narodne vlasti /Documents on the Development of the Government of the People/, Pravni fakultet u Zagrebu, Centar za struno usavravanja i suradnju s udruenim radom, Zrinski, Zagreb, akovec, 1983. - Anelko Milardovi, Dokumenti o dravnosti Republike Hrvatske /Documents on the Statehood of the Republic of Croatia/, Panliber, Zagreb, 1992. - Slobodan Praljak, Kako je sruen Stari most /How the Old Bridge Was Ruined/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2006. - Slobodan Praljak, Zloini koje su poinili neki pripadnici A BiH (muslimanske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH 1991.-1995. /Crimes Committed by Some Members of the BH Army (Muslim Units) against the Croats in BH from 1991 to 1995/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2006. - Slobodan Praljak, Zloini koje su poinili neki pripadnici JNA/VRS (srpske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH 1991.-1995. /Crimes Committed by Some Members of the JNA/VRS (Serbian Units) against the Croats in BH from 1991 to 1995/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Slobodan Praljak, Sruene i oteene katolike crkve i vjerski objekti u Bosni i Hercegovini u ratu 1991.-1995. /Destroyed and Damaged Catholic Churches and Religious Buildings in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the War from 1991 to 1995/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Slobodan Praljak, Urbicid koji su poinile postrojbe JA pod vodstvom Momila Periia nad Mostarom u ljeto 92. /Urbicide Committed against Mostar in the Summer of 1992 by the Yugoslav Army Units Led by Mom~ilo Peri{i}/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Slobodan Praljak, Pomo Republike Hrvatske Muslimansko-Bonjakom narodu i Armiji Bosne i Hercegovine tijekom 1991.-1995. godine injenice /AidProvided by the Republic of Croatia for the Muslim-Bosniak People and the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 Facts/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Slobodan Praljak, Pad Bosanske Posavine 1992. godine /The Fall of Bosnian Posavina in 1992/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Slobodan Praljak, Agresija Bosne i Hercegovine na Republiku Hrvatsku, - injenice /The Aggression of Bosnia and Herzegovina against the Republic of Croatia Facts/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Slobodan Praljak, Ratno zdravstvo HVO injenice /Health Care Provided by the HVO in Wartime Facts/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008. - Slobodan Praljak, Financiranje HVO-a /Financing of the HVO/, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008. - Tomo imi, Dokumenti Predsjednitva Bosne i Hercegovine 1991.-1994. /Documents of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1994/, in National Security and the Future, vols. 7 and 8, Udruga Sv. Juraja, Zagreb, 2006. and 2007.

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49006

- Miroslav Tuman, Istina o Bosni i Hercegovini /The Truth about Bosnia and Herzegovina/, Slovo M, Zagreb, 2005. Documentary films - Pavle Vranjican, Komije /Neighbours/, Zagreb, 2003. Newspapers - Borba (daily newspaper), Belgrade. - Dani (weekly), Sarajevo. - Glas (newspaper), Banja Luka. - Glas Slavonije (daily newspaper), Osijek. - Javnost (official journal of the SDS), Sarajevo. - Narodne novine (Official Gazette of the RH), Zagreb. - Narodni list HZHB (HRHB) (Official Gazette), Mostar. - Novi list (daily newspaper), Rijeka. - Novi vjesnik (daily newspaper), Zagreb. - Osloboenje (daily newspaper), Sarajevo. - Slobodna Dalmacija (daily newspaper), Split. - Veernje novosti (daily newspaper), Belgrade. - Veernji list (daily newspaper), Zagreb. - Vjesnik (daily newspaper), Zagreb. Books - Ahmed Alii, Pokret za autonomiju Bosne od 1831. do 1832 /The Movement for the Autonomy of Bosnia from 1831 to 1832/, Orijentalni institut, Sarajevo, 1996. - Mladen Ani, Hrvatska u karolinko doba /Croatia in the Carolingian Period/, Muzej hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika, Split, 2001. - Arheoloki leksikon Bosne i Hercegovine /Archaeological Lexicon of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, 1-3, Sarajevo, 1988. - Atlas Europe /Atlas of Europe/, Leksikografski zavod Miroslav Krlea, Zagreb, 1997. - Nikica Bari, Srpska pobuna u Hrvatskoj 1990-1995. /Serbian Rebellion in Croatia from 1990 to 1995/, Golden marketing, Zagreb, 2005. - Anelko Barun, Svjedoci i uitelji - povijest franjevaca Bosne Srebrene /Witnesses and Teachers the History of the Franciscans of Bosna Srebrena/, Svjetlo rijei, Sarajevo-Zagreb, 2003. - Duan Bilandi, Historija SFRJ /The History of the SFRY/, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1985. - Ljubo Boban, Sporazum Cvetkovi-Maek /The Cvetkovi}-Ma~ek Agreement/, selfpublished, Belgrade, 1965. - Ljubo Boban, Maek i politika Hrvatske seljake stranke 1928-1941 /Ma~ek and the Policy of the Croatian Peasant Party from 1928 to 1941/, Liber, Zagreb, 1974. - Stphane Courtois, Zloini komunizma /The Crimes of Communism/ in Crna knjiga komunizma /The Black Book of Communism/, Politika kultura, Zagreb, 1999. - Smail eki, Agresija na Bosnu i genocid nad Bonjacima 1991-1993 /The Aggression on Bosnia and Genocide against Bosniaks from 1991 to 1993/, Ljiljan, Sarajevo, 1994.

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Translation

49005

- Vasa ubrilovi, Historija politike misli u Srbiji XIX veka /The History of Political Thought in Serbia in the 19th Century/, Narodna knjiga, Belgrade, 1982. - Sima irkovi, Historija srednjovjekovne bosanske drave /The History of the Medieval Bosnian State/, Srpska knjievna zadruga, Belgrade, 1964. - Vladimir uro Degan, Hrvatska drava u meunarodnoj zajednici /Croatian State in the International Community/, Nakladni zavod Globus, Zagreb, 2002. - Deset godina Hrvatske demokratske zajednice Spomenica /Ten Years of the Croatian Democratic Union - Testimonial/, Zagreb, 1999. - Jovan Divjak, Prva faza rata 1992-1993: borba za opstanak i nastanak Armije BiH /The First Phase of the War, 1992-1993: Struggle for Survival and Genesis of the BH Army/ in Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini /The War in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina/ Jesenski i Turk, and Dani, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999. - Davor Domazet, Hrvatska i veliko ratite /Croatia and the Great Battlefield/, Udruga Sv. Juraja, Zagreb, 2003. - Sreko Daja, Konfesionalnost i nacionalnost Bosne i Hercegovine. Predemancipacijsko razdoblje 1463-1804 /Religious Denomination and Nationality of Bosnia and Herzegovina: pre-Emancipation Phase, 1463-1804/, Ziral, Mostar, 1999. - Sreko Daja, Bosna i Hercegovina u austrougarskom razdoblju (1878-1918) /Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian Period (1878-1918)/, Ziral-Fram, Mostar-Zagreb, 2002. - Milorad Ekmei, Ustanak u Bosni 1875-78 /Rebellion in Bosnia, 1875-78/, Veselin Maslea, Sarajevo, 1973. - Milivoje Eri, Agrarna reforma u Jugoslaviji 1918-1941 /Agrarian Reform in Yugoslavia, 1918-1941/, Veselin Maslea, Sarajevo, 1958. - Berislav Gavranovi, Uspostava redovite katolike hijerarhije u BiH 1881. godine /Establishment of Regular Catholic Hierarchy in BH in 1881/, published by Seminara za opu historiju novoga vijeka Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu, Belgrade, 1935. - Fenomen krstjani u srednjevjekovnoj Bosni i Humu /The Phenomenon of the Krstjani (Christians) in Medieval Bosnia and Hum/, proceedings, Institut za istoriju, Sarajevo-Zagreb, 2005. - Muhamed Filipovi, Bonjaka politika /Bosniak Politics/, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1996. - Boo Golua, Tko je uistinu sruio Stari most? /Who actually Ruined the Old Bridge?/, Motrita 28, Matica Hrvatska, Mostar, 2003. - Boo Golua, Katolika crkva u Bosni i Hercegovini 1918-41 /The Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1918-41/, Teoloki institut, Mostar, 1995. - Mirjana Gross, Historijska znanost /Historical Science/, Centar za povijesnu znanost, Zagreb, 1976. - Muhamed Hadijahi, Porijeklo bosanskih Muslimana /The Origin of Bosnian Muslims/, Bosna, Sarajevo, 1990. - Nihad Halilbegovi, injenice o Patriotskoj ligi Bosne i Hercegovine /Facts on the Patriotic League of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, self-published, Sarajevo, 1994. - Sefer Halilovi, Lukava strategija /Cunning Strategy/, Maral d.o.o., Sarajevo, 1997. - Joseph von Hammer, Historija Turskog/Osmanskog Carstva /History of the Ottoman Empire/, N. Smailagi, Zagreb, 1979. - Muhamed Handi, Islamizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini /Islamisation in Bosnia and Herzegovina/, self-published, Sarajevo, 1940. - Historical Maps of Croatia, Croatian Information Centre, Zagreb (no year of issue given).

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49004

- Historija naroda Jugoslavije I /The History of the Peoples of Yugoslavia I/, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1953. - Historija naroda Jugoslavije II /The History of the Peoples of Yugoslavia II/, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1959. - Carole Hodge, Velika Britanija i Balkan od 1991. do danas /Britain and the Balkans 1991 until Present/, Zagreb, 2007. - Hrvatski povijesni zemljovidi /Croatian Historical Maps/, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1996. - Mustafa Imamovi, Historija Bonjaka /The History of Bosniaks/, Sarajevo, 1977. - Mustafa Imamovi, Pravni poloaj i unutranji politiki razvitak BiH od 1878 do 1914 /The Legal Status and Internal Political Development of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1878 to 1914/, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1997. - Alija Izetbegovi, Islamska deklaracija /The Islamic Declaration/, Bosna, Sarajevo, 1990. - Izvori velikosrpske agresije /The Roots of Greater Serbian Aggression/, August Cesarec, and kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1991. - Fikreta Jeli-Buti, Ustae i Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska 1941-1945 /Ustashas and the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945/, Liber and kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1978. - Josip Jurevi; Marija Rai, Povijest VIII /History VIII/, Alfa, Zagreb, 2004. - Josip Jurevi, Bleiburg - jugoslavenski poratni zloini nad Hrvatima /Bleiburg Yugoslav Post-War Crimes against the Croats/, DIS, Zagreb, 2005. - Veljko Kadijevi, Moje vienje raspada /My View of the Break-Up/, Politika, Belgrade, 1993. - Nada Klai, Povijest Hrvata u ranom srednjem vijeku /History of the Croats in the Early Middle Ages/, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1971. - Nada Klai, Srednjovjekovna Bosna /Medieval Bosnia/, Grafiki zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1989. - Evan F. Kohlmann, Al-Qaidin dihad u Europi, afganistansko-bosanska mrea /AlQaeda's Jihad in Europe : the Afghan-Bosnian network/, Naklada Ljevak d.o.o., Zagreb, 2005. - Eref Kovaevi, Granice Bosanskog paaluka prema Austriji i Mletakoj republici po odredbama Karlovakog mira /The Borders of the Bosnian Pashalik towards Austria and the Venetian Republic according to the Provisions of the Karlovac Peace/, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1973. - Bogdan Krizman, Raspad Austro-Ugarske i stvaranje jugoslavenske drave /The Break-Up of Austria-Hungary and the Creation of the Yugoslav State/, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1977. - Bogdan Krizman, Paveli i ustae /Paveli} and Ustashas/, GP Delo, and OOUR Globus izdavaka djelatnost, Zagreb, 1978. - Kronologija rata 1989.-1998. /The Chronology of the War, 1989-1998/, Hrvatski informativni centar, Zagreb, 1998. - Kranstvo srednjovjekovlje Bosne /Christianity of Mediaeval Bosnia/, proceedings, Vrhbosanska teoloka kola, Sarajevo, 1991. - Vladimir Ilji Lenjin, Djeja bolest ljeviarstva u komunizmu /Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder/, Kultura, Zagreb. - Marko Lopuina, Ubij blinjeg svog /Kill Thy Neighbour/, Narodna knjiga and Alfa, Belgrade, 1996. - Rusmir Mahmutehaji, iva Bosna /Living Bosnia/, Osloboenje, Sarajevo, 1994.

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49003

- Rusmir Mahmutehaji, Put u rat /The Way to War/ in Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995 /The War in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, 19911995/, Naklada Jesenski i Turk, and Dani, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999. - Franjo Mari, Hrvati-katolici u BiH izmeu 1463. i 1995. godine /Croats-Catholics in BH between 1463 and 1995/, Katehetski salezijanski centar, Sarajevo, 1998. - Anto Marini, Opina epe ili klju za funkcioniranje Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine /@ep~e Municipality or the Key to the Functioning of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, Ceres, Zagreb, 2000. - Mirko Mirkovi, Pravni poloaj i karakter srpske crkve pod turskom vlau (14591766) /Legal Status and Character of the Serbian Church under Turkish Rule (1459-1766)/, Zavod za izdavanje udbenika SR Srbije, Belgrade, 1965. - Slobodan Neovi, Temelji nove Jugoslavije /The Foundations of the New Yugoslavia/, Komunist, and Mladost, Belgrade, 1973. - Georgije Ostrogorski, Povijest Bizanta /History of the Byzantine State/, Golden marketing-Tehnika knjiga, Zagreb, 2006. - Mitar Papi, kolstvo u BiH za vrijeme austrougarske okupacije /The School System in BH during Austro-Hungarian Occupation/, Veselin Maslea, Sarajevo, 1973. - Esad Paali, Antika naselja i komunikacije u Bosni i Hercegovini /Antique Era Settlements and Communications in BH/, special publication, Zemaljski muzej u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 1960. - Dragutin Pavlievi, Kratka politika i kulturna povijest Bosne i Hercegovine /Brief Political and Cultural History of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, Hrvatski informativni centar, Zagreb, 2000. - Dragutin Pavlievi, Hrvati i istono pitanje /Croats and the Eastern Matter/, Golden marketing, and Tehnika knjiga, and Hrvatski studiji Sveuilita u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 2007. - Josip Perkovi; Jan Gabri, Sluba dravne sigurnosti /State Security Service/, internal publication, Zagreb, 1997. - Branko Petranovi, Historija Jugoslavije /The History of Yugoslavia/ I-III, Nolit, Belgrade, 1988. - Nenad Pokos, Hrvati u Bosni i Hercegovini 1895-1991 (demografski aspekti) /Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1895-1991 (Demographic Aspects)/, masters thesis, Sveuilite u Zagrebu, 1996. - Povijest Saveza komunista Jugoslavije /The History of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia/, Izdavaki centar Komunist, and Narodna knjiga, and Rad, Belgrade, 1985. - Slobodan Praljak, Procjena ratnih teta u Hrvatskoj /Assessment of War Damage in Croatia/, Zagreb, 2006. - Priprema i izvoenje operacija oruanih snaga u ONOR-u /Preparation and Implementation of Operations of the Armed Forces in the All-People's Defence War/, Centar visokih vojnih kola JNA "Maral Tito" kola narodne odbrane, Belgrade, 1981. - Privatizacija i javnost /Privatisation and the Public/, collected papers, Institut drutvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 1999. - Atif Purivatra, Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija /The Yugoslav Muslim Organisation/, Svjetlost, Sarajevo 1974. - Sran Radulovi, Sudbina Krajine /The Fate of Krajina/, Dan Graf, Belgrade, 1996. - Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995 /The War in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1991-1995/, Naklada Jesenski i Turk, and Dani, ZagrebSarajevo, 1999.

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49002

- Tomislav Raukar, Hrvatsko srednjovjekovlje /Croatia in the Middle Ages/, Zavod za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 1977. - Enver Redi, Jugoslavenski radniki pokret i nacionalno pitanje u BiH (19181941) /The Yugoslav Labour Movement and the Ethnic Problem in BH (19181941)/, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1983. - Enver Redi, Muslimansko autonomatvo i 13. SS divizija /Muslim Autonomism and the 13th SS Division/, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1987. - Enver Redi, Istorijski pogledi na vjerske i nacionalne odnose u Bosni i Hercegovini /Historical Views on Religious and Ethnic Relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina/, Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, and Akademija nauka i umjetnosti BiH, Sarajevo, 1993. - Enver Redi, Sto godina muslimanske politike /A Hundred Years of Muslim Politics/, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti BiH, and Institut za istoriju, Sarajevo, 2000. - Enver Redi, Bosna i Hercegovina u Drugom svjetskom ratu, /Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second World War/, Oko, Sarajevo, 1998. - Ivan Rogi et al., Progonstvo i povratak /Exile and Return/, SysPrint, Zagreb, 1995. - Hans Peter Rullman, Mordauftrag aus Belgrad /Assassinations Commissioned by Belgrade/, H. P. Rullman cop., Hamburg, 1990. - Sarajevski process /The Sarajevo Trial/, Zrich, 1987. - Sedam stoljea bosanskih franjevaca 1291-1991 /Seven Centuries of the Bosnian Franciscans, 1291-1991/, collected papers, Franjevaka teologija, Samobor, 1994. - Charles R. Shrader, Muslimansko-hrvatski graanski rat u srednjoj Bosni /The Muslim-Croat Civil War in Central Bosnia/, Golden marketing, Zagreb, 2004. - Boidar Spasi, Lasica koja govori /The Talking Weasel/, Belgrade, 2000. - Zija Sulejmanpai, 13. SS divizija Handar. Istine i lai /13th SS Hand`ar Division. Truths and Lies/, Zagreb, 2000. - Franjo anjek, Bosansko-humski krstjani u povijesnim vrelima (13-15. stoljee) /Bosnian-Hum Krstjani (Christians) in Historical Sources (13th-15th Century)/, Zagreb, 2003. - esti kongres Saveza udruenja boraca NOR Jugoslavije /Sixth Congress of the Alliance of Associations of National Liberation War Soldiers of Yugoslavia/, Belgrade, 1969. - Jaroslav idak; Mirjana Gross; Igor Karaman; Dragovan epi, Povijest hrvatskog naroda (1860-1914) /History of the Croatian People (1860-1914)/, Zagreb, 1968. - Jaroslav idak, Studije o Crkvi bosanskoj i bogumilstvu /Studies on the Bosnian Church and Bogomilism/, Zagreb, 1975. - Ante kegro, Gospodarstvo rimske provincije Dalmacije /The Economy of the Roman Province of Dalmatia/, Zagreb, 1999. - Hrvoje oi, Tree pokrie Agrokomerca /The Third Cover for Agrokomerc/, Zagreb, 1988. - tedimlija Savi Markovi, Zavjere protiv svjetskog mira /Conspiracies against the World Peace/, Zagreb, 2005. - Milorad Tomani, Srpska crkva u ratu i ratovi u njoj /The Serbian Church during the War and the Wars within It/ Belgrade, 2001. - Miroslav Tuman, Vrijeme krivokletnika /Time of the Perjurer/, Detecta, Zagreb, 2006. - Upravljake elite i modernizacija /Ruling Elites and Modernisation/, Zagreb, 2001. - Boe Vukui, Tajni rat Udbe protiv hrvatskog iseljenitva /Secret War of UDBA against Croatian Emigrants/, Zagreb, 2002.

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- Andrija Zirdum, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini /History of Christianity in Bosnia and Herzegovina/, Plehan, 2007. Contributions in Journals and Collected Papers - Pavao Aneli, Marginalije o tragovima starog rudarstva u srednjoj Bosni /Marginalia on Traces of Old Mining in Central Bosnia/, in Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja, 38, Sarajevo, 1983. - Pavao Aneli, Doba srednjevjekovne bosanske drave /The Age of the Medieval Bosnian State/, in Kulturna historija BiH. - Anto Babi, O pitanju formiranja srednjovjekovne bosanske drave /On the Matter of the Establishment of the Medieval Bosnian State/ in Radovi naunog drutva BiH, III/2, Sarajevo, 1955. - Alojz Benac, Mlae kameno i prelazno doba /Early Stone Age and Transition Period/, in Kulturna istorija BiH, Sarajevo, 1984. - Ivo Bojanovski, Bosna i Hercegovina u antiko doba /Bosnia and Herzegovina in Ancient Times/, Sarajevo, 1988. - Rafael Bri, Njemako-italijanske suprotnosti oko Bosne i Hercegovine u svjetlu okupacije 1941 /German-Italian Contention over Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Light of the Occupation in 1941/, u Prilozi, 3, Sarajevo, 1967. - Sima irkovi, Pravoslavna crkva u srednjevjekovnoj srpskoj dravi /Orthodox Church in the Medieval Serbian State/, in Srpska pravoslavna crkva 1219-1969, testimonial marking 750 years of autocephaly, Belgrade, 1969. - Pejo okovi, Ustrojstvo Crkve bosanske /Organisation of Bosnian Church/, in Zbornik radova o fra Anelu Zvizdoviu, Sarajevo-Fojnica, 2000. - Zdravko Dizdar, Prva pobuna u nacistikoj vojsci: Pobuna Trinaestog pionirskog bataljuna 13. SS divizije Croatia u Villefranche-de-Rouergueu 17. rujna 1943. godine /The First Rebellion in Nazi Army: the Rebellion of the 13th Pioneer Battalion of the 13th SS Croatia Division in Villefranche-de-Rouergue on 17 September 1943/, in ^asopis za suvremenu povijest, Zagreb, 1993. - Bogo Grafenauer, Slovanski naselitveni valovi na Balkanski poluotok, Zgodovinski asopis, XVIII, Ljubljana, 1964. - Adem Handi, O islamizaciji u sjeveroistonoj Bosni u XV i XVI vijeku /On Islamisation in North-Eastern Bosnia in the 15th and 16th Century/, in Jugoslavenski historijski asopis, 4, Belgrade, 1969. - Marko Atilla Hoare, Civilno-vojni odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992-1995, /Civilian-Military Relations in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1992-1995/, in Ratu Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999. - Aleksa Ivi, Migracije Srba u Hrvatskoj tokom XVI, XVII i XVIII stolea /Migrations of Serbs in Croatia during the 16th, 17th and 18th Century/, in Naselja i poreklo stanovnitva, 16, Subotica, 1923. - Josip Jurevi, Vukovarski otpor srbijanskoj oruanoj agresiji na Hrvatsku 1991, /The Vukovar Resistance to Serbian Armed Aggression against Croatia in 1991/, in the journal Drutvena istraivanja, br. 4-5, Zagreb,1993. - Josip Jurevi, Srbijanska oruana agresija na Hrvatsku 1990.-1995. godine /Serbian Armed Aggression against Croatia from 1990 to 1995/, in collected papers Jugoistona Europa 1918.-1995., Zagreb, 1996. - Josip Jurevi, Vukovar 91 Meunarodno pravo i europska sigurnost /Vukovar 91 International Law and European Security/, in collected papers Vukovar 91 Meunarodni odjeci i znaaj, Zagreb, 2004.

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- Josip Jurevi; Katica Ivanda, Vukovar 91 enevske konvencije i logoraka iskustva /Vukovar 91 The Geneva Conventions and Camp Inmates Experiences/, in collected papers Vukovar 91 - Meunarodni odjeci i znaaj, Zagreb, 2004. - Marko Karamati, Katolianstvo u BiH u doba Austrougarske (1878-1918) /Catholicism in BH at the Time of Austria-Hungary (1878-1918)/, in Katolianstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1997. - Tarik Kulenovi, Pripreme za rat i poetak rata u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992. godine /Preparations for the War and the Beginning of the War in BosniaHerzegovina in 1992/, in Polemos, 1, 1998. - Gavro Manojlovi, Studije o spisu De administrando imperio cara Konstantina VII Porfirogeneta /Studies on the Document De Administrando Imperio by Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus/, in Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti. - Pero Moraa, Moralni faktor u narodnooslobodilakom ratu /The Moral Factor in the National Liberation War/, in journal Vojnoistorijski glasnik, 1955, nos. 2-3. - Esad Paali, Period rimske vladavine do kraja III vijeka nae ere /Period of Roman Rule until the End of 3rd Century A.D./, in Kulturna istorija BiH, Sarajevo, 1966. - Atif Purivatra, Politike partije prema agrarnoj reformi u Bosni i Hercegovini neposredno poslije 1918 /Political Parties towards the Agrarian Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina Right after 1918/, in Prilozi, Sarajevo, 1968. - Hodimir Sirotkovi, Vladko Maek i pravna izgradnja Banovine Hrvatske /Vladko Ma~ek and the Legal Development of the Banovina of Croatia/ in Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveuilita u Rijeci, no. 1, 2001. - Milija Stanii, Osnovni principi izgradnje oruanih snaga revolucije 1941-1945. godine /Basic Principles of Development of the Armed Forces of the Revolution, 1941-1945/, in journal Vojno delo, no. 2, 1969. - Avdo Sueska, Istorijske osnove nacionalne posebnosti bosansko-hercegovakih Muslimana /Historical Bases for National Characteristics of the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina/, in Jugoslavenski istorijski asopis, no. 4, Belgrade, 1969. - Martin pegelj, Prva faza rata: pripreme JNA za agresiju i hrvatski obrambeni planovi /The First Phase, 1990-1992: the JNA Prepares for Aggression and Croatia for Defence/, in the book Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 19911995, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999. - Anton Tus, Rat u Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj do Sarajevskog primirja /War in Slovenia and Croatia Up to the Sarajevo Ceasefire/, in the book Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999. - Mirko Valenti, O etnikom korijenu hrvatskih i bosanskih Srba /On Ethnic Roots of Croatian and Bosnian Serbs/, in asopis za suvremenu povijest, 24, Zagreb, 1992. - Milan Vego, The Yugoslav Ground Forces, in Jane's Intelligence Review, 5, 6, 1993. - Rajko Veselinovi, Srpska pravoslavna crkva u BiH /The Serbian Orthodox Church in BH/, in Srpska pravoslavna crkva 1219-1969, Belgrade, 1969. - Fran Vinar, Al-Qaidin put: od Afganistana preko BiH do mekanog trbuha Europe /Al-Qaedas Path: from Afghanistan through BH to the Soft Belly of Europe/, epilogue in E. F. Kohlmann.

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- Marin Zaninovi, Ilirsko pleme Delmati I i II dio /The Illyrian Tribe of the Delmati, Part 1 and 2/, in Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH, IV/2 and V/3, Sarajevo, 1966 and 1967.

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Prof. dr. sc. Josip Jurevi

Ekspertiza za potrebe MKSJ:

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA 1990. 1995. GODINE

Zagreb, prosinac 2008.

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SADRAJ

Uvodna napomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

I. BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA DO RASPADA DRUGE JUGOSLAVIJE (1991. G.). . . . . . . . .7

1. POVIJEST PROSTORA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE (od starog vijeka do 1989. godine) . . . . 8 1.1 Osnovne znaajke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 1.2 Bosanskohercegovaki prostor od pretpovijesti do sredine 12. stoljea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 1.3 Srednjevjekovna bosanska drava (1180.-1463.). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12 1.4 Osmanlijsko razdoblje bosanskohercegovake povijesti (1463.-1878.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 1.5 Bosna i Hercegovina pod Austro-ugarskom (1878.-1918.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 1.6 Bosna i Hercegovina u prvoj Jugoslaviji (1918.-1941.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 1.6.1 Banovina Hrvatska (1939.-1941.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .23 1.7 Bosna i Hercegovina u Nezavisnoj Dravi Hrvatskoj (1941.-1945.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 1.8 Bosna i Hercegovina u drugoj Jugoslaviji (1945.-1990.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27 2. POVIJESNI KONTEKST RASPADA BIVE JUGOSLAVIJE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 3. GLAVNI AKTERI NA PROSTORU BIVE JUGOSLAVIJE KRAJEM 80-IH I POETKOM 90-IH GODINA 20. STOLJEA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .34 3.1. Institucije Socijalistike federativne republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 3.1.1 Savez komunista Jugoslavije SKJ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .34 3.1.2 Jugoslavenska narodna armija (JNA) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 3.1.3 Predsjednitvo Socijalistike Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ) . . . . . . . 39 3.1.4 Slube sigurnosti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 3.1.5 Skuptina SFRJ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .42 3.1.6 Savezno izvrno vijee (SIV) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .42 3.1.7 Socijalistiki savez radnog naroda Jugoslavije (SSRNJ). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 3.1.8 Savez rezervnih vojnih stareina Jugoslavije (SRVSJ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43 3.1.9 Savez udruenja boraca Narodnooslobodilakog rata Jugoslavije (SUBNOR). . .44 3.2 Institucije u republikama bive Jugoslavije . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .44 3.2.1 Srbija . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 3.2.2 Hrvatska . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .48 3.2.3 Bosna i Hercegovina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 3.3 Institucije meunarodne zajednice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 1

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3.3.1 Ujedinjene nacije (UN) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 3.3.2 Europska zajednica (EZ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 3.3.3 Konferencija o europskoj sigurnosti i suradnji (KESS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 4. RASPAD INSTITUCIJSKOG SUSTAVA DRUGE JUGOSLAVIJE (1990-1991. G.) . . . . . . 53 4.1 Odluujua 1990. godina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .55 4.2 Godina 1991. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

II. BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA OD 1990. 1995. GODINE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .63

1. BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA: DRAVA TRI KONSTITUTIVNE NACIJE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .64 1.1 Muslimani/Bonjaci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 1.2 Srbi u BiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 1.3 Hrvati u BiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .72 1.4 Demografski pokazatelji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 2. GLAVNE POLITIKE KONCEPCIJE STRUKTURA KONSTITUTIVNIH NARODA . . . . 78 2.1 Muslimani/Bonjaci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .78 2.2 Srbi u BiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 2.3 Hrvati u BiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .83 3. OSNIVANJE NACIONALNIH POLITIKIH ENTITETA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 3.1 Patriotska liga (PL) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 3.2 Republika Srpska (RS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89 3.3 Hrvatska Republika Herceg-Bosna (HRHB) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .93 4. REFERENDUM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 5. ORUANE SNAGE NACIONALNIH ENTITETA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI . . . . . . . ..104 5.1 Vojska Republike Srpske (VRS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .104 5.2 Armija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine (ARBiH) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 5.3 Hrvatsko vijee obrane (HVO) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 6. MEUNARODNA ZAJEDNICA I BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .117 6.1. Do meunarodnog priznanja BiH (07. travnja 1992.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .117 6.1.1 Cutilleirov mirovni plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 6.2. Od meunarodnog priznanja BiH do propasti Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana (07. travnja 1992. 19. svibnja 1993. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 6.3. Od 20. svibnja 1993. g. do srpnja 1994. godine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .129 6.3.1 Owen-Stoltenbergov mirovni plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 6.3.2 Washingtonski sporazum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 2

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6.3.3 Mirovni plan Kontaktne skupine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .133 7. ZNAAJNE RATNA TEME . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .136 7.1 Bosna i Hercegovina u ratu protiv Republike Hrvatske . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 7.2 Zarobljavanje Alije Izetbegovia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138 7.3 Oruani napadi na Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1991. godine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .140 7.4 Djelomini muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatski oruani sukobi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 7.5 Ruenje Starog mosta u Mostaru. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145 7.6 Mudahedini i Al-Qaida u BiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148

III. ODNOS REPUBLIKE HRVATSKE PREMA BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

(1991.-1995. GODINE) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153

Uvodna napomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 1. DRAVNO POLITIKA RAZINA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .157 1.1 RH priznaje samostalnu dravu BiH (07. travnja 1992. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .157 1.2 Sporazum o prijateljstvu i suradnji izmeu BiH i RH (21. srpnja 1992. g.) . . . . . . . . .158 1.3 Pokuaji uspostave pune suradnje (listopad 1992.-travanj 1993. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162 1.4 Nova nesuglasja (svibanj-listopad 1993. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 1.5 Proces uspostavljanja pune suradnje (studeni 1993.-1995. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 2. IZBJEGLICE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 2.1 Uvodna napomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .182 2.2 Izbjeglice i prognanici u Republici Hrvatskoj . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .183 2.3 Skrb RH o izbjeglicama iz BiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .184 3. NAORUAVANJE I OPREMANJE POSTROJBI ARBiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .187 3.1 Naoruavanje i opremanje . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .187 3.2 Logistike baze za ARBiH na teritoriju RH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 3.3 HZHB i HVO i naoruavanje Armije RBiH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 4. USTROJAVANJE I OBUKA POSTROJBI ARBiH NA TERITORIJU REPUBLIKE HRVATSKE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .193 4.1 Ustrojavanje postrojbi ARBiH u Republici Hrvatskoj . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 4.2 Obuavanje postrojbi ARBiH u Republici Hrvatskoj . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 5. LIJEENJE RANJENIH VOJNIKA ARBIH I MUSLIMANA/BONJAKA CIVILA U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ 1992.-1995. GODINE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .203 6. HUMANITARNE ORGANIZACIJE U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ ZA PRIKUPLJANJE POMOI BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
3

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7. EKSTERITORIJALNO KOLSTVO BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ 1992.-1994. GODINE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .208 8. SURADNJA RH I BiH NA PODRUJU PORTA I KULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212 8.1 port . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .212 8.2 Kultura. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Kratice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214 Popis priloga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 Izvori i literatura. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220

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Uvodna napomena

Ova ekspertiza je izraena na traenje obrane Generala Slobodana Praljka u vezi sudskog postupka koji se protiv njega i drugih osoba vodi pred Meunarodnim kaznenim sudom za prostor bive Jugoslavije (MKSJ. Obrana je okvirno zatraila izradu ekspertize koja e obraditi sljedee: a) povijest prostora BiH i razvoj kljunih dogaanja do 1995. godine, s posebnim osvrtom na na proces raspada bive Jugoslavije i dogaaje u BiH u razdoblju od 1990. 1995. godine. b) odnos RH prema BiH sa posebnim osvrtom na razliite kljune pojavne oblike koji primjereno prikazuju i objanjavaju bitne oznake odnosa drave Republike Hrvatske prema dravi Republici Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju 1991. - 1995. godine. Autor ekspertize je s obranom Generala Slobodana Praljka dogovorio navedeni osnovni (vremenski, prostorni i tematski) okvir, a autoru ekspertize je u cijelosti preputena izrada koncepcije istraivanja, metodoloki postupci, struktura sadraja, kauzalna

interpretacija i nain prezentacije istraivakih rezultata. Ekspertiza je izraena prema metodolokim standardima historijske znanosti. Naznaeni standardi su primjenjeni u svim fazama nastanka ekspertize; od prikupljanja povijesnih izvora i heuristike, do rekonstrukcije jednostavnih i sloenih povijesnih injenica te njihove kauzalne dijakronijske interpretacije.1 Osnovni cilj ekspertize je, na znanstveno objektivan nain prikazati povijesne uzroke, tijek i posljedice kljunih dogaanja na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine u razdoblju 1990. do 1995. godine. Stoga je ope znanstveno naelo injenicama do istine - bilo temeljno spoznajno polazite pri nastanku ekspertize. Ovo je vano uvodno naglasiti jer su u dosadanjem javnom (i znanstvenom) govoru o nedavnim politikim i ratnim dogaanjima na prostoru bive Jugoslavije uglavnom prevladavali veoma razliiti i kontradiktorni stereotipi, koji su neprihvatljivi sa znanstvenog motrita. Naime, stereotipi su veoma esto predstavljani kao povijesne injenice ili povijesne istine, te se tako nastojao nametnuti opi legitimitet neloginoj i neznanstvenoj tezi kako postoji vei broj meusobno razliitih i kontradiktornih povijesnih istina.

Gross, Mirjana, Historijska znanost, Zagreb, 1976.

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Nastanak ovih naizgled uvjerljivih stereotipa omoguen je primjenom niza neznanstvenih postupaka, kojima je osnovno polazite da cilj opravdava sredstvo. Odnosno, najprije su zadani stereotipi, a potom su neznanstvenim metodama traeni, proizvoeni i prezentirani selektivni izvori koji su afirmirali stereotipe. Nastanku stereotipa svakako je pogodovala i injenica to o dogaanjima najnovije povijesti postoji golema koliina materijalnih izvora (pisanih, slikovnih, video, audio i trodimenzionalnih), aktera i oevidaca, te su se neznanstvenim odabirom mogli izgraivati neobjektivni i meusobno kontradiktorni stereotipi, tj. pogrene predodbe o stvarnim dogaanjima. Nasuprot tome stoji historijska znanost koja raspolae razraenim sustavom metoda koje omoguuju znanstveno legitimnu, istraivaku, rekonstrukciju povijesnih injenica i povijesnih procesa. Pritom se podrazumijeva da su svi istraivaki postupci, izvori i rezultati istraivanja prema znanstvenim standardima - jasno i razgovijetno prezentirani i provjerljivi. Na taj znanstveni nain utvrena povijesna saznanja (jednostavne i sloene povijesne injenice te interpretacije) mogu biti vjerodostojna i primjerena podloga za postupke objektivnih vrednovanja povijesnih dogaanja (injenica, aktera) s civilizacijskog, svjetonazorskog, moralnog, pravosudnog, povijesnog i svakog drugog motrita.

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I.

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA DO RASPADA DRUGE JUGOSLAVIJE (1991. GODINE)

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I.-1 POVIJEST PROSTORA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE (od starog vijeka do 1989. godine)

I.-1.1 Osnovne znaajke

Drava Republika Bosna i Hercegovina (RBiH), koja je meunarodno priznata 1992. godine, smjetena je u jugoistonom dijelu Europe, na sjeverozapadnom dijelu Balkanskog poluotoka. Prema povrini dravnog teritorija (51.129 km) i broju stanovnika (4,365.000 prema popisu 1991. g.) RBiH pripada u skupinu manjih i slabije nastanjenih europskih drava. Na sjeveru, zapadu i jugu, drava RBiH granii s dravom Republikom Hrvatskom, a na istoku s dravama Srbijom i Crnom gorom.2 RBiH je preteito brdovita zemlja s brojnim unutarnjim i graninim rijekama, iji glavni smjerovi idu prema sjeveru (Una, Vrbas, Bosna i Drina, koje se ulijevaju u rijeku Savu, koja je granica s Hrvatskom) i jugu (Neretva, koja se ulijeva u hrvatski dio Jadranskog mora). Isto tako, i veina glavnih prometnih smjerova (u prolosti i suvremenosti) kretala se u smjeru sjevera i juga. U BiH su u razliitim razdobljima otkrivana i koritena brojna bogata nalazita razliitih ruda i sirovina (eljezo, ugljen, srebro, zlato, olovo, sol itd.).3 Osim navedenog, umjerena klima, konfiguracija i sastav tla, biljni pokrov, raznolikost ivotinjskih vrsta, raspored vodenih tokova, polja i oborina te druge zemljopisne znaajke veoma su pogodne za ivot ljudi,4 pa je stoga prostor BiH od davnina bio nastanjen. Prepoznatljivi dvojni naziv (Bosna i Hercegovina) - od zemljopisnog do geopolitikog znaenja koristi se sustavno tek od tzv. austro-ugarskog razdoblja, tj. od sedmog desetljea 19. stoljea. Prema dosadanjim spoznajama, geo-politiki naziv Bosna (za odreeno podruje u sredinjim dijelovima dananje RBiH) prvi put se spominje u 10. stoljeu, u tekstu bizantskog cara Konstantina Porfirogeneta. Taj geo-politiki naziv potie od starijeg naziva istoimene rijeke (Bosna), koja to ime (kao i veina rijeka na prostoru BiH) nosi jo iz starorimskog razdoblja ili iz razdoblja doseljenja junih Slavena (poetak 7. stoljea).
2 3 4

Podaci preuzeti iz: Atlas Europe, Zagreb, 1997, str. 102-103, 305. Isto, str. 306 i 310. Isto, str. 305-6.

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Geopolitiki naziv Hercegovina ili hercegova zemlja koristi se od 15. stoljea, uglavnom za june dijelove dananje RBiH. Mnogi aspekti, razdoblja i problemi povijesti prostora BiH su ostali nedovoljno ili nestruno istraeni, a ono to je istraivano uestalo je prilagoavano razliitim interesima, koji su se tijekom cijele povijesti na prostoru BiH veoma dinamino i sloeno (a najee nasilnim putem) mijenjali. Zbog geopolitikih i drugih vanosti prostora BiH, na njemu su se tijekom cijele povijesti dogaali intenzivni meuodnosi razliitih svjetskih, regionalnih i lokalnih silnica (politikih, vojnih, kulturnih, vjerskih itd.), koje su ostavljale duboke tragove u svim vidovima drutvenog ivota. Ovi meuodnosi su imali izuzetno sloene vremenske, prostorne i kvalitativne dimenzije koje su podrazumijevale (ak i istovremene) dodire, sukobljavanja, suivote i sinteze razliitosti. Tako su, primjerice, mnogi politiki i vojni sukobi - koji su se tijekom povijesti dogaali na prostoru BiH - imali naglaenu povijesnu, vjersku i meunarodnu dimenziju, ali su se isto tako na prostoru BiH istovremeno dogaali i specifini oblici svakodnevne i identitetske multikulturalnosti i transkulturalnosti. Na taj nain, ve i najopenitiji uvid svjedoi kako jedno od glavnih povijesnih obiljeja drutvenog ivota na prostora BiH predstavlja njegova izuzetna sloenost i nestabilnost, to se oitovalo i u najnovijoj povijesti. Stoga e uvaavanje naznaenog povijesnog kontinuiteta bitno pridonijeti objektivnijem prepoznavanju i prosuivanju dogaanja u razdoblju 1990.- 1995. godine.

I.-1.2 Bosanskohercegovaki prostor od pretpovijesti do sredine 12. stoljea

U BiH postoje brojna arheoloka nalazita iz svih razdoblja ljudske povijesti. Manji dio nalazita je temeljitije istraen, a vei dio je istraen djelomino ili je samo lociran. U peini Badanj (kod Stolca u Hercegovini) otkriven je crte paleolitskog ovjeka koji je star priblino 10 tisua godina, to predstavlja europsku rijetkost. Meu nalazitima iz mlaeg kamenog doba istie se Butmir (kod Sarajeva). Iz razdoblja bronce i eljeza istraeno je vie naselja (Glasinac, Donja Dolina, Golubi i dr.). Arheoloki nalazi i drugi povijesni izvori svjedoe da su tijekom starog i ranog srednjeg vijeka na podruju BiH (kao i okolnim podrujima) ivjela brojna i razliita plemena; Iliri, Kelti, Grci, Rimljani, Avari i Slaveni.

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U stoljeima prije nove ere na podruju BiH (kao i na okolnim podrujima) najbrojnija su bila starosjedilaka ilirska plemena (Delmati, Breuci, Japodi itd.). Od 4. st. prije nove ere i na podruje dananje BiH prodirala su keltska plemena. U 2. st. prije nove ere, uglavnom na podrujima dananje BiH i Hrvatske postojala je Ilirska kraljevina koja se sve ee sukobljavala sa dravom starog Rima, koja je irila svoju mo diljem mediteranske obale i njenog zalea. Na prijelazu izmeu stare i nove ere Rimljani su trajnije zavladali ilirskim prostorom, kojeg su nazvali Ilirik, te ga upravno organizirali u dvije ili tri rimske provincije. Prostor dananje BiH je tada veim dijelom pripadao rimskoj provinciji Dalmacija, a sjeverni dijelovi dananje BiH pripadali su provinciji Panonija. Godine 395. izvrena je podjela Rimskog Carstva na Istono i Zapadno, a cijeli prostor BiH pripao je zapadnoj polovici Carstva.

Prilog 1: Bosnaskohercegovaki prostor od 3.-5. stoljea, kao dio Rimskog Carstva (Preuzeto iz: Hrvatski povijesni zemljovidi, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1996, str. 3) U stoljeima rimskog upravljanja i prostor BiH je bio izloen sustavnoj romanizaciji. To se oitovalo u brojnim vidovima; od velikih infrastrukturnih zahvata (naselja, ceste, rudnici), do provoenja pokrtavanja stanovnitva. Tako je, primjerice, za postojanja

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Zapadnog Carstva i jedan dio BiH vjerski pripadao nadbiskupiji u Saloni (kod grada Splita, u dananjoj Hrvatskoj), a drugi dio nadbiskupiji u Sirmiumu (kod grada Sremska Mitrovica, u dananjoj Srbiji). Nakon propasti Zapadnog Rimskog Carstva (476. g.), veina podruja BiH dola je pod razliite vrste i intenzitete dominacije Istonog Carstva, zatim Istonih Gota te Bizanta. 5 U drugoj polovici 6. st., tijekom velikih seoba europskih naroda, na podruje BiH (i okolna podruja) sve ee su prodirala plemena Avara i Slavena, koji su u svakom pogledu postupno potiskivali i asimilirali starosjedilake Ilire i druge romanizirane narodne skupine. Razdoblje seobe naroda, i nekoliko narednih stoljea povijesti prostora BiH, je veoma slabo istraeno, te su poznati samo fragmenti i neke posredne injenice. Prema malobrojnim poznatim povijesnim izvorima saznaje se da su od sredine 9. stoljea nad pojedinim veim ili manjim podrujima BiH, nestabilno i s razliitim vremenskim trajanjem, vladali hrvatski knezovi, a od 925. godine hrvatski kraljevi. Isto tako, u to vrijeme na pojedinim podrujima BiH i u kraim razdobljima vladali su pojedini srpski i crnogorski knezovi, a bizantski carevi su neprekidno nad podrujem BiH (i okolnim podrujima) nastojali ostvariti feudalnu seniorsku vlast. Tako je bizantski car i kroniar Konstantin Porfirogenet, oko 950. godine u svom spisu O upravljanju carstvom (De administrando Imperio) prvi put spomenuo zemljicu Bosnu kao posebnu oblast uz izvorite rijeke Bosne i njenih gornjih pritoka.6 Hrvatska je 1102. g. ula u personalnu uniju s Ugarskom, a na elu zajednike drave smjenjivali su se vladari ugarskih dinastija. Teritorij jake ugarsko-hrvatske drave je s tri strane okruivao prostor BiH, to su ugarsko-hrvatski vladari koristili za uestale vojne i politike akcije nastojei podruje BiH staviti pod svoju dominaciju i to vie ga odvojiti od
5

O najstarijem razdoblju povijesti na prostoru BiH: 1. Aneli, Pavao, Marginalije o tragovima starog

rudarstva u srednjoj Bosni, u Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja, 38, Sarajevo, 1983; 2. Arheoloki leksikon Bosne i Hercegovine, 1-3, Sarajevo, 1988; 3. Benac, Alojz, Mlae kameno i prelazno doba, u Kulturna istorija BiH, Sarajevo, 1984; 4. Bojanovski, Ivo, Bosna i Hercegovina u antiko doba, Sarajevo, 1988; 5. Paali, Esad, Antika naselja i komunikacije u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1960; 6. Paali, Esad, Period rimske vladavine do kraja III vijeka nae ere, u Kulturna istorija BiH, Sarajevo, 1966; 7. kegro, Ante, Gospodarstvo rimske provincije Dalmacije, Zagreb, 1999; 8. Zaninovi, Marin, Ilirsko pleme Delmati, I i II dio, (Politika povijest i rasprostranjenost Delmata), u Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH, IV/2 i V/3, Sarajevo, 1966 i 1967; 9. Zirdum, Andrija, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007.
6

Manojlovi, Gavro, Studije o spisu De administrando imperio cara Konstantina VII Porfirogeneta, u Rad

Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, 182, 186, 187, Zagreb, 1910 i 1911.

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bizantskog utjecaja. S tim ciljem su u dijelu Bosne za bana postavili Boria koji je bio prvi znaajniji vladar tog podruja (1150.-1163).7

I.-1.3 Srednjevjekovna bosanska drava (1180.-1463. g.) 8

Nasuprot stranim politikim i vjerskim utjecajima (Ugarsko-hrvatska drava protiv Bizanta, te Rimokatolika protiv Istone crkve) koji su se tada prelamali i na podrujima BiH, unutar BiH su postojali politiki i vjerski otpori vanjskim utjecajima. U takvim okolnostima nastala je i srednjevjekovna bosanska drava, koja je bila samostalna prema tadanjim feudalnim kriterijima. Isto tako, u BiH se tada oblikovala autohtona Crkva bosanska9, koja je smatrana heretikom s rimokatolikog i istonog crkvenog motrita. U ovom povijesnom razdoblju, na temelju navedenih suprotstavljenih interesa, na prostoru BiH su se dogaali veoma esti politiki, vojni i vjerski sukobi, koji su taj prostor drali u trajnoj teritorijalnoj, upravljakoj i vjerskoj nestabilnosti. Utemeljitelj srednjevjekovne bosanske drave bio je ban Kulin (1180.-1204.), koji je vladao veim, sjevernim, dijelom prostora BiH. Kulin se pod pritiscima sa zapada javno odrekao krivovjerja i prihvatio katoliko uenje, ali u stvarnom ivotu se gotovo nita nije promijenilo. Nakon Kulina slabila je bosanska drava, pa je u nju veoma esto ulazila
7

Za povijest BiH i okolnih prostora u razdoblju ranog srednjeg vijeka osnovna literatura je: 1. Ani, Mladen,

Hrvatska u karolinko doba, Split, 2001; 2. Grafenauer, Bogo, Slovanski naselitveni valovi na Balkanski poluotok, Zgodovinski asopis, XVIII, Ljubljana, 1964; 3. Historija naroda Jugoslavije I, Zagreb, 1953; 4. Klai, Nada, Povijest Hrvata u ranom srednjem vijeku, Zagreb, 1971; 5. Ostrogorski, Georgije, Povijest Bizanta, Golden marketing-Tehnika knjiga, Zagreb, 2006; 6. Zirdum, Andrija, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007.
8

Osnovna literatura za ovo razdoblje povijesti BiH je: 1. Aneli, Pavao, Doba srednjevjekovne bosanske

drave, u Kulturna historija BiH; 2. Babi, Anto, O pitanju formiranja srednjovjekovne bosanske drave, Radovi naunog drutva BiH, III/2, Sarajevo, 1955; 3. irkovi, Sima, Historija srednjovjekovne bosanske drave, Beograd, 1964; 4. Historija naroda Jugoslavije I, Zagreb, 1953; 5. Klai Nada, Srednjovjekovna Bosna, Zagreb, 1989; 6. Kranstvo srednjovjekovlje Bosne, zbornik radova, Sarajevo, 1991; 7. Raukar, Tomislav, Hrvatsko srednjovjekovlje, Zagreb, 1977; 8. Zirdum, Andrija, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007.
9

okovi, Pejo, Ustrojstvo Crkve bosanske, u Zbornik radova o fra Anelu Zvizdoviu, Sarajevo-Fojnica,

2000; Fenomen krstjani u srednjevjekovnoj Bosni i Humu, zbornik radova, Sarajevo-Zagreb, 2005; anjek, Franjo, Bosansko-humski krstjani u povijesnim vrelima (13-15. stoljee), Zagreb, 2003; idak, Jaroslav, Studije o Crkvi bosanskoj i bogumilstvu, Zagreb, 1975.

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ugarsko-hrvatska vojska vodei tzv. kriarske ratove protiv krivovjeraca, a rezultat je bio zauzimanje dijelova bosanske drave od strane hrvatskih i ugarskih velikaa. Bosanska drava ponovno je ojaala u vrijeme bana Stjepana 2. Kotromania (1314.1353.), koji je koristei politika, vojna i diplomatska sredstva zavladao i junim dijelovima prostora BiH i dijelom Dalmacije. Za vlasti Stjepana 2. u BiH se znatno poveao i uvrstio utjecaj Katolike crkva, naroito preko djelovanja crkvenih redova, osobito franjevaca koji su prvi put u Bosnu doli 1291. g. i mali su presudan znaaj u ouvanju katolianstva (te hrvatskog etnikog i nacionalnog identiteta) i u osmanlijskom razdoblju bosanskohercegovake povijesti.

Prilog 2: Srednjevjekovna bosanska drava (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, Dragutin, Kratka politika i kulturna povijest Bosne i Hercegovine, Hrvatski informativni centar, Zagreb, 2000, str. 43) Bosanska drava je dosegla vrhunac moi u doba Stjepana Tvrtka 1. (1353.-1391.), koji je vojnim pohodima jo vie proirio dravni teritorij. Tvrtko 1. se proglasio kraljem Srbljem i Bosni, a titulu mu je priznao Ludovik 1., jer je i Bosna, prema feudalnom

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poimanju, potpadala pod ugarsku krunu sv. Stjepana. Godine 1388. Tvrtko 1. je porazio osmanlijsku vojsku, a 1390. g. je osvojio hrvatsku obalu do Zadra te se proglasio kraljem Bosne, Dalmacije, Hrvatske i Primorja. Nakon smrti Tvrtka 1. bosanska drava je naglo oslabila i doivjela je teritorijalno rasulo, zbog brojnih unutarnjih sukoba te osvajakih pohoda Osmanlija s jugoistoka i ugarsko-hrvatskih sa sjeverozapada. Na koncu (1463. g.) osmanlijska vojska je zauzela Bosnu i pogubila njenog posljednjeg kralja, Stjepana Tomaevia. Njegova supruga, kraljica Katarina pobjegla je u Rim, gdje je prije smrti svoju bivu kraljevinu Bosnu ostavila Svetoj Stolici. Dva desetljea kasnije (1482. g.) Osmanlije su zauzele i Humsku zemlju, koja se od 1448. g. nazivala Hercegovinom.

I.-1.4 Osmanlijsko razdoblje bosanskohercegovake povijesti (1463.-1878. g.)10

etiri stoljea osmanlijskog upravljanja prostorom BiH ostavilo je u svakom pogledu goleme posljedice na BiH, ali i na susjedna i udaljenija europska podruja. Naime, prostor BiH je bio najzapadnija i stoga iznimno vana osmanlijska pokrajina, iz koje je tadanja dugotrajna svjetska sila Osmanlijsko Carstvo nastojala ratovanjem iriti svoju mo u smjeru europskog zapada i sjevera. Ovu opu injenicu je nuno uvaavati za objektivno razumijevanje niza politikih, vojnih, gospodarskih, kulturnih, nacionalnih, migracijskih, vjerskih i ostalih povijesnih i suvremenih procesa koji su se dogaali unutar BiH, u njenom okruenju i na euroazijskom prostoru. Prostor BiH je bio izloen sveobuhvatnom procesu islamizacije, jer je islam bio ne samo vjera, nego i ideologija i nain ivota, odnosno civilizacija koja je bila duhovna struktura Osmanlijskog Carstva. Stoga je osmanlijska drava sustavno provodila islamizaciju i

10

Osnovna literatura za ovo razdoblje povijesti BiH je: 1. Daja, Sreko, Konfesionalnost i nacionalnost Bosne i

Hercegovine. Predemancipacijsko razdoblje 1463-1804, Mostar, 1999; 2. Imamovi, Mustafa, Historija Bonjaka, Sarajevo, 1977; 3. Hadijahi, Muhamed, Porijeklo bosanskih Muslimana, Sarajevo, 1990; 4. Hammer, Joseph von, Historija Turskog/Osmanskog Carstva, Zagreb, 1979; 5. Handi, Adem, O islamizaciji u sjeveroistonoj Bosni u XV i XVI vijeku, u Jugoslavenski historijski asopis, 4, Beograd, 1969; 6. Handi, Muhamed, Islamizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1940; 7. Historija naroda Jugoslavije II, Zagreb, 1959; 8. Mari, Franjo, Hrvati-katolici u BiH izmeu 1463. i 1995. godine, Sarajevo, 1998; 9. Zirdum, Andrija, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007.

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u BiH, sukladno svojim osvajakim ciljevima, nastojei prostor BiH pretvoriti u to pouzdaniju utvrdu za daljnja osvajanja na europskom kontinentu. Islamizacija se odvijala prema imperijalnoj koncepciji, te se kretala sveobuhvatno, od kulturoloke i vjerske do upravljake razine, a provodila se razliitim metodama; od nasilnog nametanja do pridobivanja razliitim materijalnim povlasticama i nuenja mogunosti objektivnog statusnog napredovanja na razini cijelog Carstva. Tako su veinu elnih upravljakih poloaja i na BiH prostoru dobivale osobe iz BiH koje su prele na islam i bile vjerne Carstvu, a nerijetko su islamizirani pojedinci s prostora BiH imali i izuzetno visoke poloaje u upravljanju cijelim Carstvom. Stoga je tijekom etiri osmanlijska stoljea prostor BiH doivio duboke preobrazbe koje su ostavile razliite politike, kulturoloke, identitetske i druge uinke, koji su opstali i razvijali se i nakon 19. stoljea. Na prostoru BiH je uveden osmanlijski feudalni (poluvojni) ustroj, u kojem su najbrojniju temeljnu vladajuu strukturu inili nii vojni plemii (spahije) koji su zbog vojnih zasluga od vladara Carstva (sultana, koji je bio vlasnik cjelokupne zemlje) dobivali zemljini posjed (timar). U prvim stoljeima osmanlijske vlasti plemiki status spahije nije bio nasljedan, niti je nasljedan bio zemljini posjed (timar), nego je ovisio o ratnim, osvajakim uspjesima. Tada su timare i status spahije dobivale i neislamizirane osobe koje su bile vojniki zaslune u teritorijalnom irenju Carstva. Meutim, vee zemljine posjede i titule dobivali su samo islamizirani feudalci. Nakon osmanlijskog poraza kod hrvatskog grada Siska (1593. g.) i postupnog slabljenja osvajake moi Carstva, bio je sve vei pritisak provoenju nasilne islamizacije u svim drutvenim slojevima na prostoru BiH; kmetovi krani su bili u sve nepovoljnijem poloaju, a spahiluk je postao nasljedan i oduzimao se spahijama kranima. No, u razdoblju vojnih uspjeha Osmanlijskog Carstva u Europi (15., 16. i 17. stoljee) prostor BiH je ve bio trajno islamiziran: zaivjela je islamska feudalna struktura, a znaajan dio obinog puka (kmetovi) takoer je prihvatio islam zbog razliitih motiva (uglavnom zbog povoljnijeg drutvenog statusa). Osmanlijska drava je osvojeno bosansko kraljevstvo ustrojila kao posebnu upravnu cjelinu sandakat (okrug) koji je bio u sastavu Rumelijskog paaluka. Ugarsko-hrvatska drava je tada uz granicu sa Bosanskim sandakatom osnovala Jajaku, Srebreniku i Mavansku banovinu kao obrambena podruja (od rijeke Une do Beograda), koja su trebala zaustaviti daljnja osmanlijska osvajanja. Meutim, zbog snage Osmanlijskog Carstva i kriza u odnosima meu europskim dravama, Osmanlije su tijekom 16. stoljea zauzele dio Ugarske (Beograd, 1521. g.). i velike

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dijelove Hrvatske (Knin 1522. g., zatim Jajce, Poegu, Klis, Viroviticu, te Biha 1592. g.), s ime je Hrvatska svedena na ostatke ostataka (reliquie reliquiarum). To je bio vrhunac teritorijalnog irenja Osmanlijskog Carstva u Europi, i stoga je 1592. ustrojen novi, Bosanski Paaluk koji je imao osam sandaka.

Prilog 3: Bosanski Paaluk krajem 16. i poetkom 17. stoljea (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, D., n. dj., str. 45)

Ve slijedee godine (1593.) golema osmanlijska vojska je doivjela teki i presudni poraz kod grada Siska (u Hrvatskoj), nakon ega su Osmanlije sve vie iz osvajakog rata prelazile u obrambeni. Ovu godinu su osmanlijski kroniari nazivali godinom propasti. U narednih stotinjak godina osmanlijska vojska je pokuavala nizom veih i manjih prodora i bitaka izvriti daljnja osvajanja na prostoru srednje Europe. U tom razdoblju su i razliite udruene i pojedinane vojske europskih drava upadale na podruja koja su

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zauzele Osmanlije, nastojei potisnuti Osmanlije iz Europe i tako rijeiti tzv. Istono pitanje.11 U tim iscrpljujuim sukobima, osmanlijska drava je bila teko poraena u najveim bitkama i ratovima, te je 1699. bila prinuena potpisati mir u Srijemskim Karlovcima, tj. napustiti sva podruja na lijevim obalama rijeka Une, Save i Dunava. Tako su i granice Bosanskog Paaluka vraene na desnu obalu Save i Dunava.12 Bosanski paaluk je nakon toga dobio novo strateko znaenje, jer je postao najistureniji dio Osmanlijskog Carstva u Europi, te se na njemu branio poloaj Carstva u Europi. Ratovi europskih drava (uglavnom Austrije i Rusije) protiv Osmanlija u 18. stoljeu nisu znatnije izmijenili granice uspostavljene 1699. godine. Krajem 18. i u poetnim desetljeima 19. stoljea, europske drave su se meusobno sukobljavale te su izostali vei vojni pohodi protiv Osmanlijskog Carstva. Meutim, golemo Osmanlijsko Carstvo je zapadalo u sve veu unutarnju politiku i socijalnu krizu, u kojoj su na Balkanu zbog autohtonih razloga te poticaja europskih sila (preteito uz pomo Rusije) - uslijedili protuosmanlijski ustanci Srba, Grka, Rumunja i Crnogoraca. Tako se Grka osamostalila, a Srbija je 1830. g. dobila autonomiju. Na taj nain je - zbog nepovoljnog okruenja i slabosti osmanlijske drave prostor BiH postao u svakom pogledu jo nestabilniji. U tom razdoblju je Osmanlijsko Carstvo svoj opstanak i duboku unutarnju krizu pokualo rijeiti provoenjem niza temeljitih reformi koje su ile prema znatnoj modernizaciji upravljakog modela i drutvenih odnosa. Reforme su trebale pogodovati irokim slojevima stanovnitva, a dokidale su povlastice razgranate osmanlijske feudalne strukture. No, islamsko plemstvo na podruju BiH se suprotstavilo reformama sredinje vlasti Osamanlijskog Carstva. Zbog toga i niza drugih razloga reforme koje je nastojalo provoditi Osmanlijsko Carstvo nisu zaivjele ni promijenile situaciju na prostoru BiH, pa je prostor BiH zapadao u sve dublju krizu, koja je vodila prema jo veoj unutarnjoj dezintegraciji po razliitim osnovama, te sve brojnijim i sve veim oruanim sukobima u BiH. U toj sloenoj situaciji na podruju BiH, nastao je 1831./2. g. pokret i ustanak za autonomiju Bosne. Predvodnik je bio kapetan Husein beg Gradaevi, koji je okupio pristae iz razliitih socijalnih, etnikih i vjerskih slojeva. Ustanak je slomljen vojnom silom Carstva, a uz pomo i dijela plemstva unutar BiH.13
11 12

Pavlievi, Dragutin, Hrvati i istono pitanje, Zagreb, 2007. Kovaevi, Eref, Granice Bosanskog paaluka prema Austriji i Mletakoj republici po odredbama

Karlovakog mira, Sarajevo, 1973.

13

Alii, Ahmed, Pokret za autonomiju Bosne od 1831. do 1832, Sarajevo, 1996.

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Potpuni slom protureformskog bosanskog plemstva dogodio se 1850./51. kada je veina nemilosrdno pogubljena u vojnoj akciji koju je prema nalogu Carstva proveo Omer paa Latas. No, tada su (1852., 1857., i 1862. g.) u istonoj Hercegovini zaredali ustanci pokorenih i nezadovoljnih krana (raja). Ustanke su poticali i pomagali Crna gora, Srbija, Rusija i Austrija; svaka radi ostvarenja svojih interesa. Najvei ustanak, u izravnoj organizaciji Srbije, zapoeo je 1875. g. u Hercegovini, a uskoro se proirio i na velike sjeverozapadne dijelove Bosne. Ve 1876. u rat na ustanikoj strani izravno su se ukljuile Srbija i Crna Gora. Kad su ustanici i Srbija pretrpjeli poraz od Osmanlijskog Carstva, u rat se ukljuila Rusija koja je porazila Osmanlijsko Carstvo i prisilila ga 1878. na mir koji je sklopljen u San Stefanu. No, odredbama mira nisu usklaeni interesi europskih sila, pa se iste godine odrao Berlinski mirovni kongres. Na njemu je Austro-ugarskoj dodijeljeno pravo okupacije (protektorata) nad BiH, s tim to je BiH i nadalje nominalno ostala pod suverenitetom Osmanlijskog Carstva.14

I.-1.5 Bosna i Hercegovina pod Austro-ugarskom (1878.-1918. g.)15

Prema osnovnim zamislima Berlinskog kongresa, okupacija (potektorat) Austrougarske trebao je uspostaviti mir i uvesti novi sustav uprave u BiH. Austro-ugarska je u BiH ula s 80-ak tisua vojnika, kojima se tri mjeseca uspjeno oruano suprotstavljao uglavnom muslimanski dio stanovnitva. Tada je Austro-ugarska poslala viestruko vee vojne snage koje su uvele novu upravu. No, na poticaj iz Srbije, novoj upravi su se oruano i na druge naine 1881. i 1882. g. suprotstavljali Srbi u Hercegovini, pa je Austro-ugarska vojska ponovno primjenom sile uspostavila mir. Hrvatska, koja je bila dio Austro-ugarske monarhije, imala je oekivanje da e se okupacija BiH i njeno integriranje u dvojnu Monarhiju dogaati preko dravnog zajednitva Hrvatske i BiH, te da e to pridonijeti da se dvojna Monarhija pretvori u trojnu, to je tada openito bio glavni cilj hrvatske vladajue politike strukture. Zbog toga je Hrvatski sabor ve 1878. istaknuo povijesna prava Hrvatske na BiH. No, Austrija je bila vrsta u odluci da
14 15

Ekmei, Milorad, Ustanak u Bosni 1875-78, Sarajevo, 1973. Osnovna literatura za ovo razdoblje: 1. Daja, Sreko, Bosna i Hercegovina u austrougarskom razdoblju

(1878-1919), Mostar-Zagreb, 2002; 2. Imamovi, Mustafa, Pravni poloaj i unutranji politiki razvitak BiH od 1878 do 1914, Sarajevo, 1997.

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sama upravlja s BiH i postupno je izravno ukljui u Monarhiju, te da Monarhija ostane dvojna, pa je hrvatskom saboru jednostavno odgovorila da je prekoraio svoje ovlasti.16 S druge strane, Srbija je ve nekoliko desetljea (od sredine 19. stoljea) na razliite naine sustavno djelovala na pripajanju BIH, to je postavila kao svoj glavni strateki interes. U takvoj situaciji u kojoj su, oekivano, uglavnom Srbi u BiH bili potpora interesima Srbije, a uglavnom Hrvati u BiH potpora interesima Hrvatske austrougarski upravitelj BiH (B. Kallay) je poduzimao niz mjera s kojima je nastojao neutralizirati ove srbijanske i hrvatske tenje. Izmeu ostalog, oslanjao se na muslimansko plemstvo, te stoga nije rijeio iznimno vano agrarno pitanje, a u javnom ivotu nastojao je ustrojiti novu, bosansku naciju i nametnuti bosansko ime za jezik. No, zbog niza razloga, Kallay nije imao trajnijih uspjeha u svojoj politici. Desetak godina prije Kallaya, propao je slian pokuaj Topal-pae, koji je namjeravao oblikovati integralnu bosansku naciju u okviru interesa Osmanlijskog Carstva.17 Nova kriza austrougarskog upravljanja u BiH dogodila se nakon pobjede mladoturske revolucije u Osmanlijskom Carstvu, kada je (zbog oekivanja da e to dovesti do zahtjeva Turske prema BiH) Austro-ugarska (1908. g.) izvrila aneksiju BiH, to je produbilo

europsku krizu uoi Prvog svjetskog rata. Srbija i Crna Gora su zbog aneksije prijetile ratom. Sigurnosni poloaj BiH postao je jo gori nakon Balkanskih ratova (1912.-1913. g.), u kojima je Turska potisnuta s europskog kontinenta, a Srbija se proirila i sve otvorenije iskazivala osvajake namjere prema BiH. To se posebno oitovalo u jo intenzivnijem djelovanju prosrbijanskih javnih i tajnih drutava i organizacija u BiH. Tako su pripadnici organizacije Mlada Bosna (koje je uvjebavala i naoruala Srbija) u ljeto 1914. g. u Sarajevu ubili austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika, to je bio povod poetku Prvog svjetskog rata.18 Zanimljivo je spomenuti, da je u skupini iz Mlade Bosne koja je pripremala sarajevski atnetat bio i mladi Vasa ubrilovi, koji je u nizu narednih desetljea, kao znanstvenik i akademik, zastupao velikosrbijansku koncepciju, a bio je lan Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti (SANU) i u vrijeme donoenja zloglasnog Memoranduma SANU (1986. g.).

16

idak, Jaroslav; Gross, Mirjana; Karaman, Igor; epi, Dragovan, Povijest hrvatskog naroda (1860-1914),

Zagreb, 1968.
17 18

Redi, Enver, n. dj., str. 117-132. tedimlija, Savi Markovi, Zavjere protiv svjetskog mira, Zagreb, 2005.

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Prilog 4: Bosna i Hercegovina u Austro-ugarskoj (1978.-1918. g.) (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, D, n. dj., str. 46) Austro-ugarska drava je tijekom Prvog svjetskog rata u svoju vojsku mobilizirala i brojne stanovnika BiH, svih triju konfesija, koji su odvoeni ratovati na razliitim europskim bojitima. Tijekom rata, austro-ugarske vlasti su (zbog atentata u Sarajevu i sudjelovanja brojnih bosansko-hercegovakih Srba u prosrbijanskim djelovanjima u BiH) provodili niz posebnih represivnih mjera prema bosanskohercegovakim Srbima i mrei njihovih prosrbijanskih organizacija.

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I.-1.6 Bosna i Hercegovina u prvoj Jugoslaviji (1918.-1941. g.)19

Pri kraju Prvog svjetskog rata, politike skupine na junoslavenskim dijelovima Austro-ugarske (Slovenija, Hrvatska, BiH, Banat, Baka) ustrojile su svoje zasebne oblike vlasti (tzv. Narodna vijea) i zajedniko sredinje Narodno vijee u Zagrebu. Uskoro potom (29. listopada 1918.) prekinuti su svi odnosi s Austro-ugarskom i proglaena je Drava Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba (Drava SHS) sa sjeditem u Zagrebu, a obuhvaala je teritorij Slovenije, Hrvatske, BiH, Banata i Bake. Osnovni cilj osnivanja Drave SHS je bio to prije se ujediniti se dravama Srbijom i Crnom Gorom, to je i uinjeno 1. prosinca 1918. godine, te je tako stvorena prva Jugoslavija, koja je tada nazvana Kraljevstvo Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (Kraljevstvo SHS).20 Do 1921. g. u zemljama prve Jugoslavije (u BiH, Hrvatskoj i dr.) postojali su odreeni oblici samouprave, a 1921. g. je nametnut Ustav kojim je provedena stroga upravna centralizacija i nacionalna unitarizacija, pod dominacijom srbijanske kraljevske dinastije Karaorevi. Drava je upravno podijeljena na 33 oblasti koje nisu potivale ni povijesne ni etnike kriterije. Na elu oblasti su se nalazili veliki upani koji su bili podreeni ministru unutarnjih poslova. est upravnih oblasti bilo je i na podruju BiH, a sjedita su im bila u Bihau, Banja Luci, Travniku, Sarajevu, Tuzli i Mostaru. Reim nije priznavao etnike i nacionalne posebnosti, nego je propisana koncepcija da postoji jedan, jugoslavenski narod koji se sastoji od tri plemena (Srbi, Hrvati i Slovenci), a ostalim narodima (Muslimani, Albanci, Crnogorci, Makedonci) nije bio priznat ni plemenski status. Kod provoenja popisa puanstva nije bilo predvieno etniko ili nacionalno opredjeljivanje, nego samo konfesionalno. Za jugoslavenski Ustav je glasovala i stranka bosanskih muslimana Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija (JMO), ijim je lanovima (uglavnom muslimanskom plemstvu) za uzvrat obeana nadoknada za zemlju koju im je drava oduzela agrarnom reformom. U pragmatinom vladanju, reim prve Jugoslavije je vodio represivnu i izrazito prosrbijansku politiku sa irim socijalnim i kadrovskim osloncem uglavnom na etnike Srbe. Tako je bilo, primjerice, i pri provoenju agrarne reforme, pa su (prema istom modelu kao i na drugim podrujima) na podruju BiH, uz slabo izvravanje obeanja koje je dobila JMO,
19

Osnovna literatura za ovo razdoblje: 1. Petranovi, Branko, Istorija Jugoslavije, I, Beograd, 1988; 2. Purivatra,

Atif, Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija, Sarajevo 1974; 3. Redi, Enver, Jugoslavenski radniki pokret i nacionalno pitanje u BiH (1918-1941), Sarajevo, 1983.
20

Krizman, Bogdan, Raspad Austro-Ugarske i stvaranje jugoslavenske drave, Zagreb, 1977.

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oduzimana imanja islamskoj vlasteli i dijeljena veinom Srbima.21 Uz to prosrbijanski reim je vrio posebno velika nasilja (ubojstva, zatvaranja, progoni) nad muslimanima u BiH, zbog njihove navodne krivnje za nepovoljan poloaj bosansko-hercegovakih Srba u vrijeme austro-ugarske vlasti. Zbog niza socijalnih i politikih problema i kriza, reim prve Jugoslavije je 1929. g. uveo otvorenu diktaturu. Drava je promijenila ime u Kraljevina Jugoslavija, ukinut je i formalni parlamentarizam, zabranjeno je politiko i drugaije organiziranje na plemenskoj (etnikoj i nacionalnoj) i vjerskoj osnovi, a zabranjeno je i bilo kakvo koritenje plemenskih naziva. Jugoslavenski dravni teritorij je upravno podijeljen na devet banovina, opet bez uvaavanja povijesnih i etnikih kriterija. BiH je bila razdvojena na nekoliko banovina, koje su obuhvaale teritorij BiH i neka druga podruja.

Prilog 5: Upravna podjela prve Jugoslavije na devet banovina (1929.-1939 g.) (Preuzeto iz: Jurevi, Josip; Rai Marija, Povijest VIII, Alfa, Zagreb, 2003, str. 37)

21

Eri, Milivoje, Agrarna reforma u Jugoslaviji 1918-1941, Sarajevo, 1958; Purivatra, Atif, Politike partije

prema agrarnoj reformi u Bosni i Hercegovini neposredno poslije 1918, u Prilozi, Sarajevo, 1968.

