The Prince
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About this ebook
Often cited as one of the first works in modern political philosophy, The Prince is a political treatise that relates author Niccolo Machiavelli’s theories on state-building and rulership. Drawing on his experience as a diplomat, Machiavelli discusses the important policies for both republican free-states and hereditary princedoms, and outlines the most successful political tactics, many of which remain relevant into modern times.
Controversial at the time of its writing in 1513, The Prince was not officially printed until 1532, almost two decades later and five years after Niccolo Machiavelli’s death. At the time, the ideas put forth in the treatise directly conflicted with dominant religious doctrines, and negative connotations surrounding the term “Machiavellian” continue to endure. Nonetheless, The Prince has influenced rulers including King Henry VIII and Catherine de Medici, and political philosophers such as Francis Bacon and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and has become one of the most widely read works of political philosophy in history.
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Niccolo Machiavelli
Niccolò Machiavelli (1469 – 1527) was an Italian diplomat, politician, historian, philosopher and writer of the Renaissance period. As a young Florentine envoy to the courts of France and the Italian principalities, he witnessed firsthand how people could be united under a powerful leader. This vision motivated his writing on acquiring and maintaining political power.
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Reviews for The Prince
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- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5
Nov 27, 2022
Amazing book I read the whole thing, and learned many things .
Book preview
The Prince - Niccolo Machiavelli
THE PRINCE
Niccolò Machiavelli
Translated by W. K. Marriott
HarperPerennialClassicsLogoCONTENTS
Introduction
Dedication
Chapter I—How Many Kinds of Principalities There Are, and by What Means They Are Acquired
Chapter II—Concerning Hereditary Principalities
Chapter III—Concerning Mixed Principalities
Chapter IV—Why the Kingdom of Darius, Conquered by Alexander, Did Not Rebel Against the Successors of Alexander at His Death
Chapter V—Concerning the Way to Govern Cities or Principalities Which Lived Under Their Own Laws Before They Were Annexed
Chapter VI—Concerning New Principalities Which Are Acquired by One’s Own Arms and Ability
Chapter VII—Concerning New Principalities Which Are Acquired Either by the Arms of Others or by Good Fortune
Chapter VIII—Concerning Those Who Have Obtained a Principality by Wickedness
Chapter IX—Concerning a Civil Principality
Chapter X—Concerning the Way in Which the Strength of All Principalities Ought to be Measured
Chapter XI—Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities
Chapter XII—How Many Kinds of Soldiery There Are, and Concerning Mercenaries
Chapter XIII—Concerning Auxiliaries, Mixed Soldiery, and One’s Own
Chapter XIV—That Which Concerns a Prince on the Subject of the Art of War
Chapter XV—Concerning Things for Which Men, and Especially Princes, Are Praised or Blamed
Chapter XVI—Concerning Liberality and Meanness
Chapter XVII—Concerning Cruelty and Clemency, and Whether it is Better to be Loved Than Feared
Chapter XVIII—Concerning the Way in Which Princes Should Keep Faith
Chapter XIX—That One Should Avoid Being Despised and Hated
Chapter XX—Are Fortresses, and Many Other Things to Which Princes Often Resort, Advantageous or Hurtful?
Chapter XXI—How a Prince Should Conduct Himself so as to Gain Renown
Chapter XXII—Concerning the Secretaries of Princes
Chapter XXIII—How Flatterers Should be Avoided
Chapter XXIV—Why the Princes of Italy Have Lost Their States
Chapter XXV—What Fortune Can Effect in Human Affairs and How to Withstand Her
Chapter XXVI—An Exhortation to Liberate Italy from the Barbarians
About the Author
About the Series
Copyright
About the Publisher
Introduction
Niccolò Machiavelli was born at Florence on 3rd May 1469. He was the second son of Bernardo di Niccolò Machiavelli, a lawyer of some repute, and of Bartolommea di Stefano Nelli, his wife. Both parents were members of the old Florentine nobility.
His life falls naturally into three periods, each of which singularly enough constitutes a distinct and important era in the history of Florence. His youth was concurrent with the greatness of Florence as an Italian power under the guidance of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Il Magnifico. The downfall of the Medici in Florence occurred in 1494, in which year Machiavelli entered the public service. During his official career Florence was free under the government of a Republic, which lasted until 1512, when the Medici returned to power, and Machiavelli lost his office. The Medici again ruled Florence from 1512 until 1527, when they were once more driven out. This was the period of Machiavelli’s literary activity and increasing influence; but he died, within a few weeks of the expulsion of the Medici, on 22nd June 1527, in his fifty-eighth year, without having regained office.
Youth
Aet. 1–25—1469–94
Although there is little recorded of the youth of Machiavelli, the Florence of those days is so well known that the early environment of this representative citizen may be easily imagined. Florence has been described as a city with two opposite currents of life, one directed by the fervent and austere Savonarola, the other by the splendour-loving Lorenzo. Savonarola’s influence upon the young Machiavelli must have been slight, for although at one time he wielded immense power over the fortunes of Florence, he only furnished Machiavelli with a subject of a gibe in The Prince,
where he is cited as an example of an unarmed prophet who came to a bad end. Whereas the magnificence of the Medicean rule during the life of Lorenzo appeared to have impressed Machiavelli strongly, for he frequently recurs to it in his writings, and it is to Lorenzo’s grandson that he dedicates The Prince.
