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China and the United States: Beyond 2020
China and the United States: Beyond 2020
China and the United States: Beyond 2020
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China and the United States: Beyond 2020

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This study mainly focuses on exploring how China and the United States, under a new historical context, would possibly engage with each other, and in what ways their interactions would have impacts on both the two countries and the world. More precisely, from a normative and theoretical perspe

LanguageEnglish
Release dateOct 6, 2021
ISBN9781736838969
China and the United States: Beyond 2020

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    China and the United States - Ran Jin

    Acknowledgement

    I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere appreciation to my then university teachers for their guidance and help in learning, to my dear friends for their understanding and patience, as well as to those with whom I had closely worked, for their help, understanding, and support. Their names have been and will be remembered.

    Gratefulness would also be given to a number of great people whose greatness has inspired me to carry on my work.

    My gratitude would go to my parents as well for everything they have given me.

    Introduction

    Over the past decades, realism and liberalism have been two of the most important theories in international relations. On the one hand, they have been in a position of seeking to interpret states’ past behaviour; and on the other hand, they have been playing a role of guiding states’ policy-making in certain ways.

    With the world stepping into the new century, a lot of new changes and phenomena have been taking place at the international stage. Certain limits and shortcomings of the two important theoretical traditions have appeared in relation to their functions of interpreting and guiding. There is no perfect theory all the time and under all conditions. Theories have been evolving. For the realist tradition, it has undergone a period from classical realism to neo-realism and further to neo-classical realism by adding new assumptions into the realist school in different stages. For the liberal school, it has developed from classical liberalism to neo-liberalism.

    In the meantime, other schools of theories and values have emerged and been evolving as well alongside the changing environments and circumstances in both the regional and international dimensions. Among them, Marxism/neo-Gramscian, critical theory, constructivism, structuralism, feminism, post-modernism, and the green theory etc. have been the influential ones generally. It is worth emphasizing that the practice of Marxism in China has been developed to a new stage by being innovatively localized in line with China’s internal conditions.

    In order to avoid blindly applying certain theories and values under various new conditions, there should be a need to be rethinking some of them, in particular, the realist and liberal schools from a historical and critical perspective, as well as the power relations and structural frameworks facilitated by the two theoretical traditions. More precisely, the practical purpose for rethinking the theories is to make them help better understand the series of emerging phenomena and challenges, and further, better guide policy-making in the new era.

    In addition to the above broader sentiment, with regard to the specific challenges and phenomena faced by the world in 2020, the coronavirus pandemic should be the number one challenge. Due to that, the year of 2020 was very unusual for the world. Till now, the pandemic situation across the world is still serious. With the COVID-19 sweeping through the world over the past year, fighting the virus has been one of the key priorities for almost all nations. Meanwhile, along with the process of combating the pandemic, a number of other core issues such as non-traditional security, ideology, governance model, as well as the economic, social, and political impacts of the pandemic on various countries have been come into discussions. The management of the coronavirus pandemic by China and the U.S. respectively as well as the different outcomes secured by the two countries have particularly generated a lot of debates.

    To further extent, the diverse outcomes obtained by different countries in managing a series of crises since the beginning of the new century have revealed a fact that the world is approaching toward a new critical point in many ways, under which, various key actors are in need to seriously think about the future of a number of critical issues on the national, regional, and international levels - such as the values for guiding people’s lives, the theories for directing policy-making, the functions of domestic systems, non-traditional security, power relations, global governance, globalization, and world order and so on.

    Given the above background, this book bears three purposes:

    First, rethinking the merits and limits of the two important schools, realism and liberalism;

    Second, analysing China-U.S. interactions on a number of core issues mainly covering foreign and security affairs, economy and trade, technology, the coronavirus pandemic, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, as well as the impacts of China-U.S. engagements in these areas on the overall bilateral relations between the two countries and beyond;

    And third, trying to think about a new alternative approach to facilitate the establishment of a new type of great power relations and of a new type of international relations on the one hand, and to pave the way for improving the global governance system and possibly forging a new world order on the other hand.