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Vrbaska banovina (sjedite u Banja Luci) je obuhvaala bivu banjaluku, bihaku i dio travnike oblasti. Drinska banovina (sjedite u Sarajevu) obuhvaala je istonu Bosnu, Srbiju do rijeke Kolubare, dio biveg hrvatskog Srijema i istone Slavonije. Primorska banovina (sjedite u Splitu) je, pored ostalog, ukljuivala zapadnu Hercegovinu i dio Bosne do Travnika. Zetska banovina (sjedite u Cetinju) je, pored ostalog, ukljuivala i istonu Hercegovinu. Dvije godine kasnije (1931.) izvrena je upravna promjena, kojom su Srijem i istona Slavonija izdvojeni iz Drinske i dodijeljeni Dunavskoj banovini (sjedite u Novom Sadu). I.-1.6.1 Banovina Hrvatska (1939.-1941. g.)22 Represivnost reima prve Jugoslavije nije uspijevala stavljati pod nadzor razliite oblike socijalnog, nacionalnog i drugaijih nezadovoljstava, koja su sve vie iznutra destabilizirala prvu Jugoslaviju. Pritom je najkrupniji unutarnji nerijeeni problem bilo tzv. hrvatsko pitanje. Uoi Drugog svjetskog rata, opstanak druge Jugoslavije sve vie je ugroavan i razvojem meunarodnih dogaaja, osobito zbog sve agresivnije politike i postupaka totalitarnih drava Njemake i Italije. U takvim predratnim okolnostima nakon njemakog anektiranja Austrije i razbijanja ehoslovake beogradski reim je bio prinuen povui daljnje poteze koji umanjuju prijetnje opstanku drave. Osim sve veeg politikog i gospodarskog vezivanja Jugoslavije za Njemaku (od 1935. g.), nakon dueg pregovaranja, a nekoliko dana prija poetka Drugog svjetskog rata (u Europi), potpisan je tzv. Sporazum Cvetkovi-Maek (26. kolovoz 1939).23 Glavna toka Sporazuma bila je odluka o stvaranju Banovine Hrvatske kao nove upravne cjeline unutar Jugoslavije. U sastav Banovine Hrvatske (sa sjeditem u Zagrebu) ule su dotadanje Savska i Primorska banovina, zatim Hercegovina od Stolca na zapad, dio Bosne izmeu Livna i Travnika, te tri posavska kotara (Derventa, Gradaac i Brko).

22

Osnovna literatura: Boban, Ljubo, Sporazum Cvetkovi-Maek, Beograd, 1965; Isti, Maek i politka HSS-a

1928.-1941, Zagreb, 1974.

23

Dragia Cvetkovi je tada bio predsjednik jugoslavenske vlade, a Vlatko Maek predsjednik Hrvatske seljake

stranke, koje je bila uvjerljivo najjaa meu Hrvatima.

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Prilog 6: Banovina Hrvatska, u treoj upravnoj podjeli prve Jugoslavije (1939.-1941. g.) (Preuzeto iz: Historical maps of Croatia, Croatian Information Centre, Zagreb, str. 20) Sa Sporazumom gotovo nitko nije bio zadovoljan. Mnogobrojne politike i druge grupacije (srbijanske, hrvatske i muslimanske) koje nisu sudjelovale u pripremi Sporazuma osuivale su ga s veom ili manjom estinom, a i strukture koje su ga pripremile, takoer, nisu bile zadovoljne. Srbijanska vladajua strana je opstruirala punovanu ustavnu potvrdu promjena nastalih Sporazumom, a hrvatski potpisnici su, temeljem postignutih dogovora, Sporazum smatrali tek prvim korakom reorganizacije Jugoslavije, oekujui daljnja teritorijalna i druga postignua u korist Banovine Hrvatske. Naime, sam Sporazum poivao je na slabim pravnim temeljima jer je tu ustavnu reviziju trebalo naknadno podnijeti na suglasnost Narodnom predstavnitvu, to nikada nije bilo uinjeno. Stoga je Namjesnitvo ili kralj nakon stupanja na prijestolje mogao u svakom

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pogodnom trenutku Sporazum ponititi.24 Zbog toga i niza drugih razloga, zakonodavni organ Banovine Hrvatske (Hrvatski sabor) nije nikada bio izabran, te je Banovina cijelo vrijeme svog postojanja (19 mjeseci) zapravo bila samo dravno-pravni provizorij.25

I.-1.7 Bosna i Hercegovina u Nezavisnoj Dravi Hrvatskoj (1941.-1945. g.)26

Nekoliko dana nakon napada Njemake na Jugoslaviju (06. travnja 1941), u Zagrebu je (10. travnja 1941.) proglaena Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska (NDH), koja je obuhvaala teritorij Hrvatske i BiH. Meutim, budui je NDH u svakom pogledu bila najvie podreena njemakim i neto manje talijanskim interesima, i pitanje njenih granica se rjeavalo izmeu Njemake i Italije. U samom poetku (12. travnja 1941.) Hitler je u svojoj zapovjedi priopio da Bosnu i Hercegovinu preputa Italiji27, ali je desetak dana poslije na Bekoj ministarskoj konferenciji (sudjelovale Njemaka i Italija) dogovoreno da BiH bude dio NDH, a Italija je to konano priznala Rimskim ugovorima (18. svibnja 1941.).28 Cijeli prostor NDH je izmeu Njemake i Italije bio podijeljen na interesno-okupacijske zone u smjeru zapad-istok, a crta razgranienja ila je i preko sredinjih dijelova BiH. U unutarnjem upravnom pogledu NDH je podijeljena na 22 upanije (tzv. Velike upe), koje su uglavnom imale nazive iz doba srednjevjekovnih hrvatskih i bosanskih kraljevina. Totalitarni reim NDH je bosanskohercegovake muslimane smatrao Hrvatima islamske vjeroispovijesti (nazivani su ak i cvijeem hrvatstva), te su brojni muslimani imali visoke poloaje u strukturi vlasti i vladajuem Ustakom pokretu.

24

Sirotkovi Hodimir, Vladko Maek i pravna izgradnja Banovine Hrvatske, u Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta

Sveuilita u Rijeci, br. 1, Rijeka, 2001., str. 280.

25 26

v. Isto, str. 280-283. Osnovna literatura: 1. Jeli-Buti, Fikreta, Ustae i Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1978; 2. Redi,

Enver, Bosna i Hercegovina u Drugom svjetskom ratu, Sarajevo, 1998.

27 28

Krizman, Bogdan, Paveli i ustae, Zagreb, 1978, str. 398. Bri, Rafael, Njemako-italijanske suprotnosti oko Bosne i Hercegovine u svjetlu okupacije 1941, u

Prilozi, 3, Sarajevo, 1967.

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Prilog 7: Upravna podjela Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske (1941.-1945. g.) (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, D., n. dj., str. 49)

Na prostoru BiH je bila najsloenija ratna sigurnosna, vojnika i politika situacija, te su se tu vodile i najtee oruane borbe i odmazde nad civilnim puanstvom. Na podruju BiH, njemake, talijanske i NDH-ake vojske su nastojale provoditi interese svojih reima, pa su veoma slabo suraivale. Osim toga, na podruju BiH su intenzivno oruano i politiki djelovali jugoslavenski komunisti i srbijanski etnici. Stoga je BiH za vrijeme cijelog Drugog svjetskog rata bila podruje najvee ope nesigurnosti i nestabilnosti. Ve 1941. g. etnike i komunistike partizanske postrojbe su u istonoj BiH poinile masovna pogubljenja nezatienih muslimanskih civila. Tijekom rata, u BiH su se vodile uestale oruane borbe razliitog intenziteta; provodila su se razliita masovna nasilja; sve vojske vrile su nasilnu mobilizaciju i uspostavljale povremene oblike

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vlasti; stanovnitvo se lokalno samoorganiziralo ili bjealo u sigurnije krajeve itd. Posebno velika stradavanja civilnog puanstva (pogubljenja, progonstva, masovno bjeanje) dogaala su se krajem rata i neposredno nakon njegova zavretka, kad su komunisti najteim oblicima represije trajno uspostavljali vlast.

I.-1.8 Bosna i Hercegovina u drugoj Jugoslaviji (1945.-1990. g.)29

Druga Jugoslavija je bila jedna u nizu istonoeuropskih drava u kojima su gotovo pola stoljea (od kraja Drugog svjetskog rata do 1990-ih godina) vladali totalitarni komunistiki reimi. Drava se sastojala od est republika: Slovenija, Hrvatska, BiH, Srbija, Crna Gora, Makedonija, te dvije autonomne pokrajine (Vojvodina i Kosovo) koje su bile istovremeno konstitutivni dio i Srbije i Jugoslavije. U svakoj republici, osim u BiH, je ivio jedan matini veinski narod (nacija), kojem je reim priznavao dravnu konstitutivnost. Na taj nain je druga Jugoslavija bila drava est republika i pet konstitutivnih naroda. BiH je bila jedna od est jugoslavenskih federalnih republika. No, prije odreivanja tog statusa za BiH i njenog teritorijalnog opsega, unutar Komunistike partije Jugoslavije KPJ (na razinama BiH, Srbije, Hrvatske i Jugoslavije) su postojali veoma razliiti interesi i prijedlozi, a na koncu je o tim, kao i drugim pitanjima - bila presudna odluka vrha KPJ. Isto tako, sve politike, drutvene i nacionalne promjene koje su se dogaale u BiH tijekom trajanja druge Jugoslavije, prvenstveno su prilagoavane potrebama komunistikog reima. BiH je - u odnosu na druge jugoslavenske republike imala niz posebnosti. Poloajem je BiH bila sredinja jugoslavenska republika, pa je i stoga imala poseban jugoslavenski sigurnosni znaaj, to se oitovalo u dravnoj obrambenoj strategiji i rasporedu vojnih resursa. BiH je prema povijesnom naslijeu i nerijeenim pitanjima bila najsloenija jugoslavenska republika, to se oitovalo u injenici da je BiH bila jedina republika u kojoj su - odlukom reima - najprije dvaipol desetljea postojala dva konstitutivna naroda (Srbi i Hrvati), a potom dva desetljea tri konstitutivna naroda (Srbi, Hrvati, Muslimani). Zbog toga, kao i zbog niza politikih, gospodarskih, kulturnih i drugih postupaka koje je komunistiki reim provodio na prostoru BiH, ta republika je u javnom ivotu esto nazivana Jugoslavija u malom.

29

Osnovna literatura: 1. Bilandi, Duan, Historija SFRJ, Zagreb, 1985; 2. Neovi, Slobodan, Temelji nove

Jugoslavije, Beograd, 1973; 3. Petranovi, Branko, Istorija Jugoslavije, II-III, Beograd, 1988.

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Prilog 8: Bosna i Hercegovina u drugoj Jugoslaviji (1945.-1990. g.) (Preuzeto iz: Historical maps of Croatia, str. 22) U prva dvaipol desetljea postojanja Jugoslavije, odlukom te razliitim prinudama i poticajima reima, bosanskohercegovaki muslimani su se u popisima puanstva i drugim prigodama mogli nacionalno izjanjavati kao ili Srbi ili Hrvati ili Jugoslaveni-neopredijeljeni. Krajem 60-ih godina (1968. g.), pod pritiskom razliitih vidova socijalnog nezadovoljstva, reim je prvi put promovirao muslimansku naciju pod imenom Muslimani30, te je uskoro nakon toga bosanskohercegovakim pripadnicima islamske vjeroispovijesti (muslimanima) doputeno da se javno i pri popisima puanstva (od popisa 1971. g.) mogu nacionalno izjanjavati i kao Muslimani, a nova nacija Muslimani dobila je i republiki konstitutivni status. Meutim, ovakvo rjeenje reima je ve tada izazvalo potpuno razliite reakcije i daljnje koncepcijsko i drugaije raslojavanje unutar drutvenih elita bosanskohercegovakih
30

Redi, Enver, Sto godina muslimanske politike, Sarajevo, 2000, str. 82.

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Muslimana. Koncepcijsko i politiko raslojavanje kretalo se u tri osnovna smjera, prikaz kojih bitno pomae razumijevanju dogaanja i drutvenih procesa i nakon 1990. godine. Prvo, veina je (dijelom zbog ouvanja drutvenog statusa, a dijelom iz uvjerenja) za vrijeme postojanja Jugoslavije javno zagovarala reimski oblikovanu naciju Muslimana,31 a u procesu raspada Jugoslavije i nakon toga, znatan dio ovih zagovaratelja prilagoavao se razliitim novonastalim situacijama.32 Drugo, ugledni pojedinci iz islamskog korpusa u BiH su se ve tada javno suprotstavljali reimskom rjeenju nove nacije Muslimana, pritom zagovarajui ideju posebnog etnikog i nacionalnog identiteta bosanstva (bonjatva).33 Protiv zagovornika bosanstva jugoslavenski reim je pokrenuo kampanju javnih osuda, odnosno ideoloko politiku aktivnost koja je zatim orkestrirano prenesena u tampu i organe partijske vlasti.34 Tree, dio istaknutijih pripadnika islamske vjeroispovijesti djelovao je na radikalnom zagovaranju islama kao svjetskog pokreta, u kojem je nebitna etnika, nacionalna ili drugaija pripadnost, nego je jedino bitna pripadnost svjetskom islamu, kao vjeri te nainu osobnog i socijalnog ivota. Tako je u BiH 1969./1970. g. napisana i Islamska deklaracija kojoj je autor Alija Izetbegovi, koji je nakon 1990. g. postao Predsjednik Predsjednitva BiH, tj. pojedinac na poloaju najvee institucijske politike moi u BiH.

31 32

Isto, str. 89-100. Isto, str. 6: E. Redi opravdano tvrdi kako su propagatori jugoslavenske reimske koncepcije nacije

Muslimana promjenom drutveno-politikog poretka, postali euforini zastupnici nacionalne ideje bonjatva, koju su godinama uporno odbacivali ova pojava svjedoi da su neki aktualni Bonjaci, prethodni propagatori nacionalnog muslimanstva u znaku 'M', i prije i sada istorijsku nauku tretirali kao sluavku politike vlasti.
33

Primjerice, Enver Redi je svoje motrite tada javno izlagao i opirno objavio u Sarajevu 1970. godine u

knjizi Tokovi i otpori, smatrajui da je reimsko proglaavanje muslimanske nacije neprihvatljivo iz vie razloga. Prvo izjednaavanjem vjerske zajednice sa nacijom samo se privremeno odlae politika praksa nacionalnog opredjeljivanja i drugo nema muslimanskog naroda, nacije, iako su postojali i postoje brojni muslimanski narodi koji pripadaju raznim etnikim i nacionalnim zajednicama (Redi, E., Sto godina muslimanske politike, str. 86). Isto tako, Muhamed Filipovi smatra da reimskim priznavanjem nacije Muslimana nije uistinu dovreno niti osigurano priznavanje tog entiteta, niti je omogueno da se on razvije Muslimani su dovedeni u situaciju da, jedini u svijetu, religijsko ime upotrebljavaju za nacionalno ime, tj. tako odreen identitet bosanskohercegovakih Muslimana nije povijesno uvjetovan i vezana za bosansku povijest nije mogao izazvati konstituciju politike volje (Filipovi, M., Bonjaka politika, Sarajevo, 1996,str. 88-91). Usp. Sueska, Avdo, Istorijske osnove nacionalne posebnosti bosansko-hercegovakih Muslimana, u Jugoslavenski istorijski asopis, br. 4, Beograd, 1969, str. 47-53.
34

Redi, E., n. dj. str. 87.

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Budui je A. Izetbegovi u Islamskoj deklaraciji zagovarao radikalnu panislamistiku angairanost (da se sa ideja i planova pree na organiziranu akciju za njihovo ostvarenje, da Musliman moe ginuti samo sa imenom Allaha i u slavu islama itd.35), te je na razliite naine sustavno djelovao na njezinu ostvarenju, jugoslavenski reim je 1983. sudski procesuirao (tzv. Sarajevski proces) A. Izetbegovia i veu skupinu osoba pod kaznenom optubom udruivanje radi neprijateljske djelatnosti i neprijateljske propagande.36 Meu veim brojem tada istraivanih i/ili optuenih osoba koje su na sebe skrenuli panju po privrenosti izvornom tumaenju islama37, bilo je vie osoba koje su nakon 1990. g. bile veoma istaknuti (A. Izetbegovi, Hasan engi, Rusmir Mahmutehaji) ili istaknuti akteri dogaanja u BiH. Nekoliko godina prije raspada druge Jugoslavije, na podruju Cazinske krajine, u sjeverozadnom dijelu BiH, zapoela je jedna od najveih jugoslavenskih politikogospodarskih afera (tzv. Afera Agrokomerc) u kojoj su se dogaali politiki i pravosudni obrauni s dijelom istaknutih muslimanskih politiara i gospodarstvenika iz BiH. U montiranom sudskom procesu koji je zapoeo 1988. godine, prvooptuena osoba bio je Fikret Abdi, dotadanji lan Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista BiH, zastupnik u Skuptini SFRJ i predsjednik Poslovodnog odbora kombinata Agrokomerc. Optunica ja Abdia i dio optuenika, teretila - izmeu ostalog - da su poslovanjem vezanim za Agrokomerc kontrarevolucionarno ugroavali drutveno ureenje druge Jugoslavije.38 Javni, politiki i gospodarski potresi afere Agrokomerc prenijeli su se i u razdoblje nakon 1990. godine, a F. Abdi je takoer postao jedan od istaknutih aktera novih dogaanja u BiH.

35

Izetbegovi, Alija, Isalmska deklaracija, Sarajevo, 1990. Islamska deklaracija je bila namjenjena svjetskom

islamu te je do tada (prema iskazu A. Izetbegovia danom 1983. g.) bila objavljena u Kuvajtu (100.000 primjeraka) i, koliko sam obavijeten, u Pakistanu, Maleziji i Aliru - iz knjige Sarajevski proces, Zrich, 1987, str. 60.
36 37 38

Sarajevski proces, Zrich (izdava Bosanski institut), 1987, str. 51. Isto, str. 11. oi, Hrvoje, Tree pokrie Agrokomerca, Zagreb, 1989, str. 43.

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I.-2 POVIJESNI KONTEKST RASPADA BIVE JUGOSLAVIJE

Cjeloviti proces raspada druge Jugoslavije moe se analitiki promatrati s dva osnovna motrita: meunarodnog i unutarjugoslavenskog. S meunarodnog motrita je oigledno da su se kriza i propast jugoslavenskog komunistikog reima dogaali vremenskim slijedom i sadrajno - usporedo sa slinim procesima u ostalim europskim komunistikim dravama. U vremenu prije sloma europskih komunistikih reima - kao i u vrijeme njihove propasti, te u procesu tranzicije - vrijednosni, sigurnosni, politiki i drugaiji interesni odnos meunarodnih institucija i drava zapadnog graanskog svijeta prema svim komunistikim dravama je bio istovjetan ili veoma slian. Razlog tome nije samo u golemoj razlici pragmatine (politike, sigurnosne, gospodarske) strukturiranosti interesa izmeu

komunistikih i graanskih drava i drutava, nego u potpunom diskontinuitetu izmeu ta dva svijeta koja je na svim razinama (od svjetonazora do svakodnevnog ivota) nakon Drugog svjetskog rata dijelila eljezna zavjesa. Taj potpuni diskontinuitet i nepomirljivost dvaju svjetova, teoretski i praktiki je proklamiran od strane komunista, a najjednostavnije je izreen u paroli komunizam kao svjetski proces. Naime, komunizam je graanski svijet, tj. njegove vrednote, upravljaki sustav i drutvene elite proglasio najgorim, kontrarevolucionarnim neprijateljem kojeg treba doslovno unititi primjenom neogranienog komunistikog revolucionarnog nasilja i diktature proletarijata.39 U minulim stoljeima, malo je naroda i drava bilo poteeno od pojedine vrste masovnog nasilja Sve to ne slabi konstataciju da se ini kako je nae stoljee (20., op. a.) u tom pogledu nadmailo sva prethodna Komunizam se u takvom toku povijesnog vremena pojavljuje kao tragino izlijevanje iz korita. Dapae, on predstavlja jedan od najsilovitijih i najznaajnijih trenutaka naeg stoljea. Komunizam, najvei fenomen ovoga "kratkog" 20. stoljea, koji poinje 1914. i zavrava 1991. godine u Moskvi, stoji u samom sreditu slike. Komunizam koji je nastao prije faizma, prije nacizma, i oba nadivio zahvativi etiri velika
39

Lenjin, Vladimir Ilji, Djeja bolest ljeviarstva u komunizmu, Zagreb, 1973, str. 121-2: Diktatura

proletarijata je najei i najnemilosrdniji rat nove klase protiv monijeg neprijatelja, protiv buroazije pobjeda nad buroazijom nije mogua bez dugog, upornog, ogorenog rata na ivot i smrt .

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kontinenta komunistiki su reimi, kako bi uvrstili svoju vlast, masovni zloin doista uzdigli u sustav vladavine.40 Druga, komunistika Jugoslavija je u svakom pogledu bila tek dio svjetskog komunistikog pokreta i poretka. Ve 1919. godine na osnivakom kongresu Komunistike partije Jugoslavije (KPJ) je odlueno da novoosnovana Partija pristupi Komunistikoj internacionali41, kojoj je sjedite bilo u Moskvi. KPJ je bila sekcija (podrunica) Komunistike Internacionale (KI). Do 1943. g. (kad je formalno ukinuta KI) sve bitne doktrinarne, organizacijske i kadrovske promjene u KPJ dogaale su se prema direktivama iz KI, a nakon toga (do sukoba Informbiroa i KPJ, 1948. g.) po direktivama Sovjetskog saveza. Totalitarna vlast koju je KPJ, tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata i nakon njega, uspostavila u Jugoslaviji bila je modelski ista kao i u drugim europskim komunistikim dravama. Osnovna obiljeja upravljakog modela bila su: ukidanje temeljnih ljudskih prava i sloboda, zabrana bilo kakvog politikog i drutvenog pluralizma, ukidanje privatnog poduzetnitva i privatnog vlasnitva nad sredstvima za proizvodnju, sustavni dravni teror svih vrsta.42 Stoga je objektivan zakljuak kako nijedno od komunistikih iskustava na trenutak popularnih na Zapadu nije izbjeglo toj zakonitosti43, pa tako ni jugoslavensko iskustvo o kojem su nakon 1948. g. - radi hladnoratovskih interesa - u dijelu zapadnog svijeta stvarani pozitivni stereotipi. I u naelima posljednjeg jugoslavenskog Ustava (iz1974. g.) je naglaeno da u Jugoslaviji radnika klasa i svi radni ljudi razvijaju socijalistiku samoupravnu demokratiju kao poseban oblik diktature proletarijata i to obezbeuju.44 Na taj nain su i u komunistikoj Jugoslaviji kontinuirano postojali razliiti oblici pojedinanog, skupnog, nacionalnog i drugaijeg socijalnog nezadovoljstva, te trajne upravljake i gospodarske neuspjenosti. Mnogobrojne krize nisu rjeavane, nego je njihova kulminacija odgaana primjenom nasilja, propagandne retorike i najavom novih, uspjenih reformi.

40 41

Courtois, Stphane, Zloini komunizma, u Crna knjiga komunizma, Zagreb, 1999, str. 10-11. Povijest Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, Beograd, 1985, str. 63. KPJ je osnovana pod nazivom Socijalistika

radnika parija (komunista) SRPJ(k), a ve naredne, 1920. godine promijenila je ime u KPJ, te 1952. u Savez komunista Jugoslavije SKJ, po ugledu na Marxov Savez komunista - Isto, str. 379.
42

v. Jurevi, Josip, Bleiburg jugoslavenski poratni zloini nad Hrvatima, dio Povijesne okolnosti nastanka

totalitarne vlasti u drugoj Jugoslaviji, Zagreb, 2005.

43 44

Courtois, n. dj., str. 11. Ustav SFRJ, 1974. g., Osnovna naela, 1.1.4 IV.

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No, od sredine 70-ih godina mnogobrojni egzaktni gospodarski pokazatelji (dramatini rast cijena i nezaposlenosti, smanjivanje plaa, galopirajua inflacija, sve vei vanjski dug, nestaica osnovnih proizvoda iroke potronje, nemogunost ostvarenja prihoda u dravnom proraunu itd.) bjelodano su svjedoili o sve veoj spirali unutarnje krize koja je vodila prema opem kaosu i rastrojstvu jugoslavenskog komunistikog upravljakog sustava. Od sredine 80-ih godina - osim sve masovnijih trajkova nezadovoljnih radnika (diljem Jugoslavije) te demonstracija i pobuna na Kosovu koji su gueni oruanom silom ve se i u jugoslavenskim medijima te na sjednicama partijskih i dravnih tijela moglo pratiti sve intenzivnije i raznolikije koncepcijsko i stvarno raslojavanje i raspadanje unutar komunistikih upravljakih struktura, koje su se dotad barem prividno javno predstavljale monolitnima. Uvaavanje ovih injenica je osobito vano za objektivnije razumijevanje niza na prvi pogled kontradiktornih dogaanja u tranzicijskom procesu na prostoru bive Jugoslavije nakon 1990. godine. Izmeu ostalog je posebno oigledna i znakovita injenica da su u svim republikama brojni pojedinci i dijelovi dravnog jugoslavenskog komunistikog sustava zauzeli kljune pozicije moi u strukturama novonastalih pluralnih graanskih drava, trinih gospodarskih subjekata i civilnog drutva. Mnogobrojni aspekti ovog preseljenja struktura (motivacija, identifikacija, strunost, spontanost, organiziranost itd.) su dosada veoma slabo znanstveno istraeni na razini cjelovitog drutvenog fenomena.45

45

Meu rijetke uspjenije znanstvene pokuaje istraivakog rasvjetljavanja nekih cjelovitijih aspekata

objavljeni su u zbornicima Privatizacija i javnost, Zagreb, 1999., te Upravljake elite i modernizacija, Zagreb, 2001.

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I.-3 GLAVNI AKTERI NA PROSTORU BIVE JUGOSLAVIJE KRAJEM 80-IH I POETKOM 90-IH GODINA 20. STOLJEA

I.-3.1. Institucije Socijalistike federativne republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ)

I.-3.1.1 Savez komunista Jugoslavije - SKJ SKJ je politika organizacija koja je od 1945. godine totalitarno upravljala drugom jugoslavenskom dravom. Pod njezinom izravnom vlau nalazio se cjelokupni dravni i drutveni institucijski ustroj u drugoj Jugoslaviji; od dravne do lokalne razine, te od dravnih tijela, gospodarskih subjekata i sindikata do medija i razliitih obrazovnih, znanstvenih, kulturnih i portskih organizacija. Svugdje i na svim razinama, o svim idejnim, organizacijskim i kadrovskim promjenama odluivao je SKJ. Istaknuti partijski povjesniar iz Srbije opisao je situaciju u Jugoslaviji nakon Drugog svjetskog rata na slijedei nain: Jednopartijski sistem revolucionarne demokratije imao je po zavretku rata sve elemente diktature proletarijata, koju je u ime radnike klase ostvarivala KPJ kao njena avangarda KPJ je ispunjavala celokupan politiki prostor, neposredno odluivala o pravcu razvitka, ostvarivala svoju volju posredstvom dravnog aparata, zakonodavstva i masovnih politikih organizama, iji su programi izraavali partijski program.46 Slian opis je dao i istaknuti partijski povjesniar iz Hrvatske: Gotovo na svim rukovodeim mjestima u svim institucijama dravne uprave i vlasti nalazili su se lanovi KPJ KPJ nije dijelila vlast ni s jednom grupacijom suprotne politike ili ideoloke orijentacije rukovodstvo KPJ imalo je gotovo neogranienu mogunost da utvruje politiku drutvenog razvoja Jugoslavije. U povijesti se rijetko stjee tako vrsta i nepodijeljena vlast u rukama jednog revolucionarnog pokreta; svi organi vlasti zakonodavni i izvrni, vojska i milicija, sigurnost i sudstvo bili su bez izuzetka vrsto u rukama KPJ.47 Unutarpartijski odnosi u SKJ (KPJ) bili su - stvarno i simboliki maksimalno centralizirani. Vrh KPJ (SKJ) je (nakon 1948. g. kad su prekinuti odnosi sa Sovjetskim
46 47

Petranovi, Branko, Istorija Jugoslavije, II, Beograd, 1988, str. 481. Bilandi, Duan, Historija SFRJ, Zagreb, 1985., str. 101.

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savezom) osmiljavao i donosio odluke, a ostali u strukturi vlasti i drugim vidovima upravljanja dravom i drutvom morali su vjerno i odano provoditi odluke. Organizacijska struktura SKJ je bila paralelni sustav koji je pokrivao cjelokupni ustroj dravne uprave i svih drugih institucija i organizacija. Posebna mrea partijskih organizacija (svaka organizacija u svojoj djelatnosti, na svojem podruju i svojoj razini) je sukladno direktivama vrha partije kreirala sve odluke dravnih i drutvenih institucija i organizacija na svojoj razini te nadzirala njihovo provoenje, iako su na sve vie i veliku veinu niih upravljakih poloaja u dravi i drutvu postavljani lanovi SKJ. Odnosno, zasebna mrea partijskih organizacija se protezala od savezne dravne razine, preko republikih organizacija do najnie teritorijalno upravne razine. Isto je bilo i u gospodarskom, te u ostalim sustavima (kulturnom, obrazovnom, znanstvenom, medijskom, portskom). Ovdje je vano naglasiti da je zasebna mrea SKJ pokrivala vojsku, tj. Jugoslavensku narodnu armiju (JNA), koja je popularno nazivana Sedmom republikom. Najistaknutiji i najodaniji lanovi SKJ istovremeno su obnaali vie razliitih dunosti u partiji, dravnoj, upravi, gospodarstvu i drugim organizacijama. U tom pogledu najistaknutiji primjer je Josip Broz Tito, koji je istovremeno bio na elnom mjestu partije, doivotni predsjednik drave s golemim ovlastima, vrhovni zapovjednik vojske, slubeno viestruki heroj i nedodirljiva kult-osoba. O izuzetnoj moi J. B. Tita u jugoslavenskoj komunistikoj strukturi svjedoi i injenica da je samo on imenom i prezimenom bio ak ustavna institucija. Naime, Ustavom je predvieno da polazei od istorijske uloge Josipa Broza Tita Skuptina SFRJ moe izabrati Josip Broza Tita za Predsednika Republike bez ogranienja trajanja mandata48. Uz to, Ustav je J. B. Titu dao goleme diktatorske ovlasti,49 a Ustavom je predvieno da nakon njegove smrti vie nema institucije Predsednika Republike. Zbog svega toga, SKJ (KPJ) je u svakom pogledu (pravnom, stvarnom i simbolikom) bio uvjerljivo najvanija, tj. kljuna institucija komunistike Jugoslavije. Ta injenica se oitovala ne samo u praktinom funkcioniranju sustava, nego i - naglaeno deklarativno i propagandno - u svim vidovima javnog ivota (kulturi, obrazovanju, medijima) te u Ustavu i zakonima.50
48 49 50

Ustav SFRJ, 1974, l. 333. Isto, l. 333-345. Primjerice, ve u prvom stavku preambule Ustava (iz 1974.) naglaava da se KPJ nalazi na elu, a u VIII

dijelu Osnovnih naela Ustava navodi se SKJ kao pokreta i organizator svjesni nosilac tenji i interesa radnike klase vodea idejna i politika snaga radnike klase i svih radnih ljudi itd.

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I.-3.1.2 Jugoslavenska narodna armija (JNA) JNA se postupno, tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata, ustrojavala kao oruana sila komunistike Jugoslavije. U ratu je JNA (koja je vie puta mijenjala nazive) bila odluujui imbenik pomou kojega je KPJ revolucionarnim nasiljem uspostavila svoju totalitarnu vlast, a u desetljeima nakon rata JNA je bila glavni jamac u uvanju i osiguravanju vlasti jugoslavenskih komunista.51 Cijelo vrijeme svojeg postojanja JNA je bila tipina stranaka, tj. komunistika revolucionarna vojska. Ve na poetku osnivanja komunistike partizanske vojske, 1941. g., propisano je da su to vojne udarne formacije naroda Jugoslavije pod rukovodstvom Komunistike partije,52 a Centralni komitet KPJ je budno motrio i otro intervenisao da se vojska ne odvoji od pokreta.53 Organizacijski, a naroito zapovjedni ustroj jugoslavenske komunistike vojske bio je u cijelosti podreen KPJ, te su osim vojnih zapovjednika koji su bili komunisti, unutar vojske osnivane razliite partijske institucije koje su vrile politiko-propagandni rad na ideolokoj izgradnji boraca,54 a uvedeno je i dvostareinstvo (dvostruko zapovijedanje) u kojem je politiki komesar ak i u operativnim vojnim akcijama bio nadreen vojnikom zapovjedniku postrojbe (koji je takoer bio lan partije). Stvaranje i jaanje nove armije, stvaranje i razvijanje njene ratne vetine bilo je neposredno zasnovano na politikoj liniji KPJ. Ta vojska je bila glavni faktor u rjeavanju revolucionarnih zadataka to je bila vojska revolucije. Njeni borci i starjeine bili su najuzdignutiji i najsvjesniji dio naroda nosioci i tumai linije KPJ organizatori masovnog politikog rada u narodu i inicijatori stvaranje revolucionarne vlasti .55 Disciplina je u brigadama gvozdena. Ova disciplina nije slina disciplini u kapitalistikim armijama. To je samodisciplina koja je zasnovana na svesti i politikom uverenju svakog pojedinog borca.56

51 52

v. Osnovne znaajke jugoslavenske vojske, u Jurevi, J., n. dj., str. 163-196. Statut proleterskih narodnooslobodilakih brigada, objavljeno u Gerkovi, Leon, Dokumenti o razvoju

narodne vlasti, Zagreb, 1983, str. 38.

53

Stanii, Milija, Osnovni principi izgradnje oruanih snaga revolucije 1941-1945. godine, u asopisu Vojno

delo, 1969, br. 2, str. 126.

54 55

Statut, Gerkovi, L., n. dj., str. 40. Moraa, Pero, Moralni faktor u narodnooslobodilakom ratu, u asopisu Vojnoistorijski glasnik, 1955, br.

2-3, str. 268.

56

Statut, str. 38.

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Naznaeni koncepcijski temelji, te stvarni i simboliki znaaj JNA nije se bitnije promijenio sve do sloma komunizma i raspada druge Jugoslavije, a brojne mone politike, vojne, gospodarske i druge poloaje u Jugoslaviji desetljeima su zauzimale vojne osobe koje su u Drugom svjetskom ratu prole duboke procese komunistike indoktrinacije. Zbog toga je JNA, osim to je u Jugoslaviji bila realna oruana sila, bila cijelo vrijeme (uz Tita) nedodirljiva i najnjegovanija kult institucija, te se iz propagandnih razloga veoma esto u javnom ivotu druge Jugoslavije za JNA koristio zamjenski naziv Titova vojska. Nizom zakonskih i ustavnih promjena u razdoblju od 1969. do 1974. godine u Jugoslaviji je uspostavljena obrambena koncepcija tzv. Openarodne obrane i drutvene samozatite, (ONO i DSZ), kojom je (pored postojee JNA) ustrojena i Teritorijalna obrana (TO) kao dio oruanih snaga. Cilj je bio u duhu Marxove koncepcije o naoruanom narodu - zakonski i stvarno omoguiti da se u oruanu borbu ukljui itavo sposobno stanovnitvo zemlje i da se ona vodi u svim ratnim uvjetima i u svim dijelovima zemlje: da svaki dio Jugoslavije bude fronta, a svaki njen stanovnik ratnik.57 Na taj nain, od poetka 70-ih godina organiziraju se od republika i pokrajina do osnovnih organizacija udruenog rada i mjesnih zajednica tabovi teritorijalne obrane: istovremeno umnoavaju se oblici i naini povezivanja komandi, jedinica i ustanova Jugoslavenske narodne armije.58 Iako je u Ustavu (iz 1974. g.) naelno odreeno da oruane snage Jugoslavije ine jedinstvenu celinu i sastoje se od Jugoslavenske narodne armije, kao zajednike oruane sile svih naroda i narodnosti i svih radnih ljudi i graana, i od teritorijalne obrane kao najireg oblika organizovanog oruanog optenarodnog otpora59, ipak su druge ustavne i zakonske odredbe te naroito stvarnost uinile da TO organizacijski budu prvenstveno republike i pokrajinske vojske (te vojske jo manjih drutveno-politikih zajednica) unutar Jugoslavije. Primjerice, ovo proizlazi i iz ustavne odredbe koja kae: Pravo i dunost optina, autonomnih pokrajina, republika odnosno drugih drutveno-politikih zajednica je da svaka na svojoj teritoriji ureuje i organizuje narodnu odbranu i da rukovodi teritorijalnom odbranom, civilnom zatitom i drugim pripremama za odbranu zemlje, a u sluaju napada na zemlju da organizuje optenarodni otpor i njime rukovodi.60 Uz to, Ustavom je bilo odreeno da niko nema pravo da prizna ili potpie kapitulaciju, niti da prihvati ili prizna
57 58 59 60

Povijest Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, str. 449. Isto, str. 450. Ustav SFRJ, 1974, l. 240, stavak drugi. Isto, l. 239, st. drugi.

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okupaciju, te niko nema pravo da sprei graane da se bore protiv neprijatelja koji je napao zemlju.61 Oruje i vojna oprema TO kupovani su novcem republika, pokrajina, opina, poduzea itd., a tabovi TO su (u suradnji sa strukturom JNA ili bez nje) organizirali razliite vrste vojnih vjebi, natjecanja i drugih vrsta priprema stanovnitva za openarodnu obranu i drutvenu samozatitu ONO i DSZ. Isto tako, na sveuilitima su obrazovane razliite vrste strunjaka za ONO i DSZ, a ONO i DSZ su bili obvezni nastavni predmet na svim razinama i vrstama sustava obrazovanja; od osnovnih kola do sveuilita. Za potpunije razumijevanje uzroka mnogobrojnih zloina koji su pod operativnom organizacijom i nadzorom strukture koja je kolovana u JNA sustavno poinjeni nakon 1990. g. na prostorima RH i BiH (te potom na Kosovu) vano je naglasiti vrijednosna uputstva na kojima se i nakon 1980. g. zasnivala kola narodne odbrane, tj. Centar visokih vojnih kola "Maral Tito". Centar je godine 1981. objavio Nacrt uputstva, u obliku opsene knjige, pod naslovom Priprema i izvoenje operacija oruanih snaga u ONOR-u,62 koja je sluila kao obvezni nastavni teoretski materijal u kojem se vri dalja razrada koncepcije i doktrine optenarodne odbrane i drutvene samozatite i strategije oruane borbe u oblasti priprema i izvoenja operacija, odnosno upotrebe strategijskih i operativnih grupacija i operativnih sustava.63 Na poetku knjige je naglaeno: Svi kandidati polau ovo uputstvo u celini.64 U ovoj knjizi, u poglavlju Uloga i zadaci organizacija SKJ i SSOJ (Savez socijalistike omladine Jugoslavije, op. a.) u grupacijama i sastavima, izmeu ostalog je navedeno: Organizacije SKJ u stratergijskim i operativnim grupacijama i operativnim sastavima su vodea idejno-politika snaga u tim jedinicama i nosilac odgovornosti za ostvarivanje politike SKJ u njihovoj celokupnoj borbenoj i moralno-politikoj izgradnji i nagaovanju na konkretnim zadacima. U pripremama i izvoenju operacija komunisti, organizacije i organi SKJ angauju se, pre svega, na: jaanju svesti vojnika i stareina o opravdanosti borbe koju vodimo objanjavaju aktuelne vojno-politike situacije, klasne sutine i perspektive odbrane zemlje;

61 62

Isto, l. 238, st. prvi. Priprema i izvoenje operacija oruanih snaga u ONOR-u, Centar visokih vojnih kola JNA "Maral Tito"

kola narodne odbrane, Beograd, 1981.

63 64

Isto, Uvod, na poetku knjige nepaginirana stranica. Isto, poetna nepaginirana stranica.

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razobliavanju ciljeva i postupaka neprijatelja, u prvom redu njegove propagande i razvijaju mrnju prema njemu.65 Za organizaciju SSOJ-a je isto tako odreeno da se u oruanim snagama njena aktivnost zasniva na programskim i statutarnim dokumentima SKJ i SSOJ. Organizacija i organi SSOJ neprekidno se angauju na: doslednom ostvarivanju politike, stavova i zadataka organizacije SKJ razvijanju masovnog heroizma, borbenosti i revolucionarnog ara; uvrivanju vere u pobedu, produbljivanju mrnje prema neprijatelju.66

I.-3.1.3 Predsjednitvo Socijalistike Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ) U jugoslavenskom komunistikom upravljakom sustavu institucija Predsjednitva prvi put se poela uvoditi 1966. g., i to unutar partijske strukture SKJ. Potom je na isti nain postupno vrena i reorganizacija upravljanja dravom, te je ustavnim amandmanima i konano Ustavom iz 1974. g. etablirana institucija Predsjednitva SFRJ, a ta institucija je uvedena i na razinama republika i pokrajina. Predsjednitvo SFRJ je zapravo bilo kolektivni poglavar drave, s veoma irokim ovlastima. Izmeu ostalog, Predsjednitvo SFRJ je bilo najvii organ rukovoenja i komandovanja oruanim snagama u ratu i miru,67 postavlja, unapreuje i razreava generale i admirale, kao i druge vojne stareine koje savezni zakon odredi, postavlja i razreava predsednike, sudije, sudije-porotnike vojnih sudova i vojne tuioce,68 utvruje osnove planova i pripremnih mera za odbranu zemlje utvruje postojanje neposredne ratne opasnosti nareuje upotrebu oruanih snaga u miru,69 te u odreenim sluajevima donosi uredbe sa zakonskom snagom i obustavlja primjenu pojedinih odredbi Ustava.70 Predsednitvo SFRJ sainjavaju po jedan lan iz svake republike i autonomne pokrajine koga bira skuptina republike, odnosno skuptina autonomne pokrajine.71 To znai, Predsjednitvo SFRJ je imalo osam lanova. lanovi Predsjednitva SFRJ birani su na mandat od pet godina. Prema Ustavu, na elu Predsjednitva SFRJ je bio Predsjednik
65 66 67 68 69 70 71

Isto, str. 13. Isto, str. 14. Ustav SFRJ, 1974, l. 313, st. trei. Isto, l. 315, toka 6. Isto, l. 316. Isto, l. 317, te Amandman XLI, toka 3., g. 1988. Isto, Amandman XLI, toka 1., g. 1988.

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Predsjednitva SFRJ, koji je na tom poloaju ostajao godinu dana, a potom je na taj poloaj automatizmom (rotacijom) dolazio slijedei lan Predsjednitva SFRJ prema unaprijed odreenom redoslijedu. Predsjednik Predsjednitva je istovremeno bio i Predsjednik Savjeta za narodnu obranu.72 Predsjednitvo SFRJ je djelovalo na ovaj nain tek nakon smrti J. B. Tita (1980. g.), koji je prema Ustavu SFRJ doivotno, istovremeno, obnaao i dunost Predsjednika Republike i dunost Predsjednika Predsjednitva SFRJ.73 Tito je (kao Predsjednik Republike, tj. Jugoslavije) prema Ustavu imao sve ovlasti kao i Predsjednitvo SFRJ, te je tako stvarno i vladao, pa tada (do 1980. g.) Predsjednitvo SFRJ praktino nije konzumiralo svoje ustavne ovlasti, a sastajalo se prema nahoenju Tita.74

I.-3.1.4 Slube sigurnosti Tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata KPJ je ustrojila slube sigurnosti,75 koje su svoje djelovanje nastavile i nakon rata, kad je izvreno nekoliko reorganizacija (podjela na vojnu i civilnu slubu sigurnosti, podjela prema vrsti posla i nadlenosti) i promjena naziva pojedinih slubi.76 Slube sigurnosti komunistike Jugoslavije imale su izuzetan znaaj za ouvanje totalitarnog komunistikog reima, te stoga i ogromne ovlasti i veoma razgranatu mreu zaposlenika i suradnika. Slube sigurnosti su u svom djelovanju, esto vrile i ubojstva nepoeljnih osoba na teritoriju Jugoslavije i u inozemstvu, a o tome su - nakon raspada druge Jugoslavije pojedinci iz tih slubi i drugi autori objavljivali niz dokumenata i podataka.77 U povjerljivoj rekonstrukciji jugoslavenske, civilne, Slube dravne sigurnosti SDS (koju rekonstrukciju su 1997. g. za potrebe slubi sigurnosti Republike Hrvatske napravili istaknuti djelatnici SDS koji su, od 1990. g., preuzeli jo istaknutije sigurnosne poloaje u Republici Hrvatskoj)78 nalazi se niz detalja o ustroju i djelovanju SDS. Primjerice, SDS je kao unutarnje neprijatelje kontinuirano sigurnosno pokrivao - izmeu ostalog - i sve vjerske

72 73 74 75 76

Isto, l. 327-332. Isto, l. 335, stavak drugi. Isto, l. 335-345. v. Jurevi, J., Bleiburg...., poglavlje Glavni represivni organi. v. Lopuina, Marko, Ubij blinjeg svog, Beograd, 1996.; Vukui Boe, Tajni rat Udbe protiv hrvatskog

iseljenitva, poglavlje Nastanak, ustroj i rad jugoslavenskih tajnih slubi, Zagreb, 2002.
77

v. Isto; te Rullman, Hans Peter, Mordauftrag aus Belgrad, Hamburg, 1990; Spasi, Boidar, Lasica koja

govori, Beograd, 2000.

78

Perkovi, Josip; Gabri, Jan, Sluba dravne sigurnosti, Zagreb 1997.

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zajednice, sveuilita i studentske domove, a u stranim dravama pokrivani su iseljenici iz Jugoslavije. Prema Zakonu o osnovama sistema dravne sigurnosti, Predsjednitvo SFRJ i SIV (Savezno izvrno vijee, vlada SFRJ, op. a.) bili su nadleni za politiko i sigurnosno usmjeravanje rada Slubi dravne sigurnosti.79 Slube sigurnosti bile su 80-ih godina na niz naina veoma djelatne u kriznim politikim, vojnim i gospodarskim situacijama u drugoj Jugoslaviji. Tako su sigurnosne slube bile intenzivno ukljuene u intervenciju na Kosovu poetkom 80-ih godina.80 Od sredine 80-ih godina, kad je dolazak pluralne demokratizacije postajao sve izgledniji, slube sigurnosti su sve sustavnije istile arhivske fondove koji su u novim okolnostima mogli kompromitirati komunistike upravljake elite.81 U procesu raspada druge Jugoslavije, veliki broj djelatnika i suradnika SDS-a je naputao sigurnosni sustav jugoslavenske drave i zauzimao niz istaknutih sigurnosnih i drugih upravljakih poloaja u novonastalim dravama.82 Koliko je taj prijelaz bio organiziran od strane jugoslavenskih slubi kao dio njihovog sigurnosnog djelovanja u novim okolnostima, a koliko spontan, ostaje otvoreno pitanje. Znakovito je da je o jugoslavenskim civilnim sigurnosnim slubama i njihovim pripadnicima, nakon 1990. g. javno objavljen (knjige, mediji, internet) veliki broj podataka i dokumenata, a nasuprot tome, i nadalje su izuzetno rijetko javno dostupni podaci o jugoslavenskim vojnim sigurnosnim slubama, koje su oigledno veoma intenzivno i sustavno djelovale i prije i poslije 1990. godine.83 O znaaju i moi vojnih i civilnih jugoslavenskih sigurnosnih slubi - kao akteru prije i naroito nakon 1990. g. - na deduktivan nain svjedoi injenica da ni u jednoj novonastaloj dravi na prostoru bive Jugoslavije nisu pokrenuti procesi suoavanja s njihovim djelovanjem (ni znanstveno, ni drutveno, ni pravosudno, ni lustracijski). S druge strane,
79 80 81 82

Isto, str. 14. Isto, str. 13-14. v. Jurevi, J., n. dj., str.138-139. O tome svjedoe brojni sluajevi opisani u knjigama i medijima. Najbjelodaniji primjeri u Republici Hrvatskoj

su: a) Manoli Josip, bivi pripadnik jugoslavenskih slubi sigurnosti, (od 1989.-1994. g. jedan od najmonijih lanova vladajug HDZ-a), koji je u Republici Hrvatskoj bio predsjednik vlade i ef Slube za zatitu ustavnog poretka te etiri poetne i kljune godine glavni dravni kadrovik; b) Perkovi Josip, bivi pripadnik jugoslavenskih sigurnosnih slubi, a potom dugogodinji ef vojne sigurnosne slube u Republici Hrvatskoj.
83

v. 1. iskaz Halilovi Sefera i ostalih o njihovom djelovanju za jugoslavensku vojnu sigurnosnu slubu; 2.

Kadijevi Veljko, Moje vienje raspada, Beograd, 1993.

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dogaaju se razliiti oblici suoavanja ak i s ulogama najistaknutijih politikih i vojnih aktera, ali to i nadalje izostaje za strukturu pripadnika jugoslavenskih sigurnosnih slubi. Ta svojevrsna zatita sigurnosnih slubi i njenih pripadnika oituje se i na nekim sadanjim istaknutim primjerima iz Hrvatske.84

I.-3.1.5 Skuptina SFRJ Prema Ustavu SFRJ, Skuptina SFRJ je bila najvii organ vlasti,85 te je sukladno Ustavu i saveznim zakonima imala cijeli niz formalnih ovlasti: odluuje o promeni Ustava utvruje osnove unutranje politike i spoljne politike odluuje o promeni granica odluuje o ratu i miru bira Predsednika Republike, bira i razrjeava lanove savezne vlade itd.86 Meutim, zbog niza razloga, u stvarnosti Skuptina nije imala ni priblinu mo koju je propisivao Ustav. Prvi razlog tome je svakako u injenici to je Jugoslavija bila tipina totalitarna drava u kojoj su skuptinski sustav i njegov stvarni utjecaj bili uglavnom formalni. Drugi razlog je u nainu, propisanih ovlasti i funkcioniranju Skuptine. Ona se sastojala od dva vijea, koja su se temeljila na specifinom jugoslavenskom delegatskom naelu, u kojem su za donoenje odluka predviene sloene procedure konsenzusa izmeu delegacija iz republika i ostalih organizacija.87 Stvarna nemo Skuptine se sve vie oitovala u razdoblju rasta jugoslavenske krize i procesu njena raspada, kad je uloga Skuptine ubrzano postajala sve marginalnija.

I.-3.1.6 Savezno izvrno vijee (SIV) Prema Ustavu SFRJ iz 1974. g., SIV je izvrni organ Skuptine SFRJ, odnosno savezna jugoslavenska vlada koja je odgovorna Skuptini SFRJ za stanje u svim oblastima

84

Nedavno je Vrhovni sud Njemake optuio vlasti Republike Hrvatske (koje inae dosljedno surauju s

meunarodnom zajednicom) za odbijanje bilo kakve suradnje u sudskom procesu glede razotkrivanja uloge Josipa Perkovia (visokog dunosnika jugoslavenskih i potom jo vieg dunosnika hrvatskih slubi sigurnosti) u ubojstvu jednog hrvatskog iseljenika u Njemakoj 1980-ih godina.
85 86 87

Ustav SFRJ, l. 282. Isto, l. 283-290. Isto, l. 283-312 i Amandmani I i III iz g. 1981, te XXXVII iz g. 1988.

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drutvenog ivota.88 Odreeno je da pri izboru lanova SIV-a vodi se rauna o nacionalnom sastavu.89 Ovlasti SIV-a bile su vezane veinom za provoenje politike i odluka Skuptine te Predsjednitva SFRJ. U vrijeme procesa raspada druge Jugoslavije, a zbog marginalizacije Skuptine i blokade Predsjednitva SFRJ, SIV se u pojedinim trenucima pojavljivao kao samostalan akter na poticaje iz meunarodne zajednice ili na poticaje razliitih unutarnjih interesa.

I.-3.1.7 Socijalistiki savez radnog naroda Jugoslavije (SSRNJ) Prema Ustavu, SSRNJ stvoren je u narodnooslobodilakom ratu i socijalistikoj revoluciji kao demokratski i dobrovoljni front radnih ljudi i graana i svih organizovanih socijalistikih snaga, s Komunistikom partijom na elu.90 Ustvari, radilo se o najveoj i najmasovnijoj organizaciji koja je okupljala sve masovne organizacije (sindikat, omladina, ene itd.) koje je osnovala i nadzirala KPJ. SSRNJ je 1953. g. proistekla reorganizacijom i promjenom imena dotadanje masovne organizacije Narodne fronte Jugoslavije (NFJ). lanstvo u veini ovih masovnih organizacija je bilo automatsko i obvezujue; zapoljavanjem se postajalo lan sindikata, polaskom u kolu se postajalo Titovim pionirom, u odreenoj dobi se postajalo lanom omladine itd. Na taj nain, NFJ je ve 1947. g. imao priblino ak 7 milijuna lanova. KPJ je preko svojih rukovodeih struktura u NFJ (SSRNJ) i njenim lanicama-organizacijama provodila razliite masovne akcije te propagirala legitimitet totalitarnog reima.91 Uoi provoenja prvih viestranakih parlamentarnih izbora (1990. g.) u republikama bive Jugoslavije, nove stranke su osnivane u polulegalnim zakonski nedoreenim uvjetima, a formalno su bile registrirane kao lanice SSRNJ.

I.-3.1.8 Savez rezervnih vojnih stareina Jugoslavije (SRVSJ) SRVSJ je masovna organizacija koja je okupljala rezervne vojne zapovjednike, ali i aktivne vojne osobe i graane koji su se nalazili na rukovodeim mjestima u obrambenoj
88 89 90 91

Isto, l. 346. Isto, l. 348, stavak drugi. Ustav SFRJ, Osnovna naela, dio VIII, stavak trei. Nema gotovo nijedne politike, ekonomske ili kulturno-prosvjetne akcije u kojoj se Narodna fronta nije

javljala kao organizator ili izvrilac, popularizator i aktivna agitaciono-propagandna snaga., Povijest SKJ, str. 329.

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strukturi Jugoslavije. Organizacija je osnovan 1952. godine i djelovala je u okviru programa KPJ, a bila je ustrojena na teritorijalnom naelu i imala je priblino pola milijuna lanova. U pripremi i voenju ratnih dogaaja na prostoru bive Jugoslavije od 1990. g., mnogobrojni lanovi ove organizacije su na razliitim stranama bili aktivni sudionici.

I.-3.1.9 Savez udruenja boraca Narodnooslobodilakog rata Jugoslavije (SUBNOR) Organizacija je nastala 1961. g. udruivanjem nekoliko organizacija: Saveza boraca narodnooslobodilakog rata (osnovan 1947. g.), Saveza ratnih vojnih invalida i SRVSJ. Godine 1969. SRVSJ je izaao iz sustava SUBNOR-a i opet postao samostalna organizacija. lanom SUBNOR-a mogao je postati svaki graanin koji je sudjelovao u ratu na komunistikoj partizanskoj strani, kao vojnik ili pomaga, te graani koji su bili pripadnici stranih pobjednikih vojski u Drugom svjetskom ratu. U lanstvo su primani lanovi obitelji poginulih boraca i invalida. Na taj nain SUBNOR je postao jedna od najmasovnijih organizacija koja je sredinom 70-ih godina imala priblino 950.000 lanova. SUBNOR je bio organiziran na teritorijalnom naelu, a od 1969. g. Savezi udruenja boraca pojedinih republika i pokrajina su bili samostalne organizacije koje su udruene u jugoslavenski SUBNOR.92 Budui su bili vojnici KPJ, borci i monolitna mrea borakih organizacija su bili veoma znaajna politika i drutvena potpora totalitarnom jugoslavernskom reimu u propagandnom i stvarnom pogledu. Naime, bivi borci su nakon rata u velikoj mjeri - po naelu odanosti partiji unato nestrunosti - popunjavali cjelokupni sustav novonastale upravljake strukture komunistike drave. U procesima promjena, uoi i nakon 1990. g., SUBNOR je bio veoma aktivan. Postupno je meu organizacijama i lanovima SUBNOR dolazilo do raslojavanja po razliitim osnovama te su nastajale nove organizacije, koje su sauvale monolitnost i ideoloku radikalnost. Mnogi lanovi SUBNOR-a, iako u visokoj ivotnoj dobi, postali su 90ih godina utjecajni pripadnici novonastalih politikih i vojnih struktura.

I.-3.2 Institucije u republikama bive Jugoslavije

Institucijski upravljaki ustroj u jugoslavenskim republikama u svakom je pogledu oponaao ustroj savezne drave. Stoga je - i u pripremi i u poetnim godinama procesa
92

esti kongres Saveza udruenja boraca NOR Jugoslavije, Beograd, 1969.

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raspada komunistike Jugoslavije te u oblikovanju novih institucija i odnosa - kljuno bilo postupanje komunistikih republikih institucija. Odnosno, iz opeg uvida u djelovanje institucija u pojedinim republikama uoi 1990. g., moe sa objektivno spoznati razina sustavnosti i institucijske pripremljenosti pojedine republike za kljuna dogaanja u 90-im godinama. Ovaj uvid je posebno znaajan i za objektivnije pravosudno prepoznavanje i vrednovanje razine osmiljenosti, organiziranosti i odgovornosti pojedinih institucija i istaknutih pojedinaca-aktera novonastalih drava na prostoru bive Jugoslavije.

I.-3.2.1 Srbija Sredinom 1985. g. Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti (SANU) donijela je odluku o izradi elaborata o aktualnim drutvenim pitanjima, a 24. listopada 1986. g. beogradske Veernje novosti (najnakladnije novine u Jugoslaviji) objavile su opseni Memorandum SANU, u kojem se tvrdi da su Srbi u Jugoslaviji diskriminirani i trajno ugroeni (demografski, gospodarski i politiki), te se zahtijevala revizija unutarnjih jugoslavenskih granica i provoenje centralizacije drave u korist Srba. U travnju 1987. g. grupe kosovskih Srba pod okriljem srpske tajne slube sustavno stvaraju napetost na Kosovu, te Slobodan Miloevi kosovskim Srbima javno izrie poruku Niko ne sme da vas bije! Ta reenica posluila je kontroliranim medijima za poetak stvaranja kulta Miloevia kao "zatitnika Srba". Njegov uspon otad je sve bri.93 U studenom 1987. odrana je Osma sjednica Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Srbije, na kojoj su Miloevi i njegova struktura preuzeli potpunu kontrolu nad republikom partijom, to je bilo kljuno za daljnje uspostavljanje velikosrbijanske strukture u dravnom i drutvenom ustroju Srbije, kako bi se provodio plan kojim se nastojalo pod dominacijom srpskih vlastodraca zadrati junoslavenske narode i saveznu dravu.94 Krajem lipnja 1988. g., na blagdan Vidovdana, Srpska pravoslavna crkva (SPC) je zapoela noenje motiju (relikvija) srednjevjekovnog srpskog kneza Lazara. Cilj je bio da se u godinu dana obie to vei dio Srbije i tako Srbi "potaknu na povratak vjerskim i nacionalnim korijenima".95 Ova radikalna masovna akcija uskoro je proirena i na dijelove Bosne i Hercegovine.

93 94

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini, (grupa autora), Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999, str. 371. v. 1. Jurevi, Josip, Srbijanska oruana agresija na Hrvatsku 1990.-1995. godine, u zborniku Jugoistona

Europa 1918.-1995., Zagreb, 1995, str, 216-217; 2. Izvori velikosrpske agresije, (grupa autora), Zagreb, 1991.
95

Rat u Hrvatskoj, str. 372.

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U ljeto 1988. g. srpske obavjetajne strukture organizirale su masovne pohode (tzv. antibirokratska ili jogurt revolucija) militantnih kosovskih i drugih Srba na podruje Vojvodine, s ime je sruena vlast autonomne pokrajine Vojvodine i na vlast su dovedeni promiloevievski politiari. Model masovne antibirokratske ili jogurt revolucije te drugih vrsta masovno-medijskih pritisaka uestalo je tada koriten u Srbiji za ienje svih dravnih i drutvenih institucija (politika, dravna uprava, gospodarstvo, mediji itd.) od osoba (kadrova) koji nisu pristajali na plan koji je simbolizirao S. Miloevi. U sijenju 1989. g. u nizu koordiniranih mitinga, s kulminacijom u

Titogradu/Podgorici (50.000 ljudi), Miloevi svrgava vlast u Crnoj Gori i postavlja sebi odane ljude.96 Krajem veljae 1989. organizirane su demonstracije Srba u Kninu (u Hrvatskoj), koji su dali potporu Beogradu u "obraunu s kontrarevolucijom na Kosovu".97 Krajem oujka 1989. godine Skuptina Srbije je proglasila amandmane republikog ustava, s kojima dokida autonomiju Kosova i Vojvodine. To je bilo u izravnoj suprotnosti s Ustavom SFRJ, koji je Kosovu i Vojvodini jamio autonomiju i konstitutivni poloaj u jugoslavenskoj federaciji. Na temelju te konstitutivnosti pokrajine su imale svoje predstavnike u svim saveznim tijelima vlasti (Predsjednitvo, Skuptina itd.). Znakovito je to to je Srbija pokrajinama ukinula autonomiju, ali je u saveznim tijelima vlasti i nadalje zadrala mjesta koja su pokrajine imale upravo na temelju autonomije. Krajem lipnja 1989. g., na Gazimestanu (na Kosovu) je odran najvei masovni srpski nacionalni i vjerski skup (procjene iz Srbije govore i do milijun nazonih osoba). Glavni govornik bio je S. Miloevi koji je poruio: danas, opet smo u bitkama i pred bitkama. One nisu oruane, premda i takve jo nisu iskljuene.98 U prigodnom broju asopisa Srpske pravoslavne crkve (Glas Crkve) objavljen je Predlog srpskog crkvenonacionalnog programa koji daje potporu ukinuu pokrajinskih autonomija te od vodstva Srbije zahtijeva da "titi i uva prava, slobodu i integritet svoga naroda na itavom jugoslovenskom teritoriju".99 Koncepcijski i scenarijem slian masovni srpski skup odran je uskoro (09. srpnja 1989. g.) i u Hrvatskoj (u selu Kosovo kod Knina), a na njemu se okupilo oko 50.000 osoba, preteno iz Srbije, pristiglih u vie od 1.500 autobusa.100
96 97 98 99

Isto, str. 372. Isto, str. 372. Veernji list, (dnevna novina), Zagreb, 29. 06 1989. Rat u Hrvatskoj, str. 373. Kronologija rata 1989.-1998., Zagreb, 1998, str. 7.

100

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Poetkom prosinca 1989. g., Miloevi je bio izabran za Predsjednika Predsjednitva Socijalistike Republike Srbije. U veljai 1990. g. na Kosovu je uvedeno izvanredno stanje; tenkovi i oklopne postrojbe na ulicama, ubijena 33 albanska demonstranta.101 Poetkom oujka 1990. g. odran je velikosrpski miting na Petrovoj Gori (Hrvatska): umirovljeni general JNA Duan Peki zahtijeva hapenje nekomunistikih politiara u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji, a masa uzvikuje "Hoemo oruje!".102 Ve i na temelju ovog kratkog pregleda je oigledno da se veina srbijanskih znanstvenih, politikih, vojnih i crkvenih103 institucija i struktura barem od sredine 80-ih godina sustavno operativno i sve intenzivnije pripremala za radikalan i nasilan zahvat unutar druge jugoslavenske drave. O tome svjedoi i injenica da su na prvim viestranakim izborima u Srbiji (prosinac 1990. g.) uvjerljivo pobijedili (zadrali vlast) reformirani komunisti na elu sa S. Miloeviem, to znai da se jedino u Srbiji (i Crnoj Gori) cjelovito ouvao institucijski kontinuitet iz jugoslavenskog razdoblja. Odnosno, na taj nain je u Srbiji ostala u cijelosti sauvana upravljaka struktura koja se pripremala za dogaaje u 90-im godinama. Traginost dogaaja na prostoru druge Jugoslavije krajem 20. st. bitno je uveala injenica da je koncepcija velikosrbijanskog projekta bila zastarjela u svakom pogledu, a pogotovo s motrita suvremenih europskih standarda. Naime, veina europskih nacija (posebno razvijene zemlje) samu naciju ne poistovjeuju s etnikim podrijetlom, a nacionalne interese ne ostvaruju vojnim osvajanjem i etnikim ienjem, nego gospodarskim, tehnolokim, znanstvenim, politikim, diplomatskim i slinim sredstvima. Srbijanska agresija je idejnu i politiku osnovu postavila na etnikovjerskoj identifikaciji ("Svi Srbi u jednoj dravi", vjerska ornamentika, pozivanje na grobove, sudjelovanje Srpske pravoslavne crkve itd.), a nacionalne interese planirala je i pokuala ostvariti vojnom okupacijom, etnikim ienjem nesrpskog stanovnitva i naseljavanjem pripadnika svoje etnike skupine (o tome najbolje mogu svjedoiti bivi okupirani dijelovi Republike Hrvatske i jo postojea "Republika Srpska" na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine.)

101 102 103

Isto, str. 374. Isto, str. 374.; usp. Kronologija rata, str. 19. v. Tomani, Milorad, Srpska crkva u ratu i ratovi u njoj, Beograd, 2001.

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Srbijanska agresija se odvijala bez objave rata, koritenjem niza zabranjenih oruja, a osim slubene vojske u znaajnoj mjeri su koritene najrazliitije paravojne i dragovoljake postrojbe i skupine. Etniko ienje provodilo se svim vrstama zastraivanja i zlostavljanja, masovnim ubojstvima, zatvaranjem u logore i progonstvom. Glavne mete razarajuih napada bez vojnih razloga bili su civilni objekti (stanovi, bolnice, kole itd.), naroito kulturna batina (naselja, dvorci, muzeji, crkve, groblja) sa svrhom unitavanja povijesnog identiteta prostora.104

I.-3.2.2 Hrvatska U poetnim godinama druge polovice 80-ih, u institucijskom ivotu u Hrvatskoj prevladavale su uglavnom teme koje su se bavile sve veom gospodarskom krizom u Jugoslaviji (i Hrvatskoj) te socijalnim i politikim problemima koji iz toga proizlaze. U javnom govoru (koji je uglavnom bio pod nadzorom partije) prevladavali su uobiajeni komunistiki propagandni stereotipi o tekoama koje e biti prevladane, te se u institucijama u Hrvatskoj uope nije dovodio u pitanje ustavni i teritorijalni integritet Jugoslavije. Postupno, pribliavanjem 90-ih, u Hrvatskoj sve veu medijsku pozornost i zabrinutost dobivala je radikalizacija politikih dogaanja u Srbiji, te problemi koje su hrvatski partijski i dravni predstavnici imali tijekom boravka u Beogradu na saveznim sastancima. Uz to, sve veu javnu pozornost zaokupljale su i uestale propasti komunistikih poduzea i sve ei i masovniji trajkovi nezadovoljnih radnika na ulicama hrvatskih gradova. U srpnju 1989. g. partijska i dravna tijela Hrvatske su sa vremenskom zadrkom i birokratski suzdranim priopenjima osudile iskazivanje srpskog nacionalizma i mitingaku atmosferu pri proslavi kosovske bitke u Kninskoj krajini.105 Sredinom svibnja 1989. g. u Zagrebu je, u polulegalnim uvjetima, osnovan Hrvatski socijalno-liberalni savez (HSLS), kao prva nekomunistika stranka u Hrvatskoj. Sredinom lipnja 1989. g., u prostorijama malog nogometnog kluba na rubu Zagreba, osnovana je Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (HDZ), stranka koja je deset mjeseci kasnije pobijedila na prvim viestranakim izborima u Hrvatskoj. U pripremama za osnivanje stranke bila su velika neslaganja o programu, nazivu i elnoj osobi stranke. Tako je, na koncu, grupa

104

Jurevi, J., Vukovar 91 Meunarodno pravo i europska sigurnost, u zborniku Vukovar 91 Meunarodni

odjeci i znaaj, Zagreb, 2004, str. 24-25.

105

Kronologija rata, str. 7.

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koja je podravala Franju Tumana - u bojazni pred jugoslavenskom policijom, ali i skrivajui se od veinske skupine inicijatora HDZ-a koji nisu podupirali F. Tumana na elnom mjestu stranke u nastajanju osnivaki skup stranke odrala u nejavnom prostoru na rubu grada, a ne u hotelu za koji je bio napisan i javni poziv.106 Tek krajem 1989. i poetkom 1990. godine tijela republike i partijske vlasti u Hrvatskoj poela su naelno i zakonski otvarati proces politikog pluralizma. Stoga su tek poetkom veljae 1990. g. (dvaipol mjeseca prije prvih viestranakih izbora u Hrvatskoj) dotad polulegalno osnovane stranke registrirane u hrvatskom, republikom Sekretarijatu za pravosue i upravu. U prosincu 1989. g. graani Zagreba su - po uzoru na sline akcije u drugim istonoeuropskim komunistikim dravama masovno palili svijee i potpisivali peticiju kojom su zahtijevali raspisivanje viestranakih izbora. U drugoj polovici travnja i poetkom svibnja 1990. g. odrani su (dvokruno) prvi viestranaki izbori u Hrvatskoj, na kojima je protivno tadanjim oekivanjima i istraivanjima, uvjerljivo pobijedio HDZ. Na temelju velikog broja do sada dostupnih dokumenata i povijesnih izvora te objavljenih knjiga i radova, oigledno je da su dravne i drutvene institucije i strukture u Hrvatskoj gotovo potpuno nespremne doekale 1990. godinu, tj. proces sloma komunizma i raspada Jugoslavije. Isto tako, ovi izvori i literatura ne pokazuju da su u Hrvatskoj do 80-ih i poetkom 90-ih godina sustavno institucijski pripremani ili postojali planovi i organizacije za voenje bilo koje vrste unutarjugoslavenskog oruanog sukoba ili radikalne politike razbijanja Jugoslavije. Osim toga, u Hrvatskoj je na izborima 1990. g. dolo do smjene stranke na vlasti i promjene koncepcije vladanja, te velikog institucijskog i kadrovskog restrukturiranja, iako su pozicije moi u novoj vladajuoj stranci (HDZ) zadrali brojni pripadnici stare komunistike (naroito obavjetajne) strukture.

I.-3.2.3 Bosna i Hercegovina Tijekom druge polovice 80-ih godina, opa situacija u BiH bila je veoma slina situaciji u Hrvatskoj. U javnom ivotu su prevladavale, za ono vrijeme, tipine komunistike unutarepublike politike, gospodarske i socijalne teme, ukljuujui i dugotrajni sudski proces afere Agrokomerc. Pribliavanjem kraja 80-ih godina, javnu pozornost i u BiH sve vie su zaokupljali radikalni dogaaji u Srbiji.
106

Deset godina Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, Zagreb, 1989, str. 43-65.

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U listopadu 1989. g. nakon to su srbijanske slube sigurnosti izvrile upad u sigurnosni sustav BiH - vrh komunistike partijske organizacije u BiH napadom na suverenitet Republike i pokuajem kosovizacije BiH.
107

je to ocijenio

No, u javnom ozraju

u BiH krajem 80-ih i poetkom 90-ih godina bilo je veoma malo sigurnosne bojazni (ak manje nego u Hrvatskoj) i nevjerice u opstanak Jugoslavije, iako su povijesna iskustva i tada aktualna dogaanja upuivala na suprotno. Posebno je zanimljiv fenomen da se u BiH - ak i 1991. g. kad je srbijanska agresija na Hrvatsku bila na vrhuncu - odravalo javno uvjerenje kako rat nee doi u BiH,. Proces postupne legalizacije politikog pluralizma u BiH i osnivanja novih stranaka odvijao se sporije nego u Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj, te su i prvi viestranaki izbori u BiH odrani (dvokruno) tek u drugoj polovici studenog i poetkom prosinca 1990. godine. Na temelju do sada raspoloivih izvora i drugih saznanja, oigledno je da je BiH prije 1990. g. prema institucijskoj pripremljenosti bila gotovo potpuno nespremna za slom komunizma i raspad Jugoslavije. Isto tako, dosad poznati izvori ne pokazuju da su u slubenim institucijama vlasti BiH do 90-ih godina postojali republiki institucijski planovi i organizacije koje su pripremale unutarjugoslavenski oruani sukob i raspad Jugoslavije. Pretpostavke za, moebitno, takvo institucijsko djelovanje u BiH su bile naelno manje nego u drugim jugoslavenskim republikama, zbog konstitutivnosti tri naroda i njihove demografske i paritetne upravljake izmijeanosti te niza drugih povijesnih razloga i interesa. Osim toga, i u BiH su na izborima 1990. g. uvjerljivo pobijedile novoosnovane stranke, promijenjena je koncepcija vlasti i vreno je veliko institucijsko i kadrovsko restrukturiranje.

I.-3.3 Institucije meunarodne zajednice

Openito, promatrajui na svjetskoj razini, djelovanje i uinkovitost institucija meunarodne zajednice u kriznim, predratnim, ratnim i poratnim situacijama bili su odreeni nizom razliitih imbenika. Na prvom mjestu su bile obveze meunarodnih institucija koje proizlaze iz njihovih nadlenosti. Na drugom mjestu su bile njihove stvarne mogunosti djelovanja, koje su ovisile o percepciji, svekolikoj moi organizacije, dostupnosti i teini

107

Kronologija rata, str. 10.

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problema, te nizu razliitih interesa koji su bili izravno ili posredno vezani za odreeni problem. Sukladno tome, poveavanjem vremenskog odmaka poveava se broj i kvaliteta analiza, procjena i interpretacija koji se odnose na djelovanje institucija meunarodne zajednice u kriznom (i ratnom) razdoblju na prostoru bive Jugoslavije.108 U svakom sluaju ostaje nedvojbena injenica, da najmonije svjetske i europske meunarodne institucije nisu odrale mir na jugoistoku Europe, a nerijeene geopolitike i druge posljedice tog rata ugroavaju i nadalje europsku sigurnost i stabilnost, iako je prolo ve 20-ak godina od poetka tzv. jugoslavenske krize.

I.-3.3.1 Ujedinjene nacije (UN) UN je najvea i najmonija svjetska organizacija, koja je ve prema prvom lanku Povelje UN-a u kojem se odreuju ciljevi i naela organizacije (Odravati meunarodni mir i sigurnost i u tu svrhu: poduzimati djelotvorne kolektivne mjere radi spreavanja i otklanjanja prijetnja miru) nedvojbeno bila nadlena i za dogaaje na prostoru bive Jugoslavije. UN su se prvi put ozbiljnije ukljuile u tzv. jugoslavensku krizu tek krajem rujna 1991. g. donoenjem rezolucije Vijea sigurnosti o embargu uvoza oruja na prostor cijele Jugoslavije. Budui je srbijanska agresija (koja je imala obilje oruja) tada vodila totalni rat protiv nenaoruane Hrvatske i uskoro protiv isto nenaoruane BiH, motivi i ispravnost te odluke UN-a su jednako osporavani u vrijeme donoenja embarga, kao i danas. Na jednak nain je ostalo otvoreno i pitanje zbog ega se UN nije znatno ranije angairala na prostoru bive Jugoslavije, te zbog ega nije bila uinkovitija nakon ukljuivanja u krizu.