Machiavelli, in his History of Florence,
gives us a picture of the young men among whom his youth was passed. He writes: They were freer than their forefathers in dress and living, and spent more in other kinds of excesses, consuming their time and money in idleness, gaming, and women; their chief aim was to appear well dressed and to speak with wit and acuteness, whilst he who could wound others the most cleverly was thought the wisest.
In a letter to his son Guido, Machiavelli shows why youth should avail itself of its opportunities for study, and leads us to infer that his own youth had been so occupied. He writes: I have received your letter, which has given me the greatest pleasure, especially because you tell me you are quite restored in health, than which I could have no better news; for if God grant life to you, and to me, I hope to make a good man of you if you are willing to do your share.
Then, writing of a new patron, he continues: This will turn out well for you, but it is necessary for you to study; since, then, you have no longer the excuse of illness, take pains to study letters and music, for you see what honour is done to me for the little skill I have. Therefore, my son, if you wish to please me, and to bring success and honour to yourself, do right and study, because others will help you if you help yourself.
Office
Aet. 25–43—1494–1512
The second period of Machiavelli’s life was spent in the service of the free Republic of Florence, which flourished, as stated above, from the expulsion of the Medici in 1494 until their return in 1512. After serving four years in one of the public offices he was appointed Chancellor and Secretary to the Second Chancery, the Ten of Liberty and Peace. Here we are on firm ground when dealing with the events of Machiavelli’s life, for during this time he took a leading part in the affairs of the Republic, and we have its decrees, records, and dispatches to guide us, as well as his own writings. A mere recapitulation of a few of his transactions with the statesmen and soldiers of his time gives a fair indication of his activities, and supplies the sources from which he drew the experiences and characters which illustrate The Prince.
His first mission was in 1499 to Catherina Sforza, my lady of Forli
of The Prince,
from whose conduct and fate he drew the moral that it is far better to earn the confidence of the people than to rely on fortresses. This is a very noticeable principle in Machiavelli, and is urged by him in many ways as a matter of vital importance to princes.
In 1500 he was sent to France to obtain terms from Louis XII for continuing the war against Pisa: this king it was who, in his conduct of affairs in Italy, committed the five capital errors in statecraft summarized in The Prince,
and was consequently driven out. He, also, it was who made the dissolution of his marriage a condition of support to Pope Alexander VI; which leads Machiavelli to refer those who urge that such promises should be kept to what he has written concerning the faith of princes.
Machiavelli’s public life was largely occupied with events arising out of the ambitions of Pope Alexander VI and his son, Cesare Borgia, the Duke Valentino, and these characters fill a large space of The Prince.
Machiavelli never hesitates to cite the actions of the duke for the benefit of usurpers who wish to keep the states they have seized; he can, indeed, find no precepts to offer so good as the pattern of Cesare Borgia’s conduct, insomuch that Cesare is acclaimed by some critics as the hero
of The Prince.
Yet in The Prince
the duke is in point of fact cited as a type of the man who rises on the fortune of others, and falls with them; who takes every course that might be expected from a prudent man but the course which will save him; who is prepared for all eventualities but the one which happens; and who, when all his abilities fail to carry him through, exclaims that it was not his fault, but an extraordinary and unforeseen fatality.
On the death of Pius III, in 1503, Machiavelli was sent to Rome to watch the election of his successor, and there he saw Cesare Borgia cheated into allowing the choice of the College to fall on Giuliano delle Rovere (Julius II), who was one of the cardinals that had most reason to fear the duke. Machiavelli, when commenting on this election, says that he who thinks new favours will cause great personages to forget old injuries deceives himself. Julius did not rest until he had ruined Cesare.
It was to Julius II that Machiavelli was sent in 1506, when that pontiff was commencing his enterprise against Bologna; which he brought to a successful issue, as he did many of his other adventures, owing chiefly to his impetuous character. It is in reference to Pope Julius that Machiavelli moralizes on the resemblance between Fortune and women, and concludes that it is the bold rather than the cautious man that will win and hold them both.
It is impossible to follow here the varying fortunes of the Italian states, which in 1507 were controlled by France, Spain, and Germany, with results that have lasted to our day; we are concerned with those events, and with the three great actors in them, so far only as they impinge on the personality of Machiavelli. He had several meetings with Louis XII of France, and his estimate of that monarch’s character has already been alluded to. Machiavelli has painted Ferdinand of Aragon as the man who accomplished great things under the cloak of religion, but who in reality had no mercy, faith, humanity, or integrity; and who, had he allowed himself to be influenced by such motives, would have been ruined. The Emperor Maximilian was one of the most interesting men of the age, and his character has been drawn by many hands; but Machiavelli, who was an envoy at his court in 1507–8, reveals the secret of his many failures when he describes him as a secretive man, without force of character—ignoring the human agencies necessary to carry his schemes into effect, and never insisting on the fulfilment of his wishes.
The remaining years of Machiavelli’s official career were filled with events arising out of the League of Cambrai, made in 1508 between the three great European powers already mentioned and the pope, with the object of crushing the Venetian Republic. This result was attained in the battle of Vaila, when Venice lost in one day all that she had won in eight hundred years. Florence had a difficult part to play during these events, complicated as they were by the feud which broke out between the pope and the French, because friendship with France had dictated the entire policy of the Republic.