    Chapter one consists of two articles focusing on the assessment of two schools of theories, realism and liberalism. The two schools of thoughts have significantly affected states’ policy-making and international relations over the past decades. They will be analysed more from a critical and dialectical perspective. Criticism is not the purpose. The real purpose of reasonable debates and criticisms is to explore whether and in what possible ways the two schools of theories can be creatively understood and further be improved to better serve states’ policy-making under various circumstances in the future.

    Chapter two tends to outline the challenges faced by the world in the global governance sphere. In addition to that, given the fact that China-U.S. bilateral engagements in a number of areas would not only generate a big impact on the two countries but also on the world more broadly, this chapter would also attempt to explore the prospects of China-U.S. bilateral engagements in the future as well as their significance to both the two countries and the world. The purpose of doing this chapter is to seek an alternative approach to promote problem-solving between China and the U.S. and beyond, as well as to help enrich the theories and practices of a new type of international relations.

    Chapter three concentrates on a list of recordings on the development of the coronavirus pandemic in the year of 2020, as well as on the measures and policies taken by the U.S. and China respectively at various development stages of the pandemic. Alongside the extraordinary efforts made by a number of countries in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic, other series of issues such as non-traditional security, ideology, and globalization trend etc. have been raised. These issues will be briefly discussed as well in this chapter.

    Chapter four tends to analyse China-U.S. interactions on China’s internal affairs, mainly in relation to Hong Kong and Taiwan - more specifically, what moves the U.S. has taken toward Taiwan and Hong Kong, and how China has reacted, as well as the possible implications of the relevant moves and responses.

    Chapter 1

    Values and Theories

    Rethink of the Realist Tradition-the Thucydides Trap Argument

    Thucydides, who lived in ancient Greece around 2500 years ago, is the author of History of the Peloponnesian War, which recorded the conflicts between two Greek city-states Sparta and Athens. Thucydides’s work set the foundation of the realist tradition.

    It is assumed that the most well-known argument in Thucydides’s masterpiece should be that the root cause of the great conflict between Athens and Sparta was the rising of Athens and the fear this caused in Sparta.

    In other words, Athens and Sparta were caught in a security dilemma or security trap, which, as many have thought, made the war inevitable. Some also name the security trap as Thucydides Trap.

    Then to argue for the inevitability of the war between the two Greek city-states, some observers have intended to use a scenario of Prisoner’s Dilemma to depict the security dilemma faced by the two Greek powers.

    Here is a possible scenario of Prisoner’s Dilemma - two criminal suspects jointly committed a crime, were arrested and put into two different cells of the same prison by the police. To make a fair charge, the police need to get enough information from them. The amount of information uncovered would directly lead to three possible results: If the two suspects all stay in silence, both of them would possibly get a lighter punishment; if one of them stays in silence while the other uncovers the criminal information, the one keeping in silence would be more heavily charged; if both of them choose to uncover their deeds, they would get the same degree of punishment. What is most likely to happen, under the pre-condition that there is no chance of communication between the two suspects, should be that both of them would attempt to cheat on the other in order to get a lighter punishment. Therefore, the two prisoners finally are trapped in a security dilemma, and this kind of dilemma cannot be overcome.

    By connecting the scenario of Prisoner’s Dilemma to the security situation faced by two states, an ultimate conflict between two states, as many may have maintained, would be inevitable.

    The purpose of this analysis is to re-think of the Thucydides Trap argument by assessing whether it is appropriate to put an analogy between two states and two prisoners in terms of the dilemma faced by the two different groups; then it will try to understand the Thucydides Trap argument in today’s world to examine whether and how it could be possible for state actors to surpass it.

    To answer the above questions well, this piece assumes that the starting point is to re-check briefly of what had happened 2500 years ago during the Peloponnesian War among the Greek city-states, through which, to see

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