I.-3.3.2 Europska zajednica (EZ) EZ je prva meunarodna institucija koja je preko svog promatrakog mehanizma bila izravno nazona na jugoslavenskom teritoriju. No, ovo se dogodilo tek u srpnju 1991. g., i to na podruju Slovenije u kojoj vie nije bilo vojnih sukoba. U rujnu 1991. g. EZ je osnovala Mirovnu konferenciju o Jugoslaviji, koja nije uspjela zaustaviti srbijansku oruanu agresiju. Prije toga, u prvoj polovici 1991. g., predstavnici EZ-a su u vie navrata obeavali novanu pomo Jugoslaviji i iskljuivo zagovarali njen opstanak, iako je Jugoslavije ve tada stvarno bila u nepovratnom stupnju raspada.

108

v. Hodge, Carole, Velika Britanija i Balkan od 1991. do danas, Zagreb, 2007; Jurevi, Josip, Meunarodno

pravo i europska sigurnost, u zborniku Vukovar 91 meunarodni odjeci i znaaj, Zagreb, 2004.

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I.-3.3.3 Konferencija o europskoj sigurnosti i suradnji (KESS) KESS je od poetka svog ustrojavanja (1972. g.) imao veliku ulogu u uspostavljanju sigurnosne suradnje izmeu blokovski podijeljene Europe, te je pridonio neoruanom okonanju hladnog rata u Europi u vrijeme sloma komunistikih reima. Tu ulogu KESS je obavljao kao ad hoc organizacija, a 1990. g. je preoblikovan u meunarodnu organizaciju sa stalnim institucijama. Meutim, KESS se tada nije znaajnije angairao na rjeavanju tzv. jugoslavenske krize, koja se pretvorila u prvi (i dugogodinji) rat u Europi nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, to se u svakom sluaju moe smatrati i golemim neuspjehom KESS-a kao organizacije kojoj je osnovni zadatak ouvanje mira, odnosno ouvanje europske sigurnosti i suradnje. Pritom se naroito misli na niz odredbi i obveza koje je KESS usvojio u Helsinkom zavrnom dokumentu (Helsinki, 1975. g.) i Kopenhakom zavrnom dokumentu (Kopenhagen, 1990. g.), a koje su sustavno i drastino krene na prostoru bive Jugoslavije.

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I.-4 RASPAD INSTITUCIJSKOG SUSTAVA DRUGE JUGOSLAVIJE

Institucijski upravljaki sustav totalitarne Jugoslavije izgraivan je desetljeima planski, na znanstvenim temeljima, sukladno marksistikoj paradigmi o naunom socijalizmu/komunizmu. Neprekidno su, izmeu ostalog, vrene razliite strukturne i kadrovske promjene i prilagodbe, s osnovnim ciljem uspostavljanja to vee institucijske stabilnosti drave i njenog komunistikog reima. Pritom je glomaznost, sloenost (kompliciranost) i meuuvjetovanost svih jugoslavenskih dravnih i drutvenih institucija bila u funkciji stvaranju privida monolitnosti i neogranienosti trajanja, te prikrivanja koncepcijskih slabosti i praktine neuspjenosti totalitarnog komunistikog upravljakog modela. Navedeno primjereno ilustriraju slijedei podaci. Savez komunista Jugoslavije je 1981. g. imao 2,120.000 lanova, to je bilo 9,5% ukupnog stanovnitva drave. To znai da je svaki sedmi punoljetni stanovnik bio lan SKJ. Postotak lanova SKJ u ukupno zaposlenom stanovnitvu drave bio je ak 28,6%. Izmeu pojedinih republika postojale su velike razlike u postotku broja lanova SKJ u odnosu na broj stanovnika republike. Najmanji postoci lanova SKJ u odnosu na broj stanovnika bili su u Sloveniji (6,6%) i Hrvatskoj (7,6%), a najvei u Crnoj Gori (12,5%), Srbiji (10,5%) i BiH (9,5%). Meutim, monolitnost jugoslavenske upravljake strukture, usprkos glomaznosti, postupno je dolazila u sve veu krizu prvenstveno zbog goleme gospodarske neuspjenosti dravnog reima koji je gotovo u cjelosti upravljao s gospodarstvom. Godine 1981. vanjska zaduenost Jugoslavije prela je 20 milijardi amerikih dolara, a te godine je samo za kamate na vanjski dug isplaeno 2 milijarde dolara. Tadanju situaciju ak se i u partiji posveenim knjigama opisivalo na slijedei nain: Strukturni nesklad u privredi, deficit platne bilance i stupanj zaduenosti zemlje postat e bitni ograniavajui faktori privrednog razvoja i ugroavati e same samoupravne osnove privrednog i politikog sistema.109

109

Povijest SKJ, str. 469; navedeni brojani pokazatelji preuzeti su iz iste knjige.

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Ove procjene partijskih strunjaka, o pretpostavkama uruavanja osnova privrednog i politikog sistema komunistike drave, predstavljaju polazini okvir za razumijevanje osnovnih unutarnjih razloga raspada druge Jugoslavije. Usporedo s rastom gospodarske krize, u Jugoslaviji su se zaotravali i politiki odnosi na razliitim interesnim osnovama. Niz strunjaka s vojnog podruja,110 smatra kako su se kljune institucijske destruktivne promjene poele dogaati reorganizacijom JNA od sredine do kraja 80-ih godina. Ove promjene koje su ukinule republikim granicama sukladne armijske oblasti i uspostavile tri vojita - bile su protivne ustavnoj federalistikoj obrambenoj koncepciji jugoslavenske drave i vodile su centralizaciji drave i politikog voenja vojske,111 te su pogodovale kasnijem ostvarivanju srbijanske oruane agresija na Hrvatsku, BiH i Kosovo. Motivi armijskog vrha za te poteze tumae se s dva osnovna interesa. Prvi je golema materijalna mo JNA (golema proizvodnja i prodaja oruja u zemlji i inozemstvu, golemi prinosi vojsci iz prorauna), te politika mo (smjetanje umirovljenih i aktivnih vojnih kadrova u civilnu institucijsku strukturu, kult komunistike vojske) koju je imala JNA. Zbog te moi, JNA je samu sebe popularno nazivala sedmom republikom - te se sustavnim promjenama i u kriznom vremenu nastojala, izmeu ostalog, ouvati materijalna i politika mo armijske strukture. Drugi interes (motiv) je proizlazio iz naglaene srbiziranosti armijskog vrha. Stoga su oba interesa bila potpuno sukladna Memorandumu SANU i politici koju je provodila srbijanska struktura na elu sa S. Miloeviem. Na tim temeljima se krajem 80-ih i poetkom 90-ih godina dogaalo, javno sve oiglednije (deklarativno, politiko i vojno), objedinjavanje djelovanja srbijanske politike strukture i srbiziranog vrha JNA.112 Drugi, izravni udar na temelje Ustava SFRJ i opstanka Jugoslavije zbio se u oujku 1989., kad je Srbija ukinula autonomiju Kosova i Vojvodine. Na tu protuustavnost nisu uope reagirala savezna dravna tijela koja su to morala uiniti na temelju svoje ustavne i zakonske nadlenosti. Jedan od razloga njihova nereagiranja tada i kasnije na druge protuustavne
110

Domazet, Davor, Hrvatska i veliko ratite, Udruga Sv. Juraja, Zagreb, 2003; Halilovi, Sefer, Lukava

strategija, Sarajevo, 1997; pegelj, Martin, Prva faza rata: pripreme JNA za agresiju i hrvatski obrambeni planovi, u knjizi Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999.; Kadijevi, Veljko, Moje vienje raspada, Beograd 1993.
111

Paradoksalnost naina protuustavnog, a zakonskog legaliziranja reorganiziranja JNA objanjava M. pegelj u

n. dj., str. 40-46.

112

V. Kadijevi tadanja elna osoba JNA - to izravno obrazlae u svojoj knjizi objavljenoj 1993. godine.

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poteze Srbije bila je blokada saveznih tijela, jer je Srbija (zadravanjem predstavnikih mjesta Kosova i Vojvodine u saveznim tijelima te nadzorom nad predstavnicima Crne Gore koja je pokorena masovnim mitinzima) izravno upravljala s polovicom mjesta u najvanijim tijelima savezne vlasti.

I.-4.1 Odluujua 1990. godina

S dosadanjim odmakom je razvidno kako su se svi najvaniji dogaaji, koji su raspad institucijskog sustava druge Jugoslavije doveli do razine s koje vie nije bilo povratka, desili 1990. godine. U drugoj polovici sijenja 1990. g. u Beogradu je odran trodnevni 14. izvanredni kongres SKJ. Sjednica se odravala u dramatinom javnom i medijskom ozraju u Srbiji i Jugoslaviji, ali se glavna drama dogaala na samom Kongresu. Najvei nesklad bio je izmeu delegacija komunista iz Slovenije i Srbije, te je situacija na Kongresu pretvorena u sukob na nacionalnoj osnovi. Delegacija Srbije je nadzirala veinu nazonih delegata na Kongresu te je nadglasavanjem odbacivala sve (brojne) slovenske prijedloge. Nakon takve trodnevne iskljuivosti, slovenska delegacija je prosvjedno napustila Kongres, te su slovenski komunisti najavili da zamrzavaju svoje odnose sa SKJ. Srbijanska delegacija je nastojala protivno statutu - nastaviti Kongres bez slovenskih komunista i potpuno ovladati sa SKJ. No, na to nije pristala delegacija komunista iz Hrvatske, koja je uskoro, takoer otila iz Beograda, s najavom da e se vratiti kad se u partiji prevladaju problemi. Meutim, problemi nisu bili prevladani, i desetak dana kasnije Savez komunista Slovenije je zakljuio da je Kongres SKJ zavren, te da je SK Slovenije nadalje samostalna politika organizacija. Na taj nain se ve u sijenju 1990. g. raspao SKJ, kao jedina politika organizacija u drugoj Jugoslaviji, koja je drala cijelu upravljaku strukturu drave i drutva. Zbog toga su pojedini analitiari ve tada opravdano procjenjivali da raspad SKJ istovremeno znai i raspad Jugoslavije,113 to su daljnji dogaaji u potpunosti i potvrdili.

113

Dogaaje na 14. kongresu SKJ i procjene objavljivali su gotovo svi tadanji mediji; v. npr. Veernji list, 24.

01. 1990.

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Drugi kljuni dogaaj (proces) bili su prvi viestranaki izbori koji su u svim republikama bive Jugoslavije provedeni 1990. godine.114 Najznaajnije je to su izbori u svakoj pojedinoj republici odrani prema potpuno samostalnim (novodonesenim) republikim zakonima i ustroju stranaka, bez ikakve povezanosti ili usklaenosti sa jugoslavenskom saveznom razinom ili drugim republikama. Na temelju ovih samostalnih uunutarrepublikih izbora, samo su u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori na vlasti ostale stare komunistike (formalno preimenovane) stranke, a u ostale etiri republike vlast su preuzele novoosnovane stranke. Nakon izbora 1990. g., vlasti (upravljake strukture) u svim jugoslavenskim republikama postupale su sve suverenije, tj. sa sve brim dovravanjem bilo kakvih veza s donedavno zajednikom dravom i njenim institucijama. Nakon izbora, u svim - praktino i formalno - novim osamostaljenim dravama (republikama) upravljaki ivot se odvijao suvereno. Sudjelovanje u saveznim institucijama i razliito povremeno pozivanje pojedinih republika na tzv. savezne obveze i zakone dogaalo se samo do razine ostvarivanja republikih (dravnih) interesa, a sve preko toga proglaavano je nelegitimnim i nelegalnim, ili se na razliite naine izbjegavalo izvravati. Savezna skuptina praktino nije vie ni postojala, kao ni SKJ. Predsjednitvo SFRJ je bilo u unutarnjoj blokadi odnosa 4:4, a kad su i donesene neke odluke, nisu ih potivale ni republike, a sve ee ni preostala savezna tijela. Savezno izvrno vijee (SIV), bolje je rei predsjednik SIV-a (Ante Markovi) je pokuavao biti opejugoslavenski akter, no bezuspjeno.115 Vrh JNA i veliki dio zapovjedne strukture (uglavnom srpskog etnikog podrijetla), kao jedina stvarna savezna snaga koja se tada mogla republikama nametnuti silom, prestala je 1990. g. biti - stvarno i ustavno - institucijski dio savezne drave, jer se do 1990. g. potpuno podredila velikosrbijanskom projektu: operativno je pripremila srbijansku oruanu agresiju i sudjelovala u njoj od poetka, tj. napadom na Hrvatsku 17. kolovoza 1990. godine i okupacijom dijela njena teritorija. Tada se ubrzava i raslojavanje unutar JNA: iz zapovjedne strukture - svojevoljno ili pod pritiskom otpadale su uglavnom osobe nesrpske

114

U Sloveniji u travnju; u Hrvatskoj poetkom svibnja; u Makodoniji u studenom; u BiH poetkom prosinca; u

Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, odvojeno ali istovremeno, u drugoj polovici prosinca.

115

Markovi je u ljetu 1990. g. ak osnovao i vlastitu stranku, s kojom je namjeravao sudjelovati na preostalim

izborima u republikama, ali je taj projekt potpuno propao. U jesen 1990, vrh JNA je takoer osnovao stranku koja je doivjela potpuni neuspjeh. Ova dva pokuaja takoer svjedoe o tadanjoj opoj situaciji i o izuzetno visokom stupnju raspadnutosti jugoslavenske drave.

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nacionalnosti, koje su pristupale novonastalim dravnim strukturama u Sloveniji, Hrvatskoj, BiH i Makedoniji. U vojnikom (regrutnom) sastavu JNA pod bitnim utjecajem sve radikalnije etnike homogenizacije koju su nametale srbijanske strukture dolazilo je do sve otrije podjele prema etnikoj pripadnosti, a meu srpskim regrutima i rezervistima do podjele na one koji hoe i one koji nee ratovati za velikosrbijanski osvajaki projekt.116 Na taj nain, do kraja 1990. g. postojanje i funkcioniranje institucija savezne drave bilo je obezglavljeno i rastrojeno, a njihova objektivna mo svedena je na minimum. Pojedine najvanije savezne institucije (SKJ i Skuptina) uglavnom su stvarno prestale postojati. Druge najvanije savezne institucije (Predsjednitvo SFRJ i SIV) su djelovale bez plana i pojedinano, te su ubrzano ostajale bez stvarnih uporita i moi. S druge strane, na kraju 1990. g., u Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj su procesi institucijskog osamostaljenja drave bili vrsto uoblieni. Krajem prosinca 1990. u Sloveniji je ve odran referendum na kojem je za samostalnost glasovalo 86% biraa, a u Hrvatskoj je donesen novi Ustav koji je utemeljio dravnu samostalnost. Srbija i njoj podreena Crna Gora su se i prije 1990. g. praktino izdvojile iz savezne drave, te su izborni rezultati (krajem 1990. g.) bili samo potvrda njihove dravne, institucijske samostalnosti. Visoki stupanj samostalnosti u ove etiri drave i rezultati izbora u BiH i Makedoniji, nametali su i u BiH i u Makedoniji veliko unutarnje institucijsko i kadrovsko restrukturiranje koje je vodilo prema potpunoj samostalnosti.117 Na temelju naznaenih osnovnih dogaaja i procesa, ve krajem 1990. g. je bilo nerealno i izuzetno teko oekivati obnovu jugoslavenske drave na koncepcijskim temeljima druge Jugoslavije. Pored toga, mogunost ostvarivanja zajednike jugoslavenske drave na temelju novog, drugaijeg politikog dogovora bila je krajem 1990. g. bitno oteana srbijanskom oruanom agresijom i okupacijom dijela teritorija Hrvatske, jer u takvim okolnostima svako politiko pregovaranje s pozicija vojne moi nije sadravalo potrebno povjerenje. Odnosno, Srbija - kao kljuni akter koji je jedini raspolagao golemom oruanom silom, za razliku od ostalih republika koje nisu uope imale oruanu silu odluila je iskoristiti tu svoju jedinu i golemu prednost, te unutarjugoslavenske dvojbe rijeiti primjenom

116 117

O procesima raslojavanja u JNA v. pegelj, M., n. dj. Sobranje (Skuptina) Makedonije je ve pri kraju sijenja 1991. donijelo Deklaraciju o suverenosti i

neovisnosti Makedonije.

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oruane sile u svoju korist. Tako je ve 17. kolovoza 1990. okupiran dio Hrvatske, a na drugim dijelovima Hrvatske su sve ee i intenzivnije vrene oruane i drugaije provokacije. Tada je i praktino postalo potpuno jasno da se savezna (zajednika) vojska JNA opredijelila za velikosrbijanski projekt, jer je JNA sprijeila legitimni i legalni pokuaj intervencije hrvatske policije na okupiranom podruju.118 Stoga, kad su Slovenija i Hrvatska sredinom rujna 1990. g. predloile novi politiki dogovor kojim bi se Jugoslavija mirnim putem preustrojila u konfederaciju, taj prijedlog predstavnici vlasti i tampa u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori ismijavaju.119

I.-4.2 Godina 1991.

Uvrivanje opredjeljenja srbijanske strukture (ukljuujui i JNA) iskljuivo za oruanu opciju nastavljeno je i u sijenju 1991. g. kad se vrio pritisak na Predsjednitvo SFRJ da donese odluku o vojnoj intervenciji u Hrvatskoj, a usporedno je Vojni sud JNA izdao nalog za uhienje hrvatskog ministra obrane (M. pegelja). Krajem veljae 1991. g. srbijanske vlasti na okupiranim podrujima Hrvatske donijele su Deklaraciju o odvajanju od Hrvatske, a sredinom oujka proglasile su nezavisnost. Destabilizacija Hrvatske oruanim putem se neprekidno poveavala. Poetkom oujka 1991. g. to se nadalje dogaalo u zapadnoj Slavoniji (podruje Pakraca), krajem oujka u sredinjim dijelovima Hrvatske (Plitvice), a poetkom svibnja u Podunavlju kod Vukovara (Borovo Selo).120 U prvih est mjeseci 1991. g. odrano je ak nekoliko desetaka sastanaka na kojima su o nainima rjeavanja tzv. jugoslavenske krize razgovarala republika izaslanstva i/ili predsjednici republikih predsjednitava. Sastanci su bili u razliitim sastavima i kombinacijama (dvostrani, trostrani i estostrani), a odravani su u nizu mjesta po svim novonastalim dravama. Najprije je - od kraja sijenja do kraja oujka 1991. g. - odrana serija dvostranih razgovora republikih izaslanstava i/ili predsjednika predsjednitava po naelu svatko sa svakim, a potom je od kraja oujka do poetnih dana lipnja odrano est sastanaka na
118

Pregled niza drugih vanih dogaaja 1990. vidi u: Jurevi, J., Srbijanska oruana agresija, poglavlje

1990. godina priprema i poetak agresije.

119 120

Rat u Hrvatskoj, str. 376. v. Jurevi, J., Srbijanska oruana agresija, str. 220-221.

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kojima su sudjelovali svi predsjednici republikih predsjednitava. Svaki od ovih est sastanaka odran je u drugoj dravi nastaloj raspadom Jugoslavije.121 Na svim sastancima predstavnici svake republike su uglavnom iznosili svoje vienje problema i svoj prijedlog naina rjeavanja krize. Razgovori su bili dugi, opirni i povrni, te bez konanih zakljuaka ili donoenja konkretnog plana. Deklarativno, svi su zastupali opstanak Jugoslavije i politiki dogovor, ali su koncepcijska polazita bila ili potpuno nespojiva ili veoma razliita. Osnovne teze Srbije i Crne Gore bile su memorandumske: opstala Jugoslavija ili se raspala, svi Srbi moraju ivjeti u jednoj dravi. Odnosno, u sluaju raspada, iz pojedinih republika (BiH i Hrvatske) izdvojit e se podruja na kojima ive Srbi. Osnovne teze Slovenije i Hrvatske bile su: novi, konfederalni dogovor samostalnih drava, a u sluaju raspada Jugoslavije republike granice, sukladno meunarodnom pravu i Ustavu SFRJ, postaju dravne. BiH i Makedonija su na razgovorima zagovarale svoju cjelovitost, a nisu imale vrst prijedlog naina rjeenja jugoslavenske krize. Sveukupno, razgovori nisu pokazali nikakav napredak prema zajednikom politikom rjeenju, odnosno, pokazali su nemogunost postizanja zajednikog dogovora o opstanku bilo kakve Jugoslavije. Stoga je upitno koliko su sudionici razgovora bili iskreni, te jesu li zaista imali motiva i interesa za postizanje takvog dogovora. Odnosno, vjerojatno je svaki od sudionika imao neke druge motive i interese. No, nedvojbeno je da su razgovori i njihovo medijsko praenje znatno pridonijeli afirmaciji samostalnosti novonastalih drava i samih pregovaraa. S druge strane, to je drastino potvrdilo raspad savezne drave i stvarnu nemo preostalih saveznih institucija. Tako su Predsjednitvo SFRJ i SIV u drugoj polovici 1991. potpuno prestali biti akteri dogaanja, pa su njihovi elnici prije kraja godine podnijeli ostavke.122 Sredinom svibnja 1991. g. odrao se referendum u Hrvatskoj, na kojem je 93% biraa glasovalo za samostalnost, a 25. lipnja 1991. g. parlamenti Slovenije i Hrvatske su proglasili samostalnost svojih drava. Tada su postrojbe JNA, koje su se otprije nalazile u Sloveniji, pokuale izvesti dravni udar i pritom su koristile najteu ratnu tehniku i borbene zrakoplove. Teritorijalna obrana Slovenije (koju JNA nije uspjela razoruati 1990. g.) uspjeno je vrila blokadu JNA, te je posredovanjem Europske zajednice (EZ) sukob prekinut nakon
121

28. oujka u Splitu (Hrvatska); 04. travnja u Beogradu (Srbija); 11. travnja na Brdu kod Kranja (Slovenija);

18. travnja na Ohridu (Makedonija); 29. travnja u Cetinju (Crna Gora); 06. lipnja u Sarajevu (BiH).
122

Predsjednik Predsjednitva SFRJ, Stjepan Mesi podnio je ostavku 18. studenog, a predsjednik SIV-a, Ante

Markovi, to je uinio 20. prosinca 1991. g..

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nekoliko dana. Nakon toga (07. srpnja 1991. g.), pod pritiskom EZ-a, Slovenija i Hrvatska su uvele tromjeseni moratorij na svoje odluke o samostalnosti, a EZ je jamila da e se pronai mirni put rjeenju tzv. jugoslavenske krize. Meutim, tada srbijanske strukture svoje oruane napade pojaavaju u totalni rat protiv Hrvatske, vrei masovna pogubljenja civila, etniko ienje i golemo razaranje nevojnih ciljeva, naroito identitetske batine prostora. Hrvatska je tada bila tek na poetku procesa ustrojavanja vojske i naoruavanja, te su otpor agresoru na osam bojita uglavnom pruale samoorganizirane dragovoljake postrojbe i priuvni sastavi policije.123 U toj, na prvi pogled, bezizglednoj situaciji za Hrvatsku, presudna je bila Vukovarska bitka, koja predstavlja vojni fenomen, jer je u izuzetno nepovoljnom odnosu snaga, potpuno neoekivano, trajala tri mjeseca i srbijanskom agresoru nanijela goleme vojne gubitke, te je hrvatskoj dravi dala vremena za naoruavanje i ustrojavanje vojske.124 Nakon Vukovarske bitke je postalo oigledno da srbijanska agresija vie nema snage vojno pokoriti Hrvatsku,125 te je Srbija poticala sklapanje primirja, koje je posredovanjem meunarodne zajednice potpisano u Sarajevu na samom poetku 1992. godine. Prvi rezultat Sarajevskog sporazuma je bio, da je etvrtina hrvatskog teritorija ostala pod okupacijom, a na granice okupiranog teritorija su uskoro dole zatitne snage UN-a. Drugi rezultat sporazuma bio je prenoenje veine srbijanskih snaga iz Hrvatske na prostor BiH, te poetak totalne srbijanske agresije na BiH. Vano je naglasiti da su u srbijanskoj agresiji na Hrvatsku 1991. g. sudjelovale i velike snage JNA s prostora BiH, te pojedine postrojbe Teritorijalne obrane BiH u ijem sastavu su osim Srba bili i Bonjaci/Muslimani.126 Pri tome je takoer vano imati u vidu da su, za koncepciju i provedbu srbijanske agresije, prostor Republike Hrvatske i prostor BiH bili jedno, cjelovito bojite. Odnosno, srbijanske snage (JNA, dio Srba iz Republike Hrvatske i BiH, te razliite postrojbe iz Srbije i Crne Gore) samo su de iure bile na prostoru dviju

123

v. Jurevi, J., Srbijanska oruana agresija, str. 221-225 i 228-229; pegelj, M., n. dj., str. 58-63; Tus,

Anton, Rat u Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj do Sarajevskog primirja, u knjizi Rat u Hrvatskoj

124

v. Jurevi, J., Vukovarski otpor srbijanskoj oruanoj agresiji na Hrvatsku 1991, u asopisu Drutvena

istraivanja, br. 4-5, Zagreb,1993, str. 479-499.

125

Hrvatska vojska je u studenom i prosincu 1991. g. ak poduzela i prvu ofenzivnu vojnu operaciju u kojoj je

oslobodila dio zapadne Slavonije.

126

O tome posebno zorno svjedoe video zapisi koje su napravili sami agresori. Dio tih zapisa je objavljen u

dokumentarnom filmu Komije, autora Pavla Vranjicana.

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republika (drava), a de facto za srbijansku agresiju su Republika Hrvatska i BiH bile jedan prostor i jedno bojite.127 Meunarodna zajednica je tek sredinom 1991. g. poela pokazivati vei interes za tzv. jugoslavensku krizu podupirui opstanak Jugoslavije koja tada stvarno vie nije postojala.128 Vreni su otvoreni pritisci na Sloveniju i Hrvatsku da u parlamentima ne provode referendumske odluke o samostalnosti, a kad su one ipak proglasile samostalnost, tada su pod pritiskom meunarodne zajednice uvele tromjeseni moratorij na provoenje tih odluka. U srpnju 1991. g., EZ je uvoenjem embarga na uvoz oruja u Jugoslaviju pokazao u najmanju ruku nerazumijevanje situacije, jer je s embargom bitno oteana obrana rtava agresije. U kolovozu se pojavljuju prva javna meunarodna oitovanja da bi u Jugoslaviju trebalo poslati meunarodne snage. Tek poetkom rujna 1991. uspostavljena je Mirovna konferencija o Jugoslaviji, koja je odmah istakla dva osnovna naela za pregovore: nepromjenjivost unutranjih jugoslavenskih granica silom i zatita ljudskih prava.129 Potom krajem rujna 1991. g., Vijee sigurnosti UN-a je donijelo Rezoluciju 713 kojom je uveden embargo na uvoz oruja u Jugoslaviju, s ime je takoer bitno oteana obrana rtava agresije. Tijekom jeseni 1991. g. posredovanjem meunarodne zajednice potpisan je vei broj sporazuma i dogovora o primirju, ali svako primirje koriteno je za pojaavanje i prostorno irenje srbijanske oruane agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku. Sredinom listopada, na Mirovnoj konferenciji u Haagu, EZ je predstavila plan da Jugoslavija bude zajednica suverenih drava. Percepcija meunarodne zajednice poela se znaajnije formalno mijenjati tek sredinom prosinca nakon to je Arbitrana (tzv. Badinterova) komisija u svom slubenom izvjeu zakljuila da se Jugoslavija nalazi u zavrnoj fazi raspadanja (dissolution). Tada EZ
127

To ne proizlazi samo iz operativnog, oruanog izvoenja srbijanske agresije, nego i iz niza drugih injenica.

Primjerice, i Final Report of the Commission of Experts established pursuant to SecurityCouncil Resolution 780, potvruje da je srbijanska oruana agresija bila cjelovit (integralan) projekt. Naime, sustav logora je predstavljao jednu cjelinu, to potvruje i Izvjee Povjerenstva u kojem se navodi da su internirane osobe iz Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine bile bez ikakvih zapreka rasporeivane i preseljavane u logore koji su se nalazili na podruju sve tri drave (okupirani dijelovi R. Hrvatske te Bosne i Hercegovine te teritorij Srbije i Crne Gore). U Izvjeu se takoer navodi da su srpski civili i vojnici s podruja jedne drave posjeivali logore i u drugim dvjema dravama kako bi "sudjelovali u zlostavljanju" interniranih osoba. - Jurevi, Josip; Ivanda Katica, Vukovar 91 enevske konvencije i logoraka iskustva, u zborniku Vukovar 91 Meunarodni odjeci i znaaj, Zagreb, 2004, str. 63.
128 129

v. Kronologija rata, str 68-69. Isto, str. 90.

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upuuje poziv svim jugoslavenskim republikama, koje to ele, da u narednih sedam dana podnesu zahtjev za meunarodno priznanje.130 Pozivu su se odazvale etiri republike i pokrajina Kosovo, a Srbija i Crna Gora su to odbile uiniti tvrdei da Jugoslavija nije u procesu raspada, nego da se radi o secesiji, te su za sebe zatraile iskljuivo pravo sljednitva drave Jugoslavije. Meutim, meunarodna zajednica je preko svojih mehanizama nametnula svoja rjeenja. Uskoro je EZ priznala samostalnost Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj. Priznavanje Makedonije je odgoeno zbog protivljenja Grke, a za BiH se trailo prethodno provoenje referenduma. Osim toga, UN su takoer uspostavile provoenje svog tzv. (Vanceova) mirovnog plana. Iz navedenoga proizlazi zakljuak da se meunarodna zajednica, unato kanjenju, veoma brzo (do kraja 1991. g.) nametnula kao glavni akter dogaanja na prostoru druge Jugoslavije. Ovo postaje jo razvidnije ako se detaljnije promatra proces ispunjavanja meunarodnih zahtjeva od strane drava (i njihovih dijelova) nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije. Naime, tada su Slovenija, Hrvatska, Makedonija te muslimansko/bonjaka i hrvatska struktura u BiH u cijelosti ispunjavale kompromisne zahtjeve meunarodne zajednice. To to su Srbija i Crna Gora te njihove okupacijske strukture u Hrvatskoj i BiH samo jednim dijelom tada prihvatile zahtjeve meunarodne zajednice takoer svjedoi o glavnoj ulozi meunarodne zajednice na prostoru bive Jugoslavije, ve krajem 1991. i poetkom 1992. g., jer ni priblino toliko nisu kod agresora mogli postii sami lokalni akteri koji su bili rtve srbijanske agresivnosti.

130

Isto, str. 122.

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II.

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA 1990. 1995. GODINE

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II.-1 BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA: DRAVA TRI KONSTITUTIVNE NACIJE

Proces oblikovanja tri identitetski razliite nacije Bonjaci/Muslimani, Srbi, Hrvati na prostoru BiH moe se sustavno pratiti od priblino sredine 19. stoljea, od kada se u BiH i njenom okruenju (prvenstveno u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji) poinju usporeno i s nizom potekoa oblikovati graanske institucije i graanski drutveni odnosi. O tada pa do danas traju mnogobrojne i razliite rasprave politike, znanstvene itd. - o etnikim i drugim povijesnim temeljima i genezi ovih triju nacija, te njihovom identitetu. Veina rasprava nije se zasnivala na objektivnim polazitima, nego je u razliitim razdobljima i okolnostima prilagoavana politikim i drugaijim interesima koji su postojali ili su se pojavljivali u BiH te u njenom uem i irem okruenju. Intenzitet rasprava i stupanj neslaganja bitno je bio ovisan o opoj (geopolitikoj, sigurnosnoj i institucijskoj) nestabilnosti koja je nedvojbeno bila i ostala glavno obiljeje cijele povijesti prostora BiH.131 Interesi (politiki, vjerski, gospodarski, kulturni, civilizacijski) koji su se tijekom povijesti pokuavali ili se jo uvijek pokuavaju ostvarivati u BiH redovito su se, izmeu ostalog, pozivali na tzv. historijsko pravo, pomou kojega se nastojao dokazivati legitimitet djelovanja u korist postizanja uinaka u BiH. U tom pogledu, posebno je bilo vano dokazivati i pokazivati povijesni etniki i nacionalni identitet stanovnitva na prostoru BiH. No, pritom se i u znanosti veoma rijetko isticala vana injenica da golema veina stanovnika BiH tijekom gotovo cijele povijesti nisu imali prigodu sudjelovati u politikom i drugaijem organiziranom odluivanju o svojoj sudbini, nego su to radile malobrojne upravljake elite ili tzv. politiki narod. Ovu injenicu zorno ilustrira podatak, da je uoi austrougarske okupacije (1878. g.) u BiH ak 97% stanovnika bilo nepismeno.132
131

v. Redi, Enver, Istorijski pogledi na vjerske i nacionalne odnose u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1993, str.

7: Bosna je mogla i morala da prihvati sudbinu male zemlje osuene da se odrava na rubu politike egzistencije neizvjesnost poloaja predstavlja glavnu znaajku u njenom istorijskom kretanju; Zirdum, Andrija, Povijest kranstva u Bosni i Hercegovini, Plehan, 2007, str 13: U povijesti BiH su rijetka razdoblja mirnoga ivota a ratovi i razaranja su esti; nesigurnost gotovo trajna.
132

Ovaj i niz drugih podataka v. u Papi, Mitar, kolstvo u BiH za vrijeme austrougarske okupacije, Sarajevo,

1973, str. 84 i nadalje.

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Zbog niza povijesnih razloga, geneza etnikih i nacionalnih identiteta u BiH u golemoj je mjeri isprepletena i odreena s vjerskim institucijama i identitetima. Odnosno, etniko i nacionalno poistovjeivanje i razlikovanje u BiH i danas (u 21. stoljeu) je u neuobiajeno visokom stupnju povezano s vjerskom pripadnou. Pritom se vjerska pripadnost ne odnosi samo na naelnu religijsku ili etniku nacionalnu posebnost, nego i na posebnost do razine detalja svakodnevnog naina ivota.

II.-1.1 Muslimani/Bonjaci 133

Veina istraivaa iz muslimanskog/bonjakog, srpskog i hrvatskog korpusa suglasna je da su korijeni muslimansko/bonjake nacije vezani za etiri stoljea osmanlijske vlasti (15.-19. st.), kad je prostor BiH bio izloen dugotrajnoj sustavnoj i strukturiranoj islamizaciji.134 U tom razdoblju, nedvojbeno je, nastali su drutveni slojevi koji su postali trajni nositelji islamskog, muslimansko/bonjakog identiteta, koji se razlikovao od identitetskog okruenja kranskih naroda.135 Pojedini zagovornici muslimansko/bonjake nacije nastoje njene povijesne korijene pomaknuti to dalje u povijest istiui kako je i prije osmanlijskog razdoblja, u BiH postojao zasebni etnikum - bonjako/bosanski narod koji je vjerski pripadao Crkvi bosanskoj. Meutim, razdoblje ranog srednjeg vijeka na prostoru BiH je slabo istraeno i oskudijeva

133

Termin Muslimani (s poetnim velikim slovom M) u smislu naroda prvi put je uvela komunistika

Jugoslavija 60-ih godina, a do tada je koriten termin muslimani (s poetnim malim slovom m) u smislu vjeroispovjesti. Termin Bonjaci, kao formalni naziv za jedan od tri konstitutivna naroda u BiH, uestalije se poinje koristiti od 1994. godine. U ovoj ekspertizi se zbog izbjegavanja moguih nejasnoa - dosljedno koristi dvojni nacionalni naziv Muslimani/Bonjaci, jer se u veini izvora i literature te u svakodnevnom govoru u razdoblju 1990.-1995. g., koristio ili naziv Muslimani (ee) ili naziv Bonjaci ili dvojni naziv.
134

v. navedena djela Redi E., Hadijahi M., Handi A. Handi M., Imamovi M., Filipovi M., irkovi S.,

Daja S., Zirdum A.

135

Jedna od prvih posljedica islamizacije na bosanskom selu ogledala se u stvaranju posebnih skupina,

nastajanju muslimanskih i hrianskih mahala koje su se zatvarale jedne prema drugima Podvajanje prema vjeri bilo je jo izrazitije u gradovima "Svi su ivjeli jedni pored drugih u uzajamnom dodiru samo pri poslu i na ulici, njihove kue i njihove due bile su zatvorene za one koji nisu bili njihova (vjero)-zakona" Vjerska podjela, na primjer, dolazila je do izraaja i u izboru zanata Pripadnost vjerskoj zajednici ogledala se i u odijevanju Primjena kazne smrti takoe je slijedila razlike prema vjerskoj pripadnosti osuenog Vjerska podjela bosanskog stanovnitva imala je i druge izraze - Redi, E., Istorijski pogledi., str. 26-27.

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izvorima, to je otvorilo prostor i suprotnim tumaenjima (koja zagovaraju i s njima se poistovjeuju i pojedini pripadnici islamske vjeroispovijesti s prostora BiH) koja tvrde da su stanovnici srednjevjekovne bosanske drave uglavnom bili etniki Hrvati i/ili Srbi, koji su kasnije bili islamizirani. No, za potrebe ove ekspertize, daleko je znaajnije razdoblje BiH povijesti od austrougarskog razdoblja (1878. g.), u kojem se jasno mogu prepoznavati situacije, okolnosti i akteri koji su sudjelovali u sloenom procesu oblikovanja sadanje muslimansko/bonjake nacije. Taj proces je bio na niz naina nepovoljan, kako za odnose pripadnika islamske vjeroispovijesti prema druge dvije najbrojnije vjerske i nacionalne zajednice (pravoslavci/Srbi i katolici/Hrvati) u BiH, tako i za odnose meu samim pripadnicima islamske vjeroispovijesti u BiH. Iako je temeljna europska zadaa Austro-ugarske bila na sve naine vratiti BiH u europski (kranski) civilizacijski okvir, ipak su i u austro-ugarskom razdoblju BiH (1878.1918. g.) zbog koncepcije dravnih interesa dvojne monarhije zadrane iz osmanlijskog razdoblja naslijeene osnovne poluge drutvene neravnopravnosti kranskih naroda (Hrvata i Srba). Ponajprije nije provedena agrarna reforma te je zemlja (90% stanovnika je ivjelo od poljoprivrede) uglavnom ostala u vlasnitvu muslimanskog plemstva. Zatim, Austro-ugarska uprava je zbog neutralizacije srbijanskih i hrvatskih dravnih tenji prema BiH forsirala institucijsko ustrojavanje bosanske (uglavnom muslimanske) nacije, koja je bila potpuno neprihvatljiva Srbima i Hrvatima, a dijelom neprihvatljiva ak i muslimanima. Na taj nain je austrougarska politika dubinskim odravanjem naslijeenog stanja ostala temelj suvremene meuvjerske i meunacionalne nesnoljivosti izmeu islamskog i kranskog svijeta u BiH, kao i drugih oblika socijalnog raslojavanja. Tu osnovnu injenicu nisu bitnije promijenili ni uvoenje formalnopravne ravnopravnosti, industrijalizacija, izgradnja infrastrukture i drugi znaajni materijalni pomaci koje je u etiri desetljea vladanja u BiH napravila Austro-ugarska. S druge strane, dolazak neislamskog (austrougarskog) upravljakog modela u BiH izazvao je viestruko raslojavanje i u muslimanskom korpusu. Dio plemstva i obrazovanih elita je zbog svojih interesa prihvatio novu vlast. Ali dijelu stare, osmanlijske feudalne, strukture i znaajnom dijelu muslimanskog puka je nova vlast - naelno i drugaije - bila uglavnom neprihvatljiva, te su se suprotstavili oruano i/ili su se masovno iseljavali u Tursku. Zatim, dio muslimanskih elita i puka se zbog razliitih interesa i motiva priklonio ili hrvatskoj

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(veinom) ili srpskoj nacionalnoj ideji.136 Dio muslimanskih elita, nastojao je iskoristiti razliite krize i druge prigode za afirmaciju ili postizanje razliitog stupnja autonomije BiH unutar Austro-ugarske monarhije. Na taj nain je opravdan zakljuak da krajem austrougarskog razdoblja politiki ivot u Bosni i Hercegovini stoji u znaku dubokog vjersko-etnikog rascjepa, u kojem je nestabilnost i neodreenost muslimansko/bonjakog nacionalno-identitetskog problema bila posebno teka, a dominantni pravac muslimanske politike zastupao je historijski, geopolitiki i nacionalno apsurdnu formulu integraciju Bosne i Hercegovine u sastav Maarske.137 Najsnanija muslimanska organizacija u prvoj Jugoslaviji bila je Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija (JMO), u kojoj su najutjecajniji bili predstavnici biveg muslimanskog feudalnog plemstva koje je prvenstveno nastojalo titit svoje uske interese.138 U takvom pragmatizmu, JMO je mijenjao politika stajalita i saveznitva sukladno promjenama situacije u dravi, te je stranka najee imala svoje predstavnike u vladi, a rjee je suraivala s oporbom. Stoga se JMO veinom uklapao u reimsku tezu o integralnom jugoslavenstvu, istiui da Muslimani imaju neophodne "preduvjete da postanu jezgra pravog i potpunog jugoslavenstva najbolja baza jugoslavenske ideje", odnosno, muslimani pripadaju "jugoslavenskom narodu", kao njegov "muslimanski dio".139 Samo povremeno, opet iz pragmatinih potreba, JMO je prelazio u oporbu aktiviranjem autonomistikih

opredjeljenja. No, JMO se brzo vraao suradnji s reimom, pridonosei tome da se dio muslimanske inteligencije svrstavao u hrvatski nacionalni korpus.140 Kad je dolo do stvaranja Banovine Hrvatske (1939. g.) meu muslimanima u BiH je jaao autonomistiki pokret. Uporedo s pozivima "Srbi na okup" i "Hrvati na okup", u Bosni i Hercegovini je cirkulirala i parola " Muslimani na okup". Jedna nacionalna

136

Redi, E., Sto godina muslimanske politike, str. 152: znatan broj muslimanskih politiara ispoljavao

hrvatsku nacionalnu pripadnost; usp. Isto, str. 150-152.

137 138 139 140

Redi, E., Istorijski pogledi, str. 57. v. Purivatra, Atif, Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija, Sarajevo, 1974. Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 97. Redi, E., Historijski pogledi, str. 69; usp. Boban, Ljubo, Maek i politika Hrvatske seljake stranke 1928-

1941, Zagreb, 1974.

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homogenizacija podsticala je drugu. Nacionalno-konfesionalna konfrontacija u Bosni i Hercegovini teila je da postane potpuna.141 U Drugom svjetskom ratu na jugoslavenskom prostoru (1941.-1945. g.) BiH je bila sastavni dio Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske (NDH). Ustaki reim je muslimane smatrao Hrvatima islamske vjere, te su oni stoga zauzimali visoke upravljake poloaje u cijelom totalitarnom dravnom ustroju i Ustakom pokretu. Znaajan dio muslimanske elite prihvaao je takvu nacionalnu koncepciju i odgovarajui dravni i drutveni status. O vrstoi ove osobne identifikacije svjedoi i injenica da su, desetljeima nakon rata, u hrvatskom iseljenitvu djelovali brojni Hrvati islamske vjere i mrea Hrvatskih islamskih centara. U NDH, Hakija Hadi i Alija uljak, koji su uivali posebno povjerenje Pavelia i, kao njegovi delegati za BiH, bili (su) organizatori politikih institucija i organizacija ustakog pokreta.142 No, u tekim i nestabilnim ratnim okolnostima, dio muslimanskih elita iz BiH nije bio lojalan reimu NDH, nego je u razliitim prigodama bezuspjeno pokuavao, izravno od Nijemaca, dobiti autonoman status za BiH.143 Isto tako, dio muslimana iz BiH je pristupao komunistikom partizanskom pokretu. U komunistikoj Jugoslaviji, vei dio muslimanskih (i Muslimanskih) elita je zbog razliitih motiva i interesa - bio uglavnom lojalan totalitarnom reimu; i u razdoblju kad muslimanima nije priznat nacionalni individualitet, kao i u razdoblju kad je reim zbog svojih interesa priznao nacionalnu posebnost i konstitutivnost Muslimana. Meutim, i u ovom razdoblju je dolo do ve navedenog raslojavanja u muslimanskom nacionalnom korpusu, s kojim se ulo u proces raspada Jugoslavije. Prema tome, uvid u povijesnu genezu muslimansko/bonjake nacije svjedoi o izuzetno sloenim i nestabilnim povijesnim okolnostima u kojima mnogi procesi i institucije na prostoru BiH nisu mogli imati kontinuiran razvoj, nego se radilo o prekidima, nedovrenosti i uestalom zapoinjanu ispoetka. Tako je i proces nastanka

muslimansko/bonjake nacije bio neujednaen, isprekidan i okrenut u veoma razliitim, gotovo nespojivim smjerovima. Zbog toga su i u razdoblju nakon 1990. g., unutar
141 142 143

Redi, E., Historijski pogledi, str. 75. Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 149. v. Sulejmanpai, Zija, 13. SS divizija Handar. Istine i lai, Zagreb, 2000; Redi, Enver, Muslimansko

autonomatvo i 13. SS divizija, Sarajevo, 1987; Dizdar, Zdravko, Prva pobuna u nacistikoj vojsci: Pobuna Trinaestog pionirskog bataljuna 13. SS divizije Croatia u Villefranche-de-Rouergueu 17 .rujna 1943. godine, u asopis za suvremenu povijest, Zagreb, 1993.

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muslimansko/bonjakih elita i institucija, postojale veoma suprotstavljene koncepcije o muslimansko/bonjakoj naciji; njenom identitetu, imenu, te opsegu i ustroju drave u kojoj trebaju ivjeti.144

II.-1.2 Srbi u BiH

Nacionalni identitet Srba u BiH - kako krajem 20. st. tako i u 19. stoljeu bitno je institucijski povezan sa Srpskom pravoslavnom crkvom (SPC) i dravom Srbijom. Geneza te povezanosti see u srednji vijek. Pokrtavanje Srba dogaalo se iz Bizanta u 9. stoljeu, tj. u razdoblju kad je kranstvo bilo jedna crkva. Nakon velikog crkvenog raskola (1054. g.), katolianstvo je ostalo jedinstvena nadnacionalna crkva na elu s papom, a pravoslavlje je rastrojeno na pojedine samostalne (autokefalne) dravne crkve, u kojima je carigradski patrijarh imao samo simbolinu ulogu. Srpska pravoslavna crkva je postala autokefalna 1219. g., u vrijeme kad je Stefan Nemanji postao prvi srpski kralj, a njegov brat (Sava Nemanji) crkveni poglavar i svetac. Od tada traje uska i neraskidiva veza izmeu srpske drave i Srpske pravoslavne crkve. Srpstvo je postalo dio religije, religija je postala dio dravnosti, a kult tzv. svetosavlja neprekidno je simbolizirao ovu simbiozu. U pragmatinom smislu, to se u srednjem vijeku oitovalo u injenici da se vlast SPC teritorijalno irila ili suavala usporedo sa irenjem ili smanjivanjem srpske drave.145 Glavni oslonac srbijanskih srednjevjekovnih vladara bili su manastiri i vii kler SPC-a. Nakon to je Osmanlijsko Carstvo 1459. g. potpuno osvojilo Srbiju, unitilo srbijansku srednjevjekovnu dravu i dinastiju, te u Srbiji uspostavilo svoj sustav vlasti (isti model kao i na podruju BiH), SPC je narednih stoljea (do 19. st.) ostala jedina znaajna institucija koja je odravala identitet srpskog naroda i mit o srbijanskoj dravnosti (carstvu). Iako je SPC u osmanlijskom razdoblju bila u nepovoljnoj i tekoj situaciji, ipak su nove okolnosti (osvajaki uspjesi i neuspjesi Osmanlijskog Carstva te s time povezana migracijska kretanja) otvorile mogunost irenja vjerskog i politikog utjecaja SPC-a.146
144 145

Ovo e biti detaljnije prikazano u nastavku ove ekspertize. irkovi, Sima, Pravoslavna crkva u srednjevjekovnoj srpskoj dravi, u Srpska pravoslavna crkva 1219-

1969, spomenica povodom 750-godinjice autokefalnosti, Beograd, 1969.

146

Mirkovi, Mirko, Pravni poloaj i karakter srpske crkve pod turskom vlau (1459-1766), Beograd, 1965.

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Pravoslavne crkve su u Osmanlijskom Carstvu bile dio osmanlijskog feudalnog sustava, s pravima i obvezama koji su bili slini spahijama. Tako je i SPC, preuzimala jurisdikciju i nad dijelovima osmanlijskog teritorija zapadno od bive srednjevjekovne srpske drave (tj. i u BiH), kao i jurisdikciju nad dijelom stanovnitva (Vlasi i dr.) koje je tu stizalo progonima, kolonizacijom i drugaijim migracijskim kretanjima. Na taj nain je SPC dio ovog stanovnitvo postupno pretvarala u svoje vjernike, a kasnije (tijekom 19. st.) i u dio srpskog naroda.147 Tijekom 19. stoljea Srbija je postupno poveavala stupanj samostalnosti u odnosu na Osmanlijsko Carstvo. Sredinom tog stoljea, Srbija je stvarno bila uglavnom samostalna drava, a formalno priznanje samostalnosti dobila je na Berlinskom kongresu (1878. g.). Usporedo s poveavanjem stupnja samostalnosti Srbije, poveavala se svekolika kriza u BiH. To je pogodovalo sve veem uplitanju srbijanskih struktura u dogaanja na prostoru BiH, te iskazivanju sve veih i otvorenijih ambicija drave Srbije za prikljuivanjem teritorija BiH. Bitni imbenici srbijanskih djelovanja na prostoru BiH bili su slijedei: dijelovi institucije SPC-a u BiH, te sve vei broj razliitih umreenih srpskih organizacija i drutava (tajnih i javnih) koje su na prostoru BiH osnivane i radi djelovanja u svrhu pripajanja teritorija BiH dravi Srbiji.148 Takvim sustavnim djelovanjima u 19. st. je poveanjem intenziteta i broja pripadnika uvrivana identitetska svijest srpskog naroda u BiH, koji se institucijski gotovo potpuno opredijelio za pripajanje Srbiji cijele BiH.149 Taj proces je dobio jo vee ubrzanje i snagu nakon okupacije BiH od strane Austrougarske, iako je austrijska uprava u BiH poduzimala niz mjera na njegovu suzbijanju. Izmeu ostalog, austrijska uprava je ulagala ogromna sredstva u ustanove i kadrove SPC-a u BiH,

147

Valenti, Mirko, O etnikom korijenu hrvatskih i bosanskih Srba, u asopis za suvremenu povijest, 24,

Zagreb, 1992; Veselinovi, Rajko, Srpska pravoslavna crkva u BiH, u Srpsak pravoslavna crkva 1219-1969, Beograd, 1969; Ivi, Aleksa, Migracije Srba u Hrvatskoj tokom XVI, XVII i XVIII stolea, u Naselja i poreklo stanovnitva, 16, Subotica, 1923.
148 149

v. Savi, Markovi tedimlija, Zavjere protiv svjetskog mira, Zagreb, 2005. Bosna je bila u sreditu propagande i planova srpske dravne politike Garaaninovo "Naertanije" postalo

je doktrina i ideologija srpske nacionalne politike vie od jednog stoljea sa programom postepenog irenja Srbije, kojoj prvenstveno treba da budu prisajedinjene tzv. "srpske zemlje" Bosna i Hercegovina i druge oblasti naseljene srpskim stanovnitvom. - Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 135-136; usp. ubrilovi, Vasa, Historija politike misli u Srbiji XIX veka, Beograd, 1982.

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oekujui lojalnost pravoslavnog klera i prihvaanje austrougarske vlasti meu srpskim ivljem, ali tu nije bilo naroitog uspjeha.150 Osnivanjem prve jugoslavenske drave (1918. g.) u koju je drava Srbija prenijela veinu svoje upravljake strukture (uprava, vojska, diplomacija) stvorene su institucijske pretpostavke za provoenje jo radikalnije nacionalne homogenizacije, da bi se obrazovala centralistika drava u kojoj bi presti i prevlast pripala Srbiji.151 Zatim, srbijanski politiari urili su se da pravoslavne Crkve izvan Srbije uvrste u novi patrijarhat, jer su bili svjesni da im je Crkva najjai initelj zbliavanja svih Srba.152 Tako je ve 1920. g. obnovljen srpski patrijarhat (koji je bio ukinut u vrijeme Osmanlijske vlasti), a odluku episkopa SPC da se ujedine proglasio (je) regent Aleksandar.153 U razdoblju prve Jugoslavije osnivane su i razliite nove organizacije i drutva koji su podupirali prosrbijansku politiku reima, a osnovan je i etniki pokret koji je tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata bio nosilac nacionalne ideologije etnikog velikodravlja.154 Idejno politiki program etnikog pokreta je formulirao banjaluki advokat Stevan Moljevi u spisu "Homogena Srbija" Moljevi trai da se pristupi ienju srpske zemlje od nesrpskih elemenata Hrvata i Muslimana, te u Drugom svjetskom ratu istona Bosna, kao i drugi krajevi BiH, predstavljali su masovna stratita, na kojima su etnici poklali i poubijali desetine hiljada Muslimana.155 Srbijanske institucije u drugoj Jugoslaviji, te prevlast Srba u jugoslavenskoj upravljakoj strukturi odravali su nadprosjenu homogenost svih Srba u Jugoslaviji te njihovu svijest o nadmoi. Izbijanje goleme krize komunistike Jugoslavije (80-ih godina 20. st.) pogodovalo je institucijskom provoenju radikalne homogenizacije u srpskom nacionalnom korpusu diljem Jugoslavije, ukljuujui i prostor BiH. U tom smislu, velikosrpska agresija na Bosnu i Hercegovinu (1992) trebalo je da oznai istrebljenje bosanskih Muslimana.156

150

Zirdum, A., n. dj., str. 366. U prvih desetak godina austrijske okupacije u BiH je ak nanovo izgraena 151

pravoslavna crkva i manastir a obnovljeno 54 crkava - Isto, str. 365, biljeka 51.
151 152 153 154 155 156

Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 139. Zirdum, A., n. dj., str. 370. Isto, str. 371. Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 140. Isto, str. 140. Isto, str. 141.

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Prema tome, nacionalni identitet Srba u BiH ima duboke etnike i vjerske korijene, koji su gotovo iskljuivo povezani s idejom svesrpske drave i svetosavskim srpskim pravoslavljem. Povijesne okolnosti u 19. stoljeu, te mrea prosrbijanskih institucija na prostoru BiH ve su tada oblikovali u visokom stupnju homogenu nacionalnu svijest Srba u BiH, koja je i politiki bila iskljuiva; BiH mora biti sastavni dio drave Srbije. Odravanju i daljnjem uvrivanju ove svijesti pogodovale su i ope okolnosti i niz dogaanja u 20. stoljeu. Ponajprije, obje jugoslavenske drave su bile gospodarski nerazvijene te upravljaki represivne i neuspjene u rjeavanju nacionalnih, socijalnih i drugih problema. Stoga je neprekidna unutarnja jugoslavenska kriza bila stanje iz kojeg su srbijanske strukture koje su institucijski i kadrovski bile dominantne u obje Jugoslavije - jednostavno prelazile u radikalne zahvate. Dogaaji na jugoslavenskom prostoru pri kraju 20. stoljea bili su naelno ponavljanje slinih iskustava iz prethodnih stotinjak godina.

II.-1.3 Hrvati u BiH

Nacionalni identitet Hrvata u BiH u 19. i 20. stoljeu takoer je, kao i kod druga dva konstitutivna naroda, bitno povezan s pripadnou crkvi. Hrvati u BiH se u golemoj veini poistovjeuju s Rimokatolikom crkvom, koja je nadnacionalna crkva, te je bitno drugaije utjecala i na povijesni identitet svojih vjernika i drugaije se odnosila prema pojedinanim nacionalno-dravnim pitanjima.. Odnosno, Rimokatolika crkva se zbog svoje nadnacionalne strukturiranosti ne poistovjeuje s pojedinom dravom. To se na prostoru BiH jasno prepoznaje i u srednjem vijeku, kad je Rimokatolika crkva nastojei i u BiH ustrojiti stabilnu crkvenu organizaciju koristila mo razliitih drava, te u BiH slala niz svojih uglednika koji su uglavnom bili podrijetlom iz zapadnoeuropskih drava.157 U osmanlijskom razdoblju BiH, poloaj krana (katolika i pravoslavnih) bio je naelno isti, tj. nepovoljan u odnosu na islam kao dravnu ideologiju i vjeru. Meutim, praktino postupanje prema katolicima (Hrvatima) bilo je loije nego prema pravoslavnima (Srbima), jer katoliki poglavar (papa) nije bio podreen osmanlijskoj vlasti, nego njen izravni protivnik. Zbog toga je, u osmanlijskom razdoblju, u BiH bilo onemogueno djelovanje katolike hijerarhije, a iz pragmatinih razloga (da ne bi pobjegli i kmetovi

157

v. Zirdum, A., n. dj., str. 183-231.

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katolici) osmanlijska vlast je dopustila djelovanje samo katolikom redu franjevaca, uvjetujui to lojalnou vlastima.158 Isto tako, u osmanlijskom razdoblju poloaj Hrvata-katolika u BiH bio je dodatno nepovoljan jer je susjedna hrvatska drava bila dio Habsburke monarhije koja je bila u viestoljetnom sukobu s Osmanlijskim Carstvom. Zbog toga, Osmanlije hrvatsko su ime smatrali neprijateljskim i politiki neprikladnim, pa su se u BiH, Hrvati izobraeni ljudi, sveenici ili trgovci u komunikaciji s drugima predstavljali kao Slovini, Iliri Hrvaani, Slavonci, Bosanci, Dalmatinci pojedini franjevci ponekad su se izjanjavali kao Bosanci, a svoj jezik nazivali "bosanskim jezikom".159 Tijekom 19. stoljea u Hrvatskoj su se postupno oblikovale graanske institucije (politika, kultura, znanost). Meutim, to se dogaalo u izrazito nepovoljnoj situaciji, jer hrvatske pokrajine (iako su bile dio Habsburke monarhije) nisu bile ni politiki ni upravno objedinjene. Situacija se jo vie pogorala 1867. g. preustrojem monarhije u dvojnu, Austrougarsku monarhiju, s ime su hrvatske pokrajine jo vie politiki i upravno razdvojene, a sredinja banska Hrvatska je bila podreena ugarskom dijelu monarhije i izgubila je financijsku samostalnost. Upravljake elite u Hrvatskoj i graanske institucije koje su nastajale imale su tada drastino suprotstavljene koncepcije o rjeavanju tzv. hrvatskog pitanja. Jedni su bili za postojee stanje; drugi su zagovarali preustroj dvojne monarhije u trojnu; trei su zagovarali stvaranje nove, jugoslavenske dravne zajednice; etvrti su zagovarali nastanak samostalne hrvatske drave.160 Sukladno tome, nacionalni identitet Hrvata institucijski se oblikovao u dva osnovna (meusobno suprotstavljena) smjera; prvo Hrvati su posebna nacija, drugo Hrvati su dio junoslavenske nacije.161 Unutar ovih koncepcija postojala su i razliita vienja rjeavanja problema koji su se razvijali u BiH. Meutim, najvanija je injenica, to Hrvatska tada nije uspijevala ni rijeiti niti popraviti svoj poloaj unutar dvojne monarhije (to je bio uvjerljivi prioritet), a pogotovo nije imala objektivne snage nimalo znaajnije utjecati na dogaanja u BiH.
158

v. Sedam stoljea bosanskih franjevaca 1291-1991, zbornik, Samobor, 1994; Barun, Anelko, Svjedoci i

uitelji - povijest franjevaca Bosne Srebrene, Sarajevo-Zagreb, 2003.

159 160

Zirdum, A., n. dj., str. 331-332. V. idak, Jaroslav; Gross, Mirjana; Karaman, Igor; epi, Dragovan, Povijest hrvatskog naroda 1860-1914,

Zagreb, 1968.
161

U tom pogledu je znakovito, to 1966. g., kad se Hrvatskoj prvi put osniva akademija kao najuglednija

intelektualna institucija ona dobiva naziv Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti (JAZU).

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S druge strane, zbog niza razloga, svekoliki poloaj Hrvata u BiH je bio znatno nepovoljniji nego poloaj drugih Hrvata u Austro-ugarskoj monarhiji, pa su se i institucijski procesi meu Hrvatima u BiH odvijali znatno usporenije i tee. U takvoj situaciji, Hrvati u BiH su i tada (19. st.) identitetski i politiki bili uglavnom orijentirani prema Hrvatskoj. Na to je utjecala i injenica to je katolika (uglavnom Hrvata) u BiH bilo brojano znatno manje nego pravoslavnih (uglavnom Srbi) i muslimana. Nakon 1878. g. dodatna potekoa za identitet i politiko djelovanje Hrvata u BiH bio je i duboki sukob koji se pojavio u strukturi katolike crkve na prostoru BiH. Naime, na poetku austro-ugarske okupacije BiH, zapoelo je uspostavljanje redovite hijerarhije Rimokatolike crkve u BiH, koja je traila da se franjevci vrate u samostane i trajno uklone sa svih upa koje su stoljeima posjedovali. Rimska Kurija je donijela kompromisno rjeenje. Meutim, biskup u BiH je franjevce i dalje nastojao ukloniti Franjevaka je provincija pruala ogoren otpor, te se unutarcrkveni sukob u BiH nastavio i taj konflikt do danas jo nije posve zavren.162 Budui je struktura katolike crkve u BiH tada bila gotovo jedini nositelj organiziranog hrvatskog javnog (laikog) djelovanja, unutarcrkveni sukob se prenio i u drutveni i politiki ivot Hrvata u BiH. U takvim okolnostima, tek 1908. g. Hrvati u BiH su osnovali svoju nacionalnu organizaciju, Hrvatsku narodnu zajednicu (HNZ), u koju se ve prve godine ulanilo nekoliko desetaka tisua Hrvata. Meutim, na tragu navedenih unutarcrkvenih podjela, ve 1910. g. osnovana je druga organizacija Hrvatska katolika udruga (HKU). To je dovelo do sukoba i rascjepa i unutar hrvatskog nacionalnog pokreta, te je 1912. g., nakon intervenciju rimske Kurije, rasputena HKU.163 Iako su hrvatske institucije u BiH (naroito struktura katolike crkve) poduprle nastanak prve Jugoslavije i izrazile lojalnost reimu, prosrbijanska koncepcija i centralizam drave se nisu mijenjali, te je bilo kakvo zastupanje i izraavanje hrvatstva u BiH takoer bilo izloeno posrednoj i izravnoj represiji. Na taj je nain oteavana ili onemoguavana

162

Zirdum, n. dj., str. 361; usp. Gavranovi, Berislav, Uspostava redovite katolike hijerarhije u BiH 1881.

godine, Beograd, 1935; Daja, Sreko, Bosna i Hercegovina u austrougarskom razdoblju (1878-1918), MostarZagreb, 2002.
163

Karamati, Marko, Katolianstvo u BiH u doba Austrougarske (1878-1918), u Katolianstvo u Bosni i

Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1997.

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institucijska artikulacija nacionalnog identiteta Hrvata u BiH, to je poticalo porast oekivanja i njihovu upuenost prema Hrvatskoj.164 U kratkotrajnom razdoblju Drugog svjetskog rata, veina Hrvata u BiH se raslojavala prema ideoloko-politikom kriteriju; jedni su podupirali ili bili lojalni vladajuem reimu Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske, a drugi su pristupali komunistikim partizanima. Na taj nain, Hrvati u BiH (i cijeloj NDH) su meusobno ratovali i politiki se sukobljavali.165 U razdoblju komunistike Jugoslavije, Hrvati u BiH su se raslojavali na slian nain kao i muslimani (ili Muslimani). Manji dio Hrvata je sudjelovao u vladajuem reimu zbog interesa i/ili uvjerenja, vei dio je ivio politiki pasivno, a veliki dio Hrvata je (zbog politikih i gospodarskih razloga) iselio u zemlje zapadnog svijeta (uglavnom u Europi) ili je preselio u druge dijelove Jugoslavije (uglavnom u Hrvatsku). Prema tome, nacionalni identitet Hrvata u BiH se vrsto oblikovao sa zakanjenjem, krajem 19. i poetkom 20. stoljea. Njihova osnovna identitetska uporita bila (i ostala) su: privrenost prostoru BiH kao domovini, te katolianstvo i svijest o zajednikoj nacionalnosti s Hrvatima u Hrvatskoj i na drugim prostorima.

II.-1.4 Demografski pokazatelji

Popisi stanovnitva na podruju BiH redovito su voeni od 1895. godine. Meutim, mnogi demografski procesi i aspekti u BiH, u 20. stoljeu, ostali su slabo istraeni ili potpuno neistraeni. Meu slabo istraene demografske teme pripadaju i one ekoje se odnose na etnike i nacionalne znaajke puanstva BiH. Razlozi tome su brojni,166 a tek su popisi 1971-1991. stanovnitva. usporedivi
167

prema

jedinstvenoj

klasifikaciji

nacionalno

izjanjenog

164

v. Boban, Lj., Maek i politika; Golua, Boo, Katolika crkva u Bosni i Hercegovini 1918-41, Mostar,

1995.
165

v. Redi, E., Bosna i Hercegovina u Drugom svjetskom ratu, Sarajevo, 1998; Jeli Buti, F., Ustae i

Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska 1941-1945, Zagreb, 1978.

166

Pokos, Nenad, Hrvati u Bosni i Hercegovini 1895-1991 (demografski aspekti), Magistarski rad, Sveuilite u

Zagrebu, 1996, str. 1-13.

167

Isto, str. 6.

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Prilog 9: Kretanje apsolutnog broja ukupnog stanovnitva, te apsolutnog i relativnog broja Hrvata, muslimana i Srba u Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju 1895. 1991. godine. (Preuzeto iz: Pokos, N., n. dj., str. 14.)

Podaci za 1910, 1921 i 1931. godinu izvedeni su prema materinskom jeziku i vjeroispovijedi, a za 1895. godinu za Muslimane i Srbe prikazan je broj osoba islamske i pravoslavne vjeroispovijedi, dok je prikazani broj Hrvata procijenjen.168

168

Isto, str. 14.

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Prilog 10: Relativna promjena ukupnog stanovnitva, te Hrvata, Muslimana i Srba u Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju 1895.-1991. g. ( 1895=100)

Prilog 11: Kretanje udjela Hrvata, Muslimana i Srba u ukupnom stanovnitvu BiH 1895-1991. g. (Prilozi 10 i 11 preuzeti iz: Pokos, N., n. dj., str. 15 i 18)

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II.-2 GLAVNE POLITIKE KONCEPCIJE STRUKTURA KONSTITUTIVNIH NARODA

U vrijeme naglog rasta jugoslavenske krize i etabliranja velikosrbijanskog projekta (krajem 80-ih godina) komunistike vlasti u BiH nisu poduzimale uinkovita politika i sigurnosna djelovanja. Na taj nain se struktura totalitarnog komunistikog sustava i u BiH zapravo nalazila u procesu ubrzanog raspada, a politiki, drutveni i javni prostor postupno je zauzimala nova, graanska pluralna paradigma. U tom procesu u BiH (slino kao i u veini drugih jugoslavenskih republika i komunistikih zemalja u Europi), u novu paradigmu veoma intenzivno - strukturirano i pojedinano ukljuivali su se dotadanji predstavnici komunistike paradigme. Zbog povijesnog naslijea i niza drugih razloga, uspostavljanje novih graanskih struktura, institucija i odnosa u BiH, 1990-ih godina, dogaalo se na nacionalnoj osnovi, te su u BiH postupno oblikovane odgovarajue politike koncepcije konstitutivnih nacija. Glavnu ulogu u svakoj od nacija imale su strukture novoosnovanih nacionalnih stranaka, koje su pobijedile na prvim viestranakim izborima (odrani su dvokruno 17./18. studeni 1990. g. i 1./2. prosinca 1990. g.), te su tako stekle politiki legitimitet zastupati interese svojih biraa, odnosno nacija, jer su za svaku od tri najistaknutije stranke gotovo iskljuivo glasovali birai njihovih nacija. Druge politike stranke u BiH, koje se nisu temeljile na etnikoj pripadnosti, doivjele su veliki neuspjeh na izborima te su ostale na margini utjecaja na dogaanja i ubrzo su postale javno gotovo potpuno neprimjetne.

II.-2.1 Muslimani/Bonjaci

Krajem svibnja 1990. g. u Sarajevu je osnovana Stranka demokratske akcije (SDA), kojoj je za predsjednika izabran Alija Izetbegovi, to je stvarno i simboliki bitno odredilo politiku koncepciju koju je zastupala i provodila SDA. Zanimljivo je da u nazivu ove stranke nema nacionalne oznake (zbog tadanjih formalnih razloga u BiH), iako je SDA od svog osnivanja nedvojbeno bila stranka muslimansko/bonjake nacije.

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Na izborima za bosansko-hercegovaki parlament, SDA je (s relativnom veinom) postala izborni pobjednik. SDA je u parlamentu zauzela 86 od ukupno 240 zastupnikih mjesta, a Alija Izetbegovi je izabran za Predsjednika Predsjednitva Socijalistike Republike (SR) BiH, odnosno za efa kolektivnog predsjednika drave Socijalistike Republike BiH, iako je F. Abdi na izborima dobio vie glasova od njega.169 Unutar muslimansko/bonjakih elita i struktura dolo je do neslaganja glede politike koncepcije koju treba provoditi u BiH. Jedan dio muslimanskih elita je zagovarao dravnu cjelovitost BiH, u kojoj e ravnopravno ivjeti sve tri konstitutivne nacije, dok je drugi dio zastupao islamski radikalizam koji se kretao od hegemonije Muslimana/Bonjaka u cjelovitoj BiH do osnivanja samostalne muslimanske (islamske) drave na dijelu teritorija BiH. Proces unutarmuslimanskog neslaganja u BiH moe se koncepcijski, strukturalno i kadrovski - pratiti od ljeta 1990. pa do sadanjeg vremena. Tako je ve u ljeto 1990. g. u Sarajevu odran simpozij Bosna i Bonjatvo na kojem je sudjelovala elita naunika, filozofa, istoriara, sociologa, knjievnika170, a 1991. g. dva nauna skupa, kako bi se iroko iskazale mogunosti reafirmacije nacionalnog bonjatva.171 U ljeto 1991. g. objavljen je srpsko-muslimanski politiki sporazum (tzv. Historijski sporazum) kojeg su priredili, sa srpske strane Radovan Karadi a s muslimanske strane Muhamed Filipovi. Sporazum je polazio od svijesti o tekoama koje su postojale na jugoslavenskom prostoru i u BiH, te sadri naelne odluke da se zaloimo za ostvarenje istorijskih i politikih interesa naa dva naroda osiguranje punog teritorijalnog integriteta i politikog subjektiviteta nae Republike Bosne i Hercegovine itd.172 U prosincu 1992. g. odran je Kongres bosansko-muslimanskih intelektualaca koji je donio odluku o osnivanju Vijea kongresa bosansko-muslimanskih intelektualaca (VKBMI), iji je zadatak da saini "program temeljnih interesa i zadataka bosansko-muslimanskog (bonjakog) naroda u svim oblastima drutvenog ivota" tokom rata Vijee e se afirmirati obimnom i plodnom djelatnou.173

169

Predsjednitvo je imalo sedam lanova: trojicu iz SDA, dvojicu iz Srpske demokratske stranke i dvojicu iz

Hrvatske demokratske zajednice. Osim A. Izetbegovia, iz SDA su lanovi Predsjednitva postali Fikret Abdi i Ejup Gani (na listi tzv. ostalih naroda) v. Kronologija rata, str. 36.
170 171 172

Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 167. Isto, str. 169. Navodi iz Sporazuma; Osloboenje (dnevna novina), Sarajevo, 02. kolovoza 1991; tekst Sporazuma preuzet

iz Tuman, Miroslav, Istina o Bosni i Hercegovini, Zagreb, 2005, str. 64-65.

173

Redi, E., n. dj., str. 169.

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Na tom tragu je krajem rujna 1993. g. odran Sabor Bonjaka, iji je zavretak bio praen kontroverzama o planu njegovog organizatora da se posebnim dokumentom proglasi osnivanje bonjake drave na dijelu teritorije BiH.174 Sabor nije donio taj dokument, no jedan od najistaknutijih aktera bonjatva i lan Vlade BiH do kraja 1993. g., Rusmir Mahmutehaji smatra da zamisao o komadu Bosne za Bonjake, kao nain razbijanja drave BiH, predstavlja dio ukupnog plana za unitavanje Bonjaka.175 Meutim, unato raspravama, nakon izbora 1990. g. u BiH, prevladavajua politika koncepcija u muslimansko/bonjakoj institucijskoj strukturi, zasnivala se na programatskom tekstu A. Izetbegovia, Islamskoj deklaraciji koja je 1990. objavljena u Sarajevu, u nakladi od ak 200.000 primjeraka. Ova radikalna panislamistika koncepcija koju je zastupao vrh vodee muslimansko/bonjake stranke (SDA) i njen lider bila je potpuno neprihvatljiva narodima koji nisu pripadali islamskom kulturnom krugu, a bila je neprihvatljiva i dijelu muslimansko/bonjake nacije, ukljuujui i dio muslimansko/bonjakih drutvenih elita. Neprihvatljivost koncepcije koju je zagovarala Islamska deklaracija imala je u BiH nekoliko razina. Ponajprije, Isalmska deklaracija se pojavila u BiH, tj. na periferiji islamskog svijeta, u njoj nema ni traga od izvjesne bosanske komponente, deklaracija je islamski ista, kako po inspiraciji tako i po porukama. Ona je "bosanska" samo injenicom to je nastala u Bosni, to je njen autor bosanski Musliman, u njoj se nikako ne uje njen bosanski glas, ve samo i totalno islamski glas.176 Zatim, pragmatine politike poruke Islamske deklaracije su krajnje radikalne i nedvojbene. Izmeu ostalog u deklaraciji se kae: mi objavljujemo prijateljima i neprijateljima da su Muslimani odluili sudbinu islamskog svijeta uzeti u svoje ruke i taj svijet urediti po svojoj zamisli deklaracija ne sadri ideje koje bi se mogle smatrati potpuno novima njena novost je u tome to se trai da se s ideja i planova pree na organiziranu akciju za njihovo ostvarenje.177 Nadalje, princip islamskog poretka, kao jedinstva vjere i politike, vodi i drugim vanim zakljucima Prvi i najvaniji takav zakljuak svakako je zakljuak o nespojivosti islama i neislamskih sistema. Nema mira ni koegzistencije izmeu "islamske vjere" i neislamskih drutvenih i politikih institucija Islam jasno iskljuuje pravo i mogunost

174 175 176 177

Isto, str. 170. Isto, str. 170; usp. Mahmutehaji, Rusmir, iva Bosna, Sarajevo, 1994, str. 199-200. Isto, str. 102-103. Izetbegovi, Alija, Islamska deklaracija, Sarajevo, 1990, str. 2.

