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The Xenophobe's Guide to the Albanians: Xenophobe's Guides
The Xenophobe's Guide to the Albanians: Xenophobe's Guides
The Xenophobe's Guide to the Albanians: Xenophobe's Guides
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The Xenophobe's Guide to the Albanians: Xenophobe's Guides

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What makes the Albanians ALBANIAN: A witty guide to the airs and affectations that affirm the Albanian attitude. - See more at: http://www.xenophobes.com/the-Albanians/#sthash.dhnOHBuj.dpuf
LanguageEnglish
Release dateApr 25, 2015
ISBN9781908120960
The Xenophobe's Guide to the Albanians: Xenophobe's Guides
Author

Alan Andoni

Alan Andoni spent his formative years in England, Northern Ireland and Scotland. His interest in all things Albanian began in the 1970s as a dedicated listener of foreign radio broadcasts. Radio Tirana was a particular favourite for its surreal, but stirring narrative. Visits to Albania over the years have convinced him that there is an allure which is both positive and infectious to anybody who spends any significant time there. He finds he has developed an aversion to micro-planning, a yearning for spontaneity and a tendency to commit random acts of kindness. He also tried to multi-task, but as a Northern European male, he still can't quite manage it.

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    The Xenophobe's Guide to the Albanians - Alan Andoni

    Nationalism & Identity

    Pride and prejudice

    Albanians will tell you that they are proud to be Albanians. What they won’t tell you is why. Some will mention the national hero Skanderbeg, some the Illyrian tribes (from whom they are descended), some the language (‘the oldest in Europe’), and some Mother Teresa (an ethnic Albanian). The remarkable landscape might also be mentioned. However, the plain fact is that nobody really knows.

    On the other hand, they are aware of their reputation. Some are ready to describe themselves (or rather other Albanians) as lazy, corrupt, more interested in drinking coffee than working. Some present their country as spoilt, decaying and in disrepair – and their dream is to live outside the country. A common phrase is ‘Shqiperia nuk behet me Shqiptare’, ‘Albania cannot become [move ahead] with Albanians’.

    "A common phrase is ‘Albania cannot become with Albanians’."

    The more insightful point out that the nation managed to maintain its language, culture and identity (albeit heavily influenced by outsiders) for two millennia, endured persistent invasions by its neighbours, and occupation and administration by the Ottoman Turks for up to five centuries. They can also cite the Albanians’ ability to emerge after 40 years of the excesses of the communist regime and to survive under a succession of (it is said) inept, selfserving governments for a further 20. In the end, the flag of the black eagle on the red background and the national anthem (composed by a Romanian) give rise to a fulsome patriotism which galvanises a strong feeling of raw, unbridled pride that pays no heed to intellectual rationalisation. As in many nations, symbolic representations and slogans can eclipse meaningful thought.

    History matters

    If Albanians look to the future, it is to the immediate future for they have no faith in anything further ahead. As such, history plays a role in self-definition.

    In ancient times Albania was called Illyria and its tribes stretched as far north as presentday Slovenia. Though it has no counterpart today, the concept of Illyria is a cornerstone of identity for all Albanians, a large number of whom are located on its borders in Southern Montenegro, Western Macedonia, Northern Greece and in Kosovo where they form the majority ethnic group.

    Albanians look to the immediate futurefor they have nofaith in anything further ahead.

    The Albanians’ recent history is a little more ambiguous. There is a general consensus that the communist era was bad – because it limited freedom, because the population couldn’t travel abroad, and because people were sent to prison camps – though there is seldom any focus on detail. Albania is one of the few communist countries that (as yet) does not have a museum entirely dedicated to the victims of communism. The tangible legacy of the era is the concrete bunkers, 700,000 of which were built from 1967 until 1985; the intangible legacy is harder to assess. The house of the former dictator, the late and largely unlamented Enver Hoxha, still stands as a triumph of conceit over aesthetics in a corner of the ‘Bloku’, a part of the capital Tirana, originally reserved exclusively for the political elite. Some wonder whether the dictator is still there, twitchily peering out between the curtains, watching the people spill in and out of the bars and wondering what happened to his great experiment in Utopia.

    The house of the former dictator still stands as a triumph of conceit over aesthetics.

    How others see them

    Foreign observers of Albanians can be divided into two categories: those who have never been to Albania, and those who have.

    The former know only the negative stories of blood feuds, prostitution, drugs, violence and general evil. One commentator cynically put it that those in power might be happy with this negative view by outsiders since the fewer foreigners coming to Albania, the stronger their hold on society. The latter, those who venture to Albania, are pleasantly surprised, not least because their expectations are low. They find all the positives that are omitted in the general narrative.

    By and large, Albanians are viewed either as victims or as potential criminals. But Lord Byron admired Albanian courage and the anthropologist Edith Durham, aredoubtable British lady who spent much time travelling in the north of Albania at the beginning of the 20th century, developed a great respect for Albanian traditions, notably ‘ndera’ – honour, and ‘besa’ – trust. She felt that they had not been treated well by the world community. This is a view echoed by many Albanians.

    By and large, Albanians are viewed either as victims or as potential criminals.

    Albania’s nearest neighbours are not so overwhelming in their affection for Albanians. Some of them lay claim to Albanian territory, and some have observed that their countries host a large influx of Albanian immigrants who, it might be argued, take the jobs of the locals. However, others acknowledge that Albanians are merely doing the jobs that the locals don’t want to do.

    Meanwhile, the views of foreigners actually living in Albania are often coloured by the differences between their cultures. For example, the Japanese feel uneasy about the lack of collective effort ‘for the common good’, the Swiss complain of the ‘absence of order’, and the Germans grumble about the endemic ‘breaking of rules’.

    What is certain is that Albanians, while welcoming outsiders, have an inbuilt need to preserve their identity from outside influence. They have managed to do so for centuries and have every intention of continuing to do so in this one.

    How they see themselves

    The Albanians believe they are the smartest people in the world, and it is the combined effects of history, fate, terrible governments and rapacious neighbours that have conspired to keep them down.

    "The word ‘i zgjuar’(smart) has a particular resonance."

    The word ‘i zgjuar’ (smart) has a particular resonance. It is about ‘outsmarting’ others. It

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