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djelovanja bilo koje strane ideologije na svom podruju. Nema, dakle, laikog principa, a drava treba da bude izraz i da podrava moralne koncepcije religije.178 Zbog toga su i umjereni Bonjaci/Muslimani opravdano zakljuili da Islamska deklaracija proklamuje ideoloki totalitarizam kao fundamentalni princip svjetskog islama u graenju islamskog poretka,179 i to u vrijeme dok totalitarizam na europskom zapadu i istoku propada da bi oslobodio put civilizaciji, kulturi, napretku, demokratiji.180 U tom kontekstu je izraena i zabrinutost to od 1990. do sada bonjaka SDA uporno tei za hegemonijom u BiH.181 Nakon nekoliko mjeseci priprema, uglavnom unutar SDA, desetog lipnja 1991. odran je sastanak 365 vodeih muslimanskih politikih, kulturnih i humanitarnih djelatnika iz cijele Jugoslavije, na kojem je osnovano Vijee nacionalne obrane, kao civilna i vojna bonjako/muslimanska nacionalna organizacija.182

II.-2.2 Srbi u BiH

Sredinom srpnja 1990. g. u Sarajevu je osnovana Srpska demokratska stranka (SDS) BIH, na elu s Radovanom Karadiem. Stranka istog osnovnog naziva (SDS) osnovana je prije toga (veljaa, 1990.) u Republici Hrvatskoj. Na prvim viestranakim izborima 1990. g. u BiH, SDSBiH je dobio 72 zastupnika mjesta u parlamentu (od ukupno 240). U Predsjednitvo BiH iz SDSBiH su izabrani Biljana Plavi i Nikola Koljevi. Na taj nain SDS je 1990. g. postao legitimni politiki predstavnik Srba u BiH. Koncepcija, javni govori i organizacijsko djelovanje SDSBiH u BiH bili su sukladni velikosrbijanskoj koncepciji, te su uestalo prezentirani javno i masovno. Primjerice, po uzoru na dogaaje u Srbiji, SDSBiH je u BiH zajedno sa Srpskom pravoslavnom crkvom (SPC) i politiarima iz Srbije godinu dana provodio masovne komemoracije srpskim rtvama iz drugog svjetskog rata, za kojih se iz krakih jama vade kosti i eksplicite poziva na osvetu
178 179 180 181 182

Isto, str. 22. Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 109. Isto, str. 106. Isto, str. 195. Hoare, Marko Atilla, Civilno-vojni odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992-1995, u Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni,

str. 210; o datumu osnivanja Vijea nacionalne obrane (tj. Patriotske lige) postoje nesuglasja, a o tome i openito o Patriotskoj ligi bit e vie reeno u narednim poglavljima ove ekspertize.

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(temeljna poruka glasi kako "potomci rtava" Srbi "ne ele i ne mogu ivjeti s potomcima krvnika", Hrvata i Bonjaka). U jednu jamu teatralno se sputa i Karadi.183 Krajem oujka 1991. g. odrana je osnivaka skuptina Udruenja Srba iz BiH u Beogradu, na kojoj ovacije dobivaju izjave Karadia i episkopa SPC Amfilohija Radovia o stvaranju "sjedinjenih srpskih drava".184 U drugoj polovici 1991. g., zbog razliitih aktivnosti velikosrbijanskih institucija, i u BiH su bile sve vee politike i sigurnosne napetosti. U takvim okolnostima, SDSBiH spreava izglasavanje skuptinskih dokumenata i vri destrukciju legalne vlasti u BiH sve u vezi s vladom Srbije.185 Usklaeno s ovim, uspostavljane su zasebne srpske teritorijalne organizacija u BiH, koje je SDSBiH ovisno o okolnostima - proglasio u travnju i studenom 1991. godine.186 Sredinom listopada 1991. g. Skuptina Socijalistike Republike (SR) BiH je objavila Memorandum u kojem polazi od niza dogaaja i odluka koje su nepovratno promijenile konstituciju Jugoslavije i stvorili novo pravno i injenino stanje, te je stoga naglaeno da je BiH prema Ustavu demokratska suverena drava ravnopravnih graana, naroda Bosne i Hercegovine te da se u BiH mogu ostvarivati razliiti interesi uz uvjet da se isti ostvaruje bez primjene sile i na legalan i demokratski nain.187 No, nekoliko dana kasnije u dramatinom ozraju - na prijedlog SDA i uz potporu Hrvatske demokratske zajednice BiH (HDZBiH) Skuptina SRBIH je bez zastupnika SDSBiH donijela Platformu o poloaju Bosne i Hercegovine i buduem ustrojstvu jugoslavenske zajednice.188 Srpski zastupnici, na elu s predsjednikom Skuptine SRBiH Momilom Krajinikom, su tijekom rasprave u znak prosvjeda napustili sjednicu, a prije toga je Karadi koji nije bio zastupnik niti je imao ikakvu dravnu funkciju, ali je redovito prisustvovao skuptinskim raspravama - doao za govornicu i zaprijetio: Nemojte misliti da neete odvesti BiH u pakao, a muslimanski narod moda u nestanak.189

183 184 185

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 377. Isto, str. 378. Divjak, Jovan, Prva faza rata 1992-1993: borba za opstanak i nastanak Armije BiH, u Rat u Hrvatskoj i

Bosni, str. 182.

186 187

O tome se u ovoj ekspertizi detaljnije govori u poglavlju Republika Srpska. HINA (novinska agencija), Zagreb, baza EVA, Vijesti HNA0121, 16. listopada 1991/1714,; dokument

preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 70-71; (3D00320).

188 189

Isto, str. 72-74; (3D00320). Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 182, b. 2.

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Desetak dana kasnije, 24. listopada 1991. Poslanici Kluba Srpske demokratske stranke i Kluba Srpskog pokreta obnove u Skuptini Bosne i Hercegovine donijeli su nelegalnu Odluku o osnivanju Skuptine srpskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini, koja je lankom I. oznaena kao najvii predstavniki i zakonodavni organ srpskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini.190 Za razumijevanje situacije u BiH posebno je znakovito to je ovu odluku (kao i niz narednih) potpisao predsjednik ove nelegalne (tzv. srpske) skuptine, M. Krajinik, koji je formalno i dalje bio predsjednik legalne, zajednike, Skuptine SRBiH. Na temelju ovdje navedenih injenica je razvidno, kako je nacionalna koncepcija strukture srpskog naroda u BiH bila sastavni dio (veliko)srbijanskog projekta, te da je ve tijekom 1991. g. bila u visokoj fazi operativnog politikog ostvarivanja.

II.-2.3 Hrvati u BiH

Sredinom kolovoza 1990. g. u Sarajevu je osnovana Hrvatska demokratska zajednica BiH (HDZBiH),191 koja je pri osnivanju i u cjelokupnom kasnijem djelovanju bila u, vie ili manje, bliskim odnosima s istoimenom strankom u Republici Hrvatskoj.192 Na elu stranke (HDZBiH) je samo nekoliko tjedana bio Davorin Perinovi, koji je u rujnu 1990. smijenjen zbog sukoba interesa unutar HDZBiH, a predsjednik je postao Stjepan Kljui. Kljui je bio na elu HDZBiH do poetka veljae 1992. g., a tada je smijenjen i na njegovo mjesto, kao privremeno rjeenje, doao je Miljenko Brki. Krajem listopada 1992. g. za predsjednika stranke izabran je Mate Boban. Poetkom veljae 1994. g. Bobana je na elu HDZBiH zamijenio Kreimir Zubak. Na prvim izborima u BiH, HDZBiH je dobio 44 zastupnika mjesta u parlamentu BiH (od ukupno 240). U Predsjednitvo SRBiH izabrani su Franjo Boras i Stjepan Kljui. Na taj nain HDZBiH je postao legitimni politiki predstavnik Hrvata u BiH. U odnosu na bonjako/muslimansku i srpsku nacionalnu strukturu u BiH, unutar hrvatske nacionalne strukture, tj. unutar HDZBiH je bila najvea heterogenost i glede politike koncepcije i glede praktikog postupanja. To se, izmeu ostalog, oitovalo i u
190

eki, Smail, Agresija na Bosnu i genocid nad Bonjacima 1991-1993, Sarajevo, 1994, str. 270-272;

dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 83-84; (3D00320).

191

Stranka istog naziva (HDZ) osnovana je 1989. g. u Hrvatskoj i pobijedila je na prvim izborima u Republici

Hrvatskoj.
192

v. Deset godina Hrvatske demokratske zajednice Spomenica, Zagreb, 1999.

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injenicama, to je HDZBiH osnovan nakon SDA i SDSBiH, te to je u HDZBiH bilo uestalih i najveih nesuglasica, sukoba i kadrovskih smjena na elnim mjestima. Zbog toga, kao i zbog injenice da su Hrvati u BiH bili znatno malobrojniji u odnosu na Muslimane/Bonjake i Srbe u BiH, HDZBiH je u svakom pogledu bio znatno slabiji u odnosu na SDA i SDSBiH. U takvoj situaciji, stranka je svoje djelovanje nastojala prilagoavati razvoju dogaaja u BiH, a pritom je osnovni cilj i koncepcija HDZBiH bila uopeno odreena kao zatita interesa hrvatskog naroda unutar drave SRBiH. Pritom, ta koncepcija zbog nekvalitetne i heterogene strukture HDZBiH nije bila dubinski osmiljena, nego se povrno prilagoavala sloenim tekuim dogaanjima u BiH, nastojei ostvarivati ciljeve koji su esto bili meusobno kontradiktorni. Stoga je, cijelo vrijeme nakon 1990. g., politika HDZBiH bila (teoretski i praktiki) gotovo iskljuivo reaktivna, bez inicijative i jasno odreenog plana. To se oitovalo u estom nedosljednom, heterogenom ili kontradiktornom postupanju HDZBIH, koje je bilo reakcija (posljedica) dogaanja u BiH, koja su se odvijala veoma sloeno i u razliitim kontradiktornim smjerovima. Stoga su i unutar HDZBiH bila velika neslaganja i potpuno razliito postupanje pojedinih skupina, osobito obzirom na regionalnu pripadnost.193 Krajem veljae 1991. g., kada je SDA u Skuptini SRBiH predloio Deklaraciju o dravnoj suverenosti i nedjeljivosti Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, HDZBiH je glasovao za, ali Deklaracija nije izglasana jer su protiv bili zastupnici SDSBiH.194 Slino je bilo i u listopadu 1991. g., kada je SDA u Skuptini SRBiH predloio navedenu Platformu o poloaju BiH.195 Isto tako nakon to je bonjako/muslimanska struktura u lipnju (ili oujku) 1991. g. osnovala Vijee nacionalne obrane muslimanskog naroda, a srpska struktura u BiH povukla niz politikih i vojnih poteza, ukljuujui i u listopadu 1991. g. proglaenu Skuptinu srpskog naroda u BiH hrvatska struktura je postupila reaktivno, te je tek 12. studenog 1991. u Bosanskom Brodu proglasila Hrvatsku zajednicu Posavine, a 18. studenog 1991. g. donesena je Odluku o uspostavi Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosne. Nakon to je (9. sijenja) formalno proglaena Srpska Republika Bosna i Hercegovina, hrvatska struktura je, 27. sijenja 1992. g., proglasila i Hrvatsku zajednicu Sredinje Bosne.

193 194 195

v. Marini, Anto, Opina epe ili klju za funkcioniranje Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine, Zagreb, 2000. Dokument i dogaaj su objavljeni u Tuman, M., Istina, str. 53-54; (3D00320). v. tekst u ovoj ekspertizi na koji se odnose biljeke 187 i 188.

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I tada, kao i kasnije, izbijala su velika politika i drugaija nesuglasja, sukobi i raskoli izmeu samih hrvatskih zajednica, kao i unutar struktura koje su im formalno bile zajednike. Prema tome, nacionalna struktura Hrvata u BiH nije uspjela oblikovati ni jedinstvenu nacionalnu koncepciju, niti je u svom djelovanju uspostavila i pokazivala potrebnu strukturalnu povezanost, te su stoga reaktivnost, nestalnost, heterogenost i kontradiktornost bila glavna obiljeja postupanja hrvatskih struktura u BiH.

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II.-3 OSNIVANJE NACIONALNIH POLITIKIH ENTITETA

II.-3.1 Patriotska liga (PL)

Prvi

poeci

zasebnog

nacionalnog

politikog

vojnog

organiziranja

Muslimana/Bonjaka nisu potpuno istraeni, jer je SDA u sigurnosno neizvjesnoj i opasnoj situaciji na prostoru BiH i u okruenju, u tajnosti postupno ustrojavala politiko-vojnu organizaciju, za ije postojanje i rad nisu znali ni svi lanovi SDA.196 Unutar SDA je vjerojatno i tada bilo razlika u procjeni razvoja situacije u BiH i na prostoru bive Jugoslavije, te razlika u procjeni politikih i sigurnosnih mjera koje treba poduzimati, to je, izmeu ostalog, utjecalo i na kasnije duboke raskole meu
197

vojnom

politikom

bonjako/muslimanskom strukturom pod vodstvom SDA.

(Polu)tajna organizacija, kasnije nazvana Patriotska liga, najvjerojatnije je osnovana 31. oujka 1991. godine.198 Otac Patriotske lige je osniva SDA i Predsjednik Predsjednitva R BiH gospodin Alija Izetbegovi, a naziv Patriotska liga nastao je u okrilju SDA, u dogovoru gospode Hasana engia, dr. Rusmira Mahmutehajia, kao i drugih.199 Patriotska liga je bila podijeljena izmeu civilnog krila, kojemu je na elu bio Izetbegovi, i vojnog krila, to su ga inili asnici Muslimani koji su istupili iz JNA, no Patriotska liga e usprkos neslaganjima ostati usidrena u strukturu SDA. Tijela koja su izrasla u bosansko civilno odnosno vojno vodstvo na taj su nain izvorno bila dvije polovice jedne te iste muslimanske nacionalne organizacije.200 elnitvo SDA, koje je istovremeno bilo i elnitvo nove dravne vlasti SRBiH, djelovalo je u kontradiktornim okolnostima. S jedne strane, vodstvo SDA stajalo je na vrhu
196

Halilbegovi, Nihad, injenice o Patriotskoj ligi Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo, 1994, str. 10; Halilbegovi

korijene Patriotske lige datira s krajem 1990. g. (Isto, str. 9 i 16), a Hoare s veljaom 1991. g. (Hoare, n. dj., str. 210).
197

v. Mahmutehaji, R., Kriva politika, Tuzla-Sarajevo-Zagreb, 1988; Halilovi, Sefer, Lukava strategija,

Sarajevo, 1997.
198 199 200

v. Halilbegovi, N., n. dj., str. 5 i 9. Isto, str. 9-10. Hoare, M. A., n. dj., str. 210.

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dravnog aparata koji je jedva nadziralo, a s druge strane, nova vlast je otkrila da su njeni najopasniji progonitelji sigurnosne slube ba te republike. Jugoslavenska vojna kontraobavjetajna sluba (KOS) imala je svoje agente na svim razinama bosanske drave.201 U takvoj situaciji, elnitvo SDA, predvoeno s A. Izetbegoviem, izabralo je pragmatinu politiku. U dravi koja je politiki, sigurnosno i nacionalno rastrojena, pokualo se u to veoj mjeri stvarno preuzeti institucije vlasti prihvaanjem pojedinaca i skupina iz postojeeg dravnog ustroja, koji ele biti lojalni novoj vlasti. Na taj nain, u BiH dio policajaca, inovnika, asnika JNA i ostalih koji su sluili pod komunistikom vlau prilagodili su se novim vremenima i uli u orbitu SDA vodstvo SDA nastojalo je pregovorima ishoditi mirno rjeenje s Beogradom, JNA i SDS-om.202 Izetbegovi se naivno nadao da e se postrojbe JNA na bosanskom teritoriju bilo pretvoriti u bosansku vojsku bilo povui iz zemlje bez krvoprolia sam e kasnije priznati kako nije vjerovao da e se nakon pedeset godina propovijedanja "bratstva i jedinstva" jugoslavenska vojska upustiti u genocid.203 Iako su i pojedini osnivai Patriotske lige, vjerojatno i tada uviali da je formiranje paradravnih i paravojnih struktura izravan interes razaratelja BiH te su nastojali opstanak cjelovite BiH tititi kroz institucije na temelju patriotskog saveza svih njenih ljudi204, ipak su se dravne institucije BiH, djelovanjem Patriotske lige, stvarno sve vie pretvarale u iskljuivu nacionalnu organizaciju Muslimana/Bonjaka. Proces pretvaranja dravnih institucija RBiH u muslimansko/bonjaku strukturu i njihova opa islamizacija poprimili su radikalne razmjere tijekom 1993. godine. Sve vie je rastao utjecaj SDA kao vodee bonjake stranke Sve to kao i uplitanje verskih slubenika i uopte unos religije u oruane snage u toku 1993. godine, doveli su do nastanka jednonacionalne strukture i politikog opredelenja.205 Ovaj proces se - zbog niza utjecaja, razloga i interesa - nastavio i tijekom 1994. i 1995. g., iako su tada potpisivani formalni sporazumi o politikoj i vojnoj integraciji muslimansko/bonjake i hrvatske strane, a njihova vojna suradnja (uz pomo Republike Hrvatske) nanosila je strateke poraze srbijanskoj agresiji.
201 202 203 204 205

Isto, str. 210. Isto, str. 211. Isto, str. 211. Mahmutehaji, R., Put u rat, u Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 175. Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 191.

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Potrebno je imati u vidu da se, tijekom procesa sve vee islamizacije ARBiH, ipak Uredbom sa zakonskom snagom (06. kolovoza 1992. g.) utvrdilo: Sastavni dio Armije ine postrojbe Hrvatskog vijea obrane.206 S radikalnog muslimansko/bonjakog motrita zajednike institucije bosanske dravnosti smatrale su se nepouzdanima, pa su razorene, dok je bonjaki nacionalni interes poistovjeen iskljuivo s Predsjednikom, vladajuom strankom i Armijom, usljed ega su te tri institucije sve vie srastale. Visoki bosanski dunosnici, generali i politiari koji su se protivili tome srastanju bili su smijenjeni ili gurnuti u kut.207 U kojoj mjeri je taj proces bio planiran i od koga, a koliko potaknut sloenim dogaajima i razliitim imbenicima, ostaje otvoreno pitanje. No, nedvojbeno je, da je iz komunizma naslijeeni a raspadajui dravni i drutveni sustav u BiH bio proet dvostrukim agentima svih nacionalnosti koji su bili skloni suraivati s naporima Beograda i JNA da se bosanska drava iznutra potkopa i potini.208 U svakom sluaju, proces pretvaranja dravnih institucija RBiH u institucije Muslimana/Bonjaka olakavao je provoenje velikosrbijanske koncepcije i imao je velike stvarne uinke na trosmjernu nacionalnu homogenizaciju u BiH, a s time i na dugoronu identitetsku i organizacijsku dezintegraciju prostora BiH. S jedne strane, zbog toga je ak i unutar muslimansko/bonjake strukture dolo do podjele, u kojoj je zakljueno da je bonjatvo instrumentalizirano u skladu sa interesima i zahtjevima vodee bonjake stranke,209 a A. Izetbegovi je ak izravno optuen da (zajedno sa S. Miloeviem i F. Tumanom) pripada u stoer razaranja bosansko-hercegovakog jedinstva.210 S druge strane, taj proces je (veliko)srbijanskim strukturama sluio za propagandno opravdavanje oruane agresije na BiH i istovremeno je socijalno-psiholoki pridonosio jo dubljoj homogenizaciji Srba u BiH. S tree strane, nacionalno politiko i vojno organiziranje Muslimana/Bonjaka pridonosilo je rastu opeg nepovjerenja, podjelama i izbijanju

206

Uredba sa zakonskom snagom o izmjeni i dopuni uredbe sa zakonskom snagom o oruanim snagama

Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, Predsjednitvo RBiH, 6. kolovoza 1992; usp. Magnetofonski snimak 153. sjednice Predsjednitva Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, odrana 6. avgusta 1992. godine, u National Security and the Future, vol. 8, nr. 1, 2007, str.7-9; (4D00410).
207 208 209 210

Hoare, M. A., n. dj., 228. Hoare, M. A., n. dj., str. 209. Redi, E., Sto godina, str. 171. Isto, str. 177.

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djelominih oruanih sukoba izmeu Hrvata i Muslimana/Bonjaka, te je pogodovalo slinom procesu politikog i vojnog organiziranja u hrvatskom nacionalnom korpusu u BiH. Ukupno, (gledajui odnos snaga i dogaajno ostvarivanje razliitih interesa na prostoru BiH u razdoblju 1990.-1995. g.) proces nacionalnih podjela i homogenizacija u BiH koristili su (politiki, vojno i percepcijski) samo srbijanskoj agresiji na BiH, a nacionalni interesi Muslimana/Bonjaka i Hrvata u BiH zbog toga su imali goleme i dugorone tete. Navedene injenice posredno se potvruju i u kasnijim iskazima veoma istaknutih aktera na muslimansko/bonjakoj strani, koji su se distancirali od procesa iskljuivog nacionalnog organiziranja i homogeniziranja tek kad je on ostavio negativne posljedice. Tako i jedan od osnivaa Patriotske lige te lan Vlade RBiH, R. Mahmutehaji, nastojei opravdati svoje istaknuto sudjelovanje u negativnim procesima, naknadno kontradiktorno svjedoi: Kad se danas govori o Patriotskoj ligi i drugim organizacijama koje smo stvarali, nitko ne moe pokazati ni dokazati da je ona bila paradravna ili da je postojala izvan dravnih institucija. Ima ih koji u tome smislu piu, ali nitko to ne mnoe dokazati! Pojedini dijelovi tog sustava bili su vrsto vezani za patriotski dio politikog vodstva i sluili su kao neka vrsta foruma u kojem se u povezanosti s dravnim organima analizirala i pripremala stabilna jezgra ouvanja Bosne i Hercegovine.211

II.-3.2 Republika Srpska (RS)

Institucijska struktura Srba u BiH, koja je bila politiki izraena u SDSBiH, nije imala koncepcijsko politikih i organizacijskih dvojbi kao muslimansko/bonjake i hrvatske strukture, nego je sustavno provodila velikosrbijanski plan, kojeg je bila sastavni dio. Politika, sigurnosna i propagandna velikosrbijanska djelovanja na svim razinama u jugoslavenskoj institucijskoj strukturi, u Srbiji, u Hrvatskoj i u BiH - bila su cijelo vrijeme sinkronizirana i meusobno povezana. Isto tako, ona su bila sadrajno i vremenski prilagoavana meunarodnim okolnostima, naroito zasjedanjima i odlukama meunarodne Mirovne konferencije o (bivoj) Jugoslaviji i drugih meunarodnih aktera. U svim varijantama raspleta tzv. jugoslavenske krize, glavni cilj velikosrbijanske strukture bilo je postizanje teritorijalnog jedinstva svih tzv. srpskih podruja u bivoj Jugoslaviji, te etniko ienje tih podruja kako bi na njima Srbi bili uvjerljiva veina. Tome
211

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 280.

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su bila podreena i sva njihova politika i vojna djelovanja. Na taj nain su glavna politika i vojna dogaanja u bivoj Jugoslaviji i na prostoru BiH bila jasno odreena i javno obznanjena od strane velikosrbijanske strukture, i to prije nego je zapoela njihova praktina operacionalizacija na teritoriju BIH. Zbog toga, a radi objektivnosti, spoznavanje i razumijevanje dogaanja u BiH (1990. 1995. g.) je nuno povezano s poznavanjem dogaanja u Republici Hrvatskoj, jer su ta dogaanja kauzalno (uzroci, tijek, posljedice, akteri) cjelovita i neodvojiva, bez obzira to su izmeu BiH i Republike Hrvatske postojale republike (dravne) granice. Ostali unutarjugoslavenski akteri, koji su u svakom, a naroito vojnom pogledu bili slabiji te openito institucijski nepripremljeni, uglavnom su samo slijedili dogaaje (nastojei im se to vie prilagoditi), koje su kreirali i nametali velikosrbijanska struktura i/ili kasnije meunarodna zajednica. Prema scenariju koji je ranije primjenjivan u Republici Hrvatskoj, SDSBiH je u travnju i svibnju 1991. g. osnivala nelegalne Zajednice opina u pojedinim dijelovima BiH. Najprije je u travnju 1991. g. proglaena Zajednica optina Bosanske Krajine, a potom u svibnju Zajednica optina Istone i Stare Hercegovine i Zajednica optina Romanije. 212 Sredinom lipnja 1991. g. elnik SDS-a u Hrvatskoj (Jovan Rakovi) osnovao je Otadbinsku frontu koja objavljuje da joj je cilj ujedinjenje SAO Krajine (okupiranih dijelova Republike Hrvatske, op. a.) i Bosanske krajine "u jednu federalnu jedinicu ako doe do raspada Jugoslavije".213 Nekoliko dana prije toga, u Splitu je odran sastanak A. Izetbegovia, S. Miloevia, i F. Tumana na kojem posebno je bilo rijei o BiH,214 no bez rezultata; na konferenciji za novinstvo Miloevi daje potporu srpskoj paravlasti u Kninu.215 Sredinom rujna 1991. g. SDSBiH je proglasio (jednu za drugom) tri Srpske autonomne oblasti (SAO): SAO Istona Hercegovina, SAO Bosanska krajina i SAO Romanija. Poslije su stvorene jo dvije SAO (Semberija, te Ozren i Posavina). Na opinskoj razini u BiH takoer su osnivane zasebne srpske vlasti, prvenstveno radi uspostavljanja sigurnosnog nadzora, ukljuujui i nadzor nad lokalnom policijom. Na obje razine (regije i opine) to je uinjeno

212

Glas, (novine, Banja Luka), 27. i 28. travnja 1991; Javnost (slubeno glasilo SDS-a, Sarajevo), 11. svibanj i

1. lipanj 1991.
213 214 215

Rat u Hrvatskoj, str. 379 Kronologija rata, str. 67. Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 379.

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na isti nain kao i u Republici Hrvatskoj 1990. g., i bilo je pretpostavka i sastavni dio oruane agresije i okupacije.216 U prvoj polovici studenog 1991. g. SDSBiH je u BiH organizirao nelegalni referendum samo srpskog naroda u BiH, na kojem je Srbima ponueno da biraju izmeu nezavisne BiH i ostanka u sastavu Jugoslavije, pa je na osnovu krivotvorenih rezultata objavljeno da je druga varijanta dobila veinu.217 Na temelju ovog nelegalnog referenduma, nelegalna Skuptina srpskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini, na sjednici od 21. novembra 1991. godine donijela je Odluku o verifikaciji proglaenih srpskih autonomnih oblasti u Bosni i Hercegovini.218 Na istoj sjednici, Skuptina srpskog naroda u BiH je donijela i Odluku kojom se priznaje Republiku Srpsku Krajinu, kao federalnu jedinicu Jugoslavije.219 Ova Odluka koja je formalno viestruko besmislena jer nelegalna skuptina iz dijela BiH priznaje okupacijske vlasti na dijelu susjedne drave Republike Hrvatske, i to kao dio tree drave (Jugoslavije) prvenstveno svjedoi o meusobnoj sinkroniziranosti dijelova

velikosrbijanskog projekta i njihovom prilagoavanju za uinke na razini meunarodnih institucija. U drugoj polovici prosinca 1991. g., Skuptina srpskog naroda u BiH donijela je Odluku da se pristupi pripremama za formiranje "Republike Srpske Bosne i Hercegovine", te da e se ona formirati najkasnije do srpske nove 1992. godine.220 Sukladno tome, 09. sijenja 1992. g., Skuptina srpskog naroda u BiH donijela je Deklaraciju o proglaenju Republike srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine, u kojoj je odreeno: Republika se nalazi u sastavu savezne drave Jugoslavije, kao njena federalna jedinica. Ovo odreenje je u izravnoj suprotnosti s tada vaeim Ustavom SFRJ i Ustavom SRBiH. Deklaracija je, izmeu ostalog, trebala djelovati na sprjeavanje meunarodnog priznanja BiH, to se prepoznaje iz lanka X Deklaracije u kojem se navodi: Uvoenje Deklaracije u ivot odloie se na neodreeno vrijeme pod uslovom da zahtjev za priznanje nezavisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine njegovi podnosioci povuku do 15. januara 1992.

216 217 218

v. Bari, Nikica, Srpska pobuna u Hrvatskoj 1990-1995., Zagreb, 2005. Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 182. Odluka, u eki, S., n. dj., str. 275-276; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 101-102;

(3D00320).
219 220

Odluka, u eki, S., n. dj., str. 277; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 103; (3D00320). Odluka, u eki, S., n. dj., str. 278; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 117; (3D00320).

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godine.221 Deklaracija je postigla ovaj uinak, jer SRBiH na temelju miljenja Arbitrane komisije br. 4 - nije meunarodno priznata od strane zemalja Europske zajednice (EZ), istovremeno s priznanjem Hrvatske i Slovenije (15. sijenja 1992. g.). Nakon provoenja referenduma u SRBiH (prema meunarodnim uputama i nadzorom) te nakon pojavljivanja mirovnog plana Europske unije - EU222 (tzv. Cutillierov plan) za BiH, Skuptina srpskog naroda u BiH je, krajem veljae 1992. g., donijela Odluku o proglaenju ustava Srpske Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. U drugoj polovici oujka 1992. g., Skuptina srpskog naroda BiH na Palama (u Sarajevu, op. a.) izjanjava se protiv neovisne i suverene BiH.223 BiH je 06. travnja 1992. g. meunarodno priznata od strane EU i SAD (s tim to priznanje tee od 07. travnja). Istog dana, srpski teroristi pucaju na sudionike mirnih proturatnih demonstracija pred Skuptinom BiH u Sarajevu (4 mrtvih, 6 ranjenih).224 Dan kasnije na zasjedanju Skuptine srpskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini donesena je odluka o proglaenju Srpske Republike Bosne i Hercegovine nezavisnom republikom.225 Deset dana kasnije, Vlada Srpske Republike BiH izdala je u Beogradu javno priopenje u kojem optuuje EU da je preuranjenim priznanjem doprinijela da se situacija u ovoj Republici (BiH, op. a.) pogora, te pogoranju situacije u Bosni i Hercegovini u najveoj mjeri je doprinijela uloga muslimansko-hrvatskog dijela Predsjednitva SRBiH. U priopenju se, zbog propagandnih razloga prikrivanja srbijanske oruane agresije i ve poinjenih masovnih zloina nad Muslimanima/Bonjacima u istonoj BiH, navodi kako se ne radi ni o kakvoj borbi za proirenje Srbije. Srpski narod u BiH eli da odbrani svoj goli opstanak. Prije toga se, s istom svrhom, navodi kako je oruane sukobe u BiH otpoela vojska Republike Hrvatske te da meunarodna zajednica nije nita uinila da se hrvatska agresija zaustavi.226 Sredinom kolovoza 1992. g. Srpska Republika Bosna i Hercegovina promijenila je naziv u Republika Srpska (RS).

221

Borba (dnevni list), Beograd, 10. sijenja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 119-121;

(3D00320).
222 223 224 225

Jednom odlukom iz Ugovora u Maastrichtu (07. veljae 1992. g.) promijenjen je naziv EZ u EU. Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 386. Isto, str. 386. Veernje novosti (dnevna novina), Beograd, 08. travnja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str.

169-170; (3D00320).
226

Isto, str. 171-172; (3D00320).

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U drugoj polovici rujna 1992. g., donesen je Protokol o saradnji izmeu Republike Srpske i Republike Srpske Krajine, koji je praktino predvidio ustrojavanje jedne drave. Naime, Protokolom je predviena saradnja dvije republike u svim oblastima ekonomskog i drutvenog ivota te da e se izanalizirati sva postojea ustavna i zakonodavna rjeenja i predloiti Skuptinama potrebna usaglaavanja, radi uspostavljanja istog oblika vladavine i politikog sistema odreivanje istih dravnih simbola Obje republike su se sloile da granice i graninih prelaza izmeu republika nee biti zajedniki e se organizovati i vriti odbrana suverenosti formiranjem zajednikih snaga i uspostavljanjem jedinstvene komande. Zatim, suradnja je podrazumijevala uspostavljanje jedinstvenog obrazovnog sistema punovanost zdravstvene dokumentacije i linih zdravstvenih isprava u obje republike uspostavljanje jedinstvenog informativnog sistema .227 U narednom koraku, krajem listopada 1992. g., dvije skuptine (RSK i RS), na zajednikoj sjednici odranoj u Prijedoru, usvojili su tzv. Prijedorsku Deklaraciju u kojoj objavljuju da e pravni sistemi u Republici Srpska Krajina i Republici Srpskoj biti identini, da stupaju u obrambeni savez u monetarnu i carinsku uniju zaduuju nadlene organe dviju republika da odmah formiraju odgovarajua zajednika tijela radi postizanja objavljenih ciljeva, te: Svi vidovi saradnje e se ponuditi i drugim srpskim dravama Pokrenue se inicijativa za sazivanje svesrpske skuptine (Republike Srpska Krajina, Republike Srpske, Republike Srbije i Republike Crne Gore) Skuptina Republike srpske i Republike Srpska Krajina objavljuju opredjeljenje srpskog naroda u ovim republikama za dravno ujedinjenje.228

II.-3.3 Hrvatska Republika Herceg-Bosna (HRHB)

Odlukom o uspostavi Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosne (HZHB) od 18. studenog 1991. g., HZHB je odreena kao politika, kulturna, gospodarstvena i podruna cjelina, a ine je podruja opina koje su poimenice nabrojane u lanku 2. Odluke. U lanku 5. navodi se: Zajednica e tovati demokratski izabranu vlast Republike Bosne i Hercegovine dok

227

Protokol, Hrvatski informativni centar (HIC), Zagreb, dokumentacija, dokument br.: L-A002/041;

dokument preuzet iz M. Tuman, Istina, str. 245-248; (3D00320).

228

U Radulovi, Sran, Sudbina Krajine, Beograd, 1996, str. 154-155; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M.,

Istina, str. 290-292; (3D00320).

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postoji dravna nezavisnost Bosne i Hercegovine u odnosu na Jugoslaviju.

229

bivu ili svaku drugu

U ovoj kratkoj Odluci je navedeno i slijedee: Vrhovnitvo zajednice je Predsjednitvo koje ine predstavnik hrvatskog naroda u opinskoj vlasti, prvi po funkciji ili predsjednici opinskih odbora Hrvatske demokratske zajednice. Predsjednitvo bira predsjednika, dva potpredsjednika i tajnika. Meutim, zbog niza razliitih dogaaja u prvoj polovici 1992. godine (sukobi u stranci, referendum, meunarodno priznanje BiH, pojaavanje srbijanske oruane agresije), HZHB se mjesecima nije gotovo uope institucijski ustrojavala. Vano je naglasiti da su lanovi HDZBiH sudjelovali u institucijama sredinjih vlasti (S)RBiH, kako tada, tako i u narednim godinama. U prvoj polovici travnja 1992. g. Predsjednitvo HZHB - suoeno s agresijom na prostoru HZHB te svjesno nemoi legalne vlasti Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, posebno raspada njenog obrambenog sustava - donijelo je veoma kratku (nekoliko redaka) Odluku o formiranju Hrvatskog vijea obrane (HVO).230 Odreeno je da se HVO uspostavlja kao vrhovno tijelo obrane hrvatskog naroda u HZHB, te da e se brinuti o obrani suvereniteta prostora HZHB i o zatiti hrvatskog naroda, kao i drugih naroda u ovoj zajednici napadnutih od bilo kojeg agresora. Odluku je potpisao Predsjednik HVO i HZHB mr. Mate Boban.231 Sredinom svibnja 1992. g. Predsjednitvo HZHB je donijelo Statutarnu odluku o privremenom ustrojstvu izvrne vlasti i uprave na podruju HZHB.232 Odluka je dopunjena i izmijenjena poetkom srpnja 1992. godine. U prvom lanku je odreeno: Ustanovljava se Hrvatsko vijee obrane kao najvie tijelo izvrne vlasti i uprave na podruju HZHB, s tim da je to privremeno tijelo koje e svoje ovlasti obavljati do momenta uspostave redovite izvrne vlasti i uprave.233 HVO HZHB je imao est odjela: obrana, unutarnji poslovi, gospodarstvo, financije, drutvene djelatnosti, te pravosue i uprava), a mogla su se osnivati i samostalna struna i druga tijela.234 HVO HZHB je obavljao nadzor nad radom svojih odjela
229 230

Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina..., str. 99-100; (3D00320). Odluka, dokument objavljen u Narodnom listu HZHB, broj 1, rujan 1992, str. 4; (P00151). To to prvi broj

Narodnog lista HZHB izaao tek u rujnu posredno ukazuje na tadanju nisku razinu ustrojenosti HZHB.
231 232 233 234

Isto; (P00151). Narodni list, br. 1, str. 5-7. (1D00156). Isto, str. 5; (P00290). Isto, str. 7; (P00290).

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i opinskih HVO, s tim to je imao pravo i dunost raspustiti opinski HVO ako je on krio temeljne odredbe HZHB.235 Sredinom lipnja 1992. g. HVO HZHB je donio Statutarnu odluku kojom je odreeno da poslove izvrne vlasti na opinskoj razini u HZHB obavlja opinsko Hrvatsko vijee obrane.236 Tek poetkom srpnja 1992. g. Predsjednitvo HZHB je donijelo niz odluka, uredbi i propisnika s kojima se formalno donekle reguliraju osnovni odnosi u HZHB. Tako je, nakon sedamipol mjeseci jo jedanput donesena (izmijenjena i dopunjena) Odluka o uspostavi HZHB. U odnosu na prvobitnu Odluku, u novu inaicu uvrten je novi dio - Razlozi uspostave - u kojem se izmeu ostalog kae: Suoeni s bezobzirnom agresijom Jugoslavenske armije ogromnim brojem rtava, patnji i stradanja kao i ruenjem Bosne i Hercegovine i njenih legalno izabranih tijela. zakonodavno tijelo.238 Najvia tijela vlasti HZHB nisu donosila zakone, nego uredbe, odluke itd., u kojima su prihvaali postojee zakone ili dijelove zakona drave RBiH, s najeom napomenom da se propisi primjenjuju na podruju Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosne za vrijeme neposredne ratne opasnosti ili ratnog stanja. Veoma je vano je naglasiti da su sve formalne odluke, uredbe dokumenti, koje su od srpnja 1992. g. donosila najvia tijela HZHB, u institucijskom potpisu na prvom mjestu imali naziv REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA a ispod toga HRVATSKA ZAJEDNICA HERCEG-BOSNA. Isto tako, ova dravno upravna hijerarhijska razina se dosljedno potivala i kod slubenih obrazaca, kolskih svjedodbi, uvjerenja, vojnih iskaznica i drugih dokumenata koji su bili u opticaju na podruju HZHB. Propisani grafiki izgled ovih dokumenata i u slikovnom obliku je objavljivan u Narodnom listu, slubenom glasilu HZHB (HRHB).
237

U novoj Odluci uvedena je i dunost

Predsjednika HZHB koje prije nije bilo, a Predsjednitvo HZHB je odreeno kao

235 236 237 238

Isto, str. 6; (P00290). Isto, str. 8; (P00250). Isto, str. 2; (P00302). Isto, str. 2-3. (P00302).

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Prilog 12: Propisani izgled prednje stranice osobne iskaznice u HZHB (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 12/93, str. 328)

Prilog 13: Propisani izgled prednje stranice vojne iskaznice u HZHB (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 7/92, str. 36)

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Prilog 14: Propisani izgled prednje stranice prometne dozvole u HZHB (gornji dio) (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 1/93, str. 16)

Prilog 15: Propisani izgled svjedodbe o zavrenoj osnovnoj koli (gornji dio) (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, str. 256)

Prilog 16: Propisani izgled prednje stranice Matine knjige srednjih kola u HZHB (gornji dio) (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, str. 264)

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Prilog 17: Propisani izgled izvatka iz matine knjige roenih u HZHB (gornji dio) (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, str. 393)

Prilog 18: Propisani izgled izvatka iz matine knjige roenih u HZHB (gornji dio) (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, str. 394)

Prilog 19: Propisani izgled izvatka iz matine knjige roenih u HZHB (gornji dio) (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, str. 395)

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Naziv, status i ustroj HZHB nije se bitnije mijenjao do pred kraj kolovoza 1993. godine. Tada je donesena Temeljna odluka o uspostavi i proglaenju Hrvatske Republike Herceg-Bosne (HRHB).239 Na donoenje ove odluke - i ostalih odluka koje su iz nje proizlazile utjecao je niz imbenika, no svakako je daleko najznaajniji bio tzv. OwenStoltenbergov mirovni plan,240 koji je BiH predvidio kao zajedniku dravu (uniju) koja se sastoji od tri konstitutivne republike, te da e sporazum legitimnih predstavnika republika (nacija) u BiH stupiti na snagu kada se postigne suglasnost oko zemljovida i privitaka koji se odnose na striktne garancije prava ovjeka.241 Ovaj mirovni plan, kao i slini planovi prije i poslije njega, bio je vie mjeseci u sreditu pregovarake, politike i vojne pozornosti; prihvaan je i odbacivan, nekoliko puta je mijenjan i dopunjavan. Openito, na temelju ve ranije razbuktanih nacionalnih oekivanja i bojazni, mirovni planovi meunarodne zajednice su bitno utjecali na vojna i politika dogaanja u BiH i u njenom okruenju.242 Pored ostalog, na pojedinim lokalitetima BiH izbijali su politiki i oruani sukobi izmeu dijelova hrvatskih i muslimansko/bonjakih politikih i vojnih struktura, a na vie mjesta su poinjeni razliiti zloini nad civilnim stanovnitvom koje je bilo drugaije vjere i nacionalnosti. Iako je i Owen-Stoltenbergov mirovni plan na koncu propao, struktura vlasti HRHB je postupala kao da je plan prihvaen te je nastavila donositi odgovarajua politika i zakonska rjeenja koja su trebala uspostaviti HRHB kao jednu od konstitutivnih republika koje ine zajedniku dravu BiH. Osim Temeljne odluke, doneseni su: Odluka o konstituiranju Zastupnikog doma HRHB, Ukaz o proglaenju Zakona o Vladi HRHB itd.243 Takvo postupanje strukture HRHB (kao i prije HZHB) uklapalo se u produbljivanje postojeeg meunacionalnog nepovjerenja i nesnoljivosti na prostoru BiH i pridonosilo je daljnjim dezintegrirajuim procesima u BiH. To sigurno nije bio nacionalni interes Hrvata u BiH, jer (izmeu ostalog) vei dio Hrvata ivio je na drugim podrujima BiH, koja nije obuhvaala HRHB.
239 240

Narodni list HRHB, br. 1, listopad 1993, str. 5-6; (P04611). R. Owen i T. Stoltenberg bili su tada supredsjedatelji Meunarodne konferencije o bivoj Jugoslaviji, koji su

kao mirovni posrednici, na temelju pregovora s akterima s podruja bive Jugoslavije, ponudili mirovni plan za BiH; (3D00320).
241 242 243

Detalji o dokumentu preuzeti iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 414-415 i 429-431; (3D00320). O tome vidi dokumente u Tuman, M., Istina, str. 410-490; (3D00320). Za ove i sukladne dokumente vidi Narodni list HRHB, 1, listopad 1993; (P04589).

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Pritom, kao i u vrijeme HZHB, u formalnom pogledu je na svim slubenim dokumentima HRHB u potpunosti potivana hijerarhija dravnih naziva, to znai da je na prvom mjestu redovito stajao naziv Bosna i Hercegovina, a ispod toga Hrvatska Republika Herceg-Bosna. Meutim, usprkos velikoj normativnoj produkciji, struktura HRHB kao i ranije pod nazivom HZHB nije na nijednoj razini (unutar hrvatskog korpusa u BiH, u odnosima s muslimansko/bonjakom strukturom, u odnosima sa Republikom Hrvatskom i u odnosima s meunarodnom zajednicom) uspijevala stabilizirati situaciju. Odnosno, u cijelom razdoblju 1990.-1995. g. (a i nakon toga) unutarnja sinergija hrvatske strukture u BiH, kao i njen opi poloaj u odnosu na srpsku strukturu u BiH i muslimansko/bonjaku strukturu, bili su uvjerljivo nekvalitetniji, slabiji i neuspjeniji. Istraivaki je otvoreno pitanje o uzrocima i imbenicima koji su doveli do toga, no to se sigurno ne moe objasniti samo malobrojnou Hrvata u BiH, jer je ta malobrojnost, sama po sebi, olakavala kvalitetnije strukturiranje hrvatskih nacionalnih interesa u BiH. Tako su hrvatske strukture u BiH u cijelom predratnom, ratnom i poratnom razdoblju ostale nejedinstvene prema razliitim osnovama; regionalnoj pripadnosti, politikim uvjerenjima i ciljevima, skupnim i osobnim interesima itd. Stoga je ope stanje i postupanje hrvatskih struktura u BiH bilo naelno veoma slino stanju i postupanju muslimansko/bonjake strukture, a slini su bili i konani uinci. Odnosno, i hrvatske strukture su bile (jo i vie od muslimansko/bonjakih) unutar sebe heterogene, ali je prevladavao dio koji se zatvarao u povrno i usko odreene nacionalne interese, u ime kojih su zapravo ostvarivani interesi malih skupina koje su stjecajem okolnosti uspjele doi do velike institucijske i materijalne moi, s kojom su asocijalno raspolagale. Meu tri vodee nacionalne stranke u BiH, HDZBiH je bio u najveem unutarnjem rasulu, to se na prvi pogled oitovalo u brojnim dramatinim smjenama kako na elu stranke (predsjednici i tajnici) tako i u civilnim (HZHB i HRHB) i vojnim (HVO) upravljakim strukturama. Neuspostavljanje brze i pune politike i vojne suradnje izmeu hrvatske i muslimansko/bonjake strukture, te djelomini oruani sukobi i zloini koji su se na pojedinim lokalitetima - meusobno dogaali ne mogu se nikako opravdati, te su jednak i golemi neuspjeh i hrvatskih i muslimansko/bonjakih struktura, jer su u krajnje jasnom odnosu snaga u BiH bili upueni na punu zajedniku obranu od srbijanske agresije (to se poelo u punoj mjeri ostvarivati tek nakon oujka 1994. g., tj. nakon potpisivanja

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Washingtonskih sporazuma). No, na cjelokupnu situaciju u BiH bitno su utjecali i krugovi imbenika, interesa i aktera koji su bili izvan prostora BiH, te ih se takoer mora primjereno uvaavati pri objektivnom razumijevanju i prosuivanju dogaanja u BiH.244 Strukture HDZBiH, HZHB i potom HRHB su - zbog niza razloga - bile u odreenoj mjeri materijalno, vojno i politiki ovisne o Republici Hrvatskoj, kao to je sigurnost i stabilnost (naroito junih dijelova) Republike Hrvatske ovisila i o razvoju situacije u BiH. No, jedna dimenzija tog meuodnosa je to su kontinuirano nestabilno i kaotino stanje hrvatskih struktura u BiH slabili i poziciju Republike Hrvatske u odnosu prema meunarodnoj zajednici (od koje je Hrvatska oekivala pomo za povratak dijela okupiranoga teritorija) i u odnosu prema dravi BiH (koju je Hrvatska pomagala u golemim razmjerima radi svojih stratekih interesa),245 jer se i u dijelu meunarodne zajednice i u BiH oblikovao i prevladao neosnovani stereotip da Republika Hrvatska tajno radi na propasti i podjeli drave BiH.246 Za objektivno razumijevanje ove teme vano je naglasiti da je HZHB (i HRHB), u studenom 1992. g., veoma jasno normativno regulirala i prekogranine odnose sa RH donoenjem Odluke o graninim prijelazima prema Republici Hrvatskoj, veljai 1993. g. donoenjem Odluke o izmjenama i dopunama Hrvatskoj.249 I na koncu, nekvaliteta i drugi nedostaci institucijske strukture Hrvata u BiH bitno su pridonijeli da su - u procesu uspostavljanja mira od strane meunarodne zajednice na prostoru BiH jedino hrvatske nacionalne institucije u BiH u velikoj mjeri dekonstruirane, s ime je dugorono dovedena u pitanje konstitutivnost Hrvata u BiH. HRHB je prestala postojati 31. kolovoza 1996. g. u skladu s daytonskim Opim okvirnim sporazumom, te sporazumom o Federaciji BiH u kojem je odreeno da e tog datuma prestati postojati ustrojstvo na teritoriju Federacije pod kontrolom HVO-a..250
248 247

te potom u

prve Odluke, i

donoenjem, u lipnju 1993. g., nove Odluke o graninim prijelazima prema Republici

244 245 246 247 248 249 250

v. Hodge, Carol, Velika Britanija i Balkan od 1991. do danas, Zagreb, 2007. Podaci o tome nalaze se u treem dijelu ove ekspertize. usp. Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni; i Tuman, Miroslav, Vrijeme krivokletnika, Zagreb, 2006. Narodni list, 6/92, str. 42. Isto, 4/93, str. 88. Isto, 10/93, str. 239. Vjesnik (dnevna novina), Zagreb, 16. kolovoza 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 697-

698; (3D00320).

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II.-4 REFERENDUM

Dogaanja na prostoru BiH, u razdoblju 1990.-1995. g., optereena su mnogobrojnim i razliitim interesima, nestabilnim povijesnim nasljeem te neizgraenim institucijama. Uz to, i ove nestalnosti su se znaajno mijenjale tijekom rata, to - sve skupa - znatno oteava nastanak objektivnih spoznaja o cjelini, pojedinim dijelovima i akterima tog procesa. U takvoj situaciji, referendum koji se odrao u BiH predstavlja posebno znaajan dogaaj, zbog dva osnovna razloga. Prvo, referendum je jedan od najvanijih instrumenta neposredne demokracije, kojim se utvruje volja graana o bitnim pitanjima. Drugo, u sloenoj i promjenjivoj situaciji u BiH, iz odnosa upravljakih struktura pojedinog konstitutivnog naroda BiH prema referendumskom pitanju o dravno-politikoj budunosti BiH s velikom jasnoom se mogu prepoznavati temelji njihove politike koncepcije. Sredinom prosinca 1991. g. Ministarsko vijee Europske zajednice (EZ) je izradilo i prihvatilo Smjernice za formalno priznavanje novih drava u istonoj Europi i Sovjetskom Savezu251 i Deklaraciju o Jugoslaviji.252 Na temelju odreenja u ovim dokumentima drava SRBiH je zatraila meunarodno priznanje, a Arbitrana komisija Mirovne konferencije o Jugoslaviji je, 11. sijenja 1992. g., donijela Miljenje broj 4 u kojem navodi da - prema uvidu u izjave i obveze koje je preuzela BiH drava BiH ispunjava uvjete za priznanje, osim to se srpski lanovi Predsjednitva nisu pridruili navedenim izjavama i obvezama.253 Zakljueno je: U tim okolnostima Arbitrana komisija dri da se izrazi volje puanstva Bosne i Hercegovine da SR BiH konstituiraju kao suverenu i neovisnu dravu ne mogu smatrati potpuno utvrenima. Meutim, ovo miljenje se moe promijeniti ako republika koja je podnijela zahtjev za priznanje donese jamstva u tom pogledu putem referenduma na koji bi bili pozvani svi graani Bosne i Hercegovine, bez ikakvih razlika i pod meunarodnom kontrolom.254
251

U Milardovi, Anelko, Dokumenti o dravnosti Republike Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1992, str. 136; dokument

preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 11-112; (3D00320).

252

Slobodna Dalmacija (dnevna novina), Split, 18. prosinca 1991; dokument je preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina,

str. 113-114; (3D00320).

253 254

Vjesnik, 23. sijenja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 126-128; (3D00320). Tuman, M., Istina, str. 128; (3D00320).

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Skuptina SRBiH je 25. sijenja 1992. g. donijela Odluku o raspisivanju referenduma o nezavisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Za Odluku su glasovali zastupnici svih stranaka osim SDSBIH i Srpskog pokreta obnove (SPO), koji su prije glasovanja napustili zasjedanje Skuptine. Referendum je zakazan za 29. veljae i 1. oujka 1992. godine. Sukladno glasovanju u Skuptini SRBiH, muslimansko/bonjake strukture i hrvatske strukture u BiH te institucije Republike Hrvatske su, u razdoblju do referenduma, javno zagovarale izlazak graana BiH na referendum i glasovanje za neovisnu dravu BiH. Odreene nesuglasice odnosile su se na dio formulacije referendumskog pitanja, jer je HDZBiH predlagao da se u referendumskom pitanju naglasi da je BiH dravna zajednica konstitutivnih i suverenih naroda hrvatskog, muslimanskog i srpskog u njihovim nacionalnim podrujima (kantonima).255 Dok se ekalo provoenje referenduma, srpske strukture u BiH sve ee su ga osuivale i najavljivale da Srbi na njega nee izai. Prije odravanja referenduma, u organizaciji srpskih struktura, diljem BiH osvanule su barikade i odjekivale eksplozije bombi, a no uoi referenduma obilovala je pucnjavom i zastraivanjem graana.256 U vrijeme odravanja referenduma, SDS postavlja barikade u Sarajevu s namjerom da se omete prikupljanje glasakih kutija.257 Republiko izborno povjerenstvo BiH je, 09. oujka 1992. g., proglasilo konane i slubene rezultate referenduma. Od ukupno, priblino, 3.250.000 glasaa na referendum je izalo i glasovalo 64,3% graana s pravom glasa. Od toga je ak 99,4% glasovalo za suverenu i neovisnu dravu BiH. Referendum je provoen na priblino 5.000 glasakih mjesta i uspjeno je proveden u 107 od 109 bosansko-hercegovakih opina. Nije proveden jedino u Drvaru i Bosanskom Grahovu i djelomino u bosanskom Brodu.258

255

U eki, S., n. dj., str. 312; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 133; (3D00320). O politikom

postupanju muslimansko/bonjake i hrvatske strukture vezano za referendum, te o ulozi meunarodne zajednice, znaajan je i dokument koji govori o zatvorenoj (tajnoj) sjednici Glavnog odbora SDA, odranoj 25. veljae 1992. g. u Sarajevu; v. tjednik Dani (Sarajevo), 07. oujka 2008.
256 257 258

Kronologija rata, str. 142. Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 385. Kronologija rata, str. 147.

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II.-5 ORUANE SNAGE NACIONALNIH ENTITETA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

II.-5.1 Vojska Republike Srpske (VRS)

Kljuna institucija za nastanak VRS bila je JNA, koja je bila jedna od najvanijih institucijskih sastavnica cijelog velikosrbijanskog projekta. JNA je imala sve pretpostavke za oruano organiziranje Srba i na teritoriju BiH, jer je na njemu sukladno jugoslavenskoj obrambenoj koncepciji - imala rasporeene veoma jake snage. Tako je JNA na prostoru BiH ve 1990. g. u skladu s nareenjem Generaltaba Oruanih snaga SFRJ, te politikih i vojnih subjekata Srbije i Crne Gore planski i organizovano naoruavala lanove i simpatizere SDS.259 Iz dokumenata koji su se nalazili u zapovjednitvu jugoslavenske Druge (sarajevske) vojne oblasti vidi se da je JNA do 19. marta 1992. godine srpskim dobrovoljakim jedinicama podelila oko 51.900 komada streljakog naoruanja, a posebno su lanovi SDS dobili 23.298 komada.260 Vojne snage JNA u BiH znaajno su pojaane od ljeta do listopada 1991. g., kad je vei dio postrojbi i opreme JNA povuen iz Slovenije i uglavnom smjeten na prostor BiH. U studenom 1991. g. sklopljen je sporazum JNA s Republikom Hrvatskom o povlaenju JNA iz etrdesetak vojarni koje su u blokadi drale hrvatske snage, te je narednih mjeseci JNA iz Hrvatske izvukla 310 tenkova, 210 oklopnih transportera, 260 topova, 210 zrakoplova i 40 helikoptera, kao i 4 podmornice, 4 fregate i 38 manjih ratnih brodova.261 Na taj nain je na podruju BiH poetkom 1992. g. dolo do goleme koncentracije srbijanskih vojnih snaga, a tadanja elna osoba JNA, general Veljko Kadijevi je jasno naveo
259 260

Divjak, j., n. dj. str. 183. Isto, str. 183; Jedan od trojice snajperista koje su specijalci MUP-a uhapsili dok su iz hotela Hollidy Inn 6.

aprila 1992. pucali na masu okupljenu pred Skuptinom BiH bio je Branko Kovaevi, zamenik sekretara za narodnu obranu Sarajeva, a pre toga lini sekretar Radovana Karadia.
261

Kulenovi, Tarik, Pripreme za rat i poetak rata u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992. godine, u Polemos, 1,

Zagreb, 1998, str. 104.

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razloge: Procjenjujui daljnji razvoj dogaaja, smatrali smo da nakon naputanja Hrvatske, u BiH treba imati jake snage JNA. To je odgovaralo svakoj realnoj moguoj opciji razvoja dogaaja u BiH.262 Sukladno tome, na samom kraju 1991. g. krnje (prosrbijansko) Predsjednitvo SFRJ je donijelo odluku o reorganizaciji JNA. Plan reorganizacije izradili su poetkom 1992. g. Savezni sekretarijat za narodnu obranu (SSNO) i Ministarstvo obrane Republike Srbije, pod nazivom Koncept formiranja jugoslavenskih obrambenih snaga. U planu je JNA pozvana da nastavi sa zatitom srpskog stanovnitva izvan Srbije transferom svojih zapovjednih struktura u postrojbe Teritorijalne obrane i opskrbom tih snaga osobnim naoruanjem, topnitvom, oklopnim postrojbama i raketnim lansirnim sustavima. Ministarstva obrane SAO-a u Hrvatskoj i BiH bila su potinjena Ministarstvu obrane Srbije s kojim su trebala koordinirati svoje obrambene planove, zajedniki tititi vanjske granice i ustavni poredak. SAO su trebale organizirati svoje oruane snage i novaiti vojne obveznike, uz prethodno doputenje Beograda. Operativno zapovjednitvo nad svim snagama imao je Generaltab JNA.263 U prvoj polovici sijenja 1992. g., usporedo s proglaenjem Republike srpskog naroda u BiH, Miloevi izdaje tajnu naredbu da se u BiH vrate svi oficiri JNA roeni u toj republici.264 Nakon meunarodnog priznanja BiH (07. travnja 1992.) i usprkos tome to je JNA ve prije postala nositelj srbijanske oruane agresije na BiH, Predsjednitvo RBiH je, na svojim sjednicama u drugoj polovici travnja 1992. g., najprije pozvalo snage JNA na teritoriji Republike Bosne i Hercegovine da se stave pod komandu legalnih vlasti ove republike i da osujete snage agresora na svim poljima.265 Meutim, na sjednici odranoj pred kraj travnja 1992., Predsjednitvo RBiH, polazei od injenice da je BiH suverena i meunarodno priznata drava i da je proglaena Savezna Republika Jugoslavija, donijelo je Odluku o povlaenju jedinica JNA sa teritorije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine.266

262 263

Kadijevi, V., Moje vienje raspada, Beograd, 1993, str. 147. Vego, Milan, The Yugoslav Ground Forces, u Jane's Intelligence Review, 5, 6, 1993, str. 250.; navod

preuzet iz Kulenovi, T., n. dj., str. 107-108.

264 265

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 384. Zapisnik 69. sjednice Predsjednitva BiH, odrane 13. i 14. aprila 1992. godine, objavljeno u National

Security and the Future, vol. 7, nr. 3, 2006, str. 136.

266

Zapisnik 79 sjednice Predsjednitva BiH , objavljeno u National Security, vol. 7, nr. 3, 2006, str. 178.

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Uskoro iza toga, 04. svibnja 1992. g., Generaltab JNA je objavio povlaenje vojnog osoblja i njihovih obitelji iz BiH, koji nisu stanovnici BiH dok su pripadnici saveznih snaga, stanovnici BiH transformirani u Teritorijalnu obranu Srpske Republike Bosne i Hercegovine (kasnije VRS).267 Sredinom svibnja 1992. g. pukovnik JNA Ratko Mladi, zapovjednik Kninskog korpusa JNA, postavljen je za komandanta srpske vojske u BiH, odnosno Vojske Republike Srpske (VRS).268 Organizacijski, VRS je bio podijeljen u pet korpusa: 1. krajiki korpus (Banja Luka), 2. krajiki korpus (Drvar), 3. sjevernobosanski korpus, 4. istonobosanski korpus (sarajevskoromanijski) i 5. hercegovaki korpus.269 U tom razdoblju, ukupna snaga svih korpusa VRS iznosila je izmeu 90.000 i 100.000 dobro naoruanih vojnika, pitomaca i stareina, 750-800 tenkova, oko 1.000 oklopnih transportera i drugih oklopnih vozila, vie od 4.000 minobacaa i artiljerijskih orua, te do 100 aviona i 50 helikoptera.270 Prema tome, VRS je nastala od velikih dijelova JNA, dijelova Teritorijalne obrane s podruja BiH i od razliitih paravojnih postrojbi. No, Kadijevi je s pravom zakljuio: Komande i jedinice JNA su inile kimu vojske Republike Srpske sa kompletnim naoruanjem i opremom. Ta vojska je, uz puni oslonac na srpski narod stvorila vojnike pretpostavke za adekvatna politika reenja, koja e odgovarati njegovim nacionalnim interesima i ciljevima, razume se, u meri koju to sadanje meunarodne okolnosti dozvoljavaju. 271

II.-5.2 Armija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine (ARBiH)

Zaetak ARBiH nalazio se u (polu)tajnom vojnom dijelu Patriotske lige (PL), koje je krajem 1990. ili poetkom 1991. g. osnovano pod okriljem SDA. Vojni dio PL radio je na

267 268 269 270 271

Zapisnik 79. sjedniceodrane 27. aprila 1992. godine , u Isto, str. 177. Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 184. Kulenovi, T., n. dj., str. 108. Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 184. Kadijevi, V., n. dj., str. 148; usp. Domazet, Davor, Uloga JNA kao srpske imperijalne sile u

bosanskohercegovakom ratu, Hrvatski vojnik, Zagreb, 1998. (teksta je preveden i na engleski jezik: The Role of JNA as Serbian imperiale force in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina); v. odgovarajue grafike prikaze na www.slobodanpraljak.com

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organiziranju oruanog otpora, a civilni dio PL je - kroz SDA i strukturu vlasti BiH koju su inili lanovi SDA - nastojao pregovorima pronai politiko rjeenje na razini Jugoslavije ili na razini BiH. Prve postrojbe PL osnivane su u konspirativnim uvjetima, na dragovoljakoj osnovi, bez jasnog vojnikog ustroja i hijerarhije. Zbog toga je postojalo i mnotvo naziva postrojbi (Bosna-1, Bosna-2, Zelene beretke itd.), bez prepoznatljivosti o vrsti i brojnosti postrojbi. Zapovjednik PL-a bio je Sefer Halilovi, koji je bio asnik JNA i suradnik Kontraobavjetajne slube (KOS) JNA. PL je postupno postajala sve brojnija i organiziranija, te je na vojnom savjetovanju u Mehuriima kod Travnika (7.-8. 2. 1992.) ustanovljeno da Patriotska liga raspolae sa 60 do 70.000 naoruanih lanova. Sustav je pokrivao cijelu BiH, a sastojao se od Glavnog stoera PL-a na razini Republike, devet regionalnih stoera, 103 opinska stoera i velikog broja razliitih postrojbi, organiziranih u formacije od voda do brigade.272 Dan nakon meunarodnog priznanja BiH, 08. travnja 1992. g., Predsjednitvo RBiH donijelo je uredbu sa zakonskom snagom o ukidanju dosadanjeg Republikog taba teritorijalne odbrane i obrazovanju taba teritorijalne odbrane Republike Bosne i Hercegovine (tab TORBiH), a za komandanta je imenovan pukovnik Hasan Efendi. Odlueno je da o upotrebi teritorijalne odbrane odluuje Predsjednitvo Republike. Na istoj sjednici je donesena i odluka o proglaenju neposredne ratne opasnosti, te odluka o izmjeni naziva Socijalistika Republika Bosna i Hercegovina u naziv Republika Bosna i Hercegovina.273 Toga (08. travnja 1992. g., op. a.) i narednoga dana lojalnost novom tabu TO napismeno je izrazilo 40 od 48 pripadnika ranijeg Republikog taba TO 1990. u BiH je bilo devet okrunih tabova TO, a toga ih je dana (08. travnja 1992. g., op. a.) sedam napismeno potvrdilo da prihvataju odluku to su uinila i 73 optinska taba od ukupno 109.274 Na slijedeoj sjednici (09. travnja 1992.) Predsjednitvo RBiH je donijelo Odluku o objedinjavanju svih naoruanih snaga na teritoriji Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, prema kojoj su svi naoruani sastavi i pojedinci, osim snaga JNA i snaga MUP-a, duni da se

272 273

Kulenovi, T., n. dj., str. 105; usp. Halilovi, S., n. dj., str. 120. Zapisnik 65. sjednice Predsjednitva Socijalistike Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, u National Security,

7, 3, 2006, str.126.
274

Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 187.

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prijave mjesno nadlenom tabu TO radi stavljanja pod jedinstvenu komandu i dobivanja jedinstvenog obiljeja. To je znailo da su i sve postrojbe Patriotske lige trebale ui u sustav novog TO-a u BiH. Glavni tab Patriotske lige prikljuio se tabu TORBiH odmah 12. aprila.275 Tada je zapoelo postupno preustrojavanje i ujednaavanje dotadanjih postrojbi: pristupa se u maju i junu organizovanju tabova i jedinica TO vodova, eta i bataljona, u junu i julu stvaraju se brigade, a od septembra do kraja 1992. godine korpusi.276 Meutim, veliku objektivnu tekou - koja je bitno usporavala te dovodila u pitanje ujednaenost i postojanost navedenog procesa integracije oruanih snaga RBiH predstavljala je vojna i komunikacijska izoliranost Sarajeva, koje je bilo formalno sredite vojne i politike vlasti, koja je oteano vodila komunikaciju i jo tee nadzirala djelovanje podreenih struktura.277 U ustrojavanju Oruanih snaga RBiH pojavili su se i mnogi drugi problemi, a neki su potrajali i do kraja rata.278 Dva velika tehnika problema bila su nedostatak vojno obrazovanih strunjaka,279 te nedostatak oruja i municije, a oko 75% pripadnika oruanih snaga prvu je godinu rata provelo u civilnoj odei i obui I oznake su bile razliite od amblema TO i Patriotske lige preko grbova raznih gradova (Tuzla, Mostar) do traka oko rukava.280 Druge vrste problema bilo je puno tee prevladavati. Radilo se o injenici da je Patriotska liga zadrala svoj stoer, koji je bio odvojen od TO, a suparnitvo koje je iz toga neizbjeno proizlazilo nije okonano ni kada je Republiki tab TO formalno preuzeo zapovjednitvo nad svim postrojbama u BiH koje su bile osnovane na politikoj platformi PL.281 Osim toga, na nejedinstvenost Oruanih snaga RBiH je bitno utjecala i injenica da je trebalo objediniti i druge veoma razliite vojske i postrojbe: Hrvatsko vijee obrane (HVO),

275 276 277

Isto, str. 187. Isto, str. 189. v. imi, Tomo, Djelovanje Predsjednitva BiH u uvjetima bitno smanjene komunikacije izmeu Sarajeva i

drugih dijelova BiH, u National Security and the Future, vol. 7, nr. 1-2, 2006, str. 115-161.
278 279

Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 189. Isto, str. 189: U mnogim brigadama na dunostima komandanata bili su ljudi koji ak nisu bili odsluili ni

vojni rok, a u jednoj su se brigadi, koja je imala vie od 5.000 pripadnika, ak hvalili kako nemaju nijednoga oficira ili podoficira.
280 281

Isto, str. 189. Hoare, M. A., n. dj., str. 213.

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Hrvatske obrambene snage (HOS), Zelene beretke kao stranaku miliciju SDA i druge grupe otpora koje su nastajale u raznim krajevima irom Bosne i Hercegovine.282 Na najviim i visokim zapovjednim razinama poseban problem je bio u tome to su u strukturi civilne i vojne vlasti presudnu vanost zadobivali osobni odnosi meu pojedinim politiarima, dunosnicima i zapovjednicima,283 pa je utjecaj politikih i vojnih voa na vojna pitanja ovisio o njihovoj vlastitoj mrei patronsko-klijentskih odnosa, to je pak dalo poticaja borbama za mo.284 Sve je to bilo dio ireg procesa u sklopu kojeg su se elnici i dunosnici SDA te birokrati i sigurnosni asnici bivega komunistikog reima stapali u novu bonjaku elitu.285 U takvoj uglavnom nekontroliranoj situaciji, nije uope zanemarivo to su u razliitim dijelovima BiH i kriminalni elementi u bosanskim oruanim snagama takoer imali vlastite sebine interese. Primjerice, kad se radi o opsadi Sarajeva, interes kriminalnih skupina koje su bile dio obrane bio je u tome da se zadri opsada i unosno crno trite pri emu su djelovali u suradnji s kolegama kriminalcima meu srpskim vojnicima koji su drali opsadu i onima u HVO-u. Zapovjednik bosanskog prvoga (sarajevskog) korpusa tvrdi da je crte bojinice na Igmanu kontrolirala mafija svih nacionalnosti.286 Ve u drugoj polovici svibnja 1992. g., s mjesta zapovjednika taba TORBiH je smijenjen H. Efendi, a postavljen je S. Halilovi. Dana 04. srpnja 1992. g. oruane snage BiH su slubeno dobile naziv Armija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine (ARBiH).287 Sukobi interesa unutar SDA-ovske muslimansko/bonjake strukture, oitovali su se i u sukobima za prevlast nad ARBiH. Tako, Halilovieva se smjena razmatrala ve u srpnju 1992., ali on je tek u lipnju 1993. g., provoenjem reorganizacije Vrhovne komande ARBiH, najprije degradiran na etvrto mjesto u armijskoj hijerarhiji,288 a tijekom Operacije Trebevi (zapoela pri kraju listopada 1993. g.) Halilovi je smjesta skinut s mjesta naelnika taba i stavljen pod istragu.289
282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289

Isto, str. 213. Isto, str. 213. Isto, str. 215. Isto, str. 216. Isto, str. 217. Isto, str. 215. Isto, str. 219. Isto, str. 221; Otvoreno je pitanje koliko je na procese u ARBiH od kraja 1992. g. (kao i na druge procese u

BiH) utjecala injenica to je u prosincu 1992. g. Aliji Izetbegoviu isticao mandat na elu Predsjednitva RBiH, a Ustav je predviao smjenu (na redu je bio predstavnik Hrvata, tj. HDZ-a). No, do smjene nije dolo, jer se to

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Kada je u lipnju 1993. g. na elno mjesto ARBiH postavljen Rasim Deli zapoeo je proces dubljih, radikalnih, kadrovskih i ideolokih preobrazbi u ARBiH, s kojima je ona sve vie postajala stranaka vojska SDA, neovisna o nadzoru formalnih dravnih tijela. U skladu s time, osoba predsjednika Izetbegovia sve e izrazitije zadobivati sredinju ulogu u armijskoj propagandi.290 Od procesa reorganizacije ARBiH tijekom 1993. g. pojaalo se i islamsko usmjerenja armije.291 Simboliki izraz tog procesa oitovao se u listopadu 1994. g. kada je Izetbegovi proglaen "poasnim zapovjednikom" Sedme muslimanske brigade,292 koja se isticala radikalnom vjerskom indoktrinacijom. Snaga ARBiH se neprekidno poveavala. Godine 1993. ona je imala priblino 200.000 ljudi iako nisu svi bili naoruani, a 1994. doli smo do 250.000. Osnovni problem bio je u tome to nismo imali ni po jednu puku na jednoga vojnika.293 Tijek rata i poveavanje snage ARBiH pratile su i odgovarajue promjene vojnog ustroja. Osnovni problem postrojbi bila je njihova slaba manevarska sposobnost, pa su poetkom 1994. g. formirane operativne grupe, a u brigadama su ustrojavani manevarski bataljoni. U proljee 1995. g. rasformiraju se operativne grupe, te formiraju manevarske brigade i divizije.294 Tijekom cjelokupnog ratnog razdoblja ARBiH je na razliite naine (logistiki, ustrojbeno, obuavanjem, zajednikim djelovanjima) bila ovisna i o pomoi institucija drave RH, a to je zasebno obraeno u treem dijelu ove ekspertize.

II.-5.3 Hrvatsko vijee obrane (HVO)

Korijeni nastanka HVO-a nalaze se najprije u injenici da je veliki dio Hrvata (procjene govore o 10 do 20.000)295 iz BiH sudjelovao 1990. i 1991. g. u obrani Republike Hrvatske od srbijanske oruane agresije. Stoga je, tijekom 1991. g., na razliite naine a

(problematino) opravdavalo ratnim stanjem, te je Izetbegovi do kraja rata bio Predsjednik Predsjednitva RBiH.
290 291 292 293 294 295

Isto, str. 223. Isto, str. 222. Isto, str. 223. Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 191. Isto, str. 194. Kulenovi, T., n. dj., str. 106.

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vezano za sve otvorenije srbijanske oruane prijetnje prostoru BiH i meu Hrvate u BiH stizalo oruje za obranu te su stvarane lokalne, meusobno nepovezane dragovoljake skupine. Potrebno je naglasiti da je u obrani RH sudjelovao i, za sada, neutvreni broj Muslimana/Bonjaka iz BiH i RH, koji su takoer sudjelovali u nastanku i djelovanju HVO-a. Zatim, prostor BiH je intenzivno koriten za srbijansku oruanu agresiju na Hrvatsku, te su naroito juni dijelovi BiH u drugoj polovici 1991. g. postali sastavni dio bojita u Hrvatskoj. Na taj nain su i meu Hrvate u BiH postupno, osim oruja, poeli pristizati (vraati se) skupine i pojedinci koji su ve bili dragovoljci u Republici Hrvatskoj. U neuobiajeno sloenim (ili ak kaotinim) politikim i vojnim okolnostima koje su prevladavale naroito u poetnim godinama rata na prostoru BiH, proces ukljuivanja tadanjih pripadnika Hrvatske vojske HV (iz Republike Hrvatske) u obranu BiH, tj. u oruane postrojbe na prostoru BiH (HVO, HOS, ARBiH) predstavlja jedno od otvorenih istraivakih pitanja. No, nedvojbeno je taj proces bio brojan i dogaao se na najrazliitije naine, a u prilog tome je ila i opa situacija u RH, koja je bila neizvjesna a ustrojavanje institucijske strukture u RH bilo je u poetnom razdoblju i bilo je bitno optereeno tzv. tranzicijskim problemima. O dijelu tog procesa govori se u treem dijelu ove ekspertize. S druge strane, vitalni dravni interesi RH bili su vezani i za obranu BiH od srbijanske oruane agresije, te je stoga RH na brojne naine intenzivno pomagala obranu opstanka BiH.296 U tom kontekstu je ve 07. srpnja 1992. g. izdana kratka Uputa Ministra obrane (RH) svim zapovjednitvima Hrvatske vojske, kojom je jasno oblikovan odnos i interes drave RH prema obrani drave RBiH. Uputa glasi: Nije dozvoljeno ni jednom zapovjedniku slanje ili upotreba Hrvatske vojske izvan granica Republike Hrvatske. Svi koji to uine bez izriite zapovjedi Vrhovnog zapovjednika snosit e posljedice za svoje postupke. Ukoliko dobrovoljci iz hrvatskih postrojbi koji su rodom iz Bosne i Hercegovine ele ii na ratite i braniti svoje domove, zapovjednici ih ne smiju u tome zaustavljati.297 Prilikom procesa okupljanja razliitih naoruanih grupa i postrojbi u sustav Hrvatskog vijea obrane (HVO), kao dijela oruanih snaga HZHB (kasnije HRHB) i dijela Oruanih snaga BiH, poseban problem je bilo pitanje Hrvatskih obrambenih snaga (HOS), ije je nastajanje u Republici Hrvatskoj inicirala i kasnije dijelom nadzirala Hrvatska stranka prava (HSP). Stoer HOS-a za Hercegovinu osnovan je 03. sijenja 1992. g., a procjenjuje se da

296 297

O tome se posebno govori u treem dijelu ove ekspertize (Odnos RH prema BiH 1990.-1995. g.). Pismohrana Slobodana Praljka, POS-2-113.

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je HOS u BiH imao do 5000 pripadnika HOS je odigrao znaajnu ulogu u oslobaanju Mostara, apljine, Neuma i Stoca.298 U postrojbama HOS-a bio je i veliki broj Muslimana/Bonjaka. Zapovjednik HOS-a bio je Bla Kraljevi, iseljeni Hrvat koji je kao dragovoljac doao iz Australije i koji je zagovarao suradnju Hrvata i Muslimana/Bonjaka. Poetkom kolovoza 1992. g., Vlada u Sarajevu imenovala (je) generala Kraljevia lanom Glavnog stoera AR BiH.299 Zbog niza neslaganja koja su postojala izmeu dijelova HVO i HOS-a, Kraljevi je uskoro ubijen u zasjedi kod Mostara. Tada je - sporazumom koji su 23. kolovoza 1992. potpisali Mate Boban i naelnik Glavnog stoera HOS-a (Ante Prkain) - jedva sprijeen opi oruani sukob izmeu HOS-a i HVO-a. Nakon toga, HOS je postupno rastrojen, skupnim ili pojedinanim prijelazima u HVO ili u ARBiH. Prema procjenama koje su veoma razliite, HVO je - u politiki i vojno najkritinijem razdoblju 1992.-1993. g. vjerojatno imao izmeu 35 i 37.000 pripadnika, organiziranih u 40 do 45 postrojbi veliine bataljuna i 20 postrojbi veliine voda. Teritorijalno, u zapadnoj Hercegovini bilo je oko 20.000 pripadnika HVO-a, 10-12.000 u sjevernoj Bosni, 3000 u sredinjoj Bosni i 2000 ljudi u sjeverozapadnoj Bosni.300 No, viestruki su razlozi zbog kojih su jo uvijek naglaeno otvoreni problemi glede utvrivanja snage, djelovanja i drugih obiljeja HVO-a. Prvi razlog su (ranije naznaena) nesreenost i kaotinost (nekvaliteta) hrvatskih struktura u BiH, pa su te slabosti bile jo izraenije u oruanim postrojbama koje su se zbirno nazivale HVO, tako da je problematina i evidencijska pouzdanost, kao i podaci koji iz toga proistiu. U simbolikom pogledu je zanimljivo da je i najvie tijelo izvrne uprave i vlasti na podruju HZHB takoer nazvano HVO, 301 to je i tada i danas izazivalo zabunu kod manje upuenih u zbivanja. Najvia tijela vlasti HZHB i HRHB su tijekom 1992. i 1993. g. donijele veliki broj razliitih propisa koji su se odnosili na oruane snage, te rat i neposrednu ratnu opasnost.302

298 299 300

Kulenovi, T., n. dj., str. 106. Isto, str. 106. Isto, str. 102 i 106. U sudskom procesu koji se pred MKSJ vodi protiv Prlia i drugih navodi se: to se

tie HVO-a ukupan broj vojnika bio je 36.797, podijeljeno kao to slijedi, 20.841 Hrvat i 15.956 Muslimana. (preuzeto iz Praljak, Slobodan, Financiranje HVO-a, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008, str. 97).
301 302

Narodni list, 1, 1992, str. 5. Narodni list, 1992. g.; br. 1 (Uredba o oruanim snagama, Uredba o preuzimanju sredstava JNA i

SSNO, Uredba o postupanju s osobama zarobljenim u oruanim sukobima, Odluka o plaama i drugim

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No, praktino, oruane snage (tj. HVO) su i nadalje opstajale s nizom osnovnih slabosti. Zanimljivo je to se u esto veoma opsenim obrambeno-vojnim propisima, izuzetno rijetko koristi naziv HVO (u vojnom smislu), nego uglavnom oruane snage itd. Temeljni dokument svakako je opsena Uredba o oruanim snagama HZHB koja je donesena 03. srpnja 1992. g., a objavljena je u rujnu 1992. godine. Uredba je donekle izmijenjena sredinom listopada 1992. g. i objavljena je u studenom 1992. godine. U lanku 2. je odreeno: Obrambeni sustav HZ H-B jedinstveni je oblik ustrojstva oruanih snaga, tijela uprave i pravnih osoba u svrhu pravodobnog i organiziranog sprjeavanja od napada i drugih opasnosti oruane snage i druga tijela imaju pravo i dunost odmah zapoeti s oruanom borbom i drugim oblicima otpora protiv napadaa.303 Gotovo sve vanije ovlasti nad oruanim snagama dodijeljene su predsjedniku HZHB, koji je vrhovni zapovjednik Oruanih snaga, te utvruje Osnove ustrojstva Oruanih snaga Donosi plan uporabe i nalae uporabu Oruanih snaga Daje smjernice za poduzimanje mjera pripravnosti i mobilizacije Utvruje osnove kadrovske politike Propisuje opa i osnovna pravila Imenuje i razrjeava dunosti vojne zapovjednike.304 Meutim, praktino, u nesreenim okolnostima, nije se mogla uspostaviti znaajnija i cjelovitija koordinacija izmeu hrvatske politike i vojne komponente u BiH, a slino je bilo i unutar vojnih odnosa u HVO-u. Zapovjedna struktura u HVO-u, pogotovo postrojbama, bila je uglavnom bez osoba s vojnim obrazovanjem, vojnici su uglavnom bili vojniki nepripremljeni, hijerarhija i stega uglavnom nisu postojale, postrojbe nisu bile cjelovite po strukturi i popuni, nastajale su na teritorijalnom naelu te su uglavnom tako djelovale i bile opskrbljivane. Zbog svega toga, subordinacija, komunikacija i meusobna suradnja postrojbi je bila veoma slaba, a onemoguavale su je i druge okolnosti; potpuna nepovezanost ili slaba povezanost podruja koja su nadzirali pojedini dijelovi hrvatskih struktura ili postrojbe HVOa (Hercegovina, srednja BiH, Posavina, zapadna BiH). U takvim okolnostima, u kojima su postrojbe bile uglavnom opinski organizirane i zatvorene, jedan od veih problema HVO-a
novanim naknadama pripadnika oruanih snaga HZHB, Odluka o inovima, Propisnik o vojnoj stezi); br. 4 (Uredbu o utvrivanju ratnih teta); br. 5 (Odluka o statusu izbjeglica i prognanih osoba, Pravilnik o uvjetima i postupku za prevoenje, dodjelu inova i promaknuima); br. 7 (Pravilnik o izvravanju vojne obveze i civilne slube); Narodni list 1993. g.; br. 4 (Pravilnik o vojnoj iskaznici); br. 11 (Odluku o sprovedbi i izvoenju mobilizacije).
303 304

Narodni list, 6, 1992, str. 9. Isto, str. 12, l. 29.

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bio je i u znatnom utjecaju lokalne (opinske) civilne strukture te zaviajnih interesa i odnosa na lokalne postrojbe HVO-a. To je jo vie naruavalo ionako slabu zapovjednu hijerarhiju, te je u vojne poslove, odluke i djelovanja unosilo devijacije amoralne familijarnosti. Naznaeni problemi i nepoznanice glede nastanka, brojnog stanja, naina djelovanja i drugog to se odnosi na HVO, jasno se prepoznaju i iz dostupnih dokumenata koji se odnose na financiranje HVO-a.305 Struktura vlasti HZHB (HRHB), ukljuujui vojnu i civilnu komponentu HVO-a, financirala se na nekoliko glavnih osnovnih naina: sredinji vlastiti prihodi (porezi, ratni porez, kompenzacije itd.), lokalni vlastiti prihodi (ratni porezi itd.), posudbe kod RH, donacije hrvatskog iseljenitva. Zajednika znaajka ovih naina bila je njihova velika meusobna i pojedinana nekvaliteta (formalna i stvarna neizgraenost, neujednaenost ili kontradiktornost itd.). Primjerice, u sijenju 1994. g. u ministarstvu obrane HRHB napravljeno je godinje izvjee, tj. Zakljuni raun za 1993. godinu,306 a osnovnu potekou u sainjavanju Zakljunog rauna su nam priinjavale sve postrojbe i Zborna podruja koji nam nisu dostavili svoje Zakljune raune Izuzetak je ZP Oraje, koje nam je dostavilo svoj obraun.307 Zatim, u dokumentu je naglaeno da se materijalno financijsko poslovanje Ministarstva obrane HRHB u 1993. g. odvijalo uz ak 18 bitnih ograniavajuih okolnosti, meu kojima su i slijedee: Nepostojanje sustava jedinstvenog financiranja Samofinanciranje postrojbi HVO preko opinskih organa Nepostojanje cjelovitog vojnog ustroja Stalno formiranje i preformiranje postrojbi - ustanova Nepostojanje ratnih rezervi Nepostojanje uvjetnog skladinog prostora Netipiziranost materijalnih sredstava Nepostojanje stalnih izvora financiranja.308 U Izvjeu o transferu fin. (financijskih, op. a.) sredstava Hrvatskoj Republici HercegBosni, odnosno Federaciji BiH, kojeg je 2000. godine Sektor za financije i proraun Ministarstva obrane RH dostavio Dravnom uredu za reviziju RH, precizno i detaljno se navode podaci o financijskim sredstvima koje je RH, u razdoblju od 1992. do 1998. g, transferirala u korist prorauna Hrvatske Republike Herceg-Bosna, odnosno, hrvatske komponente Federacije BiH za slijedee namjene:
305

v. dio dokumentacije objavljene u Praljak, S., Financiranje HVO-a, Zagreb, 2008, te opseniju

dokumentaciju na www.slobodanpraljak.com.
306 307 308

Praljak, S., Financiranje HVO-a, str. 79-88. Isto, str. 84. Isto, str. 81-82.

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-osnovne plae pripadnika HVO, - ratni dodatak pripadnika HVO, - skrb o stradalnicima rata (pomo obiteljima poginulih branitelja i ratnim vojnim invalidima, - dotacije za materijalne izdatke institucija i javnih ustanova Hrvatske Republike Herceg-Bosna, odnosno, hrvatske komponente Federacije BiH.309 Iz tog dokumenta se takoer saznaje: transferi financijskih sredstava bili su planirani kao posebna proraunska pozicija u Proraunu MORH-a (Ministarstva obrane RH, op. a.) za cijelo promatrano razdoblje Sabor Republike Hrvatske svake je godine u redovitoj proceduri usvajao nareene Proraune Ministarstva obrane.310 Iz drugih dokumenata se nedvojbeno utvruje da je MORH transfer sredstava prema HZHB (HRHB) upuivao kao posudbu koja je ila na teret prorauna HZHB (HRHB).311 Lokalne opinske vlasti (Predsjednitva skuptina opina, Ratna predsjednitva opoina, Izvrni odbori opina itd.) na podruju HZHB (HRHB), kao i na drugim podrujima BiH pod nadzorom hrvatskih i/ili muslimansko/bonjakih struktura, donosile su svoje Odluke ili Naredbe o ratnom porezu, koji su u korist opinskih prorauna morali plaati radnici uposleni u inozemstvu i umirovljenici koji su mirovine ostvarili u inozemstvu. Iznos tog ratnog poreza i njegovog troenja bio je neujednaen meu opinama, a pojedine opine su ga mijenjale prema svojim procjenama i potrebama.312 Za stvarnu situaciju na podruju HZHB posebno je ilustrativan dopis kojeg je, 20. veljae 1993. g., lokalni (opinski) HVO Tomislavgrad uputio sredinjem HVO-u HZHB, u kojem se od HVO HZHB zahtjeva da preuzme daljnje financiranja trokova lokalne brigade HVO-a (Kralj Tomislav),313 te da se opini isplati naknada do sada stvorenih trokova. Navodi se: Od poetka rata pa do danas opina Tomislavgrad nije imala financijske pomoi ni od HZ HB, niti od bilo koje druge opine. Sve trokove rata morala je snositi sama Pouzdano znamo da da financijski teret i svaki drugi teret rata ni u ljudstvu, tehnici ni mehanizaciji niti u financijama nije objektivno rasporeen po opinama. U sastavu brigade "Kralj Tomislav" nalazi se jedna bojna iz Kupresa i jedna bojna iz Posuja. Od opine Kupres bilo je teko i oekivati da moe preuzeti sama trokove svoje
309 310 311 312 313

www.slobodanpraljak.com Isto. Praljak, S., Financiranje HVO-a, str. 77 i 78. Isto, str. 11, 39, 40, 41, 56, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 71, 72, 73, 74. Isto, str. 69.

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vojske i izbjeglica ali niti opina Posuje nije preuzela trokove svoje bojne Pored toga na teret opine Tomislavgrad organizirana je i obuavana jajaka bojna, koja je nakon pada Jajca ponovno zajedno sa izbjeglicama smjetena na podruju opinje Tomislavgrad O svim navedenim trokovima postoji uredna dokumentacija vidljivo je da su trokovi postrojbi izvan opine Tomislavgrad kotali opinu Tomislavgrad u 1992. godini 1.479.550 DEM zato traimo od HZ HB da: - preuzme financiranje svih trokova obrane, - ravnomjerno rasporedi teret rata na sve opine HZ HB po svim osnovama, - iznae naina da opini Tomislavgrad kompenzira dosad uinjene trokove.314 Drugi osnovni problem HVO-a bio je ambivalentan politiki i vojni odnos izmeu hrvatskih struktura u BiH i dravnih vlasti BiH i ARBiH (koje su uglavnom bile muslimansko/bonjake). Znalo se istovremeno dogaati, da pojedine postrojbe HVO-a i ARBiH na pojedinim lokalitetima vode meusobne oruane sukobe (srednja BiH, Mostar), a na drugim lokalitetima su se zajedniki borile protiv srbijanske agresije (Oraje, Tuzla, Sarajevo).315 Prema svemu navedenome, kada se namjerava objektivno spoznavati cjelovito djelovanje HVO-a kao vojne snage, od ustrojavanja do 1994. g., svakako je potrebno imati u vidu i bitne razlike koje su postojale u pojedinim periodima, te bitne razlike koje su postojale u pojedinim podrujima i zaviajnim cjelinama BiH. Primjerice, u prvom periodu je u pograninom (naroito junom) podruju bila znaajnije nazona i djelovala je HV (sukladno Sporazumu o prijateljstvu i suradnji kojeg su 21. srpnja 1992. g. potpisale RBiH i RH, te Dodatku od 23. rujna 1992. g.316), koja je zbog jedinstvenosti bojita i zajednikog neprijatelja (srbijanskog agresora) tada imala i vei utjecaj na HVO. Zatim, na pojedinim podrujima (bojitima) je HVO (i Hrvati) tijekom cijelog rata zajedniki djelovao s ARBiH i njenim preteama (i Muslimanima/Bonjacima), a na nekim podrujima je to zajedniko djelovanje trajalo do sredine 1993. godine. Uz sve to, treba imati u vidu sloenost ope situacije u BiH i promjene koje su se dogaale na politikoj razini (od lokalne, preko BiH, do meunarodne), te promjene na vojnoj razini (odnos snaga u BiH, preustroji itd.).

314 315 316

Isto, str. 69-70. v. Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 201-203; Hoare, M. A., n. dj., str. 217-218. Detaljnije se o tome govori u treem dijelu ekspertize, poglavlje Sporazum o prijateljstvu i suradnji RBiH i

RH. Usp. i dokumente u: Praljak, Slobodan, Pad Bosanske Posavine 1992. godine, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007.

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II.-6 MEUNARODNA ZAJEDNICA I BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA

II.-6.1. Do meunarodnog priznanja BiH (07. travnja 1992.)

Tijekom 1990. g. u svakoj od republika bive Jugoslavije su odrani potpuno samostalni parlamentarni izbori, na temelju kojih su u republikama ustrojavani novi suvereni sustavi dravnih vlasti. Usporedno s time, glavne institucije savezne drave Jugoslavije ili su prestale postojati (SKJ) ili su bile u visokom stupnju formalnog i stvarnog raspada. Meunarodna zajednica je znaajniji interes za problem krize i raspada druge Jugoslavije poela pokazivati tek sredinom 1991. g., to je bilo prekasno, jer je tada kriza bila u visokom stupnju, a proces raspada zajednike drave bio je stvarno i formalno nepovratan. Zbog kanjenja, meunarodna zajednica nije uvaavala zateeno stanje (postojei raspad), te je imala potpuno pogrean pristup, koji se svodio na podupiranje neeg to ne postoji (Jugoslavija) i to vie nitko, od dominantnih institucijskih aktera na prostoru bive Jugoslavije, nije htio. Druga viestruka pogreka meunarodne zajednice je u tome to se u poetku svog ukljuivanja bavila Slovenijom i Hrvatskom, pokuavajui ih vratiti u nepostojei dravni okvir, iako su Slovenija i Hrvatska sredinom 1991. g. praktiki bile samostalne drave (odrani referendumi i parlamenti proglasili samostalnost). Tada meunarodna zajednica nije pokazivala gotovo nikakav izravni interes za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, iako se u njoj ve dogaala unutarnja politika i sigurnosna drama, a prostor BiH i njeni resursi su bili kljuni za srbijansku oruanu agresiju koja se tada intenzivno vodila protiv Republike Hrvatske. Dva dana nakon proglaenja samostalnosti Slovenije i Hrvatske, 27. lipnja 1991. g., Skuptina SRBiH je raspravljala o est toaka predsjednika predsjednitva Alije Izetbegovia o budunosti SFRJ,317 u kojima je bilo najavljeno odravanje referenduma i u BiH. Izetbegovi je tom prigodom naveo kako je Dravnog sekretara SAD (J. Baker je nekoliko dana prije toga bio u posjetu Jugoslaviji, op. a.) zamolio "da meunarodna zajednica fokusira BiH", jer bi graanski rat koji je realna opasnost najpre izbio u ovoj republici. "Bejker se sloio s tim, dodao je Izetbegovi".318
317

Borba (dnevna novina), Beograd, 28. lipnja 1991; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina..., str. 55-56;

(3D00320).
318

Isto, str. 56; (3D00320).

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Oekujui nacionalnu podjelu republike, Izetbegovi se 12. srpnja 1991. pismom obratio predsjednitvu Europske zajednice i zatraio "misiju dobre volje", a taj su zahtjev podrali i bosanskohercegovaki Hrvati Stjepan Kljui i Ivan Markei, elnici Hrvatske demokratske zajednice Bosne i Hercegovine.319 Vlada BiH zatraila je ponovno, 11. rujna, slanje promatraa EU u BiH.320 Meutim, to je ostalo bez uinaka, a meunarodna zajednica prvi put, i to usput, spominje BiH u prosincu 1991. g., u Miljenju broj 1 Arbitrane komisije Mirovne konferencije o Jugoslaviji, navodei rezoluciju BiH o suverenosti to ju je Skuptina usvojila 14. listopada 1991. kao jednu od injenica za izvoenje vanog miljenja Arbitrane komisije da se Jugoslavija nalazi u procesu raspada. 321 Potom je uslijedio ve opisani zahtjev BiH za meunarodnim priznanjem koje je odgoeno i uvjetovano referendumom.

II.-6.1.1 Cutilleirov mirovni plan Sredinom veljae 1992. g. ministri vanjskih poslova zemalja Europske unije (EU) objavili su kratku tzv. Lisabonsku izjavu o Jugoslaviji s kojom se nastojala prevladati kriza u koju je jo u listopadu 1991. g. zapala EU-ova Mirovna konferencija o Jugoslaviji, kad je Srbija odbila njene ponuene prijedloge. U Lisabonskoj izjavi se izmeu ostalog navodi da EU podrava sadanje napore u sklopu Konferencije, za promicanje dijaloga zainteresiranih strana u Bosni i Hercegovini, kojima je cilj ustavno rjeenje i koje e trebati uzeti u obzir legitimne tenje svih naroda, unutar nepovredivih granica te republike.322 Izjava je bila uvod u objavljivanje prvog meunarodnog mirovnog plana (nositelj EU) za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, koji je javno poznatiji pod nazivom Cutilleirov mirovni plan ili Lisabonski sporazum.323 Osnove ovog plana predstavljene su 22. veljae 1992. g. na

319 320 321

Hodge, Carole, Velika Britanija i Balkan od 1991. do danas, Zagreb, 2007, str. 64. Isto, str. 65. U Degan, Vladimir uro, Hrvatska drava u meunarodnoj zajednici, Zagreb, 2002, str. 334-336; dokument

preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 108-110; (3D00320).

322

Veernji list (dnevna novina), Zagreb, 20. veljae 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str.134-

135; (3D00320).
323

U sijenju 1992. g. Portugal je preuzeo predsjedanje EZ-om, a portugalski ministar vanjskih poslova Jose

Cutilleiro preuzeo je predsjedanje Vijeem ministara EZ. Carol Hodge navodi da je Cutilleirov plan razradio lord Carrington blisko suraujui s Beogradom - Hodge, C., n. dj., str. 69-70.

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konferenciji za tisak u Sarajevu, nakon to su se iz Lisabona vratile delegacije triju konstitutivnih naroda, predvoene A. Izetbegoviem, R. Karadiem i Mirom Lasiem. Objavljeno je da je u Lisabonu postignut sporazum o "rekonstrukciji" Bosne i Hercegovine, na nain da BiH ostane u postojeim granicama, ali da se izvri temeljita decentralizacija tako to e se osnovati (tri, op. a.) nacionalne jedinice, koje e imati odreenu samoupravu.324

Prilog 20: tzv. Cutileirov mirovni plan (Preuzeto iz knjige: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 734)

324

Veernji list, 24. veljae 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 136-137; (3D00320).

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Predstavnici sva tri naroda izrazili su zadovoljstvo postignutim sporazumom, a Karadi je pozvao da se puke stave u oke, te rekao: SDS e zaustaviti proces koji bi mogao ometati dogovor, nema potreba za proglaavanje krajina i Ne pretendiramo na pripajanje niti jednog komadia Bosne i Hercegovine Srbiji.325 Nekoliko dana kasnije HDZBiH je izdao priopenje u kojem se oitovao o sporazumu u Lisabonu: Osnovni zahtjev HDZ-a jest ouvanje Bosne i Hercegovine u njezinim povijesnim granicama, koje su i dananje granice kao neovisne i suverene drave tri konstitutivna i suverena naroda i graana koji ive na ovom tlu.326 Uz to, navedeno je da je model takvog dravnog ureenja poznat u svijetu (SAD, vicarska, Belgija), te da HDZBiH ne trai za hrvatski narod u Bosni i Hercegovini nita vie prava nego to dri da i drugim konstitutivnim narodima u Bosni i Hercegovini pripada.327 U narednih 30-ak dana (do kraja oujka 1992. g.), odrano je vie sastanaka na kojima su voeni daljnji pregovori, a zainteresirane strane iz BiH su iznosile prijedloge i primjedbe. Na petom krugu pregovora, pod pokroviteljstvom EU, u Sarajevu je usvojena 18. oujka 1992. g. Izjava o naelima za novo ustavno ustrojstvo Bosne i Hercegovine,328 u kojoj se u toki 1. navodi: Bosna i Hercegovina biti e drava sainjena od tri sastavne jedinice, temeljene na nacionalnim naelima i vodei rauna o gospodarskim, zemljopisnim i drugim kriterijima.329 Razraen je niz naela o opim pravnim standardima, te o nadlenostima i ustrojstvu tijela BiH i njenih sastavnih jedinica. Na estom krugu pregovora, odranih u Bruxellesu 30. i 31. oujka pod predsjedanjem Ambasadora J. Cutilleira, koordinatora Mirovne konferencije usuglaen je Dodatak izjavi o ustavnom ustrojstvu Bosne i Hercegovine.330 Sa sjednice je odaslan zahtjev svima u Bosni i Hercegovini da se suzdre od nasilja i svih drugih djelatnosti kojima bi se moglo ugroziti mirno rjeenje problema.331 U Dodatku, je izmeu ostalog, dogovoreno da se ustanovi radna skupina koja e, pod predsjedanjem nekog predstavnika EU, definirati teritorije konstitutivnih jedinica, te koja e svoje preporuke podnijeti Predsjedavajuem

325 326 327 328

Isto, str. 137; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 141-143; (3D00320). Isto, str. 143; (3D00320). Vjesnik (dnevna novina), Zagreb, 16. oujka 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 156-159;

(3D00320).
329 330 331

Isto, str. 156; (3D00320). Ddokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 160-162; (3D00320). Isto, str. 160; (3D00320).

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ovih razgovora, do 15. svibnja 1992. Radna skupina izradit e kartu konstitutivnih jedinica. Temeljit e svoj rad na nacionalnom kriteriju.332 Meutim, meunarodni Cutilleirov mirovni plan je propao jer ga (daljnjim nastavkom vojnog i politikog djelovanja te izravnim odustajanjem) nije htjela prihvatiti srpska struktura u BiH, kojoj su pregovori oigledno sluili kao taktiko sredstvo (na isti nain je velikosrbijanska struktura postupala 1991. g. u Republici Hrvatskoj, te nadalje u BiH). Odnosno, srpski voe oito su procijenili kako mogu ratom postii vie nego za pregovarakim stolom.333 Muslimansko/bonjaaka struktura je takoer, ali na oprezniji i sporiji nain odustajala od meunarodnog Cutilleirovog mirovnog plana. Dublji motivi i interesi ovih dviju struktura, te drugi interesi i imbenici koji su utjecali na odustajanje od tog plana do sada su istraeni tek djelomino.334 Jedino je hrvatska strana plan shvatila krajnje ozbiljno, te bila s njim u cjelosti suglasna. Najvanija posljedica meunarodnog Cutilleirova mirovnog plana za daljnja dogaanja na prostoru BiH bila je u tome, to je s njim veoma rano (u veljai 1992. g.), za rjeavanje problema BiH, u meunarodni mirovni proces uvedena koncepcija teritorijalne podjele po nacionalnim kriterijima, te to je to poslije toga utjecalo na sve mirovne planove, ukljuujui i Daytonski sporazum.335 S druge strane, djelovanje svih aktera na prostoru BiH i bive Jugoslavije bilo je pod veim ili manjim utjecajem pristupa meunarodne zajednice, budui je svim akterima bilo jasno da e prije ili kasnije konanu odluku donijeti institucije meunarodne zajednice. U tom kontekstu je poseban meunarodni problem (koji dugorono nadilazi prostor bive Jugoslavije) to je meunarodnim planom ipak stvoren presedan kroz posredno odobravanje i podravanje "etnikog ienja" kojim se poelo nekoliko mjeseci prije toga. 336

332 333 334

Isto, str. 160-162; (3D00320). Hodge, C., n. dj., str. 71. v. Isto, str. 70-81. O motivima, interesima i politikom postupanju muslimansko/bonjake strukture u

odnosu prema Cutileirovom mirovnom planu i uope rjeavanju problema BiH znaajno je uvaavati i dokument koji se navodi u tjedniku Dani (Sarajevo), 07. oujka 2008.
335 336

Isto, str. 70. Isto, str. 71.

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II.-6.2. Od meunarodnog priznanja BiH do propasti Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana

(07. travnja 1992. 19. svibnja 1993. g.)

Tijekom travnja 1992. g. srbijanska oruana agresija na BiH je dostigla puni intenzitet; u istonoj i sjeverozapadnoj BiH se masovnim progonima, zatvaranjima u logore i pokoljima - provodilo etniko ienje Muslimana/Bonjaka. Naoruani pripadnici SDSBiH silom su preuzeli vlast u Banja Luci, napadao se prostor izmeu Kupresa i Neretve. Kao posljedica toga, krajem travnja, Visoko povjerenstvo UN za izbjeglice procjenjuje da u BiH ve ima vie od 400.000 raseljenih osoba,337 od toga, prema istom izvoru, u BiH je ostalo 122.000 prognanika, a u Republiku Hrvatsku je stigla 201.000 izbjeglica iz raznih dijelova BiH. EU je 12. svibnja 1992. g., donijela Deklaraciju o BiH, u kojoj se kae da EU prati s velikom zabrinutou stanje u BiH, potvrujui svoje stanovite da politiko rjeenje moe biti zasnovano samo na principima utvrenim tijekom razgovora o ustavnom ustrojstvu voenim izmeu Srba, Hrvata i Muslimana, a pod okriljem Mirovne konferencije.338 U Deklaraciji je bila jasno oznaena i odgovornost: Iako su sve strane, svaka na svoj nain, pridonijele sadanjem stanju stvari, daleko najveu krivnju snose vlasti u Beogradu koje kontroliraju armiju i izravno, i neizravno pomaui paravojne snage. Ubijanje i protjerivanje puanstva opsada i sistematsko bombardiranje Sarajeva akcije su to zasluuju sveopu osudu. Zbog toga su EU i njene lanice, izmeu ostalog zatraile potpuno povlaenje JNA i njezinog naoruanja iz BiH ili rasputanje njezinih snaga i stavljanje njezinih snaga pod djelotvorni meunarodni nadzor.339 Krajem svibnja 1992. g. Vijee sigurnosti UN je donijelo Rezoluciju 757, kojom su uvedene sankcije Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji, u koju su se nekoliko dana ranije slubeno udruile Srbija i Crna Gora. No, srbijanska oruana agresija na BiH je nastavljena nesmanjenom snagom.

337 338 339

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 387. Veernji list, 13. svibnja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 178-179; (3D00320). Isto, str. 178; (3D00320)

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U prvoj polovici lipnja 1992. g. Vijee sigurnosti UN je dopustilo mirovnim snagama preuzimanje kontrole nad sarajevskom zranom lukom radi dopremanja humanitarne pomoi. Zranu luku su do tada drale srpske snage. Predsjednik Mirovne konferencije o Jugoslaviji (lord Carrington), uputio je sredinom svibnja 1992. g. (vie od mjesec dana nakon meunarodnog priznanja BiH) Arbitranoj komisiji pitanje, moe li se smatrati da je dovren proces raspada Jugoslavije. U Miljenju broj 8, koje je doneseno 04. srpnja 1992. g., zakljueno je da je proces raspada SFRJ zavren i da valja ustanoviti da SFRJ vie ne postoji.340 Za razumijevanje goleme sloenosti svekolike (tadanje i sadanje) situacije u BiH potrebno je naglasiti da se u razdoblju od sredine lipnja do pred kraj srpnja 1992. g. pred Viim sudom u Sarajevu vodio izuzetno znakoviti sudski proces. Naime, Vie javno tuilatvo u Sarajevu (tj. Vii javni tuioc Ivica Stani) podnio je, 15. lipnja 1992. g., Viem sudu u Sarajevu Prijedlog za zabranu rada Srpske demokratske stranke, Stranke demokratske akcije i Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, zbog vrenja djelatnosti na nain koji nije u skladu sa zakonom, programom i ciljevima radi kojih su osnovane.341 Vii javni tuioc je u obrazloenju Prijedloga detaljno opisao tadanju katastrofalnu sigurnosnu, gospodarsku, politiku, drutvenu i meunacionalnu situaciju u BiH, te je za to izravno i potpuno optuio tri vladajue stranke u BiH. Posebna toka optube trima strankama odnoslila se na: Saglaavanje sa time da se preduzmu razgovori u pogledu podjele teritorije Republike BiH na nacionalnoj osnovi, nametanje te opcije predstavnicima Evropske zajednice, uee u razgovorima o takvoj podjeli i prihvatanje principa te podjele.342 Na kraju opirnog Prijedloga, Vii javni tuioc je iznio zakljuak koji je tipian za brojne politike sudske procese u komunistikoj Jugoslaviji: Sve naprijed iznesene razloge potvruje niz NOTORNIH INJENICA, tako da drugi dokazi nisu za sada potrebni.343 Nakon nekoliko sudskih rasprava, Vijee vieg suda u Sarajevu (pod predsjedanjem suca Sulje Babia) je, 24. srpnja 1992. g., odbilo prijedlog vieg javnog tuioca da se zabrani rad HDZ BiH Ovakav ishod mogao se i oekivati, jer je isto ovo vijee, prije nekoliko dana, za gotovo iste grijehe odbilo prijedlog vieg javnog tuioca o zabrani rada SDA.344
340 341

U Degan, V. ., n. dj., str. 357-362; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 188-194; (3D00320). Prijedlog Vieg javnog tuilatva, Broj: UT 65/92, od 15. lipnja 1992, str. 1. Preslik dokumenta je u posjedu

autora ekspertize.
342 343 344

Isto, str. 2. Isto, str. 6. Osloboenje (dnevna novina), Sarajevo, 25. srpnja 1992.

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Poetkom srpnja 1992. g., Velika Britanija je preuzela predsjedanje EU-om, u kritinom trenutku za rat u Bosni i Hercegovini. 345 Kad se radi o problemu BiH, razdoblje predsjedanja V. Britanije je karakteristino po proizvodnji velikog broja neuinkovitih meunarodnih dokumenata (i napose Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana), koji su bitno utjecali na kulminaciju sigurnosne i humanitarne katastrofe u BiH.346 U tom razdoblju su kreirani i osnovni stereotipi (pogrene predodbe o stvarnosti) o dogaanjima u BiH, koji su bitno utjecali na meunarodnu percepciju, te daljnje politiko i pravosudno postupanje prema dogaajima u BiH i njenom okruenju. Naime, u ljeto 1992. g., pored intenzivnog djelovanja srbijanskih lobistikih organizacija, ak je i Radovan Karadi na konferenciji za tisak odranoj u Donjem domu (britanskog Parlamenta, op. a.) 15. srpnja pod vodstvom Henyja Bellingtona osobnog parlamentarnog tajnika ministra obrane Malcolma Rifkinda predstavio dokument pod naslovom Concentration Camps in the New Europe 1992, u kojemu su nabrojene navodne lokacije "koncentracijskih logora i sabirnih centara koritenih za zatoenje i pogubljenje bosanskohercegovakih Srba".347 Na taj nain, iz sjemenki to su ih posijali srpski lobisti uzgojen je mit o "graanskom ratu" toliko presudan za britansku strategiju, a tim je mitom stvorena podloga za zakljuak o simetriji krivnje. Platforma, pak odabrana za lansiranje toga mita Donji dom britanskog Parlamenta cijelom je tom pothvatu dala sjaj vjerodostojnosti.348 O razvoju situacije u BiH svjedoi i podatak da je na redovitu godinjem okupljanju skupine G-7 na vrhu, u srpnju 1992. g., posebno ocijenjeno kako rat u Bosni i Hercegovini znai veliku opasnost po stabilnost Europe.349 Meutim, situacija u BiH se i nadalje ubrzano pogoravala, a djelotvornost meunarodne zajednice je izostajala. Primjerice, 17. srpnja 1992. g. Predsjednik konferencije EZ o Jugoslaviji lord Carrington proitao je novinarima cijeli tekst sporazuma kojeg su u Londonu potpisali predstavnici triju nacionalnih zajednica u Bosni i Hercegovini.350 Prva toka sporazuma glasi: Dogovorili smo prekid vatre koji e stupiti na snagu u nedjelju u 18 sati po mjesnom

345 346 347 348 349 350

Hodge, C., n. dj. str. 83. v. Isto, str. 83-112. Ist, str. 85-86. Isto, str. 86. Isto, str. 84. Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 209; (3D00320).

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vremenu na cijelom teritoriju Bosne i Hercegovine.351 Ali, samo tri dana kasnije (20. srpnja 1992. g.) Ministarsko vijee EU je donijelo Deklaraciju o bivoj Jugoslaviji u kojoj prva toka glasi: Europska unija i drave lanice iskazuju svoju duboku zabrinutost zbog toga to sporazum to su ga strane u BiH potpisale u Londonu 17. srpnja pod okriljem EU, jo nije proveden.352 U narednih 40-ak dana, razliite strane su donijele nekoliko naelnih dokumenata koji su bili priprema za najavljenu tzv. Londonsko konferenciju, koja je potom odrana 26. i 27. kolovoza 1992. godine. Na Konferenciji je usvojen i dokument nazvan Nacrt izjave o naelima i Program akcije353, u kojem se nabraja vei broj naela i najavljuje osnivanje Upravnog komiteta i est radnih grupa te jo neka tijela, a odreeno je da e konferencija trajati sve dok se ne postigne konano rjeenje problema bive Jugoslavije.354 Tako je nakon nekoliko dana, poetkom rujna 1992. g. zapoela s radom nova, stalna Meunarodna konferencija o bivoj Jugoslaviji (MKBJ, ICFY), ije je sjedite postala eneva. MKBJ je veoma brzo poela proizvoditi opirne, komplicirane i uglavnom naelne, a neuinkovite dokumente. Istovremeno, dok su velikosrbijanske strukture, u Srbiji i BiH, deklarativno pozdravljale osnivanje i rad nove meunarodne mirovne konferencije, srbijanska agresija se nastavila, provoenjem etnikog ienja i razaranjem te okupacijom sve veeg dijela BiH. MKBJ je u rujnu 1992. g. donijela nekoliko dokumenata.355 U dokumentu Povjerenje, izgradnja sigurnosti i verifikacija, u ambiciozno naslovljenom poglavlju Trenutane odluke konferencije izmeu ostalog je neprimjereno navedeno: Najvanija zadaa je olakati patnje u BiH kroz kontinuirano izvjeivanje o mjestu stoera i imenima zapovjednika za sve vojne jedinice, ukljuujui i one paravojne.356 Sredinom rujna 1992. g. Vijee sigurnosti UN je donijelo Rezoluciju 776 kojom je bilo odobreno slanje meunarodnih mirovnih snaga u BiH, a u prvoj polovici listopada,

351 352 353 354 355

Isto, str. 209; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 22. srpnja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 210-211; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 26. kolovoza 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 225-230; (3D00320). Isto, str. 226; (3D00320). Dokumenti u knjizi Tuman, M., Istina; Povjerenje, izgradnja sigurnosti i verifikacija (str- 236-238);

Cjelovit tekst zajednikog priopenja Vance, Owen, osi, Pani (str. 240-242); Tekst zajednike izjave predsjednika RH dr. Franje Tumana i predsjednika SRJ Dobrice osia (str. 249-250); (3D00320).
356

Isto, str. 236; (3D00320).

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Rezolucijom 781 Vijea sigurnosti UN, zabranjeni su letovi borbenih zrakoplova u prostoru BiH. Tijekom tri zavrna mjeseca 1992. g. MKBJ je jo vie poveala produkciju dokumenata svoju ili pod svojim pokroviteljstvom.357 Najvaniji dokument svakako je (28. listopada 1992. g.) Nacrt ustavnog ustrojstva za BiH radne skupine enevske konferencije o bivoj Jugoslaviji, koji je glavna osnova kasnije (poetkom 1993. g.) slubeno predstavljenog novog meunarodnog ili tzv. Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana. U Nacrtu je predloena i najvanija (najspornija) odredba opeg ustrojstva: BiH bi bila decentralizirana drava koja bi bila podijeljena na 7 do 10 autonomnih provincija.358 Pojava Nacrta, koji je najavio neodreenu podjelu (7-10 pokrajina ili provincija) i nejasne etnike, geografske, povijesne, prometne i gospodarske kriterije podjele, uz dugi pregovaraki proces, stvarno je predstavljao mamac zainteresiranim stranama, koje su politikim, vojnim i drugaijim sredstvima nastojale doi u to povoljniju poziciju kod konanog meunarodnog presuivanja o teritorijalnoj podjeli. Napokon, poetkom 1993. g. (02. sijenja) u enevi je predstavljen Nacrt dogovora o Bosni i Hercegovini ili Vance-Owenov mirovni plan. Prvi dio plana (s naslovom Odreivanje granica pokrajina) je imao samo jednu, veoma jasnu reenicu: Podjela Bosne i Hercegovine na pokrajine bit e sukladna priloenome zemljovidu (radilo se o 10 pokrajina). Drugi dio Wance-Owenovog mirovnog plana (naslova Ustavni okvir za Bosnu i Hercegovinu) predviao je da e se tripartitni pregovoripredstavnika tri naroda iz BiH nastaviti kontinuirano u enevi, pod okriljem MKBJ, sa zadaom dovrenja ustrojstva Bosne i Hercegovine, sukladno sljedeim principima: 1. Bosna i Hercegovina bit e decentralizirana drava, a veinu funkcija vlasti imat e njezine pokrajine.359

357 358 359

v. Isto, str. 252-303; (3D00320). Isto, str. 261; (3D00320). Slobodna Dalmacija (dnevna novina), Split, 15.-18. sijenja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina,

str. 309-314; (3D00320).

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Prilog 21: tzv. Vance-Owenov mirovni plan (Preuzeto iz: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 737) Meutim, slubeno objavljivanje meunarodnog Vance-Ovenovog mirovnog plana izazvalo je daljnje poveavanje i produbljivanje politikih i vojnih sukoba u BiH i njenom neposrednom okruenju,360 te novu krizu u meunarodnoj zajednici glede problema BiH.361 U ovoj ekspertizi se ne moe ulaziti u dublja kauzalna ralanjivanja ove injenice, nego je dostatno na fenomenolokoj razini naglasiti osnovni, oigledni, problem. A taj je: ovaj
360 361

Ovo se jasno prepoznaje i iz niza dokumenata objavljenih uTuman, M., Istina, str. 315-387; (3D00320). v. Hodge, C., n. dj., str. 118-155.

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meunarodni mirovni plan o BiH (kao i ostali), bez obzira na osnovne namjere, nije se mogao provesti bez odgovarajuih mehanizama nametanja (koje meunarodna zajednica do 1994. g. nije koristila), te je stoga nuno zbog situacije u BiH i njenom okruenju - proizvodio negativne uinke. Na tragu ovoga treba promatrati i reagiranje SAD-a, koje su ve u prvoj polovici veljae 1993. g. iskazale rezervu prema Vance-Owenovu planu upravo zbog aspekta koji de facto nagrauje politiku "etnikog ienja",362 najavljujui kako je Predsjednik SAD-a (Bil Clinton) odluio poduzeti est koraka, a prvi je da e se SAD aktivno ukljuiti u VanceOwenove pregovore punom teinom amerike diplomacije.363 U narednom razdoblju Vijee sigurnosti UN je donijelo nekoliko rezolucija koje su se odnosile na prostor BiH; Rezolucija 816 (od 31. oujka 1993. g.) kojom je NATO-u odobrena ovlast ruenja zrakoplova koji kre zabranu leta; Rezolucija 819 (od 16. travnja) koja je Srebrenicu proglasila "zatienom zonom"; Rezolucija 820 (od 27. travnja) kojom je Savezna Republika Jugoslavija izloena najstroim sankcijama. Meutim, zbog brojnih razloga, srbijanska agresija se nastavila bez zadrke. Nakon niza prijedloga s razliitih strana, te pregovora i odreenih izmjena, 25. oujka 1993. g., u New Yorku su elnici muslimansko/bonjake i hrvatske strukture u BiH (A. Izetbegovi i M. Boban) potpisali meunarodni Vance-Owenov mirovni plan, s tim to je Izetbegovi postavio i uvjete da je ugovor (potpisani plan) nevaei ako i trea (srpska) strana ne potpie dokumente unutar razumnog roka, ako meunarodna zajednica ubrzo ne poduzme djelotvorne korake za primjenu potpisanih dokumenata i ako se nastavi agresija.364 Niti jedan od tih uvjeta se nije ostvario. Srpska strana u BiH, je nakon svog provedenog referenduma, 19. svibnja 1993. g.365 proglasila da glasai nisu prihvatili VensOwenov plan. To je bila i konana propast ovog meunarodnog mirovnog plana. Prema tome, i meunarodni Vance-Owenov mirovni plan je odbacila srpska struktura u BiH, a muslimansko-bonjaka struktura je od njega mekano odustajala, postavljanjem opravdanih uvjeta.

362 363

Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str. 391. Vjesnik, 12. veljae 1993; dokument est toaka preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 330-331;

(3D00320).
364 365

Vjesnik, 26. i 27. oujka 1993; dokumenti preuzeti iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 336-338; (3D00320). v. dokument u Tuman, M., Istina, str. 386-387; (3D00320).

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I ovaj put, jedino je hrvatska struktura u BiH prihvatila meunarodni (Vance-Owenov) mirovni plan bez ikakvih uvjeta, i po tome mu je bila vjernija od njegovih meunarodnih kreatora, to svjedoi o (ne)kvalitativnim znaajkama te strukture koje su ranije navedene.

II.-6.3. Od 20. svibnja 1993. g. do srpnja 1994. godine

II.-6.3.1 Owen-Stoltenbergov mirovni plan Prema Izvjeu366 samih supredsjedatelja, jo iz studenog 1992. g., Vance-Owenov mirovni plan je polazio od svojih potpuno jasno navedenih Temeljnih pretpostavki: Stanovnitvo Bosne i Hercegovine nerazdvojno je pomijeano. Prema tome, nema naina da se stvore tri teritorijalno odvojene drave utemeljene na etnikim ili vjerskim naelima Takvim bi se planom jedinstvenost i koherentnost granica mogla postii jedino procesom prisilnoga preseljenja puanstva to je ve osudila Meunarodna konferencija, kao i glavna Skuptina i Vijee sigurnosti UN-a, pa prema tome g. Vance i lord Owen procijenili su da se mora odbaciti svako model koji bi se temeljio na tri zasebne drave utemeljene na etnikom/vjerskom naelu.367 Meutim, mjesec dana nakon propasti meunarodnog Vance-Owenova mirovnog plana, 20. lipnja 1993. g., Ministri vanjskih poslova zemalja lanica EU postigli su suglasnost o novim Temeljnim naelima novog meunarodnog mirovnog plana za BiH.368 Ministri EU su ustvrdili da prijedlog stvaranja tri teritorijalne jedinice ne mora voditi do raspada republike i proirenja Srbije i Hrvatske na raun Muslimana, to je bilo u potpunoj suprotnosti s temeljnim naelima prethodnog mirovnog plana. Prije toga, 22. svibnja 1993. g. (samo tri dana nakon propasti Vance-Owenova mirovnog plana), pet lanica Vijea sigurnosti UN (Francuska, Ruska Federacija, panjolska, Velika Britanija i SAD) dale su zajedniku Izjavu o BiH, u kojoj kau da su duboko zabrinute zbog nastavka sukoba u Bosni i Hercegovini, unato gorljivim nastojanjima meunarodne zajednice i supredsjedatelja Meunarodne konferencije,369 te Nastavit emo urno raditi kako bismo obustavili taj uasan rat i postigli trajno i pravedno rjeenje.
366

Dokument Izvjee supredsjedatelja o izradi nacrta ustavnog ustrojstva Bosne i Hercegovine, preuzet iz

Tuman, M., Istina, str. 272-289; (3D00320).

367 368 369

Isto, str, 275; (3D00320.) Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 396-397; (3D00320). Isto, str. 388; (3D00320).

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To novo meunarodno pravedno rjeenje bio je tzv. Owen-Stoltenbergov mirovni plan. Na sjednici enevske konferencije 16. lipnja, kojom su predsjedali lord Owen i Thorvald Stoltenberg, predsjednici Srbije i Hrvatske (S. Miloevi i F. Tuman) obznanili su dogovor i suglasnost o uspostavi nove bosanskohercegovake drave, koju bi inile tri republike utemeljene na etnikom naelu.370

Prilog: 22: tzv. Owen-Stoltenbergov mirovni plan (Preuzeto iz: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 742)
370

Hodge, C., n. dj. str. 155.

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Novinska agencija France pressse to je, 23. lipnja 1993. g., objavila kao povjerljiv dokument, o kojem izmeu ostalog navodi: Bosna i Hercegovina bit e konfederacija republika. Ustav e priznati tri konstitutivna naroda, a veinu funkcija vlasti obnaat e same republike.371 Potom, 30. srpnja 1993. g., objavljeno je da je sporazum o Uniji Republika Bosne i Hercegovine zakljuen, te da predvia dravu od tri konstitutivne republike koja e imati zajedniku vladu ali sa ogranienim ovlastima Jedna od promjena u odnosu na prvotni tekst Owen-Stoltenbergova plana odnosi se na pravo veta koje e imati svaka od republika.372 Meutim, ve sutradan, 31. srpnja 1993. g., elnik muslimanskog izaslanstva na enevskim pregovorima, Alija Izetbegovi povukao je svoje prihvatanje mirovnog plana Izetbegovi je u pismu mirovnim posrednicima naglasio kako njegovi savjetnici vjeruju da tekst plana ostavlja nedoumice glede pravnog statusa nove "unije" Usprkos sporenjima, Izetbegovi je nastavio pregovore s Radovanom Karadiem i Matom Bobanom o zemljovidima kojima bi se odredio teritorij svake od triju republika.373 Daljnje pregovaranje odvijalo se dvostrano i trostrano, a svaka od strana je povremeno izravno ili posredno objavljivala svoje prijedloge. Na temelju toga je 01. rujna 1993. g., u enevi, nastala nova inaica Sporazuma o miru i o Uniji republika BiH koji nije potpisan.374 No, 14. rujna 1993. g., u enevi su Izetbegovi i Tuman potpisali Zajedniku Deklaraciju u kojoj su se, izmeu ostalog sporazumjeli: 1. Osigurati hitan prekid svih neprijateljstava i vojnih sukoba izmeu postrojbi Armije BiH i HVO 2. Osigurati obostrano i bezuvjetno rasputanje svih zatoenikih logora i oslobaanje zatoenika.375 Slinu Deklaraciju su 16. rujna 1993. g. potpisali Izetbegovi i Momilo Krajinik (predstavnik Srba iz BiH).376 Jo jedna inaica meunarodnog Owen-Stoltenbergova mirovnog plana nastala je, 20. rujna 1993. g., na britanskom nosau zrakoplova (Invincible) koji se nalazio u meunarodnim vodama Jadranskog mora. Ali ni ovaj nacrt Sporazuma nije potpisan, iako je u njemu temeljem dogovora bilo predvieno da e Ustavni sporazum stupiti na snagu tjedan dana
371 372 373 374 375 376

Vjesnik, 26. lipnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 400-401; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 414-415; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 416; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 04. rujna 1993; dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 429-431; (3D00320). Veernji list, 15. rujna 1993; dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 436-438; (3D00320). Veernji list, 17. rujna 1993; dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 440-442; (3D00320).

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poto Vijee sigurnosti uzme k znanju ovaj sporazum, potvrdi da Unija republika BiH nastavlja svoje lanstvo u UN.377 Krajem rujna 1993. g. nastala je nova izmijenjena verzija ovog mirovnog plana, koji je sadravao Mirovni sporazum i sedam dodataka, te se na taj nain radilo o cjelovitom mirovnom paketu. On nema bitnih razlika u odnosu na prethodne inaice tzv. OwenStoltenbergovog mirovnog plana, jer polazi od slijedeeg: Savez republika Bosne i Hercegovine sastavljen je od tri konstitutivne republike i obuhvaa tri konstitutivna naroda: Muslimane, Srbe i Hrvate.378 Meutim, pri kraju rujna 1993. g. Skuptina RBiH, odnosno veinska

muslimansko/bonjaka struktura trajno je odbacila ovaj mirovni paket, to je istovremeno bila i konana propast tzv. Owen-Stoltenbergova mirovnog plana. U to vrijeme dolo je do jo jednog velikog raskola u muslimansko/bonjakoj strukturi, te je F. Abdi otiao u zapadne dijelove BiH i proglasio Autonomnu pokrajinu Zapadnu Bosnu (APZB), u kojoj je zapoeo i oruani sukob unutar samih Muslimana/Bonjaka. Sve to je dodatno zakompliciralo politiku i vojnu situaciju u BiH.379 Do kraja 1993. g. tzv. Owen-Stoltenbergov mirovni plan je jo postojao samo kao taktiko politiko i propagandno sredstvo na koje su se u razliitim prigodama povremeno pozivali pojedini akteri dogaanja na prostoru BiH. U tom smislu treba promatrati povrni, kratki i neuspjeni pokuaj EU da u svom tzv. Akcijskom planu ponovno oivi neke inaice propalog Owen-Stoltenbergovog mirovnog plana.380 Prema tome, prevladavajua muslimansko/bonjaka struktura je cijelo vrijeme bila rezervirana prema meunarodnom Owen-Stoltenbergovom mirovnom planu, a na koncu ga je nedvosmisleno i odbacila. Srpska struktura u BiH je s ovim planom taktizirala. Jedino je hrvatska struktura HRBH prihvatila i ovaj meunarodni mirovni plan, na slian nain kao i dotadanje planove, s tim to su protiv plana bili razliiti predstavnici velikog broja Hrvata u BiH koji su bili iskljueni iz pregovora, kao i Hrvati s podruja koja nisu bila ukljuena u planom predvienu hrvatsku republiku u BiH.

377 378 379 380

Vjesnik, 23. rujna 1993; dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 444-447; (3D00320). Veernji list, 30. rujna 1993; dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 450-477; (3D00320). v. Kronologija rata, str. 309, 311, 315 i 317. Isto, str. 333 i 338.

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II.-6.3.2 Washingtonski sporazumi U vrijeme pregovora o tzv. Owen-Stoltenbergovom mirovnom planu, kao i u mjesecima nakon njegove propasti, neprekidno se pogoravala svekolika sigurnosna situacija u BiH. Uz to, mirovni pokuaji EU bivali su sve bezizgledniji. Na temelju toga se otvorio prostor za intenzivnije i izravnije ukljuivanje SAD-a u rjeavanje krize na prostoru druge Jugoslavije. Odnosno, u prvim mjesecima 1994. g. SAD je po, svemu sudei, na razliite naine uinkovito djelovao, jer je to, pri kraju veljae 1994. g., dovelo do zavretka oruanih sukoba izmeu muslimansko/bonjakih i hrvatskih postrojbi, te do novog kruga muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih mirovnih pregovora u Washingtonu, pod pokroviteljstvom SAD-a.381 Na temelju toga je, ve 1. oujka 1994. g., potpisan tzv. Washingtonski sporazum s kojim je napokon zapoelo razdoblje uspostavljanja pune vojne i politike suradnje izmeu muslimansko/bonjakih i hrvatskih struktura u BiH, te razdoblje posebno bliskih stratekih odnosa BiH i Republike Hrvatske. Radi se zapravo o nekolicini potpisanih dokumenata (sporazuma). Najprije su (1. oujka) potpisani: Izjava o suglasnosti uz Okvirni sporazum o federaciji BiH,382 Nacrt o Konfederaciji izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine,383 Sporazum izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Federacije BiH o pristupu Jadranskom moru preko podruja Republike Hrvatske.384 Potom je, tijekom oujka,385 potpisano jo nekoliko dokumenata, te 30. oujka 1994. g. Odluka o proglaenju Ustava i Ustav Federacije BiH.386

II.-6.3.3 Mirovni plan Kontaktne skupine Potpisivanjem Washingtonskog sporazuma napokon je odumrla i MKBJ, a kljuni meunarodni akter na prostoru BiH postala je tzv. Kontaktna skupina (KS) koju su inile SAD, Ruska Federacija, V. Britanija, Francuska, Njemaka, Belgija i Grka. Prvi sastanak KS odran je u Londonu 25. travnja 1994. godine. Mirovni plan Kontaktne skupine predstavljen je 13. svibnja 1994. g. u enevi, a temeljio se na podjeli Bosne i Hercegovine na uglavnom posve autonomne entitete, s time da
381 382 383 384 385 386

v. Kronologija rata, str. 350. Slobodna Dalmacija, 05. oujka 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 528-537; (3D00320). Slobodna Dalmacija, 05. oujka 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 538-539; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 04. oujka 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 540-542; (3D00320). v. Dokumente u Tuman, M., Istina, str. 548-554; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 555-570; (3D00320).

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bi se 51% teritorija prepustilo hrvatsko-bonjakoj federaciji, a 49% Srbima. Sukobljenim su stranama 5. srpnja predoeni konana verzija zemljovida i radni dokument po naelu "uzmi ili ostavi", u kojem su bile predviene otre mjere za sluaj nepotivanja odredaba.387

Prilog 23: Mirovni plan Kontaktne skupine (Preuzeto iz: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 747)

387

Hodge, C., str. 201.

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Mirovni plan Kontaktne skupine prihvaen je odmah i u cijelosti od strane muslimansko/bonjake i hrvatske strukture u BiH. Meutim, srpska struktura u BiH, koja je do tada okupirala priblino 70% teritorija BiH, odbila je prihvatiti plan. Kontaktna je skupina jo jednom odustala od prethodno najavljenih mjera prisile i vratila se diplomaciji,388 to je otvorilo novi krug jo eeg rata u BiH, rata izmeu srpske strane s jedne strane, i s druge strane udruenih muslimansko/bonjakih i hrvatskih snaga te snaga RH.

388

Isto, str. 202.

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II.-7 ZNAAJNE RATNA TEME

II.-7.1 Bosna i Hercegovina u ratu protiv Republike Hrvatske

Tijekom priprema i izvoenja srbijanske oruane agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku, agresor je prostor Republike Hrvatske i prostor Bosne i Hercegovine smatrao i koristio kao jedan cjelovit teritorij, koji nema meurepublikih ili (nakon meunarodnog priznanja) meudravnih granica. Takav pristup oitovao se i u predratnim vojnim reorganizacijama JNA, jer itava pria o tzv. modernizaciji oruanih snaga svela se na to da se ukinu armije, ije su komande bile u republikim centrima i koje su se priblino podudarale s republikim granicama te da se na ratitu SFRJ uspostave tri vojita kopnenih snaga i jedno vojnopomorsko vojite.389

Prilog 24: Prostorni preustroj JNA na tri vojita (nakon 1988. g.) (Preuzeto iz: Rat u Hrvatskoj, karta 2, na kraju knjige)
389

pegelj, M. n. dj., str. 44; o toj temi jo govore Domazet, D., n. dj.; Kulenovi, T., n. dj.; Praljak Slobodan,

Agresija Bosne i Hercegovine na Republiku Hrvatsku, - injenice, Zagreb, 2007.

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U toj koncepciji, sjeverozapadno vojite i vojnopomorsko vojite velikim dijelom se preklapalo s tradicionalnim kartama zamiljenih granica Velike Srbije, a kasnije (1990.-1995. g.) to se u visokoj mjeri podudaralo s ratnim osvajakim pohodima srbijanske vojske te je dosljedno zagovarano i zastupano u politikoj koncepciji na razliitim vrstama pregovora. O tome zorno svjedoe i karte objavljene u nizu knjiga i radova.390 Naime, JNA je koristila teritorij BiH kao osnovicu za vojne operacije protiv Republike Hrvatske i pomaganje pobune dijela srpskog stanovnitva u Hrvatskoj,391 a kasnije, sve komunikacije prema okupiranim dijelovima Hrvatske (osim istone Slavonije) ile su preko teritorija BiH. O tome da je srbijanska oruana agresija teritorije RH i BiH promatrala i koristila kao jednu cjelinu potpuno oigledno svjedoi i detaljni operativni Elaborat o moguim varijantama upotrebe u zoni odgovornosti kojeg je u lipnju 1991. g. odobrila Komanda 10. motorizovane Brigade JNA (u potpisu je Komandant pukovnik Milojko Panteli).392 Zatim, u agresiji na Republiku Hrvatsku su, osim postrojbi JNA s podruja BiH, sudjelovale i pojedine postrojbe republike vojske - Teritorijalne obrane (TO) BiH.393 Pritom je vano naglasiti da je Skuptina SRBiH, 15. listopada 1991. g., u zavrnoj toki dokumenta Platforma o poloaju Bosne i Hercegovine, izmeu ostalog, zakljuila i slijedee: Snage Teritorijalne obrane u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini su pod kontrolom Predsjednitva Republike. U sluaju vanjskog napada na jugoslavensku zajednicu iste snage se stavljaju pod zajedniku komandu.394 Na poetku srbijanske oruane agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku, 17. kolovoza 1990. g., intervenciju helikoptera hrvatske policije sprijeili su zrakoplovi JNA koji su bili smjeteni u Bihau (na podruju BiH). Isto tako, 07. listopada 1991. g., kad je u Zagrebu raketirano sjedita Franje Tumana, Predsjednika Predsjednitva Republike Hrvatske, ratni zrakoplov JNA poletio je iz Bihaa. U povjerljivom Izvjetaju od 19/20. 09. 1991. g. pod brojem 301/1, kojeg je Glavni tab TO SAOK (Teritorijalna obrana Srpske autonomne oblasti Krajina, op. a.) uputio Vrhovnom k-dantu OS SAOK (Oruane snage SAOK), izmeu ostalog se navodi: Poslije
390

v. Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, prilozi na kraju knjige Karte 1, 2, 5 i 7; Praljak, S., Agresija, karte i podaci

na str. 5-9.
391 392 393 394

Kulenovi, T., n. dj., str. 93. www.slobodanpraljak.com v. izvorne video snimke koritene u dokumentarnom filmu Vranjican, Pavla, Komije, Zagreb, 2003. Vjesnik, 16. listopada 1991; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 72-74; (3D00320).

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inicijative Krajinika iz Grahova, Drvara i Petrovca (gradovi na teritoriju BiH, op. a.) koji ele aktivno da se ukljue u odbranu SAO Krajine i da pomognu naem narodu, na tom podruju je boravio predsjednik Milan Babi i sekretar Milan Marti koji su prihvatili saradnju i dogovorili prihvat ljudstva.395 Iz izuzetno znaajnog dokumenta Obavijest o prolasku vojnih kolona JNA, Broj: 0432/92, Sarajevo, 13. 01. 1992. godine, kojeg je izdala JNA, a Ministarstvo za narodnu odbranu BiH proslijedilo tijelima vlasti u BiH, vidi se da su i institucije novih vlasti u BiH povremeno izravno suraivale sa srbijanskim strukturama pri izvoenju oruane agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku, ali i pri agresiji na svoj grad Mostar. Naime, u Obavijesti se izmeu ostalog navodi: Obavjetavamo vas da e jedinice, u toku odlaska radi preuzimanja obaveza na frontu ili odlaska u matine garnizone biti upuene na pravce koji iz zapadne Srbije, Crne Gore i istone Hercegovine vode ka Dubrovniku, Stonu (oba grada su na teritoriju Republike Hrvatske, op. a.) i Mostaru (grad u BiH, op. a.).396 Zatim niz dokumenata iz 1992. i 1993. godine, svjedoi da su srbijanske postrojbe i logistika, koji su bili smjeteni u BiH, kontinuirano (1992. i 1993. g.) sudjelovali u agresiji i okupaciji dijelova teritorija Republike Hrvatske.397

II.-7.2 Zarobljavanje Alije Izetbegovia

Krajem travnja 1992. g. poveavala se ratna drama u BiH. EU je u toj situaciji pozvala na novi krug pregovora u Lisabonu. Uoi odlaska A. Izetbegovia u Lisabon, odrana je (28. travnja 1992.) sjednica Predsjednitva RBiH na kojoj se upozorava domau i meunarodnu javnost da se dijalog ne moe voditi pod okupacijom kada se razaraju gradovi i naselja i masovno ubija neduno civilno stanovnitvo i uz potpunu blokadu saobraaja. Na istoj sjednici, Predsjednitvo RBiH se prvi put jasno oitovalo o situaciji u BiH zakljukom da su agresiju na Bosnu i Hercegovinu izvrile etniko-teroristike oruane formacije iz Srbije potpomognute rezervnim sastavima bive JNA iz Srbije i Crne Gore, te oruane formacije SDS potpomognute snagama bive JNA iz BiH. Predsjednitvo ne prihvata

395 396 397

Dokument preuzet iz Praljak, S., Agresija, str. 28-29. Isto, str. 39. Isto, str. 48-92.

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ocjenu po kojoj su sve stranke odgovorne za sadanju situaciju u BiH. Ove stavove Predsjednitvo je usvojilo jednoglasno.398 Tada se dogaala i presudna politika i vojna bitka za nadzor nad bosanskim glavnim gradom Zelene beretke i graani Sarajeva sprijeili su 2. svibnja JNA da odveze dokumentaciju iz Doma JNA Kao odgovor na tu opstrukciju, zapovjednik Sarajevskog korpusa JNA general Kukanjac naredio je opi napad na grad i zauzee zgrade bosanskog Predsjednitva. ini se da je to trebalo da bude koordinirano s otmicom Izetbegovia na sarajevskom aerodromu i pokuajem dravnog udara od strane Abdia i Delimustafia.399 Meutim, Kukanjac nije uspio u svojoj namjeri, te je ostao blokiran u svojoj sarajevskoj vojarni. Na povratku iz Lisabona, Izetbegovi i njegova ker su uhieni od strane Kukanjca. Tada se odigravala prava javna drama, jer je, izmeu ostalog i televizija izravno prenosila tonsko javljanje Izetbegovia iz zatoenitva. Predsjednitvo RBiH je, 3. svibnja 1992. g., odralo vanrednu sjednicu na kojoj se raspravljalo to poduzeti glede oslobaanja Izetbegovia, ali u paninoj situaciji nije postojalo suglasnosti za odreenu akciju, nego je svaki lan Predsjednitva RBiH imao svoju zbrkanu procjenu, a nitko nije htio ii na pregovore s JNA, opravdano se bojei da e biti takoer zarobljen.400 U meuvremenu je Izetbegovi, pod donekle nerazjanjenim okolnostima, puten iz zarobljenitva te je uz pomo UNPROFOR-a prevezen u dijelove Sarajeva pod nadzorom legalnih vlasti, a zauzvrat iz okruenja je puten Kukanjac s 20 kamiona opreme i vojnika. Slijedeeg dana, 04. svibnja, odrana je sjednica Predsjednitva RBiH, u ijem slubenom zapisniku je samo veoma kratko navedeno: Predsjednitvo je usvojilo Izvjetaj o aktivnostima koje su lanovi Predsjednitva obavljali u vrijeme odsustva i zarobljavanja predsjednika Predsjednitva JNA Alije Izetbegovia od strane bive JNA na povratku iz Lisabona.401 Meutim, Magnetofonski snimak 81. sjednice je veoma opsean i svjedoi o golemom rasulu i nekontroli dogaanja u BiH od strane legalnih vlasti. Izetbegovie je, izmeu ostalog, vezano za UNPROFOR rekao: Oni su nam jo jedino oko ovdje kroz koji gledamo svijet. Nema telefona, nema niega vie Mi smo otkinuti, pota nam ne radi, mi
398

Zapisnik 80. sjednice Predsjednitva Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, odrane 28. aprila 1992. godine,

dokument preuzet iz National Security, vol. 7, nr. 3, 2006, str.179-181.

399 400

Hoare, M. A., n. dj. str. 215. Magnetofonski snimak vanredne sjednice Predsjednitva., dokument preuzet iz National Security, vol.

7., nr. 3, 2006, str. 183-194.

401

Zapisnik 81. sjednice, dokument preuzet iz National Security, vol. 7, nr. 3, 2006, str. 195-196.

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nemamo vie veze sa svijetom. Telefoni ne rade, nemamo veze sa Zagrebom, Beom ni sakim veze.402 I niz drugih izvora (od kojih je dio koriten i u ovoj ekspertizi) nedvojbeno potvruju da su, u proljee 1992. g., srpske postrojbe uspostavile nad Sarajevom gotovo potpunu izolaciju, te da je Predsjednitvo RBiH bilo prometno i komunikacijski uglavnom odsjeeno od ostalih regija BiH i ostalog svijeta. Agresor je oko Sarajeva imao 35 komada orua kalibra veeg od 12,7 mm na kilometar fronta ilustativno je znati da je najveu

koncentraciju artiljerije u drugom svjetskom ratu ostvarila Crvena armija pred Berlinom 25 artiljerijskih orua na kilometar fronta.403 Primjerice, u takvoj situaciji, A. Izetbegoviu nije bilo mogue otputovati nakon telefonskog razgovora objavili Zajedniku izjavu.404 iz

Sarajeva na sastanak s F. Tumanom, te su stoga, sredinom lipnja 1992. g., bez sastanka a

II.-7.3 Oruani napadi na Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1991. godine

Sloenost politike i vojne situacije u BiH prepoznaje se u mnogobrojnim dvojbama i neznanjima koji postoje o nizu tema vezanim za ratno i predratno vrijeme. Izmeu ostalog, postoje velike razlike u datiranju poetka srbijanske oruane agresije na BiH. Uglavnom prevladava miljenje da je ta oruana agresija zapoela u proljee 1992. g., s tim to i tu postoje nesuglasja o dogaajima i datumima koji su oznaili poetak. Zbog razliitih interesa i razloga, izuzetno rijetko se spominju tri dogaaja iz 1991. g., koji pokazuju da su se srbijanski oruani napadi (agresija) na BiH dogaali ve 1991. godine. Prvi dogaaj, 10. svibnja 1991. g., bio je oruani napad koji su, s okupiranih dijelova Republike Hrvatske, izvrile postrojbe Milicije SAO Krajina na mjesto Unita u zapadnom dijelu BiH.405 Stanovnici Unita, Hrvati iz BiH, nali su se u bezizglednoj situaciji, nakon to su ih opkolili Martievi odmetnici, te selu zatvorili vodu i presjekli dovod elektrine energije.406
402

Magnetofonski snimak 81. sjednice, dokument preuzet iz National Security, vol 7, nr. 3, str. 199-245;

navod je na str. 199 i 203.

403 404 405 406

Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 193. v. Vjesnik, 16. lipnja 1992; ili Tuman, M., Istina, str. 181; (3D00320). v. Praljak, S., Agresija, str. 10. Kronologija rata, str. 57.

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Drugi dogaaj, 08. lipnja 1991. g., bio je upad 200 Martievih specijalaca iz tzv. SAO krajine u Bosansko Grahovo i Titov Drvar (gradovi u zapadnoj BiH, op. a.). Dok su se martievci postrojavali za smotru u Titovom Drvaru MUP (Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova, op. a.) BiH ostao je potpuno nemoan i razjedinjen.407 Na to se, 09. lipnja 1991. g., oglasila Vlada BiH i priopila da je upad nelegalnih oruanih snaga iz tzv. SAO krajine besprimjerno krenje ustavnog poretka Bosne i Hercegovine.408 Meutim, dan kasnije, 10. lipnja 1991. g., povodom navedenog dogaaja A. Izetbegovi se putem nacionalne televizije za BiH (Televizija Sarajevo) obratio javnosti u svoje lino ime i u ime Predsjednitva Bosne i Hercegovine, s veoma nekonzistentnom izjavom u kojoj je izrekao krajnje problematinu zakljunu poruku: Zapamtite, ovo nije na rat. Neka ga vode oni koji ele da ga vode.409 Naime, u izuzetno tekim sigurnosnim okolnostima u BiH i njenom okruenju, javna poruka s razine Predsjednika Predsjednitva SR BiH imala je viestruko negativne socijalno psiholoke uinke. S jedne strane, poruka je bila poticajna za agresore, a s druge strane, graanima BiH je jasno reeno da ih institucije drave BiH ne namjeravaju braniti te da su preputeni sami sebi. Trei dogaaj su oruani napadi na selo Ravno (u jugoistonoj BiH) u kojem su ivjeli Hrvati, a u okolnim selima u istonoj Hercegovini ivjeli su uglavnom Srbi. Napadi su poeli 15. rujna 1991. g. i s prekidima su trajali do 06. listopada 1991. godine. Selo Ravno je bilo meta napada u sklopu irih srbijanskih oruanih operacija kojima je cilj bio okupacija junih dijelova Republike Hrvatske od ua Neretve, preko Dubrovnika do Prevlake, te okupacija zapadne Hercegovine. Sredinom rujna 1991. g. je zabiljeeno da se cijela Hercegovina nalazila pod opom opasnou s obzirom da jedinice JNA iz Bilee i Trebinja idu prema apljini, gradu s veinskim hrvatskim stanovnitvom Trideset i pet autobusa, te stotinu oklopnih vozila, kamiona i osobnih automobila prevozili su JNA vojnike i civile pod punom ratnom spremom, koji su pucali iz svih oruja prolazei kroz Stolac Osam tisua crnogorskih rezervista stacionirano je na dubrovakom podruju, a svoj su napad zapoeli razaranjem sela Ravno u Hercegovini, da bi nastavili s razaranjem Dubrovnika.410 Na koncu, 6. listopada 1991. g. selo Ravno je spaljeno do temelja, a svi stanovnici, koji nisu uspjeli pobjei, masakrirani su. JNA nije dopustila niti republikom premijeru, a ni
407 408 409 410

Isto, str. 65. Isto. Obraanje javnosti A. Izetbegovia putem TV Sarajevo, 10. lipnja 1991. g.; www.slobodanpraljak.com Kronologija rata, str. 95.

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promatraima EZ smjetenim tamo, a kamoli novinarima, da uu u selo dok je trajala istraga.411

II.-7.4 Djelomini muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatski oruani sukobi

Zbog niza razloga i interesa, objektivno razumijevanje i promatranje djelominog muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskog sukoba jo uvijek je veoma optereeno stereotipima. Stoga je potrebno na nekoliko razina prikazati osnovne razmjere i posljedice tog sukoba, te vrste uzroka koji su do njega doveli. Najvanije je naglasiti da je muslimansko/bosansko-hrvatski oruani sukob, u odnosu na cjelinu ratnih dogaanja u BiH, bio stvarno marginalan. Prostorno, taj sukob se dogaao na pojedinim lokalitetima i to uglavnom na podruju srednje BiH i pojedinih dijelova zapadne Hercegovine. Vremenski, sukob nije bio kontinuiran, nego se u svim sluajevima (osim donekle u Mostaru), radilo o kratkotrajnim oruanim okrajima. Ukupni vremenski intervali pojavljivanja ovih pojedinanih sukoba trajali su od kraja listopada 1992. g. do prvih mjeseci 1994. godine. Intenzitet tih pojedinanih oruanih sukoba je bio niske razine. Najvanije je naglasiti kako se u nijednom trenutku nije radilo o opem muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskom ratu. Odnosno, sukobi na pojedinim lokalitetima nisu bili strategijski, organizacijski i vremenski povezani. O tome najzornije svjedoi injenica to se za trajanja ovih pojedinanih sukoba - kao i tijekom ukupnog vremenskog trajanja njihovih pojavljivanja na drugim podrujima i bojitima BiH dogaala neprekinuta suradnja izmeu oruanih postrojbi ARBiH i HVO-a. To doslovno tvrdi i jedan od najviih zapovjednika ARBiH: Veoma je znaajno pomenuti da je u toku najeih sukoba ARBiH i HVO-a postojala neprekidna suradnja te dve vojske na brojnim zajednikim ratitima, od Oraja na severu Bosne preko tuzlanske regije do sarajevskog ratita..412 Uostalom, u razdoblju kad su se dogaali muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatski oruani sukobi, ni jedna strana nije bila sposobna voditi sloene (cjelovite) napadake vojne operacije, zbog niza razloga. Ponajprije, tada su ARBiH i naroito HVO bile u procesu ustrojavanja, koji je bio divergentan, kako ukupno tako i na pojedinim podrujima. Zatim, na veini prostora

411

Isto, str. 101; usp. Praljak, S., Agresija, str. 11. Takoer, v. dokumente u: Praljak, Slobodan, Zloini koje su

poinili neki pripadnici JNA/VRS (srpske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007.
412

Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 203.

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BiH, tijekom 1992. i 1993. g., snani srbijanski agresor je bio u najveoj osvajakoj progresiji, te je obrana nuno bila glavno opredjeljenje daleko slabijih i ARBiH i HVO-a. U razdoblju druge polovice 1994. i tijekom 1995. g., kada su ARBiH i HVO bile najsnanije i sposobne za napadaka djelovanja, dogaala se njihova puna i ratno veoma uspjena suradnja, to je (uz politiku i vojnu pomo Republike Hrvatske i meunarodne zajednice) srbijanskog agresora na koncu prisililo na politiki sporazum. Pored niza okolnosti koje su pogodovale ili utjecale na izbijanje

muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih oruanih sukoba, jedna oigledna se istie; prije izbijanja sukoba, na podruje srednje BiH pristigao je veliki broj Muslimana/Bonjaka koje je srbijanski agresor protjerao s drugih podruja BiH, to je samo po sebi izazvalo velike demografske, humanitarne, socijalne i sigurnosne poremeaje na podruju srednje BiH, na kojem je inae postojala povijesna tradicija naglaeno uspjenog suivota

Muslimana/Bonjaka i Hrvata. Odnosno, zbog etnikog ienja kojeg je u BiH provodio srbijanski agresor, veliki broj proganih Muslimana/Bonjaka doao je na mali prostor srednje BiH, te je urna potreba da im se nae ivotni prostor413 takoer utjecala na izbijanje muslimansko/bonjakohrvatskih sukoba u srednjoj BiH. O tome je svjedoio i jedan od aktera dogaanja u srednjoj BIH koji je pojednostavljeno objasnio kako lokalni Hrvati i Muslimano nikada ne bi uli u sukob da nije bilo priljeva tih izbjeglica koji su za sebe traili prostor, nakon to su svoj izgubili u zapadnoj i istonoj Bosni.414 Navedena situacija je nedovjbeno pogodovala izbijanju sukoba izmeu pojedinaca i manjih skupina, te se na taj nain u krajnje nesreenim okolnostima otvaralo daljnje umnoavanje razliitih vrsta negativnih dogaaja. Isto tako, neuspjeni meunarodni mirovni planovi, koji su nudili razliite vrste spornih unutarnjih teritorijalnih razgranienja na etniko-vjerskoj osnovi, predstavljali su stalni opi okvir koji je pogodovao usmjerenosti uglavnom upravljaki nekvalitetnih sredinjih i lokalnih - muslimansko/bonjakih i hrvatskih struktura u BiH na meusobno politiko i vojno sukobljavanje na etniko-vjerskoj osnovi. Na taj nain, gledajui cjelovito, djelomini muslimansko/bosansko-hrvatski oruani sukobi zapravo predstavljaju paradoks, jer su se dogaali u vrijeme kad su i Muslimani/Bonjaci i Hrvati u BiH bili gotovo nezatiene rtve vojniki uvjerljivo
413

Shrader, Charles R., Muslimansko-hrvatski graanski rat u srednjoj Bosni, Golden Marketing, Zagreb, 2004,

str. 27.
414

Isto, str. 27; iskaz Franje Nakia (Naelnik stoera Operativne zone Srednje Bosne HVO-a, od prosinca 1992.

do prosinca 1996. g.), 13. travnja 2000. g., u Haagu na suenju Kordiu i erkezu.

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nadmonog srbijanskog agresora, a kasnije - u vrijeme kad su ARBiH i HVO bili jai i napadaki sposobni dogaala se njihova puna suradnja. Upravo zbog toga je potrebno s velikim oprezom istraivati i utvrivati uzroke i okolnosti izbijanja svakog pojedinog muslimansko/bosansko-hrvatskog oruanog sukoba. Na opoj logikoj razini, kao i na konkretnoj dogaajnoj razini je nedvojbeno da su muslimansko/bosansko-hrvatski oruani sukobi iskljuivo i viestruko donosili korist srbijanskom agresoru. Ponajprije, to je znatno olakalo srbijanski osvajaki pohod i okupaciju dvije treine teritorija BiH. Zatim, djelomini muslimansko/bosansko-hrvatski oruani sukobi su iskoriteni od Srbije i nekih drugih interesa da se u meunarodnoj zajednici stvori i odri potpuno neobjektivna i neselektivna percepcija o graanskom ratu i ravnotei odgovornosti (moralne, politike, pravne, povijesne) srbijanskih, hrvatskih i muslimansko/bonjakih struktura za dogaaje u BiH. To je takoer bio strateki interes srbijanskog agresora, jer je ta percepcija o dogaajima u BiH bitno utjecala na istu percepciju i za druge dijelove bive Jugoslavije na kojima je Srbija bila agresor.415 Znakovito je da se stereotipi o graanskom ratu i ravnotei odgovornosti poinju oblikovati u razdoblju kad je meunarodna zajednica Srbiju opravdano i jasno oznaavala agresorom i zbog toga joj nametnula sankcije. U konanici, postojanje ovih stereotipa je omoguilo nastanak i dosadanje odravanje meunarodne verifikacije teritorijalnih uinaka srbijanske agresije u BiH, koji su postignuti najgorom vrstom zloina koje poznaje meunarodno humanitarno pravo. Meutim, na sekundaran nain, muslimansko/bosansko-hrvatskim oruanim sukobima je pogodovao niz okolnosti koje su postojale i unutar muslimansko/bonjakih i hrvatskih struktura. Openito, radilo se o nepripremljenosti, a s time i nekvaliteti jednih i drugih, to je dovelo do poremeaja u razumijevanju hijerarhije opecivilizacijskih i nacionalnih vrijednosti i interesa, te su se sukladno tome veoma esto donosile odluke o konkretnom postupanju. A zapravo se radilo prvenstveno o sukobu za mo izmeu skupina na sredinjoj (dravnoj), regionalnoj i lokalnoj razini u BiH. Taj proces se najsustavnije moe pratiti na najvanijoj razini u BiH Predsjednitvu (S)RBiH, koje je u ratnim uvjetima praktino preuzelo svekoliku sredinju vlast. Iz dostupnih zapisnika i magnetofonskih snimaka sjednica Predsjednitva u razdoblju 1991. do 1994.

415

v. Hodge, C., n. dj.; Cigar, Norman, Srpski ratni napor i okonanje rata, u Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni, str.

229-254.

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godine416

moe

se

jasno

pratiti

proces

podjele

sukoba

interesa

izmeu

muslimansko/bonjakih i hrvatskih predstavnika u Predsjednitvu (S)RBiH, te isti zasebni procesi unutar jednih i unutar drugih. Iz ove izvorne grae je oigledno da su se procesi svih naznaenih podjela i sukoba stvarno temeljili na interesima manjih skupina (struktura) i pojedinaca, iako su se oni povremeno formalno pozivali na zajednike dravne, nacionalne i etnike interese. Takva situacija u Predsjednitvu (S)RBiH, prenosila se u politiku i vojnu strukturu o kojoj je u ratnim uvjetima odluivalo Predsjednitvo, s tim to taj utjecaj (zbog agresije te izoliranosti, neustrojenosti i drugih slabosti strukture legalnih vlasti BiH) openito nije bio snaan i bio je veoma razliit ili se potpuno gubio na niim razinama, ovisno o okolnostima. No, nedvojbeno je da je stanje u formalno najmonijim muslimansko/bonjakim i hrvatskim strukturama pridonosilo opem ozraju netrpeljivosti i neodgovornosti na niim razinama. S druge strane, takve ukupne okolnosti, radi objektivnosti, zahtijevaju veoma pozorna istraivanja i procjenjivanja svakog pojedinanog sluaja djelominog

muslimansko/bosansko-hrvatskog oruanog sukoba, bez metodoloki pogrenog mehanikog generaliziranja.

II.-7.5 Ruenje Starog mosta u Mostaru

Rat koji se pri kraju 20. stoljea dogaao u BiH jo uvijek je u velikoj mjeri neistraen s motrita uzroka, tijeka dogaaja i posljedica. Neistraenost je bitno utjecala, s jedne strane, na neznanje, a s druge strane, na nastanak ili proizvodnju iskrivljenih ili potpuno krivotvorenih znanja. Isto tako, rat u BiH je na niz naina bio veoma sloen dogaaj, te stoga ima malo pojedinanih ratnih dogaaja u BiH koji mogu posluiti kao ilustracija te sveukupne sloenosti. Ruenje Starog mosta u Mostaru jedan je od dogaaja koji na vie naina ilustrira i neistraenost i sloenost ratnih i poratnih dogaanja vezanih za BiH. Gledajui statistiki, Stari most u Mostaru, koji je sruen 09. studenog 1993. g., predstavlja tek jedan od niza mostova koji su tijekom rata srueni u BiH. Prije i nakon ruenja Starog mosta rueni su, u Mostaru i BiH, drugi mostovi koji su imali puno veu vojnu

416

Veliki broj Zapisnika i prijepisa iz magnetofonskih snimki objavljen je u est knjiga (asopisa) National

Security and the Future, 2006. i 2007. godine.

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vanost. Jo prije ljeta 1992. g., srbijanski agresor je samo u Mostaru sruio sve mostove, osim Starog mosta koji je bio znatno oteen. Openito, daleko najvee objektivno znaenje Starog mosta, koji je sluio samo pjeacima, je povijesno-spomeniko, jer se radilo o starom remek-djelu otomanske arhitekture iz 16. stoljea. Do ruenja, Stari most je bio izravni materijalni izvor za znanja o ratnim dogaajima u Mostaru, a posredni izvor i za prostor BiH, jer je Mostar imao strateko znaenje za sve aktere na prostoru BiH, te su se na njemu dugo i intenzivno - ogledali politiki i vojni odnosi na mostarskom podruju i u cijeloj BiH. Prva oteenja Stari most je dobio ve u lipnju 1992. g., od srpskog granatiranja tijekom napada na Mostar, i to je slikom i tekstom zabiljeeno u tadanjim lokalnim novinama.417 Zbog toga, u lipnju 1992. g. HVO je izvrio improviziranu privremenu zatitu mosta postavljanjem dasaka Ta je zatita pravljena pod stalnom prijetnjom srpskih granata.418 U listopadu 1992. g., ponovno srpsko granatiranje je jo vie otetilo Stari most, i to su takoer slikom i tekstom zabiljeile lokalne novine.419 U narednom razdoblju, most je bio u sreditu muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih oruanih sukobljavanja u Mostaru. Stari most se nalazio u zoni pod kontrolom ARBiH, par stotina metara od crte razdvajanja, dakle u podruju relativno intenzivnih oruanih sukoba. Preko njega se s velikim rizikom prelazilo. Pripadnici ARBiH su preko Starog mosta uestalo prenosili ratni materijal (ukljuujui oruje i streljivo), a prelazile su i popune ARBiH upuene na crte razdvajanja. Stoga je nedvojbeno da je Stari most u to vrijeme bio vojni objekt. U vie navrata most su sve sukobljene strane oteivale iz razliitih vrsta oruja. U ratnim okolnostima i velikom stradavanju ljudi i objekata, donekle je razumljivo to sve vee oteivanje Starog mosta nije izazivalo posebnu javnu pozornost. Meutim, unato oteenjima most je opstajao, jer najvjerojatnije nije bio meta ruenja, sve do 9. studenog 1993. godine. Znakovito je to je in ruenja Starog mosta snimljen video kamerama s nekoliko mjesta i kasnije su objavljeni albumi i videokaseta s naslovom Rat u Mostaru, proizvod BBC

417

Golua, Boo, Tko je uistinu sruio Stari most?, Motrita 28, Matica Hrvatska, Mostar, 2003, str. 74. Osim

toga, v. dokumente u: Praljak, Slobodan, Urbicid koji su poinile postrojbe JA pod vodstvom Momila Periia nad Mostarom u ljeto 92., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007.
418 419

Isto, str. 65. Isto, str. 74.

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Production, koja je bila u prodaji 2000. god.420 Nakon ruenja, Stari most je u narednih 12 godina sustavnim politikim, medijskim i drugaijim djelovanjima pretvoren u jedan od kljunih i navodno neupitnih pokazatelja, dokaza i simbola koji su svjedoili o navodnom negativnom ratnom i negativnom drugaijem identitetu i karakteru hrvatskih struktura u BiH i Republici Hrvatskoj. Markentika osnova ovog stereotipa je bila jednostavna: hrvatska strana je navodno zapovjedila topniko gaanje i sruila vojniki navodno nevani Stari most, te s time prokazala dubinu svog navodnog zloinakog plana. Navodni zapovjednik ruenja Starog mosta bio je general Slobodan Praljak, dotadanji zapovjednik Glavnog stoera HVO-a. Markentika mo irenja stigmatizirajueg stereotipa bila je golema, te su potpuno bez uvaavanja ostajale ak i naglaeno oigledne najosnovnije injenice.421 Proizvoenje javne uvjerljivosti stereotipa o ruenju Starog mosta je bila toliko velika, da je u meunarodnom i domaem prostoru nanosila golemu politiku i drugaiju tetu hrvatskim strukturama u BiH i Republici Hrvatskoj, koje su takoer i same uglevnom povjerovale u stereotip, i to u tolikom razmjeru da je Predsjednik Republike Hrvatske odbio uope i primiti generala Praljka, koji je imao namjeru upoznati ga s injenicama.422 Tek kada je 2006. g. objavljena knjiga Kako je sruen Stari most injenice, u kojoj je, pored niza dokumenata, objavljena i detaljna Analiza ruenja Starog mosta - koju su izradila trojica vrhunskih znanstvenika i koja dokazuje da je most sruen podmetnutim eksplozivom a ne topnikom granatom - najedanput je posve prestalo dotadanje sustavno i intenzivno markentiko djelovanje, a tema Starog mosta i njegove sudbine otila je na jo veu javnu marginu nego to je bila prije ruenja mosta. Jo je znakovitije, to su zatim onemoguena javna propitivanja o uzrocima, interesima i akterima proizvoaa stereotipa o ruenju Starog mosta u Mostaru. Isto tako, istovremeno je potpuno potisnuto istraivanje i javni interes za odgovor na jo uvijek otvoreno pitanje: Tko je, zaista, i zato je sruio Stari most?

420 421 422

Isto, str, 65. v. Praljak, Slobodan, Kako je sruen Stari most, Zagreb, 2006. Isto, str. 47.

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II.-7.6 Mudahedini i Al-Qaida u BiH

Usporedo s brzim irenjem i jaanjem srbijanske oruane agresije na BiH, u prvoj polovici 1992. godine, moe se pratiti i sve vea nazonost islamskih humanitarnih organizacija i radikalnih islamskih dragovoljaca (mudahedina) koji su pristizali u BiH iz islamskih dijelova svijeta. I islamske humanitarne organizacije i mudahedini su bili iskljuivo usmjereni na pruanje pomoi samo Muslimanima/Bonjacima. Ta iskljuivost je u tadanjim, sloenim i tekim okolnostima u BiH, izgledala, na neki nain, samorazumljiva, te se to nije posebno ni problematiziralo niti istraivalo. Tim vie, jer je ve i prije (u Republici Hrvatskoj) i tada u BiH na svim stranama bio nazoan veliki (a neutvreni) broj humanitarnih organizacija, skupina i pojedinaca, te dragovoljaca iz svih dijelova svijeta, bez posebnog propitivanja o njihovim motivima, interesima i svrhama. Meutim, nakon okantnog teroristikog napada koji se dogodio u SAD-u 11. rujna 2001. godine, te drugih teroristikih napada i trajnih sigurnosnih prijetnji koje su nakon toga jasno upuene dravama zapadnog svijeta, zapoela su veoma sustavna policijska, obavjetajna, znanstvena, medijska i drugaija istraivanja tog problema. U tom kontekstu, mnogi tragovi su doveli i do prostora BiH u ratnom razdoblju, te posve drugaijeg razumijevanja nazonosti islamskih humanitarnih organizacija i mudahedina na prostoru BiH. Utvrdilo se da nazonost islamskih humanitarnih organizacija i mudahedina u BiH uglavnom nije bio spontani in solidarnosti, nego cjelovita, temeljito planirana i visoko sofisticirana operacija radikalne islamske teroristike organizacije - Al-Qaida (baza, mrea).423 Prema tome, vanost sukoba na Balkanu se naalost dosad esto umanjivala. Amerikanci i Europljani esto se pitaju kako se Al-Qaida tako uspjeno uvukla u Europu i na Zapad, stvarajui teroristike elije Neki od najvanijih odgovora mogu se nai u Bosni, gdje je krema afganistanskih Arapa vjebala svoje ratnike vjetine i unovaila novu generaciju okorjelih gerilskih pristaa.424 Iz afganistanskih brda i saudijske pustinje lako se uspostavljala veza sa Sudanom simpatizerima u Kanadi i Bosnom Kada su u BiH poeli stizati prvi "mudahedini" sa sobom su dovlaili za njih na prvi pogled netipinu opremu: limene kovege sa satelitskim

423

v. Kohlmann, Evan F., Al-Qaidin dihad u Europi, afganistansko-bosanska mrea, Zagreb, 2005; Evan F.

Kohlmann je savjetnik amerikog Ministarstva pravosua i FBI-ja za podruje meunarodnog terorizma.

424

Isto, str. 14.

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telefonima i antenama, te raunalne zaslone i tipkovnice. itavo vrijeme rata u BiH (19921995.) Bin Ladenovi ljudi i povjerenici drali su na taj nain pod kontrolom islamistike borce bez obzira na formalno podreivanje Armiji BiH.425 Bosna je Al-Qaidi posluila za infiltraciju na pet razina. U propagandnom smislu organizacija je dobila idealni teren za promociju svojih ideja o istim islamskim dravama U tim propagandnim radionicama u potpunosti je koritena raunalna tehnologija. Promidbene spotove napravljene u BiH, Al-Qaida je podjednako pokazivala i zainteresiranim Bonjacima koje je eljela zavrbovati kao i simpatizerima u arapskoislamskim zemljama pa su svjee autentine video-snimke o novomu "svetom ratu" bili esto dovoljna injekcija za neodlune.426 Osobe diljem svijeta koje su odluile pristupiti Al-Qaidi bile bi poslane u BiH na tzv. "ivu obuku na terenu". Primjerice, kljuni ljudi u alirskom zabranjenim islamistikim organizacijama FIS i GIA proli su kroz obuku i estoke borbe upravo u BiH Bosna je AlQaidi bila potrebna i zbog pranja novca ne samo preko raznih humanitarnih i kulturnih udruga nego i putem rubnih dijelova administrativnog aparata kojeg su gradili i odravali Bonjaci i vlast Alije Izetbegovia.427 Ve u travnju 1992. g., nakon to su mudahedini zauzeli Kabul (u Afganistanu), eik Abu Abdel Aziz otputovao je s etiri iskusna arapsko-afganistanska zapovjednika u Bosnu i Hercegovinu da "provjeri teren", te je brzo zakljuio da je to doista pravedan sveti rat. "Svi muslimani trebaju sudjelovati ", predloio je, "bilo novcem, bilo brigom za udovice i siroad, bilo primanjem izbjeglica, bilo borbom za dihad Ima mnogo organizacija koje to mogu. Mi donosimo ljude".428 elnitvo mudahedina u BiH i Afganistanu imenovalo je eika Abu Abdela Aziza za prvog emira, tj. vrhovnog zapovjednika, bosanskih Arapa iz Afganistana, a on je uskoro podignuo svoj prvi stoer na vjebalitu Mehurii, blizu Travnika u srednjoj Bosni.429 Istodobno, u proljee 1992. g., ratoborni egipatski eik Anwar Shaaban dodijelio je samom sebi epsku ulogu biti politiki voa i glavni glasnogovornik stranih pripadnika

425

Vinar, Fran, Al-Qaidin put: od Afganistana preko BiH do mekanog trbuha Europe, pogovor u Kohlmann, E.

F., n. dj., str. 290.

426 427 428 429

Isto, str. 293. Isto, str. 293. Kohlmann, E. F., n. dj., str. 34-35. Isto, str. 35.

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dihada u Bosni430, te je uskoro u Milanu (Italija) otvoren novi Islamski centar koji se brzo razvio u glavnu osovinu mree afganistansko-arapske djelatnosti u cijeloj junoj Europi.431 Ve u ljeto 1992. g. A. Shaaban je poveo prvu "slubenu" afganistansko-arapsku delegaciju u Bosnu, a nakon toga je radio vie od tri godine kao duhovni i politiki eik stranih mudahedina na Balkanu.432 Ratnici su bili jedan dio Al-Qaidine sloene djelatnosti koja je imala iroku, raznoliku i veliku financijsku potporu. U amerikom obavjetajnom izvjeu iz 1996. g. je zakljueno da je gotovo jedna treina islamskih nevladinih organizacija na Balkanu potpomagala djelovanje islamskih skupina koje se bave terorizmom.433 Tako je i Meunarodna zaklada dobre volje ili BIF, koritena da se "presele sredstva u podruja gdje Al-Qaida vri operacije", pa je njihov stoer u Hrvatskoj osnovan za "operacije pomoi i potpore dihadu u Bosni i Hercegovini".434 Isto tako, Agencija za pomo Treem svijetu (Third World Relief Agency TWRA), osnovana 1987. u Beu (s uredima u Sarajevu, Budimpeti, Moskvi i Istambulu) brzo je izbila na lo glas zbog navodnog financiranja i verca oruja za paravojne muslimanske vojnike i mudahedine u Bosni uz izravno krenje meunarodnog embarga na oruje.435 U svibnju 1992. g. osnovana su prva dva vojna logora za pripremanje ratnika za dihad (sveti rat): u Zenici i Mehuriima kod Travnika. Potom su vojni logori osnivani i na drugim lokalitetima, uglavnom u srednjoj Bosni: na brdu Igman, te u Turbetu, Radini i drugdje u Lavanskoj dolin. Ovi logori su bili ureeni potpuno u skladu s afganistanskim modelom: intenzivno, agresivno novaenje i pouavanje u vojnoj taktici, ali i nasilnom, napadakom obliku islamskog fundamentalizma. 436 Od rujna 1992. g. mogu se pratiti oruana djelovanja mudahedina u srednjoj BiH,437 a prema nekim procjenama, pri kraju 1992. g. u BiH je bilo priblino 700 ljudi iz Irana, Turske, Sjeverne Afrike, Afganistana i Palestine.438 Zanimljivo je to su do rujna 1992. g.

430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438

Isto, str. 37. Isto, str. 39. Isto, str. 40 Isto, str. 55-56. Isto, str. 57-58. Isto, str. 69. Isto, str. 43. Isto, poglavlje Poinje bitka, str. 75-94. Isto, str. 92.

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muslimanski borci obino mogli prelaziti Hrvatsku i prevoziti oruje prema Bosni bez incidenata, a u rujnu je Hrvatska odjednom zatvorila putove verca oruja preko svog teritorija.439 Tijekom 1993. i prvih mjeseci 1994. g., na nizu lokaliteta oruanih

muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih sukoba sudjelovali su i mudahedini, bilo samostalno bilo u suradnji s postrojbama Armije RBiH.440 Osim sudjelovanja u oruanim sukobima, mudahedini su u pojedinim dijelovima srednje BiH bili zadueni za "posebne operacije", prvenstveno da ubijaju i otimaju hrvatske "vodee linosti",441 te da vre razliite vrste zloina i zastraivanja radi progona Hrvata iz pojedinih dijelova srednje BiH meunarodni su promatrai izvijestili kako "graani bjee od bonjakih dragovoljaca pod vatrom strojnica. Ima jakih dokaza o zvjerstvima Nema svjedoka pokolja, ali nali smo velik broj mrtvih graana".442 Opisana je i slijedea situacija: Krajem lipnja (1993. g., op. a.), arapski su ekstremisti krenuli od Gue Gore (kod Travnika u srednjoj BiH, op. a.) do oblinje kole u mjestu Metrovii, gdje je bio 231 hrvatski civilni prognanik. Bez ikakva povoda, ratnici dihada odjednom su uzeli prognanike kao taoce i zaprijetili da e ih sve poklati. Na kraju su mjesni vojnici Armije BiH silom otjerali Arape iz Metrovia i dogovorili prihvatljivi kompromis s njima tako to su se sloili da e sve Hrvate iseliti iz muslimanskog teritorija.443 Mudahedini su se sukobljavali i s postrojbama meunarodnih mirovnih snaga. Tako se u prvoj polovici lipnja 1993. g. zaotrio sukob izmeu mudahedina i britanskih snaga UN-a koje su nastojale zatititi civile na putevima izmeu Zenice i Travnika. Ratnici dihada su odmah okrenuli bacae raketa i puke prema vozilima UN-a, a nazoni se mudahedinski zapovjednik, nepoznat mukarac britanskog porijekla s afganistanskom kapom i plavom maramom preko lica, na savrenom engleskom obratio britanskom asniku i hladno mu rekao: "Smirite se, ovi ljudi nee pucati ako im ja ne zapovjedim".444 Na koncu, kad je postignut dogovor mudahedin se odbio rukovati s britanskim asnikom rekavi da nee dotaknuti meso nevjernika.445
439 440 441 442 443 444 445

Isto, str. 107. Isto, poglavlje Sukob s Hrvatima (1993-4.), str. 95-136. Isto, str. 110. Isto, str. 116. Isto, str. 117. Isto, str. 119. Isto, str. 120.

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Iako je tema o ulozi Al-Qaide u politikim i ratnim dogaajima u BiH jo uvijek znaajnim dijelom neistraena, na temelju dosadanjih saznanja opravdana je nekolicina zakljuaka. Prvi je: odluka Al-Qaide da se bori u ratu u Bosni i Hercegovini doprinijela je da vei dio Srednje Bosne postane humanitarna nona mora.446 Drugi zakljuak je na injenicama utemeljena logina pretpostavka: Vlada Alije Izetbegovia, njegov vojni kadar i narod (muslimansko/bonjaki, op. a.) doekali su mudahedine s oduevljenjem i olakanjem u nadi da e se uz njihovu pomo ratna srea konano okrenuti u korist bonjake strane.447 Priblino 5000 dragovoljaca iz arapsko-islamskog svijeta stiglo je ukupno u BiH pridruivi se Armiji BiH448 te su u BiH situaciji predstavljali znaajnu vojnu snagu, napose zbog obuenosti i fanatizma, kao i koncentriranog djelovanja uglavnom na malom prostoru srednje BiH. O ratnom, ali i politikom i identitetskom znaaju ratnika dihada za dio najmonije muslimansko/bonjake strukture u BiH svjedoi i slijedea injenica: Vlada (RBiH, op. a.) je 13. kolovoza (1993. g., op. a.) slubeno zasnovala Kateebat al-Mujahideen ("Odred svetih ratnika") na temelju osobne zapovijedi bosanskog predsjednika Alije Izetbegovia, kojem je jedinica bila izravno odgovorna.449 Za zakljuke o ritmu i nainima provoenja, te duini i irini impregniranosti vladajue muslimansko/bonjake vojne, politike i drutvene upravljake strukture s radikalnim islamizmom potrebno je provesti niz istraivanja. No, nedvojbeno je da je ta impregniranost bila nazona te da je utjecala na ratna i poratna ukupna dogaanja u BiH, o emu svjedoe i injenice navedene u ovom i nekolicini ostalih poglavlja ove ekspertize.450

446 447 448 449 450

Isto, str. 76. Vinar, F., n. dj., str. 291. Isto, str. 291. Kohlmann, E. F., n. dj., str. 126. npr.: Islamska deklaracija, raslojavanje unutar muslimansko/bonjakih elita, proces islamizacije ARBiH itd.

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III.

ODNOS REPUBLIKE HRVATSKE PREMA BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1991.-1995. GODINE)

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Uvodna napomena

Za cjelovito razumijevanje i procjenjivanje odnosa Republike Hrvatske (RH) prema Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju 1990.-1995. godine nuno je poznavati i uvaavati kljune probleme s kojima se u tom razdoblju suoavala RH. Uoi srbijanske oruane agresije, RH i BiH su bile u veoma slinom poloaju. Teritoriji RH i BiH su u tadanjim srbijanskim planovima bili jedna cjelina koja je jasno oznaena kao cilj osvajanja. Sukladno tome, srbijanske strukture su na teritorijima RH i BiH djelovale propagandno, politiki i naoruavanjem dijela srpskog stanovnitva u RH i BiH. Ve 1990. g. prosrbijanska JNA je protuzakonito oduzela veliku veinu oruja TO RH i TO BiH, te su ove dvije drave koje su bile u procesu ustrojavanja bile bez vojske i oruja. U takvom krajnje neravnopravnom vojnikom odnosu snaga, temeljni interes RH i BiH (kao i Slovenije i Makedonije, te Kosova) bio je pronai politiki put za rasplet tzv. jugoslavenske krize. Odnosno, RH i BiH, da su i htjele, nisu imale ni najosnovnije pretpostavke za sudjelovanje u vojnikom (oruanom) nainu rjeavanja jugoslavenske krize. Na taj nain su RH, BiH, Slovenija i Makedonija nuno bile upuene na svekoliku meusobnu suradnju. Meutim, organizirana, sustavna strategijska suradnja izmeu njih nije uspostavljena (do 1994. g.), nego su se pojavljivali odreeni uglavnom spontani i povremeni oblici meusobnog suglasja. Takva vrsta suradnje se najvie institucijski oitovala na (ranije navedenim) sjednicama jugoslavenskog Predsjednitva tijekom 1990. i 1991. godine. Suglasja su se u manjoj mjeri oitovala na (ranije navedenim) meurepublikim sastancima 1991. godine. Iako je nelogino, pa ak i paradoksalno, na tada najznaajnijem sigurnosnom podruju nije u poetnom (najvanijem) razdoblju uope bilo suradnje meu rtvama srbijanske oruane agresije, to je bitno olakalo srbijansko ratovanje i osvajanja u RH i BiH, te kasnije na Kosovu. I do sada je istraivaki veoma otvoreno pitanje koji su imbenici (na koji nain i koliko pojedini imbenik) utjecali na izostanak ukupne, a naroito sigurnosne suradnje meu dravama rtvama srbijanske agresije. Kasniji odreeni i veoma uspjeni oblici politike i sigurnosne suradnje izmeu RH i BiH najbolje su pokazali, koliko je ta suradnja mogla biti

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korisna i u poetnom ratnom razdoblju, te kako je golema strateka pogreka bio izostanak te suradnje. U tom opem kontekstu treba promatrati i odnos RH prema BiH (kao i odnos BiH prema RH). Prema tome, gledajui cjelovito, taj odnos nije bio ni sustavan, ni bilateralno dogovoren, niti reciproan. Odnosno, on je (i kad se radi o RH) ovisio o procjenama i odlukama institucija vlasti RH (Sabor, Predsjednik, Vlada) koje su se prvenstveno ravnale prema svojoj percepciji interesa RH. Glavni interes RH u razdoblju od 1990. do sredine 1992. sastojao se od tri meusobno isprepletena dijela: ustrojavanje drave (u znatno oteanim uvjetima s priblino 1/3 okupiranog teritorija), obrana od srbijanske oruane agresije, meunarodno priznanje. U razdoblju od sredine 1992. do 1998. g., uvjerljivo primarni interes RH bio je naelno jednostavniji: reintegrirati (vratiti) okupirane dijelove teritorija u ustavnopravni poredak RH. Naime, nakon 1991. g. priblino etvrtina teritorija RH bila je okupirana, s tim to su okupirani dijelovi - teritorijalno i sigurnosno i nadalje dovodili u pitanje opstanak RH, jer su okupirani dijelovi na tri pravca gotovo onemoguavali integritet slobodnih dijelova drave. Najkritinije je bilo to, to je veliki juni dio RH bio kopneno odsjeen te se komunikacija izmeu sjevernih (i sredinjih) i junih dijelova RH odvijala preko otoka. Sigurnosno i komunikacijski je bilo tek neto manje kritino na okupiranim dijelovima u smjerovima prema Sloveniji i Maarskoj. Cjelokupni dravni i drutveni ivot u RH do kraja 1995. g. (kada je veina okupiranih dijelova reintegrirana; osim Podunavlja) bio je gotovo u cijelosti podreen i zaokupljen rjeavanjem navedenih problema. To se, primjerice, jasno prepoznaje iz strukture dravnog prorauna i vanjskopolitikog djelovanja, kao i iz politiko-medijskog govora i svakodnevnog ivota u RH. Ovi glavni problemi RH su do 1995. g. bili bitno i viestruko povezani s prostorom BiH. I prije srbijanske agresije, i nevezano za nju, bilo je na prvi (zemljopisni i povijesni) pogled jasno da su RH i BiH izuzetno meuovisni prostori u svakom pogledu (sigurnosnom, gospodarskom, komunikacijskom itd.), te da je teko zamisliti bilo kavu stabilnost jednog prostora bez stabilnosti drugog prostora. Srbijanska oruana agresija na RH se logistiki, oruanim djelovanjima, postrojbama i popunom u velikoj mjeri koristila prostorom BiH i njegovim resursima. Zatim, veina okupiranih dijelova RH je teritorijalno graniila s BiH. Budui je srbijanska agresija u smjeru zapada bila jedan cjeloviti plan i operativna izvedba, okupirani dijelovi RH su nakon 1991. g. postali dio srbijanskog osvajakog procesa u BiH. Dostatno je ovdje naznaiti da se od

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1992. do 1995. g., cjelokupna (vojna i civilna) opskrba okupiranih dijelova RH (osim Podunavlja) odvijala preko prostora BiH. Na taj nain je zapravo sudbina reintegracije okupiranih dijelova RH bitno i izravno ovisila o raspletu ratnih dogaaja u BiH. I napokon, gledajui cjelovito - zbog politike i vojne nepripremljenosti Hrvatske za dogaaje 1990-ih godina, kao i nekvalitete velikog dijela struktura koje su svoju institucijsku mo prenijele iz komunizma u sustav RH, te niza drugih tranzicijskih problema RH je u veini prijelomnih dogaaja 1990.-1995. g. bila akter koji je postupao uglavnom reaktivno, to se naroito oitovalo u odnosu prema promjenjivim i kontradiktornim zahtjevima koje je pred RH postavljala meunarodna zajednica. Primjerice, RH je u lipnju 1991. g. prihvatila nepovoljnu Brijunsku deklaraciju; na poetku 1992. g. prihvatila je nepovoljni Sarajevski sporazum, radi kojeg je prekinula veoma uspjenu osloboditeljsku akciju za zapadnoj Slavoniji i ak je napustila dio osloboenog teritorija; viestruko je prihvaano produavanje mandata UNPROFOR-a u RH, iako on nije izvravao preuzete obveze; 1992.-1995. g. (i nadalje) RH je slijedila sva promjenjiva ili kontradiktorna postupanja meunarodne zajednice prema BiH; 1995. g. RH je prihvatila izuzetno nepovoljni meunarodni Plan Z-4 koji je okupiranim dijelovim dijelovima RH nudio gotovo sve atribute drave. Naznaene injenice su okvir bez kojeg nije mogue objektivno saznavati kauzalnost (uzroci, tijek i posljedice) odnosa RH prema BiH u razdoblju 1990.-1995 godine. U ovom dijelu ekspertize, prikaz odnosa RH prema BiH je zbog analitikih razloga i preglednosti - podijeljen na osam tematskih poglavlja koja zajedno ine jednu cjelinu, u kojoj se na znanstveno standardiziran nain daje objektivna i cjelovita rekonstrukcija institucijskog odnosa drave RH prema dravi BiH u razdoblju 1991. 1995. godine.

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III.-1 DRAVNO POLITIKA RAZINA

III.-1.1 RH priznaje samostalnu dravu BiH (07. travnja 1992. g.)

O konkretnoj dravno politikoj razini odnosa RH prema dravi BiH najpouzdanije i najobjektivnije se moe govoriti ako se polazi od odnosa elnih dravnih institucija (Sabor, Predsjednik, Vlada) i to u razdoblju nakon meunarodnog priznanja BiH (7. travnja 1992. g.). U razdoblju prije toga (od 1990. g.) postoji cijeli niz tema i injenica (osnivanje stranaka i prvi viestranaki izbori u BiH u drugoj polovici 1990. g.; meurepubliki razgovori i pregovori u prvoj polovici 1991. g. itd.) koje imaju svoj historiografski znaaj i zanimljivost, no nisu u sreditu pozornosti ovog dijela ekspertize, nego su kao i ostala ranija povijesna razdoblja primjereno obuhvaeni u prethodnim poglavljima.. Posebno veliku dravno politiku teinu ima injenica to je RH priznala BiH kao samostalnu dravu istovremeno kad i EU i SAD, s tim to je odluka EU bila odluka zajednice, a pojedine drave EU su to provele naknadno. Na taj nain su EU, SAD i RH koje su prve priznale BiH jasno iskazale da je njihov najvei interes postojanje BiH kao samostalne drave. To meunarodno priznanje nije se dogodilo najedanput, nego je konkretni proces priprema trajao priblino pola godine, tijekom kojih je donesen cijeli niz meunarodnih odluka, miljenja i preporuka, te je u BiH sukladno tome proveden i referendum pod meunarodnim nadzorom. U tom cijelom meunarodnom procesu, RH je vrsto stajala na opredjeljenju da BiH bude samostalna drava, te je u okviru svoje utjecajnosti izravno poticala Hrvate BiH da na referendumu glasuju za samostalnost BiH. Tome su se estoko i na niz naina protivile Srbija i srpske strukture u BiH. Sam in meunarodnog priznanja BiH imao je svoju neposrednu meunarodnu uvertiru, u zajednikoj Deklaraciji EU i SAD-a o priznanju jugoslavenskih republika (10. oujka 1992. g.)451, te kulminaciju u odluci o meunarodnom priznanju BiH, koju su EU i SAD donijeli 06. travnja, s tim da priznanje tee od 07. travnja 1992. godine. Najvie dravne institucije RH su usporedo pratila taj meunarodni proces, te se Odluka Predsjednika RH (Franjo Tuman) o priznanju Socijalistike Republike Bosne i
451

v. Vjesnik, 12. oujka 1992; dokument se nalazi i u Tuman, M., Istina, str. 151-152; (3D00320).

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Hercegovine kao suverene i samostalne drave temeljila na odgovarajuem zakljuku Sabora Republike Hrvatske od 27. oujka 1992. i prijedlogu Vlade Republike Hrvatske od 06. travnja 1992.452 godine. U Odluci je, izmeu ostalog ponueno dvojno dravljanstvo pripadnicima hrvatskog naroda koji to ele, te predlaemo da to pitanje uredimo bilateralnim ugovorom, kao i da vlade naih zemalja u to skorije vrijeme povedu razgovore o uspostavi diplomatskih odnosa i svekolike suradnje izmeu Bosne i Hercegovine i Hrvatske.453

III.-1.2 Sporazum o prijateljstvu i suradnji izmeu RBiH i RH (21. srpnja 1992. g.)

Meutim, obostrano naelno eljena konkretizacija meudravnih odnosa izmeu RBiH i RH bila je znatno usporavana, jer - zbog srbijanske oruane agresije na BiH Izetbegoviu nije (bilo, op. a.) mogue otputovati iz Sarajeva. Stoga su A. Izetbegovi i F. Tuman, izraavajui nadu da e se moi uskoro sastati, 15. lipnja 1992. g. i bez susreta odluili dati Zajedniku izjavu u kojoj izmeu ostalog BiH izraava zahvalnost Republici Hrvatskoj za pruenu humanitarnu pomo i prihvat i zbrinjavanje velikog broja izbjeglica, graana Bosne i Hercegovine, a RH podrava napore Bosne i Hercegovine za ouvanje samostalnosti i suzbijanje agresije, i u tome joj prua i nastavit e pruati pomo.454 Potom je u Zajednikoj izjavi navedeno kako oba Predsjednika izraavaju punu suglasnost da nakon okonanja rata treba traiti politiko rjeenje za odnose u Bosni i Hercegovini, na naelu ravnopravnosti tri konstitutivna naroda, te da Predsjednik RH podrava napore meunarodne zajednice za prestanak agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu i zahtjev koji je Bosna i Hercegovina uputila meunarodnoj zajednici za pomo i djelotvornu akciju za spreavanje daljnje agresije.455 Poetkom srpnja 1992. g. Predsjednik RH (F. Tuman) je odgovorio na pismo Predsjednika Predsjednitva RBiH (A. Izetbegovi) u kojem mu pojanjava da se hrvatski narod u BiH suoen sa srpskom agresijom morao samoorganizirati ta da organiziranje HZHB i HVO tumaimo kao inicijative u okviru Republike Bosne i Hercegovine pa ih samo kao takve i podupiremo.456
452 453 454 455 456

Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 167-168; (3D00320). Isto; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 16. lipnja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 181-182; (3D00320). Isto, str. 183; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 195-196; (3D00320).

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elnici RBiH i RH napokon su se susreli prigodom vrhovnog skupa Konferencije o europskoj sigurnosti i suradnji (KESS, op. a.) 8. srpnja 1992. godine u Helsinkiju, te su nakon razgovora kojem su nazoili i njihovi suradnici dali jo jednu Zajedniku izjavu.457 U njoj su, izmeu ostalog, naveli da obje drave imaju zajednike interese u obrani svoje nezavisnosti i teritorijalne cjelovitosti od srpske i crnogorske agresije, te da su suglasni da se taj zajedniki interes treba ostvariti naporima i sredstvima koje predvia Povelja UN-a i dokumenti KESS-a.458 Nakon toga se naglasilo kako BiH cijeni napore meunarodne zajednice i Republike Hrvatske u pruanju pomoi, posebno prihvat i zbrinjavanje velikog broja izbjeglica, te da oba predsjednika jo jedanput naglaavaju privrenost svojih drava naelu da se unutarnje ureenje BiH uredi demokratski na temelju ravnopravnosti tri konstitutivna naroda.459 U Helsinkiju je, 09. srpnja 1992. g., na plenarnoj sjednici KESS-a govorio i F. Tuman,460 koji je naglasio: Pristupajui KESS-u Republika Hrvatska je usvojila sva naela i vrijednosti KESS-a U tom kontekstu dopustite mi da jo jednom vrlo jasno iznesem stajalite moje zemlje prema susjednoj dravi Bosni i Hercegovini. Hrvatska je bila meu prvim zemljama koje su priznale suverenitet i neovisnost Bosne i Hercegovine i u potpunosti potuje teritorijalni integritet Bosne i Hercegovine. Hrvatska podupire napore Bosne i Hercegovine i meunarodne zajednice za ouvanje njezine neovisnosti i njezin otpor zajednikom neprijatelju. Uskoro iza toga, 21. srpnja 1992. g., Predsjednik Predsjednitva RBiH i Predsjednik RH su u Zagrebu potpisali meudravni Sporazum o prijateljstvu i suradnji,461 koji je najvaniji meudravni dokument do 1994. g., jer su se na njemu (do 1994. g.) temeljili gotovo svi odnosi izmeu dvije drave, a naroito neoubiajeno iroki spektar pomoi koju je RH institucijski pruala BiH u obrani od srbijanske agresije i saniranju tekih posljedica koje je srbijanska agresija proizvodila na prostoru BiH. Na poetku ovog Sporazuma polazilo se od zajednikih interesa RBiH i RH u zatiti njihove nezavisnosti i teritorijalne cjelovitosti i ozbiljne zabrinutosti zbog nastavka agresije
457

Novi Vjesnik (dnevna novina), Zagreb, 07. srpnja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. Str.

197-198; (3D00320).
458 459 460 461

Isto, str. 198; (3D00320). Isto; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 199-202; (3D00320). Novi Vjesnik, 22. srpnja 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 212-214; (3D00320).

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ostataka Jugoslavenske narodne armije bive SFRJ i srpskih i crnogorskih vojnih regularnih i neregularnih snaga na njihova podruja.462 Potom se utvrdilo da se prihvaa niz dokumenata i miljenja koje su za prostor bive Jugoslavije donijele meunarodne institucije i skupine. Iza toga, u deset toaka Sporazuma navode se dogovori koji su postignuti o razliitim pitanjima. Izmeu ostalog, u toki prvoj Sporazuma utvreno je da e budue dravno ureenje BiH polaziti od naela pune jednakopravnosti triju konstitutivnih naroda, te da e se ustavno-politiko ureenje BiH temeljiti na konstitutivnim jedinicama, pri osnivanju kojih e se voditi rauna o nacionalnim, povijesnim, kulturnim, gospodarskim, prometnim i drugim elementima.463 U drugoj toki Sporazuma navedeno je da e RBiH i RH suraivati i meusobno se sporazumijevati, polazei od potivanja svojih posebnih interesa i svjesni povezanosti interesa njihovih zemalja.464 U posebnoj (treoj) toki Sporazuma dravna delegacija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine izraava zahvalnost Republici Hrvatskoj na prihvatu u zbrinjavanju izbjeglica iz Republike Bosne i Hercegovine iznad njenih mogunosti.465 U toki est Sporazuma odreeno je: Oruani dio Hrvatskog vijea obrane sastavni je dio jedinstvenih oruanih snaga Republike Bosne i Hercegovine Privremena civilna vlast, nastala u ratnim uvjetima u okviru Hrvatskog vijea obrane, uskladit e se to prije s ustavnopravnim poretkom Bosne i Hercegovine, o emu e se odmah povesti razgovori u duhu naela iz toke 1. ovog Sporazuma.466 Posebno je znaajna, a ujedno i najopirnija, toka 8. Sporazuma, na kojoj su se temeljili naredni sloeni meudravni vojni odnosi, ukljuujui vojnu pomo koju je RH pruala ARBiH i HVO te povremena djelovanja HV-a na graninim podrujima BiH. U ovoj toki Sporazuma polo se od injenice da se nastavlja agresija srpskih i crnogorskih vojnih snaga na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu, ali velikim dijelom i na Republiku Hrvatsku, s graninih podruja Republike Bosne i Hercegovine te se pozvalo institucije meunarodne zajednice (UN i EU) i SAD da poduzmu stvarne i djelotvorne mjere za energino

462 463 464 465 466

Isto, str. 212; (3D00320). Isto, str. 213; (3D00320). Isto, str. 213; (3D00320). Isto, str. 213; (3D00320). Isto, str. 214; (3D00320).

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zaustavljanje agresije za spreavanje daljnjih ljudskih rtava, proganjanja i iseljavanja i unitavanja materijalnih dobara.467 Pored toga, u toki 8. Sporazuma je zakljueno da e u cilju zaustavljanja srbijanske agresije RBiH i RH nastaviti dosadanju uspjenu suradnju i stalnu koordinaciju svojih obrambenih djelatnosti u graninim zonama izmeu njih. Svjesni injenice da ako se hitno ne zaustavi agresija na njih, objema dravama prijete daljnja razaranja i unitavanja njihovog dravnog bia i cjelovitosti, one e, u sluaju da napori meunarodne zajednice ostanu bezuspjeni, razmotriti i poduzeti sve potrebne oblike iroke suradnje na vojnom polju i usklaenje vojnih operacija radi definitivnog odbijanja opasnosti koja im prijeti.468 Pri kraju kolovoza 1992. g., u Meugorju su se sastale skupine elnika SDA i HDZBiH koje su donijele Zakljuke koji su u funkciji provedbe Sporazuma o prijateljstvu i suradnji.469 U Zakljucima je predloeno stvaranje etiriju konstitutivnih jedinica, koje bi se sastojale od vie regija, te da u BiH zakonodavnu vlast ima Ratno predsjednitvo, a izvrnu Ratna vlada koja bi se sastavila na paritetnim naelima. Predloeno je i da bi se na razini drave ustrojile jedinstvene oruane snage od pripadnika HVO i Armije BiH sa paritetnim zajednikim zapovjednitvom.470 Meutim, 12 dana kasnije (09. rujna 1992. g.) Ured predsjednika Predsjednitva BiH je objavio priopenje za javnost u kojem se posredno ograuje od Zakljuaka iz Meugorja navodei da Predsjednitvo BiH nije iniciralo rad tih komisija niti ima bilo kakve veze s tim.471 Tijekom zasjedanja Generalne skuptine UN-a, 21. rujna 1992. g., u New Yorku su se sastale delegacije RBiH i RH, na elu s A. Izetbegoviem i F. Tumanom, te su polazei od Sporazuma o prijateljstvu i suradnji, od 21. srpnja 1992. g., suglasili su se da potpiu Dodatak Sporazuma o prijateljstvu i suradnji.472 U Dodatku se polo od injenice da dosadanji diplomatski, politiki i humanitarni napori meunarodne zajednice nisu zaustavili agresiju na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Republiku Hrvatsku, pa su stoga, BiH i RH ,

467 468 469 470 471 472

Isto, str. 214; (3D00320). Isto, str. 214; (3D00320). Veernji list, 09. kolovoza 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 234-235; (3D00320). Isto, str. 234; (3D00320). Veernji list, 10. rujna 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 239; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 243-244; (3D00320).

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izmeu ostalog, odluile (sukladno Sporazumu o prijateljstvu i suradnji) osnovati zajedniki Odbor radi usklaivanja obrambenih napora, sve dok agresija u potpunosti ne prestane.473

III.-1.3 Pokuaji uspostave pune suradnje (listopad 1992.-travanj 1993. g.)

Na temelju toga, A. Izetbegovi je, 16. listopada 1992. g., dopisom obavijestio Ministra obrane RH (Gojko uak) o svojoj odluci (imenovanju): U skladu sa Sporazumom o prijateljstvu i suradnji ozmeu Republike Bosne i Hercegovine i Repubblike Hrvatske, u komisiju za koordiniranje vojnih aktivnosti ispred Republike Bosne i Hercegovine imenuju se: 1. BILAJAC RIFAT, 2. BENO FABIJAN, 3. ENGI HASAN (zamjena ABI SALEM).474 Istoga dana A. Izetbegovi je, na osnovi odgovornosti i ovlaenja koja imam kao predsjednik Savjeta za narodnu obranu i predsjednik Predsjednitva Bosne i Hercegovine, donio i slijedeu Naredbu: 1. Oruane snage Bosne i Hercegovine (Armija BiH i HVO) pristupie odmah pripremama akcije za deblokadu grada Sarajeva vojnim sredstvima Akciju pripremiti i izvriti u najkraem moguem roku Za zapovjednika akcije, s puniim ovlaenjima, imenuje se JASMIN JAGANJAC.475 Meutim, unato iskazane svijesti i namjera drava RBiH i RH, koje su posebno jasno oitovane u toki 8. Sporazuma o prijateljstvu i suradnji i njegovom Dodatku, pojavili su se dogaaji koji su usporavali i oteavali punu suradnju dviju drava-rtava (RBiH i RH) srbijanske oruane agresije. Iako je potpuno razvidno da je usporavanje i oteavanje pune suradnje RBiH i RH bio temeljni interes srbijanskog agresora, istraivaki je otvoren odgovor na historiografsko pitanje o dubinskim mehanizmima, akterima i interesima koji su konkretno upravljali procesom pokuaja razbijanja i odgaanja pune suradnje RBiH i RH.476

473 474 475 476

Isto, str. 244; (3D00320). www.slobodanpraljak.com www.slobodanpraljak.com O odreenom aspektu specijalnoratovskog djelovanja svjedoi dokument Izvjee za gospodina Matu

Bobana, kojeg je 23. prosinca 1992. g. uputio brigadir Milivoj Petkovi, Naelnik Glavnog stoera HVO; www.slobodanpraljak.com.

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No, na razini pojavnosti je nedvojbeno da je, umjesto uspostave urne strateke suradnje izmeu RBiH i RH, dolo u srednjoj RBiH do nekoliko djelominih, lokalnih oruanih sukoba izmeu postrojbi ARBiH i HVO-a, koji su neprimjereno svom objektivnom znaaju - utjecali na tadanji (i dosadanji) proces suradnje izmeu RBiH i RH, te svekoliku neobjektivnu (uglavnom negativnu) percepciju tog odnosa. Naime, u srednjoj RBiH (na prostoru Novog Travnika, Viteza i Prozora) dolo je do prvih djelominih lokalnih oruanih sukoba izmeu postrojbi ARBiH i HVO-a. Ovi sukobi su prestali nakon nekoliko dana. Povodom tog prvog sukoba na nekim lokalitetima u srednjoj BiH, Predsjednik Predsjednitva RBiH je 27. listopada 1992. g., uputio pismo Predsjedniku RH, u kojem iznosi najtee optube na raun hrvatske strane u BiH, te donekle i na raun meunarodne zajednice. Izmeu ostalog u pismu je navedeno: Jedinice HVO planirano su izazvale sukobe u Novom Travniku, Vitezu i Prozoru. U sukobima je bilo rtava i razaranja. Zatvoreni su svi putovi kroz zapadnu Hercegovinu, ak i za humanitarnu pomo. Istovremeno u hrvatskom medijima vodi se propagandni rat protiv Bosne i Hercegovine i njene legalne vlasti.477 Nadalje, Izetbegovi u pismu navodi: U enevi se pregovara o buduem ureenju Bosne i Hercegovine. Istovremeno se silom sprovodi politika svrenog ina, ime se pregovori u Londonu obezvreuju i ine bespredmetnim.478 Tri dana kasnije, Predsjednik RH je u svom pismu odgovorio: Hrvatska je priznala Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i djelatno se zalae da Bosna i Hercegovina opstane kao jedinstvena drava budui da se povijesno, prostorno i gospodarski meusobno proimamo, to je za Hrvatsku, a uvjeren sam i za Bosnu i Hercegovinu dugoroni strateki interes. Ja sam voe tog hrvatskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini, pa i Vas i Vae suradnike, koji vodite muslimanski narod, neprestano poticao, pa to i sada inim, da se sporazumijete i poveete Uvjeravam Vas da emo od strane Republike Hrvatske dosljedno provoditi sve odredbe naeg sporazuma Puno prijateljstvo te iskrena i djelatna suradnja, ivotni su, vitalni interesi naih obiju drava, pa je i obveza, moja i Vaa, da na tome intenzivno radimo.479 Za razumijevanje sloenosti pozadine poetka navedenih oruanih sukoba znakovita je i injenica da je A. Izetbegovi ve 04. studenog 1992. g., obavijestio Ministra obrane RH

477 478 479

Vjesnik, 30. listopada 1992; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 259-260; (3D00320). Isto, str. 260; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 270-271; (3D00320).

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kako je u sastavu predstavnika BiH u Komisiji za koordinaciju vojnih aktivnosti izmeu BiH i RH dolo do izmjene i umjesto Bene Fabijana, imenujemo Milivoja Petkovia, to je u skladu s prijedlogom HVO.480 Predsjednik RH uputio je, 27. sijenja 1993. g., jo jedno pismo Predsjedniku Predsjednitva RBiH navodei: Nemili dogaaji koji se zbivaju ovih dana, u kojima muslimanski ekstremisti u sredinjoj Bosni, organizirano zloinaki i brutalno napadaju hrvatska naselja, pucajui na civile i branitelje prisiljavaju me da Vam se obratim Koristim ovu priliku da se obratim neposredno hrvatskom i muslimanskom narodu u BiH da obustave sva meusobna neprijateljstva i ostvare punu suradnju u obrani od zajednikog agresora i u pronalaenju rjeenja za skladan suivot.481 Uskoro, 11. veljae 1993. g., glavni stoeri ARBiH i HVO-a potpisali su dogovor kojem je cilj sprijeavanje daljih nesuglasica i sukoba izmeu Armije BiH i HVO radi organiziranja zajednike borbe protiv agresora.482 Dogovorom je, izmeu ostalog, odreeno da e se u srednjoj RBiH formirati zajedniki koordinacijski tim koji e izdavati zajednike zapovijedi da jedinice-postrojbe odmah napuste poloaje izmeu HVO i Armije BiH da se sve jedinice-postrojbe koje su dovedene s drugih prostora hitno povuku.483 Predsjednik RH i Predsjednik Predsjednitva RBiH su, nakon razgovora u Zagrebu, 27. oujka 1993. g. dali Zajedniku izjavu u kojoj Republika Hrvatska pozdravlja potpisivanje Vance-Owenovog plana od strane gospodina Alije Izetbegovia i gospodina Mate Bobana.484 U drugoj toki F. Tuman i A. Izetbegovi zahtijevaju od meunarodne zajednice da se Vance-Owenov plan uinkovito i dosljedno provede, imajui u vidu loa iskustva sa nedjelotvornom provedbom Vanceovoga plana u Republici Hrvatskoj, a potom u toki 5. izraavaju spremnost za daljnjom najuom suradnjom izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, te istiu nunost za svekolikom suradnjom izmeu hrvatskog i muslimanskog naroda u BiH.485 ARBiH i HVO su, 21. travnja 1993. g., u Zenici potpisali Sporazum o prekidu vatre, u kojem se najprije navodi: Armija BiH i HVO su legalne vojne snage Republike Bosne i Hercegovine i tretiraju se jednako a zatim je odreeno da svi zapovjednici, na svim
480 481 482 483 484 485

www.slobodanpraljak.com Vjesnik, 28. sijenja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 322-323; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 12. veljae 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 328-329; (3D00320). Isto, str. 328; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 28. oujka 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 339; (3D00320). Isto; (3D00320).

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razinama, moraju potovati i provesti potpuni prekid vatre Republike.

486

na itavom teritoriju

Prilog 25: Doseg srbijanskog osvajanja u zimi 1992/1993 (Preuzeto iz: Rat u Hrvatskoj, karta 5, na kraju knjige) Potom su A. Izetbegovi i M. Boban u Zagrebu, 25. travnja 1993. g., u nazonosti brojnih meunarodnih (D. Owen, P. Hall, H. Okuna, G. Ahrens, J. Wilson, MesservyWhiting, F. Eckhard, D. Ludlow, g. Brade), BiH (E. Gani, S. Halilovi, B. Turkovi, M. airbegovi, K. Trnka, M. Petkovi) i RH (J. Radi, V. eks, G. uak, Z. krabalo, J.
486

Vjesnik, 22. travnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 343; (3D00320).

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Bobetko, Z. Sanevi, . Mati, I. Jarnjak, B. Jaki, M. uk) predstavnika potpisali Zajedniku izjavu (uz potpis svjedoenja F. Tumana) o prekidu sukoba izmeu ARBiH i HVO te o ustanovljenju zajednikog zapovjednitva tih snaga sastavljenog od predstavnika oba stoera.487 Osim toga, potpisnici su naveli kako ponovno potvruju da su sukobi snaga HVO i Armije BiH u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini suprotni politici koju vode predstavnici ta dva naroda, te da najotrije osuuju krenje pravila meunarodnog humanitarnog prava, bez obzira na to tko ih je uinio.488 Zajednika izjava je imala i Dodatak I u kojem je, izmeu ostalog, odreeno: Armija BiH i HVO e zadrati svoje zasebne identitete i ustrojstvo zapovjednitava Oni e formirati Zajedniku komandu Zajednika komanda e se sastojati od dva vrhovna zapovjednika, generala Halilovia i generala Petkovia Oni e osnovati zajedniki glavni stoer Dva vrhovna zapovjednika e formirati vojne okruge pod zajednikim stoerom Svako vojni okrug imat e operacijsku kontrolu nad svim postrojbama Armije BiH i HVO u svojim podrujima. U proces pokuaja prekida djelominih sukoba i obnove muslimansko/bonjakohrvatske suradnje na podrujima sukoba u BiH ukljuio se i Zastupniki dom Sabora RH (pod predsjedanjem Stjepana Mesia), koji je, 30. travnja 1993. g., donio Zakljuak, u kojem je navedeno: Pozivaju se Muslimani i Hrvati, sukobljene strane u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini da odmah obustave sve oruane sukobe, te da se zajednikim snagama odupru srpskoj imperijalistikoj agresiji koja je usmjerena na zatiranje oba naroda. Potom je zakljueno: U cilju pruanja podrke mirnom rjeenju postojeih nesporazuma i ouvanja suvereniteta i teritorijalne cjelovitosti prijateljske susjedne drave Bosne i Hercegovine, Zastupniki dom Sabora Republike Hrvatske uputit e svoju viestranaku delegaciju u misiju mira i dobre volje.489 Istog dana, Sabor je odredio sedam lanova viestranake delegacije, a Zamjenik Ministra vanjskih poslova RH (Ivo Sanader) uputio je dopis Zapovjeniku snaga UNPROFORa (L. F. Wahlgren), u kojem ga je upoznao s namjerama i sastavom saborske delegacije, te mjestima u BiH koja e delegacija posjetiti, istovremeno traei za saborsku delegaciju

487 488 489

Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 348-349; (3D00320). Isto, str. 349; (3D00320). Narodne novine (slubeni list RH), Zagreb, br. 43/1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 351;

(3D00320).

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pomo i zatitu snaga UNPROFOR-a.490 Ministarstvo vnajskih poslova RH je slian dopis uputilo i Ambasadi BiH, u kojem moli vlasti Republike Bosne i Hercegovine da prue potrebnu pomo za vrijeme boravka spomenute delegacije na teritoriju Republike Bosne i Hercegovine.491 S istom nakanom i istog dana, 30. travnja 1993. g., u Ankari su dravne delegacije Turske i Republike Hrvatske (predvoene turskim premijerom Suleymanom Demirelom i Predsjednikom RH F. Tumanom) potpisale Zajedniku deklaraciju o krizi na prostoru bive Jugoslavije.492 U Deklaraciji je, izmeu ostalog, navedeno: Turska i Hrvatska su dvije zemlje u regiji s posebnim interesom za ouvanje mira i stabilnosti i promiu duh suradnje. Turska i Hrvatska dijele isto gledite da su uzroci krize u regiji militantni nacionalistiki ekspanzionizam i rasistika politika koja ima za cilj stvaranje velike Srbije. Obje zemlje snano osuuju nastavak agresije SR Jugoslavije odluno osuuju uasnu praksu genocidnog etnikog ienja.493 Isto tako, obje su zemlje dogovorile da e osnovati zajedniku vladinu misiju dobre volje koju e poslati u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, no vjeruju da meunarodna zajednica nee imati izbora ve nametnuti mir vjerodostojnim i uinkovitim vojnim mjerama o emu treba odluiti Vijee sigurnosti UN.494

III.-1.4 Nova nesuglasja (svibanj-listopad 1993. g.)

Usprkos pokuajima razliitih aktera i odreenom smirivanju situacije, uskoro su ponovno na pojedinim lokalitetima izbili muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatski sukobi. Zbog toga je Predsjednik RH, 10. svibnja 1993. g., uputio javnim putem Poruku A. Izetbegoviu i M. Bobanu. U Poruci se najprije navode sporazumi koji su potpisani, te aktivnosti koje je poduzela RH radi smirivanja sukoba. Istaknuto je da viestranakoj delegaciji Sabora RH jo uvijek nije omogueno da posjeti krizna arita, te: Juer, 9. svibnja 1993. suglasio sam se s gospodinom efkom Omerbaiem, predsjednikom Meihata Islamske zajednice za Hrvatsku

490 491 492 493 494

www.slobodan praljak.com www.slobodanpraljak.com Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 352-353; (3D00320). Isto, str. 352; (3D00320). Isto, str. 353; (3D00320).

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i Sloveniju, da poe s grupom hrvatskih djelatnika u BiH takoer sa zadaom djelovanja na uspostavi mira i suradnje izmeu Hrvata i Muslimana.495 Potom je u Poruci navedeno: Najotrije osuujem oruane sukobe izmeu Hrvata i Muslimana u BiH bez obzira na to tko ih je prouzroio.496 Tuman je posebno pozvao sve Muslimane kojima smo tijekom agresije pruali u Hrvatskoj zatitu i utoite da utjeu na svoje sunarodnjake da se suzdre od sukoba s Hrvatima i da se osigura suradnja, te i sve Hrvate u BiH da ne nasjedaju provokacijama i da uine sve da se izbjegne ovaj tetni sukob. Na kraju je pozvao A. Izetbegovia i M. Bobana da odmah narede svim svojim zapovjednicima i postrojbama, da neodlono prekinu sve sukobe i zaponu suradnju u duhu ve potpisanih sporazuma i izjava.497 Dan kasnije i Predsjedniko vijee obrane i nacionalne sigurnosti u RH izdalo je slino priopenje sa svoje sjednice.498 Potom je Predsjednik RH, 12. svibnja 1993. g., uputio pismo Glavnom tajniku UN-a, u kojem je glavna tema bio problem reintegracije okupiranih dijelova RH, ali se i u ovom dokumentu u posebnoj toki trai postavljanje meunarodnih promatraa na granice izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Republike Bosne i Hercegovine koja se nalaze uz zone UNPA da bi se sprijeile vojne aktivnosti protiv tih dviju republika.499 Jedno od najotrijih pisama koje je od meunarodne zajednice upueno RH (u vezi s BiH) je pismo koje je, 12. svibnja 1993. g., predsjedavajui Ministarskog vijea EU (Niels Helveg) uputio Predsjedniku RH.500 U pismu je, izmeu ostalog, navedeno da EU i njezine drave lanice zaprepatene su stalnim hrvatskim napadima i nasiljem nad Muslimanima u Bosni i Hercegovini tovie, izvjetaji o izravnoj hrvatskoj umijeanosti u sukob u Bosni i Hercegovini su uznemiravajui.501 Kraj pisma je bio jo otriji i izravniji i u njemu stoji da EU i njezine drave lanice trae brzo, jasno i konkretno oitovanje, koje bi jasno pokazalo da hrvatsko vodstvo ne samo da ini sve to moe zaustaviti krvoprolie u Bosni i Hercegovini, ve da u tome i uspijeva.502

495 496 497 498 499 500 501 502

Veernji list, 11. svibnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 359-360; (3D00320). Isto, str. 360; (3D00320). Isto, str. 360; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 12. svibnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 364-365; (3D00320). Veernji list, 13. svibnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 369-372; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 14. svibnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 373-374; (3D00320). Isto, str. 373; (3D00320). Isto, str. 374; (3D00320).

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Na ovo pismo F. Tuman je opirnije odgovorio dan kasnije (13. svibnja 1993. g.). Najprije je navedeno sedam konkretnih akcija (ili dokumenata) u kojima su institucije RH, u okviru svojih mogunosti, sudjelovale u pokuajima zaustavljanja tadanjih

muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih sukoba u BiH. Potom se N. Helvegu skree pozornost da u svom pismu ne razlikuje Republiku Hrvatsku od Hrvata koji ive u BiH, te da RH ne moe niti biti odgovorna za sve dogaaje i mogua zlodjela poinjena na teritoriju druge suverene drave, a Hrvatska se ne moe ni na koji nain smatrati odgovornom za djela koja su na stranom teritoriju poinile osobe koje nisu hrvatski dravljani.503 Pri kraju pisma F. Tuman je takoer bio otar navodei kako je iznenaen novim pravnim standardom koji je Europska zajednica uvela u meunarodno pravo, odnosno upitao je kako bilo tko moe kriviti Hrvatsku da nije uinila sve da zaustavi krvoprolie u Bosni i Hercegovini, ako je svjestan svih injenica spomenutih u ovom pismu? Mjerilo prosudbe iskrenosti i primjerenosti poduzetih napora prema njihovoj uspjenosti teko bi se moglo primijeniti na djelovanje Ujedinjenih naroda i Europske zajednice u krizi na podruju bive Jugoslavije, a da se ne doe do vrlo zanimljivih zakljuaka.504 Na niz nesporazuma i dvojbi koji su tada pojaviljivali u odnosima izmeu RH i BiH odgovorila je opirnije i Vlada RH, preko pisma koje je Ministarstva obrane RH uputilo Vladi BiH. U pismu su navedena naelna polazita odnosa RH prema BiH i konkretne injenice koje opovrgavaju sumnje na raun odnosa drave RH preme dravi BiH, a na kraju je zakljueno: Iskreno se nadamo da ete prestati iznositi takve neistinite optube kojima se skree pozornost od rata u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini i Republici Hrvatskoj, odnosno od velikosrpske agresije kojoj vi takvim pristupom idete u prilog. Samo njezin konani poraz je preduvjet mira na prostoru Republika Hrvatske i Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i na itavom prostoru bive Jugoslavije.505 Predsjednik RH je, 25. lipnja 1993. g., uputio pismo Predsjednitvu BiH, u kojem je naveo: Hrvatska javnost s velikim ogorenjem i zabrinutou prati ve due vrijeme sukobe izmeu HVO i Armije BiH koji su se izrodili u otvorenu agresiju i zlodjela muslimanske vojske nad hrvatskim narodom.506
503 504 505

Vjesnik, 14. svibnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 375-377. Isto, str. 377; (3D00320). Glas Slavonije (dnevna novina), Osijek, 19. svibnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str.

378-380; (3D00320).
506

Vjesnik, 26. lipnja 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 402-403; (3D00320). Takoer, v.

Praljak, Slobodan, Zloini koje su poinili neki pripadnici A BiH (muslimanske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH

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Potom se u pismu podsjea da, izmeu ostalog, vlasti Bosne i Hercegovine slobodno zasjedaju u Zagrebu, predstavnici tih vlasti slobodno se kreu na cijelom podruju Republike Hrvatske ne potujui osnovna meunarodna pravila o najavljivanju i traenju suglasnosti za svoje djelovanje na teritoriju druge suverene drave, a u mnogim mjestima Hrvatske djeluju brojni razliiti uredi i logistiki centri politikih organizacija i vojske koja vri zloine i agresiju nad hrvatskim narodom Zbog toga e, ako se agresija i zloini odmah ne zaustave, Republika Hrvatska ozbiljno preispitati sveukupnu svoju politiku prema Bosni i Hercegovini.507 Predsjednik Predsjednitva BiH je, 04. kolovoza 1993. g., uputio zanimljivo pismo Predsjedniku RH, u kojem mu predlae na prihvaanje niz prijedloga glede unutarnjeg ustrojstva BiH za hrvatski narod u BiH.508 Predsjednik RH je uskoro odgovorio, a najbitnije je slijedee: Hrvatska drava pozdravlja i podupirat e svaku inicijativu koja se zauzima za ostvarenje najue suradnje izmeu muslimanske i hrvatske konstitutivne jedinice u buduoj Uniji republika Bosne i Hercegovine, ali taj dogovor trebaju postii vodstva i legitimni predstavnici tih republika.509 Predsjednik RH je, 06. rujna 1993. g., uputio pismo Predsjedniku HRHB, M. Bobanu, u kojem je, izmeu ostalog, navedeno: snano apeliram na Vas, da uz najotriju osudu naruavanja meunarodnog ratnog i humanitarnog prava, uinite sve potrebno na podruju Hrvatske Republike Herceg-Bosne da se u zatoenikim centrima odmah osigura humano postupanje sa zatoenicima u skladu s meunarodnim humanitarnim pravom i enevskim konvencijama da se odmah omogui, tamo gdje to jo nije uinjeno, slobodni pristup Meunarodnog komiteta Crvenog Kria ponovno apeliram na Vas da ne dopustite bilo kakve zapreke u dostavljanju humanitarne pomoi svim potrebitim Ujedno pozivam i sve ostale zaraene strane u Bosni i Hercegovini da uine isto.510 Nakon intenzivnog objavljivanja vijesti u svjetskim medijima o zloinu poinjenom nad Muslimanima/Bonjacima u Stupnom Dolu, i Predsjednik RH i Ministar vanjskih poslova RH su, krajem listopada 1993. g., otro osudili sve zloine neovisno o poiniteljima, ali su
1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2006. Te: Praljak, Slobodan, Sruene i oteene katolike crkve i vjerski objekti u Bosni i Hercegovini u ratu 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007.
507

Isto, str., 402 i 403; npr., u to vrijeme (11. srpnja 1993. g.) Predsjednitvo BiH odralo je svoju sjednicu u

Zagrebu; (3D00320).
508 509 510

Vjesnik, 08. kolovoza 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 417-418; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 419; (3D00320). Veernji list, 07. rujna 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 432-433; (3D00320).

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naveli i da meunarodna javnost mora biti upoznata da istovremeni zloini nad Hrvatima ne dobivaju takvu medijsku pozornost, a ni zabrinutost politikih krugova, pa bi se iz toga mogao izvui zakljuak da postoje dvostruka mjerila, te takav pristup utvrivanju krivnje pojedinih strana u sukobu ne pomae postizanju pravednog mira na podruju BiH.511 Zbog toga, Hrvatska je traila privoenje pravdi svih onih koji su poinili zloine u BiH, ali isto tako oekuje od meunarodne zajednice i Meunarodnog suda za ratne zloine da rasvijetli i sve zloine poinjene na teritoriju Republike Hrvatske.512 Iako su se u odnosima izmeu drava RH i BiH, u ovom razdoblju, pojavljivala nesuglasja, ni RH ni BiH (dravne institucije) nisu niti u jednom trenutku izjavile ili na drugi odgovarajui nain stavile do znanja da se RH i BiH nalaze u meusobnom oruanom sukobu ili sukobu koji bi se takvim mogao oznaiti. Nepostojanje oruanog sukoba izmeu RH i BiH jo je bjelodanije promatranjem konkretnog odnosa RH prema dravi BiH, naroito glede naoruavanja ARBiH, te ustrojavanja i obuavanja postrojbi ARBiH na teritoriju RH, o emu se detaljnije govori u narednim dijelovima ove ekspertize.

III.-1.5 Proces uspostavljanja pune suradnje (studeni 1993.-1995. g.)

Prva naznaka postizanja kasnijih sporazuma o punoj vojnoj i politikoj suradnji izmeu RH i RBiH, pojavila se jo sredinom rujna 1993. g. tijekom boravka u enevi na zasjedanju MKBJ, kada je izmeu F. Tumana i A. Izetbegovia postignut tzv. Tajni sporazum o konfederaciji RH i BiH. Sporazum je veoma kratak, naelan i u njemu je postignuta suglasnost da se odnosi izmeu bosansko-muslimanske republike i hrvatske republike u okviru Unije Bosne i Hercegovine razvijaju na svim podrujima s ciljem stvaranja zajednike drave koja e istodobno stupiti u konfederalni odnos s Republikom Hrvatskom.513 Poetkom studenog 1993. g., kada su enevska konferencija i drugi meunarodni pokuaji doli u zastoj, Predsjednik RH je iznio prijedlog mirovne inicijativa koja je predviala cjelovito rjeavanje problema u RH i u RBiH. Najvjerojatnije je glavni motiv F. Tumana bilo rjeavanje najvitalnijeg problema RH, tj. reintegracija okupiranog dijela
511

Novi list (dnevna novina), Rijeka, 31. listopada 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 489-

490; (3D00320).
512 513

Isto, str. 490; (3D00320). Veernji list, 30. sijenja 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 439; (3D00320).

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teritorija RH, jer je taj problem za meunarodnu zajednicu tada bio sekundaran u odnosu na problem RBiH. Stoga je u prijedlogu F. Tumana najprije i opirnije iznesen prijedlog mirovnog plana za RH, a potom i krai prijedlog mirovnog plana za RBiH.514 Obadva mirovna prijedloga nisu sadravala bitnijih novih rjeenja, nego se radilo o obnovi dijelova dotada donesenih ili predloenih mirovnih dokumenata iza kojih je odlunije trebala stati meunarodna zajednica. Posebna znaajka mirovnog prijedlog F. Tumana za RH bila je u izuzetno kompromisnom prijedlogu: Hrvatska Vlada spremna je u roku od 15 dana zakljuiti sporazum o prekidu svih neprijateljstava s predstavnicima lokalnih Srba dajui im jamstva za lokalnu i kulturnu autonomiju.515 Slijedei mirovni prijedlog kojeg je F. Tuman izloio 10. sijenja 1994. u Bonnu, odnosio se samo na RBiH. Radilo se o detaljnom prijedlogu Ugovornog sporazuma o uspostavljanju trajnog i cjelovitog mira izmeu hrvatskog i bonjako-muslimanskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini i osnovama daljnjeg zajednikog ivota.516 Polazite prijedloga je bilo u tome da je zajedniki ivot u prijateljskim odnosima hrvatskog i bonjako-muslimanskog naroda na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine povijesna nunost s obzirom na njihovu teritorijalnu vezanost, povijesna iskustva i zajednike strateke interese.517 Zastupniki dom Sabora RH donio je, 02. veljae 1994. g., Rezoluciju o provoenju vanjske politike, u kojoj je potvrdio jo jednom odlunost i dosljednost Hrvatske da se do trajnog mira, sigurnosti i stabilnosti na ovim prostorima doe poglavito politikim sredstvima.518 U ovoj Rezoluciji je izraeno aljenje to tada aktualni mirovni prijedlozi za RBiH nisu urodili plodom, te se jasno kae: Ako muslimanske snage ne obustave ofenzivu u sredinjoj Bosni, Zastupniki dom Sabora smatra da bi Vlada i Predsjednik Republike trebali razmotriti i preispitati trenutno stanje diplomatskih odnosa Republike Hrvatske i Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. 519 Predsjedniko vijee obrane i nacionalne sigurnosti u RH donijelo je, 05. veljae 1994. g., zakljuke koji su se uglavnom odnosili na situaciju u BiH. Izmeu ostalog, Vijee ponavlja da je Hrvatska dopustila odlazak do 2000 dragovoljaca iz Republike Hrvatske, koji su podrijetlom iz BiH, kako bi pruili pomo svojim sunarodnjacima u Bosni, da bi se zatitili
514 515 516 517 518 519

Vjesnik, 03. studeni 1993; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 493-497; (3D00320). Isto, str. 493; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 11. sijenja 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 503-509; (3D00320). Isto, str. 504; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 03. veljae 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 512-514; (3D00320). Isto, str. 513; (3D00320).

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od agresije i etnikog ienja U svezi s navodima da se regularne postrojbe Hrvatske vojske nalaze u sredinjoj i junoj Bosni Hrvatska ve sada izraava ne samo spremnost ve i postavlja zahtjev da se izvri meunarodna kontrola o stvarnom stanju.520 U enevi, 10. veljae 1994. g., predsjednik Vlade BiH i Ministar vanjskih poslova RH dali su Zajedniku izjavu, u kojoj je, izmeu ostalog, navedeno: Dvije strane suglasile su se da se zapovjednici HVO i Armije BiH sastanu u iduih sedam dana kako bi konkretizirali postignuti dogovor o potpunom prekidu vatre.521 Na temelju toga, glavni zapovjednici HVO i ARBiH potpisali su, 23. veljae 1994. g. u Zagrebu, Sporazum o prekidu vatre, s trenutanim i potpunim prekidom neprijateljstava koji stupa na snagu 25. veljae.522 Nakon toga su odrani pregovori pod pokroviteljstvom SAD-a te su 01. oujka 1994. g. potpisani tzv. Washingtonski sporazumi, koji su sadravali i dokument pod nazivom Nacrt prethodnog sporazuma o konfederaciji izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine.523 U Nacrtu je navedeno: Oekuje se da e se uspostaviti Konfederacija izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine Koraci prema uspostavi Konfederacije bit e sljedei: (1) Prethodni sporazum, koji e se zakljuiti to je prije mogue; te (2) Konani sporazum.524 Nacrt je takoer predvidio da e se u Konfederaciji uspostaviti carinska i monetarna unija te obrambeni dogovor. U Washingtonu je 01. oujka 1994. g. potpisan i dokument nazvan Sporazum izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine o pristupu Jadranskom moru preko podruja Republike Hrvatske u kojem se navodi da se smatra poeljnim da Federacija ima siguran i neogranien pristup Jadranskom moru, te da e Hrvatska iznajmiti Federaciji, za vrijeme trajanja ovog Sporazuma, dio zemljita unutar luke Ploe.525 Budui su Washingtonski sporazumi doneseni iznenada i najvjerojatnije pod diktatom SAD-a, te su bitno mijenjali ustavna odreenja poloaja RH (za to potpisnici sa strane RH nisu imali ovlatenja), Predsjednik RH se ve 03. oujka 1994. g. preko nacionalne televizije obratio javnosti u povodu potpisivanja washingtonskog sporazuma.526 Govor je bio veoma

520 521 522 523 524 525 526

Vjesnik, 06. veljae 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 515-518; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 11. veljae 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 523; (3D00320). Veernji list, 24. veljae 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 524-525; (3D00320). Slobodna Dalmacija, 05. oujka 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 538-539; (3D00320). Isto, str. 538; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 04. oujka 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 540-542; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 04. oujka 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 543-547; (3D00320).

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dugaak, a sadrajno prepun neodreenih fraza s kojima se pokualo neuvjerljivo opravdati nain i sadraj potpisanih sporazuma. Tako je, izmeu ostalog, navedeno: taj sporazum ima dalekoseno, pa i sudbonosno povijesno znaenje Zbog principijelnosti i dosljednosti nae politike u tom smislu, Hrvatska je postupno sve vie zadobivala naklonost i puna jamstva najodgovornijih svjetskih imbenika za sigurnost svoje drave i budunost hrvatskog naroda Oivotvorenjem washingtonskog sporazuma osigurat e se opstojnost i budunost hrvatskog naroda Taj konfederalni savez zasnivat e se na zajednikim interesima u razvijanju svestranih odnosa na svim podrujima Hrvati trebaju shvatiti da je takvo rjeenje povijesno nuno i svrhovito a sve svjedoi o pravilnosti i svrhovitost nae dosljedne dravne politike Budimo ponosni zbog ostvarenih rezultata i novih otvorenih perspektiva, ali i svjesni obveza i teine zadaa to stoje pred nama i u novim povoljnijim meunarodnim okolnostima!.527 Na temelju Washingtonskih sporazuma (Okvirni sporazum o Federaciji u BiH i Nacrt prethodnog sporazuma o Konfederaciji izmeu RH i FBiH) vojni predstavnici ARBiH i HVO (general Rasim Deli i general Ante Zorislav Roso) su, 12. oujka 1994. g. u Splitu, potpisali sporazum za prijelazni period o naelima koja e biti temelji buduih vojnih sporazuma.528 U ovom sporazumu su najprije prihvaena naela iz Okvirnog sporazuma (sadanje zapovjedne strukture ostaju, snage e se odmah odvojiti jedni od drugih ), a potom je razraen niz drugih sukladnih naela. Najvanije toke dogovora odnosile su se na zdruivanje Armije BiH i HVO u Saveznu vojsku, a za proces transformacije dogovoreno je stvaranje paritetnog zajednikog stoera koji e pod svojom nadlenou ustrojiti vojna podruja, od kojih e svako pojedino imati operativni nadzor nad svim postrojbama Armije BiH i HVO na svom podruju.529 Potom su zapovjednici ARBiH (Komandant VK armijski general Rasim Deli) i HVO-a (Naelnik Glavnog stoera HVO general pukovnik Ante Zorislav Roso), 26. oujka 1994. g. u Sarajevu, potpisali sporazum za prijelazni period o ustrojstvu zdruenog stoera ARBiH i HVO kojeg e initi po pet asnika sa svake strane, a imenovat e ih u roku pet dana zapovjednici ARMIJE R BiH i HRVATSKOG VIJEA OBRANE.530
527 528 529 530

Isto. Hrvatski dravni arhiv. Isto. Dokument se nalazi u Hrvatskom dravnom arhivu i nosi naslov USTROJSTVO ZDRUENOG STOERA

I ZADACI.

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Sporazumom je, izmeu ostalog, odreeno i slijedee: Usvaja se dosadanje ustrojstvo i nain zapovjedanja postrojbama ARBiH i HVO, te Usvaja se postojee stanje zona odgovornosti zapovjednitava korpusa ARMIJE R BiH i zapovjednih podruja HRVATSKOG VIJEA OBRANE,531 s ime je jo jedanput verificiran zateeni vojni ustroj i vojno stanje koje su do tada ostvarile ARBiH i HVO. Vremensko trajanje prijelaznog sporazuma je odreeno opisno, tj. sporazum je na snazi dok traje prelazni period i ne nastupe promjene ustrojstvom SAVEZNE VOJSKE ARMIJE FEDERACIJE, koja e se ustrojiti i organizirati nakon prouavanja Ustava Federacije i donoenja odgovarajuih odluka najviih dravnih organa i Ministarstva obrane.532 Istoga dana (26. oujka 1994. g.), generali R.Deli i A. Z. Roso su izdali zajedniku zapovijed (od 10 toaka) za Komande korpusa ARBiH i Zborna podruja HVO.533 U zapovjedi su poli od zagrebakog i splitskog sporazuma, a imajui u vidu rezultate koji su postignuti u ostvarivanju prekida borbenih djelovanja izmeu jedinica HVO i Armije R BiH, sa ciljem ostvarivanja slobodnog kretanja nekim komunikacijama, neometanog prolaska humanitarnih konvoja i uspostave normalnijih uvjeta ivota stanovnitva.534 Nekoliko mjeseci kasnije, 17. kolovoza 1994. g., u Hrasnici kod Sarajeva je odran tajni sastanak izmeu najviih predstavnika muslimansko/bonjake i hrvatske strukture iz BiH,535 s ciljem da se sagleda dokle se stiglo u realiziranju dosadanmjih sporazuma i to treba zajedniki initi da se prevaziu uoene slabosti.536 Na sastanku je nakon rasprave doneseno i 13 zajednikih zakljuaka. Prvi i osnovni zakljuak je bio: Provedbom dosad potpisanih sporazuma postignuti su uglavnom postavljeni ciljevi a vie od ostalog na vojnom planu.537 U toki osmoj navedeno je: Suradnju postrojbi HVO i A. (ARBiH, op. a.) sa srboetnicima odmah prekinuti.538
531 532 533 534 535

Isto, toke 3. i 5. Isto, toke 3. i 6. Dokument se nalazi u Hrvatskom dravnom arhivu. Isto, glava Zapovijedi. S muslimansko/bonjake strane bili su nazoni A. Izetbegovi, H. Silajdi (Predsjednik Vlade RBiH i

Predsjednik Vlade FBiH), E. Gani (lan Predsjednitva RBiH i potpredsjednik FBiH), R. Deli (komandant VK ARBiH) i general Sulejman Vranj. S hrvatske strane bili su nazoni Kreimir Zubak (Predsjednik predsjednikog vijea HRHB i Predsjednik FBiH), J. Prli (Predsjednik Vlade HRHB i Ministar obrane FBiH), general Tihomir Blaki (Naelnik GS HVO HRHB) i brigadir Ivan Kolak.
536 537

Dokument se nalazi u Hrvatskom dravnom arhivu, str. 1. Isto, str. 2.

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Posebno je bila vana toka 12 zakljuaka u kojoj je navedeno: Za sada nisu stvoreni uvjeti za zajedniku vojsku, ali se moe ii na objedinjavanje bojevih djelovanja protiv srboetnikog agresora. Na odreenim prostorima ii na zajednike akcije koje e planirati ZS (zajedniki stoer) u suradnji s GS HVO i VKA.539 Pritom je zanimljivo to je u zakljucima takoer navedeno: Prijedlog ustroja Vojske Federacije BiH je dostavio GS HVO. Prijedlog VKA e biti dostavljen MO (ministarstvu obrane, op. a.) Federacije nakon rasprave na Predsjednitvu BiH.540 U dijelu Washingtonskih sporazuma koji su se odnosili na uspostavu Konfederacije izmeu Federacije BiH (FBiH) i RH, vojni i politiki dogaaji su ili drugaijim smjerovima od potpisanih, te su odredbe o Konfederaciji polako odumirale, usprkos tome to je 18. oujka 1994. g. potpisan novi krug washingtonskih dokumenata,541 te to je izmeu RH, RBiH i FBiH, 22. srpnja 1995. g. u Splitu, potpisana Deklaracija o oivotvorenju sporazuma iz Washingtona, zajednikoj obrani od srpske agresije i postizanju politikog rjeenja sukladno naporima meunarodne zajednice.542 Propast ostvarenja Konfederacije oitovala se stvarno veoma brzo i na bilateralnoj razini odnosa RH i BiH. Primjerice, u pismu koje je A. Izetbegovi 30. travnja 1994. g. uputio F. Tumanu543, kao i u pismu-odgovoru F. Tumana (02. svibnja 1994. g.)544, u kojima se ne iskazuje posebna zabrinutost zbog kanjenja provedbe sporazuma o Konfederaciji. Nadalje, u rujnu 1994. g., u Zagrebu su dva dana zasjedala visoka (i brojem sudionika velika) izaslanstva Republike Hrvatske, Republike BiH i Federacije BiH na elu s F. Tumanom i A. Izetbegoviem, te su 14. rujna 1994. g. objavili Zajedniko priopenje, u kojem su izaslanstva izrazila svoju jedinstvenu i neupitnu politiku volju da se Washingtonski sporazum dosljedno i u cijelosti provede.545 No, u zakljucima o odnosima izmeu Republike Hrvatske i Republike Bosne i Hercegovine tek na kraju se samo navodi da treba imenovati zajedniku grupu nacionalnih televizija koja e izraditi zajedniki

538 539 540 541

Isto, str. 2. Isto, str. 3. Isto, str. 3. Sporazum izmeu Federacije BiH i Republike Hrvatske kojim se Hrvatskoj jami slobodan prolaz

podrujem Federacije - v. u Tuman, M., Istina, str. 553-554; (3D00320).

542 543 544 545

Vjesnik, 24. srpnja 1995; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 614-616; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 576-577; (3D00320). Veernji list, 03. svibnja 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 578; (3D00320). Vjesnik, 16. rujna 1994; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 598-602; (3D00320).

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program ili emisiju putem koje e jednom tjedno obavjetavati javnost o razvitku meusobnih odnosa i suradnji, te o razvitku Federacije i o uspostavi konfederalnih odnosa. Openito, uspjenost Washingtonskih sporazuma najbre i najjasnije se oitovala u vojnim djelovanjima. Na poetku studenog 1994. g. HVO je oslobodio veoma vani prostor Kupreke visoravni i okolice ukupne povrine priblino 600 km, a ARBiH je istovremeno oslobodila prostor jugozapadno od Bugojna. Nakon toga, 13. studenog 1994. g., u Kreevu je odran sastanak izmeu predstavnika HVO i ARBiH koga su predvodili Predsjednik Federacije BiH gosp. Kreimir Zubak i Potpredsjednik Federacije BiH gosp. Ejup Gani.546 Na sastanku su usvojeni zajedniki zakljuci, meu kojima se istiu prvi i deveti (posljednji). U prvom je navedeno: Zajednika djelovanja Armije i HVO u izvoenju operacije za oslobaanje Kupresa imale su krupan vojno politiki znaaj u smislu podsticanja za bre i efikasnije rjeavanje svih drugih pitanja i problema kojih ima u odnosima Armije i HVO. Komandant Armije i Naelnik GS HVO e na posebnom sastanku ostvariti dogovor na operativnotaktikom objedinjavanju djelovanja Armije i HVO.547 Deveti zakljuak glasi: U planiranju i izvoenju zajednikih borbenih djelovanja kao i u rjeavanju svih ostalih problema i pitanja imati e se u vidu da HVO nakon oslobaanja teritorija Federacije BiH ima interesa za produetak djelovanja sve do konanog oslobaanja teritorija Republike BiH.548 Do sredine prosinca 1994. g. HVO je oslobodio dio prostora u smjeru Glamoa i Bosanskog Grahova (zapadni dio BiH). Istovremeno, srbijanske postrojbe s okupiranih dijelova RH (podruje pod nadzorom UNPROFOR-a) pomogle su vojsci F. Abdia da potisne 5. korpus ARBiH i zauzme Veliku Kladuu (u sjeverozapadnoj BiH), s ime je podruje meunarodne (UN) zatiene zone Biha krenulo prema kulminaciji humanitarne katastrofe. Vano je naglasiti da je ve sredinom studenog 1994. g. A. Izetbegovi putem pisma izvjestio F. Tumana o vojnim napadima na UN-ovu zatienu zonu Biha s okupiranih podruje RH (koja su se nalazila pod nadzorom meunarodnih mirovnih snaga), te je zatraio da u duhu odredaba meunarodnog prava bez odlaganja poduzmete sve potrebne mjere da se sprijee napadi na Bosnu i Hercegovinu sa teritorija Vae zemlje.549

546 547 548 549

Dokument se nalazi u Hrvatskom dravnom arhivu. Isto, str. 1. Isto, str. 2-3; usp. lanak Kupres je samo prvi korak u Kronologija rata, str. 426. Dokument preuzet iz knjige Tuman, M., Istina, str. 606; (3D00320).

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U Sarajevu su, 23. prosinca 1994. g., s jedne strane A. Izetbegovi i general R. Deli, s druge strane R. Karadi i general R. Mladi, potpisali Sporazum o prekidu vatre u BiH,550 a 12. sijenja 1995. g., takoer u Sarajevu, generali T. Blaki, R. Deli i R. Mladi su potpisali Sporazum o prekidu neprijateljstava u BiH.551 Meutim, ovi sporazumi nisu donijeli prekid oruanih sukoba, nego je postajalo sve oiglednije da e mir biti mogue uspostaviti tek nakon vojnog poraavanja srbijanske agresije. U tom smislu treba razumijevati i Plan od devet toaka za potporu Federacije BiH,552 kojeg su, 05. veljae 1995. g. u Mnchenu, donijele zemlje lanice Kontaktne skupine. Planom je, izmeu ostalog, predvieno da e SAD poslati vieg umirovljenog asnika kako bi pomogao u integraciji federalnih vojnih institucija.553 Tijekom prve polovice 1995. g. vojni i politiki dogaaji na prostoru RH i RBiH postajali su sve vie povezani, kako glede vojnih djelovanja, tako i s motrita politikog pregovarakog procesa pod vodstvom meunarodne zajednice, s kojim se nastojalo postii cjelovito rjeenje za uspostavljanje mira na prostoru bive Jugoslavije. Poetkom svibnja 1995. g. Hrvatska vojska (HV) je brzom vojnom operacijom (tzv. Bljesak) oslobodila 600 km teritorija zapadne Slavonije, a potom su HV i HVO, od 04.-11. lipnja 1995. g., oslobodile niz stratekih planinskih vrhova na graninom podruju izmeu zapadne RBiH i RH. U to vrijeme srbijanska vojska je na prostoru BiH poinila masovni zloin u meunarodnoj (UN) zatienoj zoni Srebrenica, te svom estinom napadala zatienu zonu Biha koju su na izmaku snaga branile okruene postrojbe ARBiH i HVO. U takvim okolnostima, 20. srpnja 1995. g., Komandant Armije RBiH armijski general Rasim Deli je u ime Generaltaba ARBiH uputio HV-u i HVO-u molbu kojom trai pruanje neposredne pomoi 5. korpusu ARBiH u odbrani slobodne teritorije bihake regije. Deli je predloio da HVO i HV daju pomo, izmeu ostalog i na slijedei nain: nastavkom ofanzivnog djelovanja i eksploatacijom postignutih uspjeha na pravcu prema Bosanskom Grahovu i Glamou (u BiH, op. a.), te eventualnim otpoinjanjem ofanzivnih dejstava na pravcu Sinj-Vrlika-Knin (u RH), op. a.), kao i na pravcu Karlovac-Vojni-Petrova Gora (u RH, op. a.). O teini tadanje situacije i znaaju bihakog podruja na poseban nain svjedoi i neuobiajena vrsta pozdrava s kojim je general R. Deli zavrio molbu: Smrt faizmu i
550 551 552 553

Vjesnik, 24. prosinca 1994.: dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 607; (3D00320). Veernji list, 13. sijenja 1995.: dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 608-609; (3D00320). Dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 610-611; (3D00320). Isto, str. 611.

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etnicima sloboda Bonjakom i Hrvatskom narodu. ivjela Republika/Federacija Bosna i Hercegovina. ivjela Republika Hrvatska.554 Dan kasnije (21. srpnja 1995. g.) na Brijunima (u RH) su se sastali F. Tuman i Predsednik Republike Turske, Sulejman Demirel, koji su objavili Zajedniku izjavu.555 U Izjavi su, izmeu ostalog, najotrije osudili najnovije ofenzive na i invaziju zatienih zona Ujedinjenih naroda u BiH od strane bosanskih Srba Isto su tako osudili napade hrvatskih Srba na podruja BiH Dvojica su Predsjednika konsternirani nedostatkom volje meunarodne zajednice da poduzme primjerene mjere za spreavanje i ublaavanje sadanjeg vrlo opasnog razvoja dogaaja Ponovili su svoje uvjerenje da Hrvatska i Bosna i Hercegovina kao rtve agresije imaju pravo na samoobranu. Ponovno su istaknuli svoje uvjerenje da ozbiljnost situacije potvruje potrebu za neposrednim i potpunim provoenjem Washingtonskih sporazuma Pozvali su Kontaktnu skupinu da poduzme konkretne i odlune mjere kako bi sprijeili daljnju srpsku agresiju.556 Sljedeeg dana (22. srpnja 1995. g.) u Splitu su izaslanstva RH (predvoeni F. Tumanom), RBiH (predvoeni A. Izetbegoviem) i FBiH (predvoeni K. Zubakom) usvojili Deklaraciju o oivotvorenju Sporazuma iz Washingtona, zajednikoj obrani od srpske agresije i postizanju politikog rjeenja sukladno naporima meunarodne zajednice.557 Na temelju ove Deklaracije (tzv. Splitska deklaracija) uspostavljen je vrhunac vojne i politike suradnje izmeu drava RH i RBiH u obrani od srbijanske oruane agresije, te je na temelju vojnih uspjeha, ostvarenih u nekoliko narednih mjeseci, omogueno potpisivanje tzv. Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. U Splitskoj deklaraciji dogovoren je, izmeu ostalog nastavak suradnje i stalna koordinacija obrambenih djelatnosti izmeu Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Dogovorena je suradnja Glavnog stoera Hrvatske vojske sa Zdruenim stoerom ARBiH i HVO radi koordinacije obrambenih djelovanja u oblasti zapovjedanja, logistike, vojno-industrijske proizvodnje, oblastima.558 Ostvarivanjem pune osigurnosne suradnje izmeu RH i RBiH, ve krajem (25.-29.) srpnja 1995. g. HVO je oslobodio strateki vane Bosansko Grahovo i Glamo, a HV je
554 555 556 557 558

komunikacijskih

sustava,

informacijsko-analitikih

potreba

drugim

Dokument se nalazi u Hrvatskom dravnom arhivu. Vjesnik, 22. srpnja 1995.: dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 612-613; (3D00320). Isto. Vjesnik, 24. srpnja 1995.: dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 614-616; (3D00320). Isto, toka 1.

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poetkom (04.-10.) kolovoza 1995. u najveoj osloboditeljskoj operaciji (tzv. Oluja) munjevito oslobodio priblino 11.000 km okupiranog teritorija RH, te sprijeio humanitarnu katastrofu u UN-ovoj zatienoj zoni Biha. Ve 07. kolovoza 1995. g. Komandant Generaltaba A RBiH (general R. Deli) uputio je naelniku Glavnog stoera HV (generalu Zvonimiru ervenku) povjerljivi dopis u kojem mu u ime pripadnika ARBiH i u svoje osobno ime estita na uspjesima koje postie Hrvatska vojska na oslobaanju okupiranih prostora Republike Hrvatske i izraava zadovoljstvo to je ispoljen visok stepen sadejstva izmeu jedinica A RBiH 5. korpusa, HVO-a i HV, te naglaava kako se jo jednom pokazalo da meusobnim potpunim povjerenjem i sadejstvom moemo vojniki poraziti zajednikog agresora.559 U daljnjem osloboditeljskom djelovanju, do sredine rujna 1995. g. (tzv. operacija Maestral), HV, HVO i ARBiH su oslobodile priblino 2.000 km teritorija u sredinjim i zapadnim dijelovima RBiH (Drvar, ipovo, Jajce, Donji Vakuf, Bosanski Petrovac). Nakon toga, radni timovi su od 22.-24. 09. 1995. godine utvrdili dostignute pozicije Hrvatskih snaga i Armije, izradili zemljovide i obostrano potpisali, te su se, 25. rujna 1995. g. u Novom Travniku sastali predstavnici Hrvatskih snaga (HV i HVO) i ARBiH, koji su sastavili Protokol kojim je, izmeu ostalog, usuglaeno i slijedee: Zapovjednici operacija, generalpukovnik Ante Gotovina i brigadni general Vahid Karaveli izradie prijedlog osnovne zamisli za daljnja b/d (borbena djelovanja, op. a.) i dostaviti Vrhovnitvu do 12 sati 30. 09. 1995. godine. 560 Na temelju toga je, 05. listopada 1995. g., u Zagrebu odran sastanak izmeu HV-a (ministar obrane RH Gojko uak; generali: Z. ervenko, A. Gotovina, Mirko Norac i Mladen Marekovi, te pukovnica Dunja Zloi-Gotovina), HVO-a (ministar obrane HRHB Vladimir olji i general T. Blaki) i ARBiH (ministar vanjskih poslova RBiH Muhamed airbej; generali: R. Deli, Mehmed Alagi, V. Karaveli te Ferid Buljubai). Na sastanku su doneseni zakljuci o suradnji u predstojeoj vojnoj operaciji561 (tzv. Juni potez), u kojoj su HV, ARBiH i HVO, do sredine listopada 1995. g., nanijeli nove velike poraze srbijanskoj vojsci u sredinjoj i sjeverozapadnoj RBiH, a okupacijski srbijanski sustav vlasti u RBiH naao se pred potpunim rasulom.

559 560

Hrvatski dravni arhiv. www.slobodanpraljak.com: Dokument Protokol kojeg je Sektor sigurnosti Ministarstva obrane HRHB (Ur.

br. 02-09-95-01-1534/95) 26. rujna 1995. g. kao strogo povjerljivog uputio MORH-u.
561

Pismohrana generala Slobodana Praljka: MORH (S)-2-431.

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Meutim, velika osloboditeljska progresija zdruenih muslimansko/bonjakih i hrvatskih snaga, koja je trebala vojnikim putem ponititi osvajake rezultate srbijanske oruane agresije na RBiH, zaustavljena je nametanjem brzog primirja i mirovnih pregovora pod meunarodnim pokroviteljstvom.562 Tako su pregovorima u Daytonu (SAD) nastali tzv. Daytonski mirovni sporazumi563 prihvaeni 21. studenog 1995. g. u Daytonu, a konano potpisani 14. prosinca u Parizu - koji su prekinuli rat u BiH i verificirali tada zateeno stanje (status quo), koje je nastalo kao posljedica srbijanske oruane agresije i mnogobrojnih srbijanskih ratnih zloina poinjenih u RBiH. Na taj nain je s meunarodnom verifikacijom strukturalno opstala i zloglasna Republika Srpska. Daytonskim mirovnim sporazumima, donekle su izmijenjeni i Washingtonski sporazumi, te se u odnosima izmeu RH i RBiH nisu odrale odredbe o uspostavljanu Konfederacije, nego je potpisan Sporazum o uspostavi zajednikog vijea za suradnju Republike Hrvatske i Republike i Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine.564

562 563 564

v. Kronologija rata, str. 530 (Primirje spasilo Banja Luku) i str. 535 (Zakulisne igre oko Daytona). v. dokumente u M. Tuman, Istina, str. 628-690; (3D00320). Veernji list, 15. prosinca 1995; dokument preuzet iz Tuman, M., Istina, str. 689-690; (3D00320).

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III.-2 IZBJEGLICE

III.-2.1 Uvodna napomena

Meu brojnim negativnim uincima koje je izazvala srbijanska oruana agresija na RH i BiH (1990.-1995. g.) posebno, najnegativnije mjesto pripada problemu prognanika i izbjeglica, koji su se pojavili u golemom broju i naroito golemom razmjeru u odnosu na ukupni broj stanovnika RH. Uzrok tako velikog broja prognanika i izbjeglica u RH prvenstveno se nalazi u koncepciji srbijanske oruane agresije koja se temeljila na provoenju sustavnog etnikog ienja na teritorijalno velikim dijelovima RH i RBiH. Na taj nain, ukupni brojani podaci o prognanicima i izbjeglicama s podruja RH i RBiH, te njihov vremenski ritam, prostorni raspored, zbrinjavanje i stratifikacijska struktura, predstavljaju jedan od najegzaktnijih injeninih i interpretativnih pokazatelja o tome to se dogaalo na tom prostoru 1990.-1995. godine. Odnosno, iz tih pokazatelja se jasno prepoznaju ratni ciljevi pojedinih aktera (drava, nacija, institucija, struktura) te naini njihova ostvarivanja. Isto tako, u postojeim stereotipima, zbrci i neznanjima koji se odnose na prepoznavanje osnovnih odgovora na pitanja tko je agresor a tko rtva na prostoru bive Jugoslavije? prognaniko-izbjegliki pokazatelji su najmanje podloni subjektivnim interpretacijama i stoga najmanje dvojbeni. S druge strane, humanitarna prognaniko-izbjeglika kriza u RH i RBiH, iziskivala je najvee viegodinje materijalne i organizacijske napore prvenstveno RH i potom meunarodnih humanitarnih organizacija (naroito UNHCR). Isto tako, budui uinci te krize nisu do sada ni priblino sanirani (vraeni u prvotno stanje), prognaniko-izbjegliki uinci predstavljaju najveu i najdugoroniju negativnu posljedicu srbijanske oruane agresije na RH i RBiH, a s time i najvei neuspjeh svih meunarodnih i domicilnih institucija koje imaju humanitarnu i humanistiku svrhu. Na koncu, za objektivno razumijevanje osnovne teme ovog dijela i cijele ekspertize, izbjegliko-prognaniki pokazatelji takoer imaju najveu vrijednost, u svakom pogledu.

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III.-2.2 Izbjeglice i prognanici 565 u Republici Hrvatskoj

Prve vee skupine prognanika u RH, kao posljedica srbijanske oruane agresije, pojavile su se u prvoj polovici 1991. godine, te ih sredinom te godine ima priblino 30.000. U sijenju 1992. g., broj prognanika u RH iznosio je priblino ak 700.000 (ukljuujui i prognanike koji su kao izbjeglice otili iz Hrvatske u druge zemlje). To znai de je u RH do kraja 1991. g. bilo prognano preko 15% stanovnika Hrvatske (prema popisu puanstva iz 1991. g.) Popis svih prognanika u RH izvren je u travnju 1992. g. i on je iznosio 247.278, to znai da se broj prognanika u nekoliko mjeseci smanjio, jer se nakon potpisivanja primirja za teritorij RH (02. sijenja 1992. g.) velik dio prognanika vratio na neokupirane dijelove RH. U travnju 1992. g., pored postojee prognanike krize, zapoela je i izbjeglika kriza u RH, jer je iz RBiH u RH do tada izbjeglo 187.000 osoba. Ve u svibnju 1992. g. u RH pristie iz RBiH priblino 100.000 novih izbjeglica. Broj izbjeglica iz RBiH se i nadalje poveavao, te Vlada RH u kolovozu 1992. g. apelira na europske zemlje da prime bosanske izbjeglice, jer ih vie nije u stanju sama smjestiti.566 Iako je dio izbjeglica iz RBiH koji su bili smjeteni u Hrvatskoj (zajedno s novim izbjeglicama iz RBiH koje su prolazile preko Hrvatske) odlazili u tree zemlje, ipak se krajem 1992. g. broj izbjeglica iz RBiH smjetenih u Hrvatskoj poveao na 402.000. Osim toga, tada je u Hrvatskoj bilo smjeteno i 260.705 prognanika, te je to bio vrhunac humanitarne (izbjegliko-prognanike) krize u RH. Tijekom prve polovice 1993. g., izbjegliki val iz RBiH je bio slabiji, a dio izbjeglica iz RBiH smjetenih u Hrvatskoj odlazio je u tree zemlje, zajedno s dijelom novih izbjeglica koji su preko Hrvatske takoer iz RBiH prolazili u tree zemlje. Dio izbjeglica iz RBiH vratio se u RBiH. Popisom izbjeglica u travnju 1993. g., utvreno je da ih je tada 269.005 bilo smjeteno u Hrvatskoj. U drugoj polovici 1993. g. u Hrvatskoj se poveao val izbjeglica iz RBiH (veinom Hrvata iz srednje RBiH) vezano za muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatske sukobe. Na kraju 1993.

565

Prognanicima se smatraju protjerane osobe koje su ostale na teritoriju iste (svoje) drave, a izbjeglice su

prognanici koji su napustili teritorij svoje drave. Podaci i brojani pokazatelji o prognanicima i izbjeglicama u RH navedeni u ovom dijelu ekspertize, preuzeti su iz Rogi, Ivan i drugi, Progonstvo i povratak, Zagreb, 1995; usp. Narodne novine (slubeni list RH), 92/1998, Zagreb, 07. srpnja 1998., str. 2120-2127.
566

Rogi, Ivan i drugi, Progonstvo i povratak, Zagreb, 1995, str. 51.

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g., ta izbjeglika kretanja su dovela do toga da je u Hrvatskoj bilo smjeteno priblino 270.000 izbjeglica iz RBiH. Osim toga, tijekom 1992. i 1993. g. kroz Hrvatsku je ukupno prolo ak 700.000 izbjeglica iz RBiH, koji su otili u tree zemlje. Tijekom 1994. g. poveao se u Hrvatskoj broj izbjeglica iz zapadnih dijelova BiH. Istovremeno, dio izbjeglica koji su bili smjeteni u Hrvatskoj vratio se u RBiH ili je otiao u tree zemlje. Prema popisu provedenom u srpnju 1994. g., u Hrvatskoj je tada bilo smjeteno 183.038 izbjeglica (i 196.870 prognanika, to je zajedno iznosilo 379.809 izbjeglica i prognanika tada smjetenih u Hrvatskoj ili 9% u odnosu na cjelokupno puanstvo RH). Izbjeglika kretanja u svim smjerovima nastavila su se i tijekom 1995. g., tako da je popisom provedenim krajem srpnja 1995. g. utvreno da je u Hrvatskoj tada smjeteno 190.772 izbjeglice (i 198.230 prognanika, to znai da je u Hrvatskoj tada bilo ukupno smjeteno 389.002 izbjeglica i prognanika). Gledajui ukupno, od 1992. do 1995. g., u Hrvatskoj je bilo smjeteno priblino 600.000 izbjeglica iz RBiH. Od toga je bilo priblino 425.000 Muslimana/Bonjaka, te priblino 175.000 Hrvata iz RBiH. Kad se ovi pokazatelji usporede s nekim drugim podacima u Hrvatskoj, onda se u punoj mjeri moe spoznati u koliko golemoj mjeri su izbjeglice i prognanici predstavljali socijalno, gospodarsko, sigurnosno i drugaije optereenje za RH. Naime, u RH je 1994. g. bilo priblino 817.000 umirovljenika, 243.408 (ili 17%) nezaposlenih osoba, a zaposlenih je bilo tek 1.156.000. Uz to priblino 300.000 osoba u RH je ivjelo u kuanstvima kojima je izdana socijalna iskaznica.567

III.-2.3 Skrb RH o izbjeglicama iz BiH

Pod pritiskom sve veeg broja prognanika, Vlada RH je, 23. srpnja 1991. g., donijela Odluku kojom je osnovan Republiki centar za zbrinjavanje i pomo prognanicima, a 30. kolovoza 1991. g. Odlukom Vlade RH osnovan je Ured za izbjeglice.568 Meutim, prognanici i izbjeglice su postajali sve vei problem, te je Vlada RH, 22. studenog 1991. g., ustrojila

567 568

Podaci u ovom odlomku preuzeti iz Rogi, I., n. dj. str. 50. Narodne novine, Zagreb, 45/91.

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posebno tijelo Vladin Ured za prognanike i izbjeglice, te donijela Uredbu o statusu prognanika i izbjeglica.569 Vladin Ured je preuzeo brigu za smjetaj, za izgradnju i dogradnju smjetajnih kapaciteta, sortiranje, transport i distribuciju humanitarne pomoi, za financiranje smjetaja u raznim objektima te prikupljanje i evidentiranje podataka.570 Osim toga, Ured je koordinirao sa svim institucijama RH koje se bave prognanicima i izbjeglicama, te je suraivao s odgovarajuim meunarodnim nevladinim i vladinim organizacijama. Ured je u Hrvatskoj izravno raspolagao sa svojom teritorijalnom mreom koja se sastojala od 21 regionalnog ureda i suradnicima u 99 socijalnih centara. Ured je tijekom svog djelovanja proizveo i prikupio golemi broj dokumenata i podataka o prognanicima i izbjeglicama. Ta graa se nalazi u registratorima, herbarijima i kartonima, koji su smjeteni na policama ija je ukupna duina ak 921 metar.571 Zbog golemog broja, izbjeglice i prognanici u RH bili su smjeteni u svim raspoloivim kapacitetima na razliitim podrujima diljem Hrvatske; u hotelima, portskim dvoranama, vojarnama, ustanovama socijalne skrbi, barakama graevinskih poduzea za smjetaj radnika, odmaralitima, vrtiima, kolama, bolnicama, atomskim sklonitima, eljeznikim vagonima, kamp-naseljima itd. Tijekom 1922. godine grade se nova naselja za prognanike i izbjeglice te adaptiraju objekti za poboljanje standarda starih ili smjetaj novih prognanika i izbjeglica U Hrvatskoj je pri kraju 1994. (bilo, op. a.) 612 objekata u kojima je organizairan smjetaj i/ili prehrana za prognanike i izbjeglice.572 Meutim, u svim navedenim zajednikim smjetajnim kapacitetima u RH bilo je mjesta za priblino 20% izbjeglica i prognanika. Stoga, prema podacima iz 1994. g., priblino 80% izbjeglica i prognanika u RH bilo je smjeteno privatno (kue, stanovi, vikendice itd.) u obiteljima koje su iskazale najvii stupanj humanosti i solidarnosti prihvativi veinu prognanika i izbjeglica u svoje domove.573 Skrb o prognanicima u RH temeljila se na za tu svrhu donesenim zakonima, a izbjeglice su zbrinjavane u skladu s meunarodnim konvencijama o izbjeglicama.574 I
569 570 571

Isto, 64/91. Rogi, I., n. dj. str. 16. v. Praljak, S., Pomo Republike Hrvatske Muslimansko-Bonjakom narodu i Armiji Bosne i Hercegovine

tijekom 1991.-1995. godine injenice, Zagreb, 2007, str. 367-370; (3D02633).

572 573 574

Rogi, I., n. dj., str. 54. Isto, str 17. Isto, str. 52-53.

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prognanici i izbjeglice u RH su imali pravo na nuni smjetaj, prehranu, pomo u socijalnoj adaptaciji, kolovanje djece, zdravstvenu zatitu, humanitarnu pomo i pomo za podmirivanje drugih nunih ivotnih potreba (transportni, pogrebni trokovi itd.). Trokove zbrinjavanja golemog broja izbjeglica i prognanika, od 1991. do 1995. g., najvie je snosila RH. U Fond Kralja Zvonimira, sredinju ustanovu za podmirivanje trokova zbrinjavanja prognanika i izbjeglica pristie preko 70% sredstava iz hrvatskog prorauna, dok su ostala sredstva iz donacija, a 1994. g. samo trokovi smjetaja prognanika i izbjeglica iznosili su oko 360 milijuna maraka, od kojih je oko 78% pristiglo iz hrvatskog dravnog prorauna.575

575

Isto, str. 55. Uz sve navedeno, potrebno je imati u vidu i goleme ratne tete koje je RH pretrpjela tijekom

srbijanske oruane agresije: v. Praljak, Slobodan, Procjena ratnih teta u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, 2006.

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II.-3 NAORUAVANJE I OPREMANJE POSTROJBI ARBiH

III.-3.1 Naoruavanje i opremanje

ARBiH je bila oruana sila koja je ak i u vrijeme zavretka rata na prostoru RBiH, u svakom pogledu i u ratnim okolnostima, bila u procesu nastajanja. Zbog toga se ARBiH cijelo vrijeme rata suoavala s nizom najosnovnijih i netipinih problema, a unutar toga glavni problem je bilo pomanjkanje oruja, municije i svih materijalno tehnikih sredstava.576 Taj problem se zbog geopolitikog poloaja RBiH najveim dijelom mogao rjeavati jedino preko ili sa teritorija RH, i to se dogaalo. Institucije RH, naroito Ministarstvo obrane RH (MORH), tijekom cjelokupnog trajanja rata na podruju RBiH, intenzivno su i izravno sudjelovale, pomagale i odobravale proces naoruavanja i opremanja ARBiH. Ova suradnja institucija RH i RBiH u procesu naoruavanja ARBiH trajala je i tijekom razdoblja muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih djelominih oruanih sukoba. Razlozi toj neprekinutoj suradnji sa strane RH nalaze su u stratekim interesima RH, prvenstveno u tome da se srbijanska agresija vojniki porazi na prostoru RBiH, jer bez tog poraza najvjerojatnije ne bi bilo mogue reintegrirati hrvatska okupirana podruja, to je bio glavni problem opstanka, sigurnosti i stabilnosti drave RH. O injenicama suradnje drava RH i RBiH, glede naoruavanju ARBiH (i njenih pretea) svjedoi golemi broj dokumenata svih razina i razliitog bilateralnog podrijetla.577 Primjerice, tijela vlasti RH organizirala su prevoenje oruje za ARBiH, iz RH u RBiH, kopnenim i zranim (helikopteri i zrakoplovi) putem.578 Diljem RH je bilo ak 26

576 577

Divjak, J., n. dj., str. 191. v. internetsku stranicu www.slobodanpraljak.com na kojoj je u digitalnom obliku objavljeno priblino 2.000

dokumenata koji se odnose na ovu temu; ili v. 60-ak dokumenata objavljenih u Praljak, S., Pomo, str. 8-89; (3D02633).
578

v. Praljak, S., Pomo, str. 10-12; (3D02633).

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mjesta na kojima se vrio utovar oruja, koje je upuivano za ARBiH na 12 odredita koja su bila u RBiH, pod kontrolom ARBiH.579 Brojni dokumenti MORH-a s potpisima najviih dunosnika, i iz razdoblja djelominih muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih oruanih sukoba u RBiH (od zavrnih mjeseci 1992. do poetnih mjeseci 1994. g.), svjedoe da je iz RH teklo slanje oruja, vojne opreme i hrane za ARBiH. Primjerice, sredinom prosinca 1992. g. general pukovnik HV-a Ivan ermak (Pomonik Ministra obrane RH) izdao je Tehniko prometnoj upravi MORH-a Nalog za izdavanje materijalnih sredstava za potreba oruanih snaga BiH logistiki centar Visoko.580 Tijekom oujka 1993. g. general bojnik Hrvatske vojske (HV) Ivan Basarac (Naelnik Uprave za vidove u Glavnom stoeru RH), Mladen Vrgotuk (Naelnik Tehnikoprometne uprave MORH-a), general pukovnik HV, I. ermak i drugi izdali su vie Naloga i drugih dokumenata koji se odnose na slanje oruja i opreme za potrebe ARBiH.581

III.-3.2 Logistike baze za ARBiH na teritoriju RH

Na podruju RH je postojao vei broj logistikih baza ARBiH koje su se takoer brinule o upuivanju oruja i druge opreme postrojbama ARBiH. Osim toga, i druge institucije RBiH (npr. veleposlanstvo RBiH u Zagrebu) te razliite organizacije i pojedinci na podruju RH takoer su, u suradnji s vlastima RH ili bez nje, upuivali oruje i vojnu opremu postrojbama ARBiH koje su se nalazile u razliitim podrujima RBiH. Primjerice, u dokumentu kojeg je, 06. oujka 1993. g., Republika Bosna i Hercegovina, Armija BiH, Logistiki centar Zagreb uputila na adresu Republika Hrvatska, Ministarstvo obrane, N/r. g. Pukovnika Vladimira Zagorca, izmeu ostalog se navodi: tovani, dostavljamo Vam popis kamiona i vozaa za preuzimanje materijalno-tehnikih sredstava Materijalno tehnika sredstva pod st. 1 dostavljaju se u Pazari, a pod st. 2 u Gradaac za potrebe I i II Korpusa Armije BiH i postrojbi 106. i 107. HVO. U potpisu dokumenta stoji: Armija BiH, Logistiki centar Zagreb, Koordinator, Azem Karamehmedovi.582

579 580 581 582

v. Isto, str. 13; (3D02633). Isto, str. 16; (3D02633). Isto, str. 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32,33; (3D02633). Isto, str. 25-26; (3D02633).

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Nekoliko dana kasnije, Armija BiH, Logistiki centar Zagreb uputila je dopis MORHu kojem se navodi: Molimo Vas da odobrite prijevoz materijalno-tehnikih sredstava slijedeim vozilima za potrebe Armije BiH Logistiki centar Visoko.583 Dokumenti istog tipa rutinski su upuivani i u narednom razdoblju, to svjedoi o sustavnoj suradnji izmeu ARBiH i MORH-a glede naoruavanja i opremanja ARBiH.584 Dokument, od 14. sijenja 1993. g., kojem u naslovu stoji Popis MTS-a (materijalnotehnikih sredstava, op a.) u skladitima zrakoplovne baze "Luko" (kod Zagreba, op. a.) koja pripada Armiji R BiH V korpusu, a pod nadzorom su Ureda Okruga Biha sa sjeditem u Zagrebu, te peat Ureda na kraju dokumenta (Republika Bosna i Hercegovina, Okrug Biha, Sjedite Zagreb dostatno govori sam za sebe o odnosu dravnih institucija RH prema ARBiH i dravi RBiH.585 Niz dokumenata Ambasade Bosne i Hercegovine u Republici Hrvatskoj, od svibnja 1993. do oujka 1994. g. (u razdoblju najeih muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatskih sukoba) svjedoi da je i Ambasada intenzivno i nesmetano s podruja RH sudjelovala u naoruavanju i opremanju ARBiH.586 S tim, to je, prema podacima u tim dokumentima, oruje i streljivo na podruje Bihaa uglavnom stizalo skriveno u kamionima UNHCR-a koji su prevozili humanitarnu pomo. Na nekim dokumentima je naznaeno da oruje i opremu upuuje Vojno ekonomsko predstavnitvo Ambasade BiH, koje je bilo smjeteno u Zagrebu, Savska c. 62 E/V. Isto tako, neki dokumenti na mjestu potpisa navode Za vojnog ataea, Hajrudin

Osmanagi, a na kraju nekih dokumenata je peat Vojno izaslanstvo Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u Republici Hrvatskoj.587 Ministarstvo obrane BiH je sredinom srpnja 1993. g., po zahtjevu taba Vrhovne Komande oruanih snaga BiH, imenovalo (zaposlilo) est osoba u Vojno ekonomsko predstavnitvo Zagreb, 21 osobu u Logistiki odjel taba Vrhovne Komande oruanih snaga RBiH Zagreb i dvije osobe u Logistiki odjel taba Vrhovne Komande oruanih snaga RBiH Split.588 Ambasada Republike BiH u Zagrebu, o tome je obavijestila Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova RH.589 Meutim, iz jednog drugog strogo povjerljivog dokumenta iz RBiH saznaje se
583 584 585 586 587 588 589

Isto, str. 29; (3D02633). Isto, str. 40; (3D02633). Isto, str. 51-52; (3D02633). v. Isto, str. 53, 69, 70, 71, 75, 77, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88; (3D02633). v. Isto, str. 70 i 89; (3D02633). Isto, str. 157-158; preslika dokumenta Rjeenje; (3D02633). Isto, str. 159-160; (3D02633).

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da je osam osoba imenovano zapravo Nareenjem obavjetajne uprave Str. pov. broj , a razlozi se mogu samo pretpostavljati.590 Tema logistikih centara RBiH na teritoriju RH je jo uvijek istraivaki veoma otvorena, te se stoga ne moe cjelovito rekonstruirati ni opseg logistike mree RBiH u RH niti opseg i naini njena djelovanja.591 Naime, neki dokumenti pokazuju da je u RH djelovao i Glavni tab za podrku BiH, koji je imao sebi podreene Regionalne tabove. U jednom dokumentu s grbom RBiH, Glavni tab za podrku BiH, Regionalni tab Split uputio je dopis Glavnom tabu Rijeka u kojem se samo kae: aljem Vam izgled peata Regionalnog taba Split, te moj potpis a u potpisu je Komandant taba Senad Bievi i peat taba.592 Osim toga, razliitim vrstama logistike i logistike, za ARBiH i

muslimansko/bonjaku strukturu u RBiH, na podruju RH su se polulegalno bavile i brojne muslimanske ili islamske humanitarne ( ) organizacije,593 te pojedinci koji su za tu svrhu s ovlatenjima594 upuivani u RH od niza postrojbi ARBiH i drugih institucija vlasti RBiH. Posebno je (prema oznaenom mjestu nastanka) znakovit povjerljivi dokument kojeg je 18. veljae 1993. g. u Zagrebu napisala institucija Republika Bosna i Hercegovina, tab Vrhovne komande OS, Uprava RV i PVO595 i uputila ga Naelniku taba Vrhovne komande ARBiH. I iz toke 5. dokumenta je oigledno da su Naelnik Uprave RV i PVO ARBiH a vjerojatno i Uprava bili mjesecima smjeteni u Zagrebu. U ovom dokumentu se, izmeu ostalog, navodi: Izvrena je kupovina dva srednja transportna helikoptera Mi-8T za potrebe Armije Republike BiH izvren je prelet sa naim posadama na a. (aerodrom, op. a.) Visoko U toku je kupovina jo dva helikoptera Mi8T.596

590 591 592 593 594 595

Isto, str. 163; (3D02633). Isto, str. 177-179, 182, 183-184, 185; (3D02633). Isto, str. 188; (3D02633). Isto, str. 180, 189-197; (3D02633). Isto, str. 174, 186, 187; (3D02633). Isto, str. 35; OS = oruane snage; RV = ratno vazduhoplovstvo PVO = protuvazduhoplovna obrana;

(3D02633).
596

Isto; (3D02633).

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III.-3.3 HZHB i HVO i naoruavanje Armije RBiH

Zbog teritorijalnog razvoja srbijanske oruane agresije na RBiH, daleko najsigurniji putovi opskrbe iz Hrvatske u sredinje i istone dijelove RBiH (a s time i vojne opskrbe za ARBiH) bili su preko podruja HZHB (HRHB). Niz dokumenata svjedoi da se ta opskrba ARBiH odvijala preko prostora i uz suradnju HZHB (HRHB) ak i u vrijeme kad su se na pojedinim lokalitetima dogaali muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatski oruani sukobi. Dokument Glavnog stoera HVO-a od 26. lipnja 1992. g., izdan u Grudama (u Hercegovini), ukazuje da se opskrba ARBiH, preko prostora HZHB, u razdoblju prije navedenih sukoba, odvijala prema standardnoj proceduri. Dokument je kratak i nalazi se na memorandumu HZHB HVO, a nosi naziv Dozvola za transport opreme i naoruanja, te se kae: Od strane ovog zapovjednitva dozvoljen je transport opreme za Pazari Odgovoran za transport pukovnik Porobi Mustafa. Sve policijske postrojbe dune su propustiti ovaj transport. U potpisu je Zapovjednik HVO, Brigadir Milivoj Petkovi.597 U dokumentu, izvjeu Glavnog stoera HVO, od 06. studenog 1992. g., izdanog u Grudama, najprije se navodi raspodjela sredstava koja su upuena postrojbama Armije BiH (Foa, Gorade), a potom se daje pregled sredstava koja su prevoena za potrebe Armije BiH (1. krajika brigada i HVO Jajce).598 Dokument Sektora logistike Glavnog stoera HVO-a, od 01. oujka 1993. g., je Pregled oduzetih MS (materijalnih sredstava, op. a.) od strane Armije BiH, a bila su upuena za OZ Srednja Bosna, poslan je Ministarstvu obrane RH n/r ministra Gojka uka. Ovaj dokument, osim to ukazuje na probleme u odnosima ARBiH i HVO, svjedoi da su MORH i HVO suraivali u procesu naoruavanja postrojbi ARBiH. Glavni stoer HVO-a izdao je, 07. travnja 1993. g., Dozvolu za nesmetan prolaz vee koliine materijalno-tehnikih sredstava koja se prevoze na relaciji Grude-Srebrenica, a prevoze se kamionima.599 U potpisu dokumenta je Ante Jelavi, Pomonik Naelnika GS HVO za logistiku. Osim ve navedenih, i niz drugih dokumenata MORH-a svjedoi da su uestale poiljke oruja, streljiva i vojne opreme iz RH upuivane u Grude, iz kojih su otpremane dalje u razliita podruja BiH, za potrebe ARBiH i HVO-a. Primjerice, o uestalosti poiljki oruja

597 598 599

Isto, str. 59; (3D02633). Isto, str. 14-15; (3D02633). Isto, str. 34; (3D02633).

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i vojne opreme, prema nalogu MORH-a, za Grude pokazuje i niz dokumenata koji se odnose na oujak 1993. godine.600 Na isti nain svjedoe i dokumenti ARBiH. Primjerice, 22. oujka 1993., Komandant Rasim Deli uputio je na ruke Naelnika SSVK OS R BiH Sefera Halilovia prijedlog za istovar TMS (tehniko-materijalnih sredstava, op. a.) koja bi sutra (moda) krenula iz Zagreba. Ukupan broj TMS umanjen je za 25% koja bi trebalo da izuzme Hrvatska ili u Grudama. Sredstva za Tuzlu bi po dolasku tamo bila djelomino vraena u Visoko radi raspodjele za 3. Korpus i druge jedinice. To bi bilo uraeno u dogovoru s Hazimom, a sredstva u Pazariu bi podijelili na 1. i 8. Korpus (po dogovoru).601

600 601

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III.-4 USTROJAVANJE I OBUKA POSTROJBI ARBiH NA TERITORIJU REPUBLIKE HRVATSKE

III.-4.1 Ustrojavanje postrojbi ARBiH u Republici Hrvatskoj

Civilne i vojne vlasti drava RBiH i RH suraivale su u ustrojavanju postrojbi ARBiH na teritoriju RH i njihovom upuivanju na niz bojita u RBiH. Ustrojavanje se dogaalo mobilizacijom i dragovoljakim pristupom. Dragovoljaki pristup se, izmeu ostalog, zasnivao i na ranije navedenoj Uputi Ministra obrane (RH, op. a.) svim zapovjednitvima Hrvatske vojske, prema kojoj zapovjednici HV nisu smjeli zaustavljati dobrovoljce iz postrojbi HV-a koji su porijeklom iz BiH i ele ii na ratite u BiH.602 RH je, osim toga, pomagala u opremanju postrojbi ARBiH i omoguavala je njihovu djelominu vojniku pripremu. Zbog postojanja neosnovanih stereotipa, vano je naglasiti da je na temelju dostupnih dokumenata oigledno kako su dravne institucije RH sustavnije pomagale ARBiH nego HVO-u, to se oituje i u injenici da su postrojbe ARBiH ustrojavane i obuavane na teritoriju RH, dok to (prema dostupnoj dokumentaciji) nije bio sluaj s postrojbama HVO-a. Jedan od razloga ovome je i strateki interes drave RH da se drava RBiH obrani od srbijanske oruane agresije, a to se nije moglo postii bez ARBiH, koja je bila brojnija i pokrivala je vei teritorij RBiH nego HVO. Pritom je posebno vano naglasiti injenicu, da su brojni dijelovi civilnih i vojnih vlasti RBiH i drugih organizacija postojali i bez zapreka djelovali na teritoriju RH, i to uz pomo dravnih tijela RH. Pri kraju sijenja 1993. g., Vojno izaslanstvo Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u Republici Hrvatskoj, koje je djelovalo unutar Ureda Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u Republici Hrvatskoj, uputilo je dopis Glavnom stoeru Hrvatske vojske, kojim se trai: Nastavak dogovora i realizacije formiranja sabirnog centra-Logora a kasnije i formiranje

602

v. poglavlje ove ekspertize Hrvatsko vijee obrane (HVO).

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veih centara i grupa do veliine bataljona-brigade, prodor u zonu odgovornosti 5. Korpusa ARBiH.603 Jo ranije, poetkom lipnja 1992. g., Ministar obrane Republike Bosne i Hercegovine uputio je iz Sarajeva dopis generalu Stipetiu (lanu Glavnog stoera Hrvatske vojske), iz kojeg se jasno prepoznaje jedan od tipinih naina suradnje RBiH i RH na ustrojavanju postrojbi ARBiH na podruju RH. U dopisu se navodi: obavijeteni smo da se organizovano radi na formiranju jedinica koje bi se prikljuile oruanim snagama Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. U svezi s tim, molimo Vas za pomo oko prihvata istih u kasarnu "Borongaj" u Zagrebu (radi se o 300 ljudi iz Rijeke, 300 ljudi iz Ljubljane i oko 5500 ljudi iz Njemake). Ti ljudi bi trebali u kasarni "Borongaj" da se okupe, obuku i spreme do subote (06. 06. 1992.) za pokret ka Bosni i Hercegovini. Ljudi koji su se ve okupili u Zagrebu iznose nam zahtjev za kadrovskom popunom jedinica. U nemogunosti da iz Sarajeva prebacimo ljude u Zagreb, molimo Vas da, ukoliko ste u mogunosti, pomenutu jedinicu popunite sa 10 asnika, po mogunosti onih koji su roeni u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini (radi poznavanja teritorija).604 Dopis kojeg je, poetkom sijenja 1993. g., Sekretar za vojna pitanja pri Uredu Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u Republici Hrvatskoj (pukovnik Hasan Efendi) uputio MORH-u, potpuno jasno svjedoi o kontinuitetu i modelu angairanja asnika HV za potreba ARBiH. U dopisu se navodi da Vojno izaslanstvo BiH izraava svoje visoko tovanje MORH-u i preporua se zamoliti da za potrebe OS RBiH dopustite angairanje asnika HV i to (navode se imena trojice asnika HV i podaci o njima, op. a.) Status ovih asnika molimo da se rijei kao i do sada, zamrzavanjem (da imaju sve prinadlenosti kao asnici HV), a po obavljenoj zadai da im se omogui dalje angaovanje u HV.605 Na slian nain svjedoi i Zamolba koju je, 21. svibnja 1993. g., Ured okruga Biha Republika Bosna i Hercegovina (smjeten u Zagrebu) uputio Odjelu za ustroj MORH-a, u kojoj se trai: Molimo da gospodina Senada Palia, mobiliziranog u postrojbu NG (Narodna garda, op. a.) 9158 demobilizirate ili oslobodite dunosti u HV jer je od 01. 01. 1992 g. angairan u Zapovjednitvu V Korpusa, temeljem dokumenata koje ste imali na uvid.606 To

603 604 605 606

Praljak, S., Pomo, str. 92; (3D02633). Isto, str. 100; (3D02633). Isto, str. 114; (3D02633). www.slobodanpraljak

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znai da je Senad Pali formalno bio pripadnik HV-a, iako se gotovo 16 mjeseci stvarno nalazio u Zapovjednitvu V Korpusa ARBiH. Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova (MUP) RH takoer je na podruju Hrvatske bilo ukljueno u provoenje mobilizacije za potrebe ARBiH, a o toj suradnji najjasnije svjedoi dopis kojeg je, 23. rujna 1992. g., Glavni tab oruanih snaga BiH Sarajevo, Povjerenitvo za Hrvatsku Zagreb uputio MUP-u RH, Policijskoj upravi grada Zagreba. U dopisu je, izmeu ostalog, navedeno: prilikom privoenja i deportovanja vojnih obveznika-graana Republike Bosne i Hercegovine koji se nalaze u Hrvatskoj, a koje poslove po zahtjevu vlade Republike Bosne i Hercegovine sprovodi Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske .607 Krizni tab za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, smjeten u RH, u gradu Splitu, Tolstojeva 28, podnio je, 18. listopada 1992. g., strogo povjerljivo Izvjee o radu od 6. 4. do 18. 10. 1992. godine, u kojem se nalazi niz veoma vanih podataka za razumijevanje odnosa dravnih institucija RH prema dravi RBiH i njenoj muslimansko/bonjakoj strukturi. U Izvjeu se, izmeu ostalog, navodi: Krizni tab za Bosnu i Hercegovinu Split osnovan je u okviru Stranke demokratske akcije Hrvatske, Ogranak Split, 6. 4. 1992. godine razvio je veoma dinaminu aktivnost u sljedeim segmentima: mobilizacija dobrovoljaca Muslimana i Hrvata roenih u Bosni i Hercegovini, njihova evidencija, opremanje i slanje na bojita diljem Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, prikupljanje humanitarne, tehniko-materijalne i drugih vrsta pomoi za Bosnu i Hercegovinu Od osnivanja Kriznog taba za BiH Split odmah se prilo organiziranju sazivanja i prihvata dobrovoljaca, Muslimana i Hrvata roenih u BiH, uz pomo svih medija (Radio Split, TV-Marijan, "Slobodna Dalmacija" i dr.), pri emu je znaajnu pomo dala VI operativna zona Split Napravljen je plan i program Kriznog taba koji su odobrile vojne i civilne vlasti grada Splita i Republike Hrvatske. Stvorena je tijesna suradnja koja se manifestira sve do danas. Do 18. travnja 1992. godine bila je formirana Prva splitska samostalna satnija kao prva vojna formacija za pomo Oruanim snagama BiH U njenom formiranju i kompletiranju orujem, streljivom, vojnom odjeom i dnevnim obrocima hrane izravno nam je pomogla VI operativna zona Split Po odlasku Prve splitske satnije svi prijavljeni dobrovoljci, a kasnije i obveznici, bili su upisani i registrirani u valjane spiskove i po osobnoj elji svakog dobrovoljca bili upueni u slijedee postrojbe OS BiH 607

OS BiH, Kamp za prihvat dobrovoljaca Visoko 142 dobrovoljca;

Isto, str. 118; (3D02633), (3D01651).

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OS BiH, Livno Tomislavgrad 89 dobrovoljaca; OS BiH, Sjeverna Bosna, Zagreb kasarna Borongaj 34 dobrovoljca; OS BiH, Prvi bosanskohercegovaki korpus "Kralj Tomislav" Bako Polje 157 dobrovoljaca;

OS BiH, Prvi mostarski samostalni bataljon 118 dobrovoljaca; HVO Grude 22 dobrovoljca; OS BiH, Teanj, apljina i Stolac 56 dobrovoljaca; OS BiH, Tuzla 31 dobrovoljac; Ostali gradovi imjesta u BiH Bugojno, Jajce, Zenca, Doboj, Zavidovii i Biha preko 70 dobrovoljaca i vojnih obveznika;

HRM Sjeverna Bosna Biha i Cazin 120 dobrovoljaca

Ukupno je registrirano i upueno na ratita u postrojbe u BiH 862 dobrovoljca. (Do kraja 1992. god. upueno i registrirano preko 2.000 dobrovoljaca OS BiH i HVO).608 Putem ovog K odvijalo se prebacivanje dobrovoljaca registriranih i mobiliziranih u Puli, Rijeci, Varadinu i Zadru. U pitanju je bio znaajan broj branitelja. Meu dobrovoljcima upuenih putem KV Split bilo je ena i stranih dravljana iz Alira, Francuske i Turske koji su upueni u kamp za prihvat dobrovoljaca OS BiH Suradnja s vojnim i civilnim organima Splita i RH je svakodnevna i obostrano korisna.609 Na kraju, u potpisu ovog opsenog dokumenta je navedeno: Predsjednik Kriznog taba za BiH, Split, Alija Dafo, te stoji da je Izvjee dostavljeno Vladi Republike BiH, Hasanu Efendiu vojnom ataeu, Uredu Republike BiH u Hrvatskoj i Arhivi.610 Iz kraeg izvjetaja kojeg je, 17. svibnja 1993. g. u Zagrebu, sastavio zapovjednik 1. Berbirske bojne Armije Bosne i Hercegovine i uputio ga Ambasadi BiH, Vojno ekonomskom predstavnitvu Zagreb (zamjeniku vojnog ataea H. Osmanagiu i zapovjedniku za bezbjednost D. Topiu), izmeu ostalog se saznaje: 1.Berbirska bojna je osnovana 30. 05. 1992. g. u Zagrebu, a u okviru tadanje TO R BiH i trenutno broji bez ranjenika i rekonvalescenata 120 boraca.611 U dokumentu kojem u glavi stoji Opina Rijeka, Sekretarijat narodne obrane nalazi se 20 stranica s popisom priblino 700 pripadnika 77. brigade, koja je najvjerojatrnije formirana
608

Tekst u zagradi, u dokumentu je oigledno naknadno dodan i pisan je rukom, za razliku od ostalog teksta u

dokumentu koji je pisan strojopisom.

609 610 611

Praljak, S., Pomo, str. 93-95; (3D02633). Isto, str. 99; (3D02633). Isto, str. 103; (3D02633).

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za potrebe ARBiH. Za svakog pripadnika 77. brigade navedeno je prezime i ime, in, status (npr. zapovjednik, vezist itd.), poduzee (npr. nezaposlen, HV, brodogradilite itd.) i datum pristupanja brigadi. 612 Iz tih podataka je oigledno da su pripadnici 77 brigade tada ivjeli i radili u RH. U dokumentu Glavnog taba za podrku BiH, izdanog u Rijeci 21. rujna 1992. g., nalazi se Spisak ljudstva za 7. brigadu Armije Bosne i Hercegovine.613 Dokument (memorandum), od 12. studenog 1992. g., kojem se na vrhu stranice nalazi grb ARBiH i natpis Armija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, Zagreb, Radnika cesta 228, Telefon: 041/232-482 svjedoi o institucijskoj irini naina i dravnih tijela RH koja su bila ukljuena u pomaganje ARBiH. U dokumentu je, izmeu ostalog, navedeno: Na osnovu Odluke ministarstva inozemnih poslova Republike Hrvatske br. i punomoi br. Ureda Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u Republici Hrvatskoj, o prenoenju nadlenosti izdana je Naredba: Grupa (sa naoruanjem i opremom) od 25 ljudi i 3 vodia bit e upuena iz rejona Sljeme kod Zagreba u Bihaku regiju na pravcu Zagreb-Karlova-Ogulin, radi ubacivanja u regiju Biha.614 Vojno izaslanstvo Ureda Republike BiH u Republici Hrvatskoj uputilo je iz Zagreba, 10. veljae 1993. g., Peatoreznici Zagreb narudbu za izradu peata: Molimo Vas da za potrebe Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine uradite okrugli peat, promjera 4 cm, sa slijedeim sadrajem: ARMIJA BOSNE I HRECEGOVINE, SPECIJALNA

ANTITERORISTIKA BRIGADA "KOBRA" U sredini peata uraditi grb Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, sa ljiljanima i ukrtenim maevima. Trokove izrade peata plaamo gotovinski.615 Iz jednog drugog, strogo povjerljivog dokumenta, saznaje se da je Vojno izaslanstvo BiH u RH nositelj projekta KOBRA, te da je projekt usmeno odobren od Predsjednika Predsjednitva BiH (A. Izetbegovia) i pismeno od N VK, gosp. Halilovia. Zatim se u dokumentu navodi da su za projekt obeana financijska sredstva od pouzdanih donatora, sa kojima ste Vi (A. Izetbegovi, op. a.) lino upoznati, da je obezbeen struni kadar, a djelomino je dogovoren i prostor za formiranje to zavisi od Vae (Izetbegovieve, op. a.) odluke. Iz navedenog se moe s velikom pouzdanou zakljuiti da je dogovor glede strunog kadra i prostora za formiranje brigade postignut s nekom institucijom RH.
612 613 614 615

Isto, str. 105; (3D02633). Isto, str. 112; (3D02633). Isto, str. 118; (3D02633). Isto, str. 121; (3D02633).

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III.-4.2 Obuavanje postrojbi ARBiH u Republici Hrvatskoj

Suradnja drava RH i RBiH na obuavanju postrojbi ARBIH na teritoriju RH je potpuno neistraena i veoma rijetko spominjana tema, a, uostalom, slian sluaj je i s drugim vrstama meudravne RH - RBiH suradnje, kojima se bavi ova ekspertiza Meutim, prema za sada dostupnim dokumentima je potpuno oigledno da se suradnja na obuci postrojbi ARBIH na teritoriju RH dogaala veoma sustavno, te uz puno i veoma predano sudjelovanje institucija hrvatske drave, to je i razumljivo budui je provoenje vojnike obuke izuzetno sloen i zahtjevan posao. Jo je vanije naglasiti, da su RH i RBiH veoma rano zapoele tu suradnju, te da su u RH posebno sustavno obuavane elitne i specijalne postrojbe oruanih snaga RBiH. Isto tako, treba posebno naglasiti da je RH poela i intenzivno obuavala specijalne i elitne postrojbe ARBiH u veoma tekim okolnostima, kada je veliki dio postrojbi RH ratovao dragovoljaki i vojniki neobuen, a srbijanska agresija na RH bila je u punom intenzitetu. Najraniji, za sada dostupan i izuzetno vaan dokument, koji u punoj mjeri svjedoi o znaajkama i rasponu navedene suradnje, ali i o ukupnim osobitostima tadanje situacije u RH i RBiH, datiran je s 08. srpnjem 1991. g., a izdat je od strane Stranke demokratske akcije, Sarajevo, Ul. Marala Tita br. 7-a/IV. Naziv dokumenta je Spisak kandidata za obuku specijalaca u MUP-u Republike Hrvatske, a potom slijede osobni podaci za 463 osobe iz razliitih dijelova BiH, sa zavrnom napomenom: nastavak na ovaj spisak dobit ete za 7 dana. Dokument, na prvoj i zadnjoj stranici, ima otisnut peat Stranka demokratske akcije, te (na prvoj stranici) urudbeni broj na za to predvienom tambilju stranke.616 O dogovorenoj suradnji dravnih institucija RH s muslimansko/bonjakom strukturom iz RBiH izravno svjedoe i drugi dokumenti. Primjerice, Stranka demokratske akcije (u potpisu je Sekretar SDA, Hasan engi) poslala je, 11. srpnja 1991. g., MUP-u RH dopis (Uput za kandidata Kadri Sulejmana) u kojem je navedeno: Shodno zajednikom dogovoru ovlatenih predstavnika MUP-a SR BiH i MUP-a RH, te uputstvu o nainu prijema u radni odnos kandidata za policajce-pripravnike u Obrazovnom centru MUP-a Republike Hrvatske, Stranka demokratske akcije Sarajevo preporuuje i gore imenovanog kandidata za kurs u Vaem centru.617

616 617

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Ovi dokumenti, izmeu ostalog, svjedoe i o visokoj razini stranakog utjecaja SDA na uspostavljanje nove sigurnosne strukture drave (S)RBiH, nakon prvih viestranakih parlamentarnih izbora provedenih u BiH. U razdoblju 1991.-1992. g. pripadnici oruanih snaga RBiH obuavani su na najmanje 15 lokaliteta u RH, koji su se nalazili u svim neokupiranim dijelovima RH (od istone Slavonije, preko sredinje Hrvatske, do Istre i Dalmacije).618 Primjerice, sauvane su izdatnice iz srpnja 1992. g., s kojima je MUP RH odobrio izdavanje oruja, a preuzeo ga Krizni tab Bos. Krupa, s naznakom da je mjesto troka Borongaj Jaska. Jedna druga izdatnica s peatom preuzimatelja - Krizni tab Bos. Krupa, u kojoj se radi o preuzimanju manje svote novca, govori puno vie jer je napisano da je namjena novca za materijalne potrebe "BEHAR BRIGADE" smjetene u ainama (aini, kod grada Siska, u RH op. a.), a namijenjena za BD (borbena djelovanja, op. a.) u BOS. KRAINI.619 U nedostatku vanijih dokumenata, i ovaj izvor je veoma vaan jer svjedoi da je u RH postojala BiH Behar brigada, koja je najvjerojatnije bila na obuci (i mobilizacijskom ustrojavanju) u RH (aini) sa svrhom odlaska na bojite u zapadnoj RBiH. Otvoreno je pitanje, jesu li dijelovi te brigade ili neke druge postrojbe bili na obuci u Jastrebarskom i Borongaju, na to upuuju druge dvije izdatnice. Na slian nain, veoma oskudno ali jasno svjedoi i dokument s Pljeivice (brdo u RH, nedaleko Zagreba), od 22. rujna 1992. g., koji evidentira materijalno tehnika sredstva (uglavnom oruje i streljivo) koje je ostalo poslije boravka grupe iz Slovenije (165) Boravak grupe na Pleivici od 8. 9. - 22. 9. 1992. g. U dokumentu se navodi da evidentirano oruje treba prevesti u Regionalni tab-Biha (smjeten u Zagrebu, op. a.) komandantu Osmanagi Hajrudinu O istome upoznati i tab Rijeka. Iz ovog dokumenta proizlazi da je grupa iz Slovenije najvjerojatnije u organizaciji Regionalnog taba-Biha bila na obuci na Pljeivici, a potom upuena na bojite u BiH. U prilog tome zakljuku uvjerljivo svjedoi kratko ali veoma sadrajno Izvjee, nastalo 16. studenog 1992. g. u Zagrebu, u kojem se navodi da je tog dana izvreno ienje smjetaja JPN (jedinice za posebne namjene, op. a.) za okrug Biha koji su bili smjeteni u bolnici za TBC na Pleivici pored Jastrebarskog (kod Zagreba, op. a.). Objekt smo koristili za smjetaj i obuku JPN koje su potom upuene na navedeni teren. Objekt je koriten u periodu

618

akovo, Kutina, Sisak, Zdenina, Zagreb (3), Velika Gorica, Jastrebarsko, Pljeivica, Delnice, Rijeka, Pula

(2), Vrgorac.
619

Praljak, S., Pomo, str. 137-138; (3D02633), (3D02273).

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od 4. 8. 1992 g. do 16. 11. 1992 g. po odobrenju III OZ Zagreb. Za odvoenje MTS i opreme koriten je kamion HV, u dvije ture.620 Za obuavanje, na teritoriju RH, vojnih pilota i tehniara za odravanja vojnih zrakoplova (i helikoptera) ARBiH, dostupna je nekolicina dokumenata koji vjerodostojno svjedoe o toj uspjenoj i specifinoj pomoi koju je RH pruila dravi RBiH, u okolnostima kad su obje drave imale minorno, ali veoma potrebno, ratno zrakoplovstvo. O znaenju te pomoi svjedoi i injenica da je, 09. kolovoza 1992. g., pismo MORHu osobno uputio Predsjednik Predsjednitva BiH (A. Izetbegovi) uz supotpis Ministra obrane BiH (Jerko Doko), navodei: Molimo da se odobri boravak i obuka u Republici Hrvatskoj za sljedea lica, a za potrebe oruanih snaga. Potom slijede osobni podaci za 22 osobe (vojni piloti i tehniari) i zakljuna napomena: Kao to se vidi iz podataka veina navedenih bili su pripadnici bive JNA. Mi smo izvrili prethodno provjeravanje i selekciju.621 No, ve i prije toga (u srpnju 1992. g.) RH je pomagala u obuci vojnih pilota RBiH: Temeljem usmenog dogovora u jedinicu HRZ PZO (Hrvatsko ratno zrakoplovstvo i protuzrana obrana, op. a.) su stigla 3 pilota i 1 tehniar radi preobuke na avionu AN-2. Radi se o pilotima koji bi na teritoriju BiH letjeli za potrebe obrane te Republike i taj zadatak je vrlo hitan zbog stalne potrebe evakuacije i snabdjevanja TO BiH. Molimo da veoma hitno odobrite navedenu obuku, navodi se u dopisu kojeg je Glavni stoer HV uputio Ministru obrane RH.622 Pomo koju je RH pruala za obuku pilota ARBiH bila je sustavna i prela je u rutinu, te Naelnik uprave RV i PVO (Ratnog vazduhoplovstva i protuvazdune obrane) pri tabu Vrhovne Komande OS BiH, 08. oujka 1993. g., upuuje sljedee Nareenje za obuku pilota i tehniara u Republici Hrvatskoj: Na osnovu ukazanih potreba i ostvarenih dogovora sa zapovjednitvom RZ i PZO Republike Hrvatske na obuku i izvravanje zadataka u Republiku Hrvatsku iz RV i PVO OS Republike BiH upuuju se sljedei piloti i tehniari. Slijedi popis 13 pilota i 3 tehniara, te napomena: Obuku grupe provoditi prema dogovorenim planovima obuke izmeu HRZ i PZO i RV i PVO OS R BiH.623 Uz to, treba jo jedanput naglasiti da je Uprava RV i PVO OS BIH tada boravila u Zagrebu.

620 621 622 623

Isto, str. 132; (3D02633), (3D01650). Isto, str. 141; (3D02633). Isto, str. 146; (3D02633), (3D01684). Isto, str. 144-145; (3D02633), (3D01860).

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Obuka vojnih pilota ARBiH vrena je u Zagrebu, Velikoj Gorici (kod Zagreba) i Puli (Istra, zapadni dio RH),624 a zrane luke u RH te vojni zrakoplovi i posade RH su koritene i za letove u/iz RBiH, prema potrebama ARBiH i drugih tijela dravne vlasti RBiH.625 Prema izvjeu HRZ PZO, za drugu polovicu prosinca 1992. g., sa a. (aerodroma, op. a.) Pleso i a. Pula izvravane su zadae prijevoz oruja, uniformi i sanitetskog materijala u RBiH, a iz RBiH su u RH dovoeni uglavnom ranjenici i druge osobe. U tih pola mjeseca bila su ukupno 32 leta; od toga za potrebe HVO BiH 6 letova, a za potrebe TO BiH 26 letova. Pritom, se za potrebe HVO BiH ukupno letjelo 4.40 sati i prevezlo ukupno 6t tereta, 28 putnika + 11 ranjenika, a za potrebe TO BiH ukupno se letjelo 22.40 sati i prevezlo ukupno 21,5t tereta, 90 putnika + 35 ranj..626 Na osnovu dogovora izmeu Zapovjednika HRZ i PVO i Naelnika Uprave RV i PVO OS BiH, poetkom travnja 1993. g., dvojici pripadnika ARBiH je izdano Ovlaenje da za potrebe Centra obavjeivanja u Republici BiH, svakog mjeseca mogu preuzimati frekvencije vala obavjeivanja u Zapovjednitvu HRZ I PZO i iste distribuirati u Centru obavjeivanja u Republiku BiH.627 Meutim, jo dosta prije toga, poetkom 1992. godine u Zagrebu je, pod nadzorom Slube (Sluba za zatitu ustavnog poretka SZUP RH, op. a.), formiran logistiki centar koji je imao zadatak opremiti i obuiti Oruane snage BiH, tj. jedinice HVO i TO BiH (zaeci stvaranja Armije BiH), uporabi radiokomunikacijskih sredstava, te formirati fleksibilnu komunikacijsku mreu Zadatak Logistikog centra je bio slaganje, programiranje i usklaivanje komponenata radiokomunikacijskog sustava, koji su se nakon kraeg skladitenja, urno upuivali na odredita u BiH Osim gore navedene telekomunikacijske opreme, preko logistikog centra su u BiH poslanii satelitski telefoni JRC, ija je pretplata i funkcija ugovorena preko British Telecoma, a iji su korisnici bile osobe iz najvieg dravnog vrha BiH. Tijekom prvih ratnih godina u BiH, sustav je prerastao poetnu ulogu vojno-logistike komunikacije, i pokrivao je takoer gospodarske, te humanitarne segmente. Dakle, cilj opremanja i obuke OS BiH u tom trenutku je bio osnaiti borbu protiv velikosrpske agresije, dati joj novu logistiku i tehniku komponentu, informativno i zapovjedno povezati HVO i TO BiH, i na taj nain olakati poloaj Hrvatske Na poetku
624 625 626 627

Isto, str.148; (3D02633), (3D01857). Isto, str. 147 (3D02633), 151 (3D02633) (3D01658), 153-154 (3D02633) (3D01867). Isto, str. 153; (3D02633), (3D01867). Isto, str. 155; (3D02633).

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sukoba HVO i ABiH, prestalo je koritenje sustava od strane HVO, dok je ABiH nastavila koritenje uz druge kriptozatitne algoritme i kljueve. 628

628

Isto, str. 44-50; (3D02633), (3D00795).

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III.-5 LIJEENJE RANJENIH VOJNIKA ARBIH I CIVILA MUSLIMANA/BONJAKA U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ 1992.-1995. GODINE

U razdoblju 1992.-1995. g., zbog izuzetno teke zdravstvene i humanitarne situacije u RBiH, veliki broj ranjenih vojnika ARBiH i civila muslimansko/bonjake nacionalnosti, nije imao ni minimalne uvjete za zbrinjavanje i lijeenje na podruju RBiH. To je bio osnovni razlog zbog kojeg su oni u velikom broju, na razliite naine, pristizali u dostupne bolnice i druge zdravstvene ustanove na podruju Republike Hrvatske, koje su ionako bile prekapacitirane s bolesnicima i ranjenicima iz Republike Hrvatske. Meutim, primanje, zbrinjavanje i lijeenje ranjenika ARBiH i civila-graana RBiH nije dovoeno u pitanje doslovno ni jednog trenutka; ni od strukture dravne vlasti RH niti od uprava i osoblja bolnica i drugih zdravstvenih ustanova u RH. Meutim, naalost i ovaj primjer goleme solidarnosti koju su iskazale institucije i naroito medicinsko osoblje u Republici Hrvatskoj, ostao je potpuno neistraen, a graa o tome razasuta je po pismohranama medicinskih ustanova, koje su se spremno odazvale, 1998. g., Uredu Vlade RH za suradnju sa Meunarodnim kaznenim sudom dostaviti traene pojedinane ispise i zbirne statistike pokazatelje. Pritom je hrvatskim medicinskim ustanovama, za davanje podataka o hospitaliziranim dravljanima RBiH, tj. vojnim i civilnim osobama muslimansko/bonjake nacionalnosti tijekom 1992. i 1993. g., posebnu tekou predstavljala injenica to u naoj medicinskoj dokumentaciji ne postoji rubrika nacionalnost, pa smo se opredijelili za one bolesnike i ranjenike koji su doli iz podruja BiH ili su bili izbjeglice u Hrvatskoj iz BiH s karakteristinim (muslimanskim) imenom.629 Za svakog pojedinog pacijenta voen je protokol o lijeenju, odnosno isti su evidentirani u knjigama protokola prijema sa svim relevantnim pokazateljima (identifikacijski podaci, vrijeme prijema i otpusta, dijagnoza, stanje pacijenta pri otpustu itd.).630

629 630

Isto, str. 337; (3D02633). Isto; (3D02633).

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Na taj nain se dolo do podataka o veoma priblinom broju vojnika ARBiH i civilagraana RBiH muslimansko/bonjake nacionalnosti koji su zbrinuti i lijeeni u medicinskim ustanovama pet gradova u RH, za koje se pretpostavljalo da su bili najdostupniji prostoru RBiH. Broj ranjenih i bolesnih vojnika i civila muslimansko/bonjake nacionalnosti, dravljana RBiH, koji su zbrinuti i lijeeni u nekim bolnicama u RH, u razdoblju 1992.-1995. godine:631

Split.3.991 Zagreb.2.982 Slavonski Brod....2.730 Karlovac.. 849 Vinkovci.. 81

UKUPNO..10.633

Druga vrsta medicinske pomoi koju su medicinske ustanove RH, 1992.-1995. g., pruale medicinskim ustanovama diljem RBiH, ukljuujui i podruja na kojima su

Muslimani/Bonjaci veinsko stanovnitvo, bilo je slanje lijekova, sanitetskog materijala, medicinske opreme, djeje hrane, vitaminskih preparata itd. O tome svjedoe brojne Izdatnice s priloenim specifikacijama koje iz tog vremena posjeduju medicinske ustanove u Hrvatskoj. Isto tako, medicinske ustanove u RH su tada primale ogroman broj pisanih zahvala lijeenih pojedinaca i njihovih institucija iz RBiH, te pisanih zahvalnica od bolnica i medicinskih ustanova kojima su slale pomo u RBiH. Primjerice, Kliniki bolniki centar "Firule" Split primio je, izmeu ostalih, i vie Zahvalnica razliitih postrojbi, tabova i sanitetskih slubi Oruanih snaga BiH za dodijeljenu pomo u lijekovima i sanitetskom materijalu koju ste nam isporuili za lijeenje graana i pripadnika Armije BiH.632 Jedna Zahvalnica stigla je na splitske "Firule" i od Predsjednika Predsjednitva BiH (A. Izetbegovie) zbog zbrinjavanja dr. Ejupa Gania (lana Predsjednitva BiH, op a.) i njegovih pratilaca povrijeenih u tekoj saobraajnoj nesrei.633
631

Isto, str. 326; s tim to je u knjizi ukupni broj umanjen za deset, pogrekom u zbrajanju; (3D02633). Osim

toga, usp. knjigu dokumenata: Praljak, Slobodan, Ratno zdravstvo HVO injenice, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008.
632 633

Isto, str. 344-345; (3D02633). Isto, str. 339; (3D02633).

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III.-6 HUMANITARNE ORGANIZACIJE U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ ZA PRIKUPLJANJE POMOI BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Srbijanska oruana agresija, kojoj je jedan od glavnih ciljeva bilo etniko ienje, veoma je brzo u RBiH izazvala goleme demografske, gospodarske i komunikacijske poremeaje, te se ionako slabo razvijena RBiH, ve sredinom 1992. g. nala i pred humanitarnom katastrofom, u kojoj je bio ugroen osnovni egzistencijalni opstanak ljudi ak i na dijelovima RBiH koji nisu bili izravno pogoeni oruanom agresijom. U takvim okolnostima, osnovno preivljavanje u RBiH je uglavnom ovisilo o dotoku humanitarne pomoi koja je na najrazliitije naine iz cijelog svijeta pristizala u RBiH. Budui je tada sigurnosna situacija u RH bila znaajno povoljnija nego u RBiH, i budui se tada moglo s humanitarnom pomoi doi u RBiH gotovo iskljuivo preko RH, mnogobrojne humanitarne organizacije (i pojedinci) koje su bile usmjerene na RBiH svoja su sjedita ili predstavnitva osnivale u Hrvatskoj. U RH su tada bila registrirana ak 234 predstavnitva stranih humanitarnih organizacija.634 Pri postupku registracije, poreza, carina i naroito odnosu prema djelovanju humanitarnih organizacija, vlasti RH su bile gotovo do krajnosti liberalne, te je samo jednoj organizaciji zabranjen rad, iako na nepravilnosti u radu upozorena je 41 humanitarna organizacija.635 Od 234 strane humanitarne organizacije koje su imale predstavnitvo u RH, ak 114 ih je djelovalo na podruju RBiH, a na podruju RH djelovalo ih je jo 117 koje su skrbile i o izbjeglicama iz RBiH, to znai da samo tri (od 234) strane humanitarne organizacije u RH nisu djelovale u RBiH ili s izbjeglicama iz RBiH. Ove humanitarne organizacije su dolazile iz ak 34 drave sa svih kontinenata osim iz June Amerike, a humanitarna pomo za RBiH, u predstavnitva u RH, stizala je iz 32 zemlje svijeta.636

634

Isto, str. 204-225; Popis predstavnitava stranih pravnih osoba koje se bave humanitarnom djelatnou;

(3D02633).
635 636

Rogi, I., n. dj., str. 56. Praljak, S., Pomo, str. 199-200; (3D02633).

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Vlade RH i RBiH potpisale su Protokol o suradnji kojim je RH dozvolila uspostavu Predstavnitva Republike Bosne i Hercegovine za humanitarna pitanja i pomo u Republici Hrvatskoj sa skladitima u Zagrebu, Splitu i Ploama, a ugovoreno je da e se ostala skladita i drugo otvarati prema ukazanim potrebama. Osim to je humanitarna pomo za RBiH bila osloboena svih carinskih i poreznih davanja u RH, RH je preuzela i obveze osiguravanja suhozemnih koridora za konvoje za humanitarnu i drugu pomo od skladita Predstavnitva u Republici Hrvatskoj do dravne granice izmeu RH i RBiH.637 Samo u luku Ploe tijekom rata je stiglo ukupno 601.133t humanitarne pomoi.638 Usporedbe radi, od 1992.-1994. g., u Hrvatsku je iz EU stiglo ukupno 120.000t hrane.639 Meutim, unato golemim koliinama humanitarne pomoi koja je ulazila u RBiH, te velikoj pomoi koju je RH ulagala u zbrinjavanje golemog broja izbjeglica iz RBiH i izbjeglikih valova iz RBiH koji su odlazili u tree zemlje, humanitarna kriza u RBiH nije prestajala, kako zbog uporne okrutnosti srbijanske agresije tako i zbog stalnog nedostatka humanitarne pomoi. Na sve to se nadovezao kriminal i asocijalnost pri baratanju s humanitarnom pomoi na prostoru RBiH, jer sredinje dravne vlasti RBiH nisu mogle uspostaviti uspjean nadzor nad podreenim strukturama vlasti. To je vjerojatno bio tek jedan od razloga to je, pri kraju svibnja 1993. g., vrh vojne i civilne vlasti RBiH kratko i objektivno procijenio situaciju, te donio specifinu i viestruko problematinu odluku o nainu raspodjele humanitarne pomoi. O tome je obavijest napisalo i Vojno ekonomsko predstavnitvo pri Ambasadi BiH u Zagrebu: Organizovana pomo R Bosni i Hercegovini je od ivotnog interesa njenih graana, kao i njenih oruanih snaga. Organi dravne uprave i vojna komanda su zbog pravednije i kvalitetnije distribucije i raspodjele humanitarne pomoi naspram jedinica Armije R BiH, teritorijalno svrstali optine i gradove u okvire zona odgovornosti pet Korpusa Armije BiH.640 Tako su sjedita korpusa ARBiH (Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica, Mostar i Biha) postala i sjedita raspodjele humanitarne pomoi, s prvenstvenim motivom da vojne postrojbe ARBiH mogu to vie utjecati na raspodjelu humanitarne pomoi, kako bi za sebe zadrale potrebni dio. U drugoj polovici 1993. g. neutemeljeni stereotipi koji su se vezivali za djelomine oruane muslimansko/bonjako-hrvatske sukobe, najvjerojatnije su inili veliku tetu i na humanitarnom podruju u RBiH i RH, pa su stoga Hrvatski Caritas, Meihat Islamske
637 638 639 640

Isto, str. 229; (3D02633). Isto, str. 249-288; (3D02633). Rogi, I., n. dj. str. 56. Praljak, S., Pomo, str. 233-234; (3D02633).

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zajednice Hrvatske i Slovenije te Merhamet, sredinom rujna 1993. g. u Zagrebu, objavili zajedniki Proglas u kojem izmeu ostalog navode: eljeli bismo javno izjaviti da Hrvatski Caritas, Merhamet i Meihat surauju na mnogo raznih naina usprkos svima onima koji stalno nastoje porei postojanje ove suradnje. Od poetka rata, Merhamet, Meihat i Hrvatski Caritas zajedno ulau zajednike napore u olakavanju patnji nebrojenim rtvama, obavljajui uspjeno svoje dunosti. Ako su ve svjetski politiki interesi sukobljeni i zlonamjerni, mi vrsto stojimo iza obveza olakavanja muslimani ili katolici. Ovaj je proglas upuen onima ije su namjere slomiti dobru volju meu ljudima razliitog porijekla Stoga, bismo na kraju, eljeli ponoviti nau duboku zabrinutost nad takvim akcijama, koje samo oteavaju ovaj holokaust koji ukljuuje nevine. Jo jednom pozivamo sve one kojih se to tie da ponovno razmotre tetne posljedice takovih akcija.641 ovog traginog stradanja nevinih pojedinaca bili oni pravoslavci,

641

Isto, str. 236; (3D02633), (3D02047).

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III.-7 EKSTERITORIJALNO KOLSTVO REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ 1992.-1994. GODINE

Djelovanje eksteritorijalnog kolstva Bosne i Hercegovine na teritoriju RH 1992.1994. g. takoer je neistraena tema, a dodatni problem je i u tome to je u Hrvatskoj, za tu temu za sada, dostupan veoma mali broj dokumenata.642 Stoga, za sada, nije mogua cjelovitija rekonstrukcije ustroja i djelovanja eksteritorijalnog RBiH kolstva, koje je nedvojbeno razgranato djelovalo u RH 1992.-1994. g., nego samo naznake koje omoguavaju raspoloivi dokumenti. Svakako je vano naglasiti, da i prije srbijanske oruane agresije na Hrvatsku, kapaciteti osnovnih i srednjih kola u RH nisu bili dostatni te su mnogi razredi u hrvatskim kolama imali prevelik broj uenika, a kole koje ni na taj nain nisu mogle rijeiti problem uvodile su dodatnu smjenu nastave. Pojavom veih prognanikih valova 1991. g., kolski obrazovni sustav na neokupiranim dijelovima RH sve vie je ulazio u izvanrednu situaciju. Tijekom 1992. g., golemim poveavanjem broja izbjeglica iz RBiH, meu kojima je bio veliki broj djece kolske dobi, situacija u kolskom sustavu RH postajala je jo dramatinija. Ve krajem travnja 1992. g., Vlada RH izdaje Obvezatni naputak o ukljuivanju prognane i izbjegle djece predkolske dobi, osnovnih i srednjih kola iz Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u odgovarajue obrazovne programe u Republici Hrvatskoj kako bi se za prognanu i izbjeglu djecu to prije organizirao svakodnevni ivot i nastava. Zbog toga je

642

Autor ove ekspertize je 11. srpnja 2007. g. (preko Uprave za meunarodnu suradnju, meunarodnu pravnu

pomo i suradnju s meunarodnim kaznenim sudovima Vlade RH) zatraio od Ministarstva znanosti obrazovanja i porta uvid u pismohranu za temu eksteritorijalnog kolstva u RH (1992.-1995. g.), radi izrade znanstvenog lanka o toj temi. Nakon vie od 14 mjeseci (17. rujna 2008. g.) stigao je kontradiktoran odgovor, da Ministarstvo nije bilo u mogunosti udovoljiti Vaem zahtjevu zbog preseljenja na drugu lokaciju, a iz Vaeg zahtjeva vidljivo je da Ministarstvo ne posjeduje traenu dokumentaciju. Drugi dio obrazloenja je netoan, jer iz zahtjeva uope nije vidljivo da Ministarstvo ne posjeduje dokumentaciju, a iz pojedinih dokumenata koritenih i u ovoj ekspertizi je oigledno da je Ministarstvo (bilo) u posjedu odreene koliine traene dokumentacije.

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Vlada RH odluila izraditi preliminarni trokovnik zbrinjavanja preko 70.000 djece (vjerojatno procjenjujui da je toliko djece-izbjeglica tada pristiglo u RH iz BiH).643 U narednom razdoblju, u Fondu osnovnog kolstva Ministarstva prosvjete, kulture i porta RH, na ime trokova prognanih i izbjeglih uenika osnovnih kola zaprimljeni su zahtjevi (rauni) za razdoblje prve polovice 1992. g., koji su ukupno iznosili 97.745.135 tadanjih hrvatskih dinara.644 kolska djeca-izbjeglice iz RBiH ukljuivali su se u obrazovni sustav RH na dva osnovna naina: prvi, ukljuivanje u postojei kolski sustav RH, te drugi, ukljuivanje u posebno organizirane (eksteritorijalne) kole Republike Bosne i Hercegovine na podruju Republike Hrvatske. U oba sluaja, ukljuivanje je bilo dragovoljno, prema izboru uenika, odnosno njihovih roditelja. Prema Izvjeu nadlenog ministarstva RH iz sijenja 1994. g., koje je nastalo prema zahtjevu Ambasade BiH u Zagrebu, djeca-izbjeglice iz RBiH ukljuivali su se (dobrovoljno i na osobni zahtjev) u kolski sustav Republike Hrvatske, u okvirima postojeih prostornih i kadrovskih kapaciteta kola, gdje se obrazuju po nastavnim programima Republike Hrvatske koja za njih plaa sve trokove obrazovanja (plae nastavnika i ostale materijalne trokove kao i za uenike iz Hrvatske). Na ovakav nain u 1993/94 kolskoj godini obrazuju se u kolama Republike Hrvatske 32.006 uenika izbjeglica iz Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, od ega 25.012 u osnovnim kolama i 6.994 u srednjim kolama. U predkolske ustanove ukljueno je 2.800 djece iz Republike Bosne i Hercegovine (Podaci su dinamini i neprekidno s mijenjaju).645 Ovo Izvjee se, odgovarajui na zahtjev Ambasade BiH, ogradilo od raspolaganja podacima o eksteritorijalnom kolstvu RBiH na teritoriju RH, s tvrdnjom: Dio uenika se ukljuuje u posebno organizirane kole Republike Bosne i Hercegovine na podruju Republike Hrvatske, o emu ovo Ministarstvo nema sustavnih podataka zbog spontaniteta u organiziranju tih kola. Podatke o tim kolama i uenicima ima Ambasada Republike Bosne i Hercegovine i, vjerojatno, angairane humanitarne organizacije. Ministarstvo, najvjerojatnije, nije imalo sustavnih i cjelovitih podataka o eksteritorijalnom kolstvu, ali je o njemu nedvojbeno imalo niz slubenih i drugaijih saznanja, jer je i samo prualo podrku eksteritorijalnom kolstvu BiH na podruju RH.

643 644 645

Praljak, S, Pomo, str. 400; (3D02633), (3D00317). Isto, str. 404; (3D02633). Isto, str. 408; (3D02633), (3D00316).

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Naime, primjerice, u veljai 1993. g., Ministarstvu kulture i prosvjete RH je slubeno dostavljen na uvid nastavni program po kome rade samoorganizovane osnovne kole za izbjeglice iz R BiH. U toku je izrada nove verzije koja e biti prilagoena kolama koje tek trebaju startati sa radom. Kada dobijemo spomenutu verziju uputiemo je na uvid Vaem ministarstvu, te se Ministarstvu upuuje zahvala na podrci koju ste nam pruili.646 Iz tada (veljaa 1993. g.) dostavljenog nastavnog programa za Eksteritorijalne osnovne kole R BiH u Republici Hrvatskoj, saznaje se da se radi o reduciranom nastavnom programu, te da je sadrajno oblikovan prema potrebama (i od strane) institucija drave rBiH. Primjerice, temeljni predmet, materinjeg jezika nosi naziv bosanski jezik, a u predmetu historija veina sadraja odnosi se na povijest prostora RBiH. Na temelju za sada dostupnih, uvelike nepotpunih, dokumenata moe se utvrditi da su na razliitim dijelovima teritorija RH, u razdoblju 1992.-1994. g., djelovale najmanje 33 eksteritorijalne kole drave RBiH.647 Pojedini dostupni dokumenti (uglavnom dopisi pojedinih kola upueni nadlenom ministarstvu RH) pokazuju da je problem kolovanja djece-izbjeglica iz RBiH (kao i prognanika i drugih uenika u RH), u ratnim okolnostima u RH, praktino bio dosta neujednaen, dramatian i esto ovisan o nizu lokalnih okolnosti i poduzetnosti kolskog osoblja. Ovu i cjelokupnu ratnu situaciju u RH vjerodostojno ilustrira Informacija o koli za prognanike, koju je, u veljai 1993. g., prva kola za prognanike uputila vladinom (RH) Uredu za prognanike i izbjeglice. U Informaciji se, izmeu ostalog navodi: U Velom Loinju od 1. 09. 1991. godine djeluje Osnovna kola "Vladimir Nazor" iz Topuskog kola za prognanu djecu. Prole kolske godine kolu je pohaalo ak 1200 uenika. Pored uenika iz Topuskog u koli su se nalazili i uenici iz Vukovara i okolice, Petrinje, zalea Zadra, Dubrovnika i okolice (i) izbjeglice iz Bosne i Hercegovine. Danas kola broji 250 uenika, od ega su 52 iz Bosne i Hercegovine Naa kola osnovana je i ovdje locirana Odlukom Kriznog taba Ministarstva prosvjete i prva smo samostalna prognanika kola u Hrvatskoj. Uitelji koji rade u ovoj koli takoer su prognanici Jo u ljeto 1991 godine, kada je Topusko napadnuto, uz pomo Hrvatske vojske i policije uspjeli smo spasiti kolsku pedagoku dokumentaciju i najnunija pomagala i sve to smo prenijeli na Loinj Pored redovne nastave kola je preuzela brigu o uenicima i u njihovo slobodno vrijeme Mi nismo samo uitelji, mi smo

646 647

Isto, str. 423; (3D02633). Isto, str. 399; (3D02633).

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odgajatelji, lijenici, medicinske sestre, psiholozi, majke, oevi ovoj nesretnoj djeci. Uvjeti u kojima ivimo zaista su teki. Mi nismo bili smjeteni u hotelima, nego smo od prvog dana progonstva u djejim odmaralitima, gdje esto u jednoj sobi stanuju po dvije obitelji bez najosnovnijih uvjeta za normalan ivot .648

648

Isto, str. 419-421; (3D02633).

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III.-8 SURADNJA REPUBLIKE HRVATSKE I REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE NA PODRUJU PORTA I KULTURE

III.-8.1 port

Rat, nesigurnost i neimatina koji su prevladavali na svim podrujima RBiH potpuno su onemoguavali pripremanje i natjecanje svih, a naroito vrhunskih portaa, te je i u tom vidu drutvenog ivota u RBIH dolo do golemih poremeaja. Niz portskih natjecanja i liga u RBiH prestali su se odravati, veliki broj portaa prestao se baviti portom, a dio je otiao u Hrvatsku ili preko Hrvatske u tree zemlje. Dravne institucije, portski klubovi i pojedinci u RH su i prema portaima i klubovima iz RBiH pokazali izuzetno veliki stupanj solidarnosti, kao i prema drugim izbjeglicama iz RBiH, pruajui im pomo u smjetaju, portskom pripremanju i sudjelovanju u razliitim natjecanjima. U tom pogledu posebno se istie pomo desetorici reprezentativaca (u est razliitih portova) drave BiH, 1992. g., koji su se o troku dravnog prorauna RH pripremali u Hrvatskoj za Olimpijske igre u Barceloni, na kojima su sudjelovali i bitno pridonijeli svekolikoj javnoj afirmaciji novonastale drave RBiH. Uz to, hrvatski dunosnici i portai, koji su lobirali da se Hrvatskoj, kao novonastaloj dravi, uope omogui sudjelovanje na Olimpijskim igrama u Barceloni, isto su inili i za dravu RBiH.649 Slino se ponovilo i glede pripremanja i sudjelovanja portaa drave RBiH na Mediteranskim portskim igrama, koje su odrane u ljeto 1993. g. u Francuskoj, te je na njima RBiH predstavljena kao mediteranska zemlja, s najmanjim teritorijalnim dodirom sa sredozemnim morima. Mnogobrojni veoma mladi i tada javno potpuno nepoznati portai koji su stigli u Hrvatsku kao izbjeglice, u hrvatskim klubovima su nastavili svoje portske karijere, a neki od njih su godinama kasnije postali vrhunski, svjetski poznati portai; primjerice tenisa Ivan Ljubii, te koarka Damir Omerhodi-Markota.
649

Isto, str. 548; (3D02633).

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III.-8.2 Kultura

Na poetku i tijekom srbijanske oruane agresije na RBiH, a naroito za dugog trajanja okrutne srbijanske opsade Sarajeva, mnogobrojni bosanskohercegovaki kulturni djelatnici, knjievnici, glumci, reiseri, likovni umjetnici, arhitekti, filmski djelatnici, estradni umjetnici i drugi, privremeno ili trajno su se sklanjali i u Republiku Hrvatsku, u kojoj im je od strane dravnih i drutvenih institucija pruana svakovrsna pomo, kako bi mogli i dalje djelovati profesionalno i stvaralaki. Pritom u Hrvatskoj nije pravljena nikakva razlika meu njima obzirom na njihov svjetonazor i politika uvjerenja, te vjersku, etniku i drugaiju pripadnost. Tako su u Hrvatsku stigli, i u njoj nastavili djelovati istaknuti bosanskohercegovaki knjievnici Mile Peorda, Miljenko Jergovi, Devad Karahasan i Darko Luki. Glumci: Hasija Bori, Jasna Beri, Daria Lorenci, Tarik Filipovi, Sandra Bagari. Glumac i redatelj Zijah Sokolovi, filmski redatelj Antonio Nui, filmski producent Boris T. Mati, slikari Mersad Berber i Ljubo Perinli, arhitekti Sejo i Lejla Kurti, estradni umjetnici Kemal Monteno, Senad od Bosne, Indexi, Edo Maajka, te mnogi drugi.650 Tadanji Ministar kulture u Vladi RH, Zlatko Vitez, primao je izbjegle kulturne djelatnika i umjetnike te im i osobno pomagao na razliite naine. U znak solidarnosti s graanima opkoljenog Sarajeva, hrvatski redatelj (Tomislav Durbei, uz potporu Ministarstva kulture RH, reirao je 1994./95. kazalinu predstavu Trojanskog konja nee biti koja se istovremeno (u isti dan i isti sat) odravala u Sarajevu i Zagrebu. Na predstavu u Sarajevu se odazvalo i izaslanstvo Ministarstva kulture RH na elu s ministrom (Z. Vitez). Meutim, zbog estokog granatiranja Sarajeva, let UNPROFOR-ovim zrakoplovom je bio otkazan i delegacija nije stigla na premijeru.651

650 651

Isto, str. 522; (3D02633). Isto, str. 522; (3D02633).

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KRATICE

APZB A(R)BiH b. BBC BD BIF BiH Br. (br.) c. l. dr. EU EZ FBiH FIS G. (g.) GIA G-7 HDZ HDZBiH HIC HINA HKU HNZ HOS HRHB HRM HRZ HRZ PZO HSLS HSP

Autonomna Pokrajina Zapadna Bosna Armija (Republike Bosne i Hercegovine biljeka British Broadcasting Corporation borbeno djelovanje Benevolence International Foundation Bosna i Hercegovina broj cesta lanak drugi Europska unija Europska zajednica Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine Front Islamique du Salut godina Group Islamique Arm Grupa 7 najrazvijenijih zemalja svijeta Hrvatska demokratska zajednica Hrvatska demokratska zajednica Bosne i Hercegovine Hrvatski informativni centar Hrvatska izvjetajno novinska agencija Hrvatska katolika udruga Hrvatska narodna zajednica Hrvatske obrambene snage Hrvatska Republika Herceg-Bosna Hrvatska ratna mornarica Hrvatsko ratno zrakoplovstvo Hrvatsko ratno zrakoplovstvo i protuzrana obrana Hrvatski socijalno liberalni savez Hrvatska stranka prava

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HV HVO HZHB ICFY ID itd. JAZU JMO JNA JPN JRC KBC KESS KI KOS KPJ KS K MKBJ MKSJ MORH MTS MUP NATO NDH n. dj. NFJ NG NOR Npr. (npr.) Nr. (nr.) N/r (n/r) N VK OESS

Hrvatska vojska Hrvatsko vijee obrane Hrvatska Zajednica Herceg-Bosna International Commission on Former Yugoslavia Islamska deklaracija i tako dalje Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija Jugoslavenska narodna armija Jedinice za posebne namjene Japan Radio Company Kliniki bolniki centar Konferencija europske sigurnosti i suradnje Komunistika Internacionala Kontraobavjetajna sluba Komunistika partija Jugoslavije Kontaktna skupina Krizni tab Meunarodna konferencija o bivoj Jugoslaviji Meunarodni kazneni sud za prostor bive Jukoslavije Ministarstvo obrane Republike Hrvatske Matrijalno tehnika sredstva Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Sjevenoatlantski savez) Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska navedeno djelo Narodni front Jugoslavije Narodna Garda Narodnooslobodilaki rat naprimjer Number na ruke Naelnik taba Vojne komande Organizacija europske sigurnosti i suradnje

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ONO i DSZ ONOR op. a. OS OS (R)BiH OS SAOK OZ PL PZO RBiH RH RS RV PVO RZ PVO SAD SANU SAO SAOK SDA SDS SDS (SDB) SDSBiH SFRJ SHS SIV SKJ SPC SPO SR SR BiH SRJ SRPJ(k) SRVSJ SS

openarodna obrana i drutvena samozatita Ope narodnooslobodilaki rat opaska autora Oruane snage Oruane snage (Republike) Bosne i Hercegovine Oruane snage Srpske Autonomne Oblasti Krajine Operativna zona Patriotska liga Protuzrana obrana Republika Bosna i Hercegovina Republika Hrvatska Republika Srpska Ratno vazduhoplovstvo i protivzrana odbrana Ratno zrakolovstvo i protuzrana obrana Sjedninjene Amerike Drave Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti Srpska autonomna oblast Srpaska Autonomna Oblast Krajina Stranka demokratske akcije Srpska demokratska stranka Sluba dravne sigurnosti (bezbednosti) Srpska demokratska stranka Bosne i Hercegovine Socijalistika Federativna Republika Jugoslavija Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca Savezno izvrno vijee Savez komunista Jugoslavije Srpska pravoslavna crkva Srpski pokret obnove Socijalistika republika Socijalistika Republika Bosna i Hercegovina Savezna Republika Jugoslavija Socijalistika radnika partija Jugoslavije (komunista) Savez rezervnih vojnih stareina Jugoslavije Schutzstaffel (Zatitni odredi)

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SSNO SSRNJ SUBNOR st. Str. (str.) Str. Pov. (str. pov.) SZUP VK TBC tj. TMS TO TO (R)BiH TO RH TO SAOK TV TWRA tzv. UDB-a (Udba) Ul. (ul.) UN UNHCR

Savezni sekretarijat narodne obrane Socijalistiki savez radnog naroda Jugoslavije Savez udruenja boraca narodnooslobodilakog rata stoljee stranica strogo povjerljivo Sluba za zatitu ustavnog poretka tab vrhovne komande tuberkuloza to jest Tehniko-materijalna srtedstva Teritorijalna obrana Teritorijalna obrana (Republike) Bosne i Hercegovine Teritorijalna obrana Republike Hrvatske Teritorijalna obrana Srpske Autonomne Oblasti Krajine Televizija Third World Relief Agency takozvani Uprava dravne bezbednosti ulica United Nations (Ujedinjene nacije) United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Visoko povjerenstvo Ujedinjenih nacija za izbjeglice)

UNPA UNPROFOR ur. v. VKBMI Vol. (vol.) VRS VS UN ZP

United Nations Protected Areas (Zatiene zone Ujedinjenih nacija) United Nations Protection Forces (Zatitne postrojbe Ujedinjenih nacija) urednik vidi Vijee kongresa bosansko-muslimanskih intelektualaca Volumen Vojska Republike Srpske Vijee sigurnosti Ujedinjenih nacija Zborno podruje

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POPIS PRILOGA

Prilog 1: Bosnaskohercegovaki prostor od 3.-5. stoljea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 (Preuzeto iz: Hrvatski povijesni zemljovidi, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1996, str. 3) Prilog 2: Srednjevjekovna bosanska drava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, Dragutin, Kratka politika i kulturna povijest Bosne i Hercegovine, Hrvatski informativni centar, Zagreb, 2000, str. 43) Prilog 3: Bosanski Paaluk krajem 16. i poetkom 17. stoljea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, D., n. dj., str. 45) Prilog 4: Bosna i Hercegovina u Austro-ugarskoj (1978.-1918. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20 (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, D, n. dj., str. 46) Prilog 5: Upravna podjela prve Jugoslavije na devet banovina (1929.-1939 g.) . . . . . . . . . . .22 (Preuzeto iz: Jurevi, Josip; Rai Marija, Povijest VIII, Alfa, Zagreb, 2003, str. 37) Prilog 6: Banovina Hrvatska (1939.-1941. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 (Preuzeto iz: Historical maps of Croatia, Croatian Information Centre, Zagreb, str. 20) Prilog 7: Upravna podjela Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske (1941.-1945. g.). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 (Preuzeto iz: Pavlievi, D., n. dj., str. 49) Prilog 8: Bosna i Hercegovina u drugoj Jugoslaviji (1945.-1990. g) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .28 (Preuzeto iz: Historical maps of Croatia, str. 22) Prilog 9: Kretanje apsolutnog i relativnog broja Hrvata, muslimana i Srba u Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju 1895. 1991. godine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 (Preuzeto iz: Pokos, N., n. dj., str. 14.) Prilog 10: Relativna promjena ukupnog stanovnitva, te Hrvata, Muslimana i Srba u Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju 1895.-1991. godine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Prilog 11: Kretanje udjela Hrvata, Muslimana i Srba u stanovnitvu BiH 1895-1991. g. . . .77 (Prilozi 9 i 10 preuzeti iz: Pokos, N., n. dj., str. 15 i 18) Prilog 12: Propisani izgled prednje stranice osobne iskaznice u HZHB. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .96 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 12/93, str. 328)

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Prilog 13: Propisani izgled prednje stranice vojne iskaznice u HZHB. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .96 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 7/92, str. 36) Prilog 14: Propisani izgled prednje stranice prometne dozvole u HZHB (gornji dio). . . . . . 97 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 1/93, str. 16) Prilog 15: Propisani izgled svjedodbe o zavrenoj osnovnoj koli (gornji dio) . . . . . . . . . . 97 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, str. 256) Prilog 16: Propisani izgled prednje stranice Matine knjige srednjih kola u HZHB . . . . . .97 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 10/93, str. 264) Prilog 17: Propisani izgled izvatka iz matine knjige roenih u HZHB. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .98 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, str. 393) Prilog 18: Propisani izgled izvatka iz matine knjige roenih u HZHB. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, str. 394) Prilog 19: Propisani izgled izvatka iz matine knjige roenih u HZHB. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 (Izvor: Narodni list HZHB, 13/93, str. 395) Prilog 20: tzv. Cutileirov mirovni plan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 (Preuzeto iz knjige: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 734) Prilog 21: tzv. Vance-Owenov mirovni plan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 (Preuzeto iz: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 737) Prilog: 22: tzv. Owen-Stoltenbergov mirovni plan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .130 (Preuzeto iz: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 742) Prilog 23: Mirovni plan Kontaktne skupine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 (Preuzeto iz: Tuman, M., Istina, str. 747) Prilog 24: Prostorni preustroj JNA na tri vojita (nakon 1988. g.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 (Preuzeto iz: Rat u Hrvatskoj, karta 2, na kraju knjige) Prilog 25: Doseg srbijanskog osvajanja u zimi 1992/1993. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .165 (Preuzeto iz: Rat u Hrvatskoj, karta 5, na kraju knjige)

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IZVORI I LITERATURA

Graa - Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb - www.slobodanpraljak.com

- Final Report of the Commission of Experts established pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 (1992), S /1994/ 674, 27 May and Annexes (submitted by the SecretaryGeneral to the Security Council December 1994, available soon through United Nations documentation). - Ustav SFRJ, 1974, Wikisourse.

Knjige objavljenih dokumenata - Gerkovi, Leon, Dokumenti o razvoju narodne vlasti, Pravni fakultet u Zagrebu, Centar za struno usavravanja i suradnju s udruenim radom: Zrinski, Zagreb, akovec, 1983. - Milardovi, Anelko, Dokumenti o dravnosti Republike Hrvatske, Panliber, Zagreb, 1992. - Praljak, Slobodan, Kako je sruen Stari most, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2006. - Praljak, Slobodan, Zloini koje su poinili neki pripadnici A BiH (muslimanske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2006. - Praljak, Slobodan, Zloini koje su poinili neki pripadnici JNA/VRS (srpske postrojbe) nad Hrvatima u BiH 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Praljak, Slobodan, Sruene i oteene katolike crkve i vjerski objekti u Bosni i Hercegovini u ratu 1991.-1995., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Praljak, Slobodan, Urbicid koji su poinile postrojbe JA pod vodstvom Momila Periia nad Mostarom u ljeto 92., Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Praljak, Slobodan, Pomo Republike Hrvatske Muslimansko-Bonjakom narodu i Armiji Bosne i Hercegovine tijekom 1991.-1995. godine injenice, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Praljak, Slobodan, Pad Bosanske Posavine 1992. godine, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Praljak Slobodan, Agresija Bosne i Hercegovine na Republiku Hrvatsku, - injenice, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2007. - Praljak, Slobodan, Ratno zdravstvo HVO injenice, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008. - Praljak, Slobodan, Financiranje HVO-a, Oktavijan, Zagreb, 2008.

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- imi, Tomo, Dokumenti Predsjednitva Bosne i Hercegovine 1991.-1994., u National Security and the Future, vol. 7 i 8, Udruga Sv. Juraja, Zagreb, 2006. i 2007. - Tuman, Miroslav, Istina o Bosni i Hercegovini, Slovo M, Zagreb, 2005.

Dokumentarni filmovi - Vranjican Pavle, Komije, Zagreb, 2003.

Novine - Borba (dnevna novina), Beograd. - Dani (tjednik), Sarajevo. - Glas (novine), Banja Luka. - Glas Slavonije (dnevna novina), Osijek. - Javnost (slubeno glasilo SDS-a) Sarajevo. - Narodne novine (slubeni list RH), Zagreb. - Narodni list HZHB (HRHB) (slubeni list), Mostar. - Novi list (dnevna novina), Rijeka. - Novi vjesnik (dnevna novina), Zagreb. - Osloboenje (dnevna novina), Sarajevo. - Slobodna Dalmacija (dnevna novina), Split. - Veernje novosti (dnevna novina), Beograd. - Veernji list (dnevna novina), Zagreb. - Vjesnik (dnevna novina), Zagreb.

Knjige - Alii, Ahmed, Pokret za autonomiju Bosne od 1831. do 1832, Orijentalni institut, Sarajevo, 1996. - Ani, Mladen, Hrvatska u karolinko doba, Muzej hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika, Split, 2001. - Arheoloki leksikon Bosne i Hercegovine, 1-3, Sarajevo, 1988. - Atlas Europe, Leksikografski zavod Miroslav Krlea, Zagreb, 1997. - Bari, Nikica, Srpska pobuna u Hrvatskoj 1990-1995., Golden marketing, Zagreb, 2005.

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224

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- Purivatra, Atif, Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija, Svjetlost, Sarajevo 1974. - Radulovi, Sran, Sudbina Krajine, Dan Graf, Beograd, 1996. - Rat u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995, Naklada Jesenski i Turk, i Dani, ZagrebSarajevo, 1999. - Raukar, Tomislav, Hrvatsko srednjovjekovlje, Zavod za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 1977. - Redi, Enver, Jugoslavenski radniki pokret i nacionalno pitanje u BiH (1918-1941), Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1983. - Redi, Enver, Muslimansko autonomatvo i 13. SS divizija, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1987. - Redi, Enver, Istorijski pogledi na vjerske i nacionalne odnose u Bosni i Hercegovini, Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, i Akademija nauka i umjetnosti BiH, Sarajevo, 1993. - Redi, Enver, Sto godina muslimanske politike, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti BiH, i Institut za istoriju, Sarajevo, 2000. - Redi, Enver, Bosna i Hercegovina u Drugom svjetskom ratu, Oko, Sarajevo, 1998. - Rogi, Ivan i drugi, Progonstvo i povratak, SysPrint, Zagreb, 1995. - Rullman, Hans Peter, Mordauftrag aus Belgrad, H: P: Rullman cop.,Hamburg, 1990. - Sarajevski proces, Zrich, 1987. - Sedam stoljea bosanskih franjevaca 1291-1991, zbornik, Franjevaka teologija, Samobor, 1994. - Shrader, Charles R., Muslimansko-hrvatski graanski rat u srednjoj Bosni, Golden marketing, Zagreb, 2004 - Spasi, Boidar, Lasica koja govori, Beograd, 2000. - Sulejmanpai, Zija, 13. SS divizija Handar. Istine i lai, Zagreb, 2000. - anjek, Franjo, Bosansko-humski krstjani u povijesnim vrelima (13-15. stoljee), Zagreb, 2003. - esti kongres Saveza udruenja boraca NOR Jugoslavije, Beograd, 1969. - idak, Jaroslav; Gross, Mirjana; Karaman, Igor; epi, Dragovan, Povijest hrvatskog naroda (1860-1914), Zagreb, 1968. - idak, Jaroslav, Studije o Crkvi bosanskoj i bogumilstvu, Zagreb, 1975. - kegro, Ante, Gospodarstvo rimske provincije Dalmacije, Zagreb, 1999. - oi, Hrvoje, Tree pokrie Agrokomerca, Zagreb, 1988. - tedimlija, Savi Markovi, Zavjere protiv svjetskog mira, Zagreb, 2005. - Tomani, Milorad, Srpska crkva u ratu i ratovi u njoj, Beograd, 2001.

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Radovi u asopisima i zbornicima - Aneli, Pavao, Marginalije o tragovima starog rudarstva u srednjoj Bosni, u Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja, 38, Sarajevo, 1983. - Aneli, Pavao, Doba srednjevjekovne bosanske drave, u Kulturna historija BiH. - Babi, Anto, O pitanju formiranja srednjovjekovne bosanske drave, u Radovi naunog drutva BiH, III/2, Sarajevo, 1955. - Benac, Alojz, Mlae kameno i prelazno doba, u Kulturna istorija BiH, Sarajevo, 1984. - Bojanovski, Ivo, Bosna i Hercegovina u antiko doba, Sarajevo, 1988. - Bri, Rafael, Njemako-italijanske suprotnosti oko Bosne i Hercegovine u svjetlu okupacije 1941, u Prilozi, 3, Sarajevo, 1967. - irkovi, Sima, Pravoslavna crkva u srednjevjekovnoj srpskoj dravi, u Srpska pravoslavna crkva 1219-1969, spomenica povodom 750-godinjice autokefalnosti, Beograd, 1969. - okovi, Pejo, Ustrojstvo Crkve bosanske, u Zbornik radova o fra Anelu Zvizdoviu, Sarajevo-Fojnica, 2000. - Dizdar, Zdravko, Prva pobuna u nacistikoj vojsci: Pobuna Trinaestog pionirskog bataljuna 13. SS divizije Croatia u Villefranche-de-Rouergueu 17. rujna 1943. godine, u asopis za suvremenu povijest, Zagreb, 1993. - Grafenauer, Bogo, Slovanski naselitveni valovi na Balkanski poluotok, Zgodovinski asopis, XVIII, Ljubljana, 1964. - Handi, Adem, O islamizaciji u sjeveroistonoj Bosni u XV i XVI vijeku, u Jugoslavenski historijski asopis, 4, Beograd, 1969. - Hoare, Marko Atilla, Civilno-vojni odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini 1992-1995, u Ratu Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 1999. - Ivi, Aleksa, Migracije Srba u Hrvatskoj tokom XVI, XVII i XVIII stolea, u Naselja i poreklo stanovnitva, 16, Subotica, 1923. - Jurevi, Josip, Vukovarski otpor srbijanskoj oruanoj agresiji na Hrvatsku 1991, u asopisu Drutvena istraivanja, br. 4-5, Zagreb,1993.

226

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- Vinar, Fran, Al-Qaidin put: od Afganistana preko BiH do mekanog trbuha Europe, pogovor u Kohlmann, E. F. - Zaninovi, Marin, Ilirsko pleme Delmati, I i II dio, u Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH, IV/2 i V/3, Sarajevo, 1966 i 1967.

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ANNEX B CURRICULUM VITAE OF DR. JOSIP JUREVI

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Translation

48768

Josip JURCEVIC, PhD CURRICULUM VITAE - Personal details

Date of birth: 19 April 1951 Place of birth: Studenci (near Imotski), Croatia Number of children: seven Address: Remetine~ka 119, Zagreb 098 480067 Ivo Pilar Institute of Social Sciences Maruli}ev Trg 19/1 1000 Zagreb Tel.: ++385 1 48 28 304 Fax: ++385 1 48 28 296 e-mail: [email protected]

- Education

4 June 2001 appointed as Research Fellow Doctoral thesis: 2000, Faculty of Philosophy, Zagreb PhD in Humanities, the field of History (Dissertation: The Repressiveness of the Yugoslav System in 1945 in Croatia) 1996, Faculty of Philosophy, Zagreb MA in Humanities, in the field of History (Master's thesis: Some Issues in Research on the Victims of World War II in the Territory of Croatia) 1975, Faculty of Philosophy, Zagreb History and Philosophy 1970, Ljudevit Gaj Secondary School, Zagreb 1966, Bra}a Horvat O[ /Primary School/, Zagreb

Master's thesis:

Degree: Secondary school: Primary school: - Specialisation:

1970 1975 At the same time studied, and completed, four semesters at the Faculty of Economics, the Faculty of Law and the Faculty of Political Sciences in Zagreb and two semesters of Lay Theology at the Faculty of Theology in Zagreb.

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

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Translation

48767

1975 1980 Completed six semesters of Computer Science at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb; graduated from the four-semester study of Marxism and TIPSS /Theory and Practice of Self-Managing Socialism/. 1977 1978 Enrolled in the post-graduate programme in History at the Faculty of Philosophy, Zagreb, passed all the exams in first year and then abandoned the studies as it was impossible to conduct free research. Resumed post-graduate studies in 1993.

- Foreign languages

English (active knowledge) German, Italian (passive knowledge)

- Employment

1997 -

Ivo Pilar Institute of Social Sciences, Zagreb.

1994 1997 Parliament of the Republic of Croatia, Independent Adviser in the Commission for Establishing War and Post-War Victims. 1991 1992 Ministry of Defence /MO/ of the RH /Republic of Croatia/, founder and Director of the MORH Central Archives. 1975 1991 No steady employment. Briefly worked on short-term contracts, as a free-lancer, in a number of primary schools, secondary schools, museums and tourist organisations and then for ten or so years engaged in applied arts and various crafts to earn a livelihood.

- Membership

Croatian Circle 144 Documentation and Information Centre Croatian Homeland War Volunteers Association Croatian Homeland War Defenders - Volunteers Association Homeland War Civilian Defenders Association Croatian Dragon Brethren Society Matica Hrvatska /Croatian Central Cultural Association/ Croatian Society for the Investigation of War and Post-War Crimes Wounded Croatia

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

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Translation

48766

Alpine Department of the Velebit Mountaineering Club Mladost Croatian Academic Sport Society

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

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Translation

48765

Josip JUR^EVI], PhD RESEARCH WORK AND TEACHING - Participation in research projects

a) Project leader

2001 2001 -

Croatian Homeland War (RH Ministry of Science and Technology) Integration Processes between the Republic of Croatia and the Croatian Emigrants (RH Ministry of Science and Technology) The Strategy of Supporting and Promoting the Development of Civil Society in the Republic of Croatia (RH Government Office for Associations) The Possibility of Existence of Unexploded Ordnance on the Route of a Future Istria Highway (Bina Istra)

2005

2003

1994 1996 Independent Istrian Television (Independent Istrian Television) 1992 1994 An Analysis of the Writings of the Serbian Press (RH Ministry of Foreign Affairs) one of the project leaders 1990 Yugoslav Crimes Committed After World War II (Croatian Society for the Investigation of War and Post-War Crimes).

b) Researcher

1997 - 2002 Croats in Neighbouring Countries - a topic as part of the Social Structure and Social Integration scientific research programme of the Ivo Pilar Institute of Social Sciences (RH Ministry of Science and Technology) 1999 Organising the Gathering of Data and Expert Services (Public Relations and Information Administration of the RH Ministry of Defence)

1996 1997 Socio-Economic, Demographic and Motivational Aspects of the Status of the Croatian Emigrants who Returned after 1990 and the Croatian Emigrants Who Returned to the RH in the

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

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Translation

48764

Same Period But Left Again for the Countries to Which They Had Emigrated (RH Ministry of Immigration and Repatriation) 1996 1997 Return of Refugees to the Croatian East (RH Ministry of Science and Technology) 1995 1998 Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross Victims for the Croatian Future (RH Parliament) 1995 1997 Anthropological Research of the Graves of War and Post-War Victims (RH Commission for Establishing War and Post-War Victims) 1993 1996 War Against Croatia: Participants, War Crimes, War Refugees and Victims (RH Ministry of Science and Technology) - Papers presented at international conferences and workshops

2006 Social Cohesion Promoting or Obstructing Development (OSCE and Osijek Associations Forum), Zagreb. 2005 Europe in Croatia A Challenge to the European Union (Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Society for the Culture of Democracy), Zagreb. 2005 The Bleiburg Tragedy or the Croatian Way of the Cross (Croatian Parliament), Zagreb/Vienna. 2005 Liberation Operation Storm (Karlovac County), Karlovac. 2004 Quo vadis, Croatia? Identity, Modernisation, European Horizons (Annales Pilar), Zagreb. 2004 Sustainable Return to Republika Srpska (Association of Croats Expelled from BH), Banja Luka. 2004 Krunoslav Draganovi} (Vrhbosna Catholic Theology), Sarajevo. 2003 Vukovar '91 Twelve Years Later (Pilar Institut), Zagreb. 2003 The Prospects of Croatian Emigrants (Croatian World Congress in Germany), Obertshausen. 2003 Modern World and Terrorism (Meshihat of the Islamic Community in Croatia, the Ibn Sin Institute in Sarajevo, the Islamic Centre in Zagreb), Zagreb.

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

IT-04-74-T
Translation

48763

2002 /in English: Immigrants and Homeland/ (Metropolis and the Centre for Strategic Studies), Dubrovnik. 2002 Stigmatisation and the Identity of Marginal Groups in the Culture Globalisation Process (Faculty of Law at the University of Rijeka), Rijeka. 2002 Vukovar '91 Eleven Years Later (Pilar Institute), Vukovar. 2001 Culture and Conflict (RH Ministry of Culture), Dubrovnik. 2001 Vukovar '91 Ten Years Later (Pilar Institute), Zagreb. 2001 Journalism and War (World Association of Journalism Students), Dubrovnik. 2000 Second International Conference on Jasenovac, Banja Luka. 1999 European Integration for the 21st Century (International Centre of the Croatian Universities), Dubrovnik. 1997 Croatia in the Year 2000. The Croatian Diaspora Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow (Pilar Institute and the Centre for Strategic Studies), Zagreb. 1995 South-East Europe 1918-1995, Zadar. 1995 Bleiburg 1945 1995 (RH Parliament), Zagreb. - Papers presented at domestic conferences and workshops

2006 Plitvice 1990 Police Operation (First Policeman Association), Knin. 2006 For A Filanthropic Croatia (Centre for a Better World), Zagreb. 2006 The Way of the Cross (Schools from Grubi{no Polje), Grubi{no Polje. 2006 Croatian Homeland War in History Curricula (RH Institute for Education, Osijek Office), Orahovica. 2005 Secret Societies in Croatia throughout History (Croatian Studies), Zagreb. 2005 Croatia and the European Union (Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Society for the Culture of Democracy), Metkovi}. 2005 Vukovar '91 Fourteen Years Later, Zagreb.

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

IT-04-74-T
Translation

48762

2005 The Hundredth Anniversary of the Primary School in Trvi` (The Peasants' Unity Croatian Catholic Youth Society Trvi` 1911), Trvi`. 2005 Global and Local Challenges to the Identity and Development of Croatia (Annales Pilar), Zagreb. 2005 Croatian Homeland War in History Curricula (RH Institute for Education, Osijek Office), Vukovar. 2005 Father Ferdo Vla{i}'s Day (Provincialate of the Herzegovina Franciscans, the Franciscan Monastery of Tomislavgrad, Tomislavgrad Municipal Assembly and Our Homes), Tomislavgrad. 2005 John Paul II Mission and Work (Ivo Pilar Institute of Social Sciences, Croatian Institute of History, Catholic Faculty of Theology, Centre for the Promotion of the Social Teaching of the Church and the Glas Koncila newspaper), Zagreb. 2005 Croatia in World War II (HAZU /Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts/), Zagreb. 2004 Vukovar '91 Thirteen Years Later (Pilar Institute), Vukovar. 2004 Enlivening History Curricula Using Important Anniversaries (Group of History Teachers of the Bjelovar Bilogora County), Bjelovar. 2002 Croatia on the Way to European Integration (Centre for the Promotion of the Social Teaching of the Church), Zagreb. 2002 Croatian Historiography of the 20th Century: between Scientific Paradigms and Political Requests (Annales Pilar), Zagreb. 2001 The Croatian Spring of 1971 (Croatian History Society, [kolska Knjiga, Croatian Institute of History, Faculty of Philosophy, Zagreb, and Pilar Institute), Zagreb. 2001 Establishing a Croatian Entity in BH Reality or Fiction? (HBH2000 Forum), Zagreb. 2000 Management Elites and Modernisation (Annales Pilar), Zagreb. 2000 Vukovar '91 Nine Years Later (Pilar Institute), Zagreb. 1999 Croatia in the Work of Ivo Pilar (Pilar Institute), Zagreb. 1999 Vukovar '91 Eight Years Later (Pilar Institute), Zagreb and Vukovar.

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

IT-04-74-T
Translation

48761

1998 First Croatian Congress of Victimology (Croatian Society for Victimology), Zagreb. 1998 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (National Committee for Marking the 50th Anniversaty of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights), Zagreb. 1998 Vukovar 1991 Seven Years Later (Pilar Institute and the Union of Associations Originating from Homeland War), Zagreb. - Courses taught

1999

History of the Establishment of the Croatian State; Journalism Studies, /Centre for/ Croatian Studies, University of Zagreb. General History of the 20th Century; History Studies, /Centre for/ Croatian Studies, University of Zagreb.

1997

2001 2003 General History of the 20th Century; Pedagogical Faculty, Osijek. 2004 2005 Croatian History in the 20th Century; Teachers' College, Petrinja.

JOSIP JURCEVIC-CV, reserch,work and teaching ET.doc/ast

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Translation

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BIBLIOGRAPHY I BOOKS

Author: 1. J. Jur~evi}, /in Croatian: The Black Book of Communism in Croatia/, Zagreb, 2006. 2. J. Jur~evi}, /in English: The Black Book of Communism in Croatia/, Zagreb, 2006. 3. J. Jur~evi}, /in German: The Black Book of Communism in Croatia/, Zagreb, 2006. 4. J. Jur~evi}, Bleiburg Post-War Yugoslav Crimes against Croats, Zagreb, 2005. 5. J. Jur~evi}, The Origins of the Jasenovac Myth, Zagreb, 1998; second unrevised edition, 2005. Co-author or author of chapters: 1. J. Jur~evi}, V. Lay and V. Mihaljevi}, A Strategy of Support and Promotion of the Development of Civil Society in the Republic of Croatia (proposal), Zagreb, 2006. 2. S. Praljak, How They Tore Down the Old Bridge, Zagreb, 2006; author of Preface. 3. N. Piska~, "Heavenly Serbia" in Croatia, Zapre{i}, 2005; author of Preface. 4. Brother Ferdo Vla{i} A Visionary and Sufferer, A Memorial, Tomislavgrad, 2005; author of chapter: The Repressiveness of the Yugoslav Communist System. 5. Politics A Possible Challenge (edited by J. Jeleni}), Zagreb, 2003; author of chapter: Relationship between History and Politics. 6. Studenci My Native Village (group of authors), Studenci, 2003; author of two parts: Victims of World War II, and Homeland War; co-author of part: History of Studenci. 7. J.Jur~evi}, B. Esih and B. Vuku{i}, The Keepers of the Bleiburg Memory, Zagreb, 2003; author of part: The Bleiburg Tragedy. 8. P. Janji}, Bloodthirsty and Hungry for Revenge, Vukovar, 2004; author of prologue: Vukovar Is Still Under Siege. 9. J. Jur~evi}, B. Esih and B. Vuku{i}, The Keepers of the Bleiburg Memory, Zagreb, 2005, second, revised edition; author of part: The Bleiburg Tragedy.

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10. The Social Future of Croatia (edited by S. Baloban), Zagreb, 2002; author of chapter: National Identity and European Integration. 11. B. Vuku{i}, UDBA's /State Security Administration/ Secret War against Croatian Emigrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Zagreb, 2002; author of Preface. 12. Ten Years of Hope and Pain: 1991 2001 (group of authors, edited by V. Horvat), Zagreb; author of chapter: Croatian Homeland War. 13. J. Jur~evi}, B. Vuku{i}, V. [aki}, Bruno Bu{i} Defender of Croatian Identity, Zagreb, 2001; author of part: The Significance of Bruno Bu{i} in Modern Croatian History. 14. B. Vuku{i}, UDBA's Secret War against Croatian Emigrants, Zagreb 2001; author of Preface. 15. On the Roads of Hell to the 21st Century (through the Serbian Concentration Camps of 1991), book of documents, Zagreb, 2000; author of chapter: History of Camps. 16. The Vukovar-Srijem County (group of authors, edited by Z. Buljan), Vinkovci, 2000; author of chapter Victims and Suffering in the Homeland War. 17. Through Tears to the Truth, Zagreb (group of authors, edited by V. Horvat), 1999; author of chapter: Serbian Armed Aggression against Croatia, 1990 1995. 18. B. ^ili} and M. Zlomisli}, Croatia on the Cross the Cross in Croatia; author of Prologue. 19. The Croatian Lexicon, Zagreb, 1996; author of majority of articles on the Homeland War and the article Fights and Battles. 20. Nu{tar, Zagreb, 1996; author of chapter: The Homeland War of 1991/92. 21. Vukovar, a Centuries Old Croatian Town on the Danube (group of authors, edited by I. Karaman), Koprivnica, 1994; author of chapter: Socio-Political Relations in 1990/1991, and War Aggression and Heroic Defence in the Summer-Autumn of 1991; co-author of chapter: The Vukovar Reality of 1992-1993. 22. Vukovar, photo-monograph (edited by V. Horvat), Zagreb, 1993; author of chapter: War Chronology of 1991/1992. 23. Jazovka (group of authors), Zagreb, 1990. Text Books:

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1. J. Jur~evi} and M. Rai}, History VIII, text-book for 8th year of primary school, Zagreb (Alfa), 2004. 2. J. Jur~evi} and M. Rai}, A History Workbook, for 8th year of primary school, Zagreb (Alfa), 2004. 3. J. Jur~evi} and M. Rai}, Teacher's Handbook, for History classes in 8th year of primary school, Zagreb (Alfa), 2004. II RESEARCH AND SCHOLARLY PAPERS:

1. J. Jur~evi} and K. Ivanda, Establishing Yugoslav Communist Military Courts During and After World War II (forthcoming), Social Research, Zagreb, 2006. 2. The Activity of the Yugoslav Communist Military Courts in Croatia at the End of and After World War II (reviewed, forthcoming), Social Research, Zagreb, 2006. 3. J. Jur~evi}, Historical-Political Aspects of the Activity of the Hague Tribunal, in collected papers: The Hague Tribunal Joint Criminal Enterprise What Is It? Zagreb, 2006. 4. J. Jur~evi}, Contribution of Emigrants to the Establishment of the Croatian State, in: Croatian Emigrant Almanac 2006, Zagreb, 2006. 5. J. Jur~evi}, Prejudices and Facts about the Bleiburg Tragedy, Kr{ni zavi~aj, No. 38, Humac, 2005. 6. J. Jur~evi}, International Law and European Security, in bilingual Croatian-English collection of papers: Vukovar '91 International Echoes and Significance, Zagreb, 2004. 7. J. Jur~evi}, K. Ivanda, The Geneva Conventions and the Experiences of Camp Detainees, in bilingual Croatian-English collection of papers: Vukovar '91 International Echoes and Significance, Zagreb, 2004. 8. J. Jur~evi}, The Possibility of the Existence of Unexploded Ordnance on the Route of a Future Istrian Highway, Zagreb, 2003. 9. J. Jur~evi}, The Revolutionary Practice of Yugoslav Communists between the Wars and from 1941 1943; in collected papers: Pro Historia Croatica No. 1, Zagreb, 2002. 10. J. Jur~evi}, Ruling Elites in Modern Croatian History; in collected papers: Ruling Elites and Modernisation, Zagreb, 2001. 11. J. Jur~evi}, /in English: European Integration and Croatian Independence; Proceedings, European Integration for the 21st Century/, Zagreb, 2001.

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12. J. Jur~evi}, The Historical Significance of Vukovar 1991, in collected papers: Vukovar '91 Significance, Values, Identity, Zagreb, 2000. 13. J. Jur~evi}, The Origins of the Jasenovac Myth, in: Croatian Emigrant Collection of Papers 2000, Zagreb, 2000. 14. J. Jur~evi}, Historical and Sociological Evaluation of Developments After the Occupation of the Town of Vukovar, Expert Analysis Report (Findings and Opinion) Following a Request of the Vukovar County Court, Zagreb, 2000. 15. J. Jur~evi}, From the Jasenovac Myth to the Armed Aggression, in collected papers: The Croatian /?Victimology/, Zagreb, 1998. 16. J. Jur~evi}, The History of Croatian Diaspora Conceptual and Methodological Guidelines for Research Up to Now, in collected papers: The future of Emigrant Croatia, Zagreb, 1998. 17. J. Jur~evi}, Serbian Armed Aggression against Croatia, 1991 1995, in collected papers: South-Eastern Europe 1918 1995, Zagreb, 1997. 18. J. Jur~evi}, The Victims of Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross in Historiographic and Demographic Works, in collected papers: Bleiburg, 1945-1995, Zagreb, 1997. 19. J. Jur~evi}, I. Pletikos, V. Klepac, The Project of Independent Istrian Television Programmes, Premises, Staff and Finances (the Project won the competition for franchise), Zagreb, 1994. 20. J. Jur~evi}, Vukovar Resistance to the Serbian Wartime Aggression against Croatia in 1991, Social Research, No. 4 5, 1993. 21. J. Jur~evi}, The Problem of the Periodization of the Croatian History, Collection of Papers on History, No. 1 (36), Zagreb, 1983. 22. J. Jur~evi}, Anti-Historical Structuralism of C. Levi Strauss, in: Journal of Contemporary History, No. 1 (26), Zagreb, 1978. III EDITORIAL WORK

a) Editor:

1. J. Jur~evi}, V. Lay, and V. Mihaljevi}, The Strategy of Supporting and Promoting the Development of Civil Society in the Republic of Croatia (proposal), Zagreb, 2006.

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2. R. Rado{, Croatian Emigrants and the Integration of the Republic of Croatia into the EU, Zagreb, 2005. 3. Vukovar '91 International Echoes and Significance (collected papers), Zagreb, 2004. 4. J. Jur~evi}, B. Esih and B. Vuku{i}, The Keeprs of the Bleiburg Memory, Zagreb, 2003, second, revised edition, 2005. 5. B. Vuku{i}, UDBA's Secret War against Croatian Emigrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Zagreb, 2002. 6. J. Jur~evi}, B. Vuku{i}, and V. [aki}, Bruno Bu{i} A Defender of the Croatian Identity, Zagreb, 2001. 7. B. Vuku{i}, UDBA's Secret War against Croatian Emigrants, Zagreb, 2001. 8. Vukovar '91 Significance, Values, Identity (collected papers), Zagreb, 2000. b) Member of Editorial Board:

1. Studenci My Native Village (group of authors), Studenci, 2003. 2. On the Roads of Hell to the 21st Century (through the Serbian Concentration Camps of 1991), documents, Zagreb, 2000. 3. The Future of Emigrant Croatia (collected papers), Zagreb, 1998. 4. The Croatian Lexicon, Zagreb, 1996. 5. Vukovar, the Centuries Old Croatian Town on the Danube (group of authors), Koprivnica, 1994. IV DOCUMENTARIES

1. The Bleiburg Tragedy, HTV /Croatian Television/, Zagreb, 2006 research assistant. 2. Croatian Liberation Operation Lightning, HTV, Zagreb, 2005 - research assistant. 3. Vukovar 1991, HRT, Zagreb, 2005 - research assistant. 4. In der gluhenden Lava de Hasses (Nachkriegverbrechen), SPS Wien/Annenheim, 2003 - research assistant (Wissentschaftliche Beratung).

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5. Vukovar The Chronicle of a Crime, Zagreb (Inter film and HTV), 1998 - research assistant. 6. Dubrovnik Sunset, Zagreb (Studio ZNG), 1991 organiser. 7. Novska 1991, Zagreb (Studio ZNG), 1991 organiser. 8. The Vinkovci Autumn of 1991, Zagreb (Studio ZNG), 1991 - research assistant. 9. Topusko Saving the Wounded, August 1991, Zagreb (Studio ZNG), 1991 research assistant. 10. The Demolished Heritage of Croatia, Zagreb (Studio ZNG), 1991 - research assistant. 11. The War Crimes of Serbian Terrorists in Croatia, Zagreb (Studio ZNG), 1991 research assistant. 12. Wartime Destruction in Croatia, Zagreb (Studio ZNG), 1991 - research assistant. 13. Jazovka, Zagreb, 1990 co-author. V MISCELLANEOUS

- Mentor of forty-five graduation papers at the /Centre for/ Croatian Studies, University of Zagreb. - Member of fifty or so Expert Commissions for the Defence of Graduation Papers at the /Centre for/ Croatian Studies, University of Zagreb. - Author of several dozens of feuilletons and scholarly newspaper articles on modern Croatian history. - Participated in more than two hundred scientific round tables, public discussions and presentations with interdisciplinary subject from modern national and world history. - Participated in several hundred radio and television programmes.

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ANNEX C REFERENCE MATERIAL

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