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    Little Rock: Race and Resistance at Central High School
    Little Rock: Race and Resistance at Central High School
    Little Rock: Race and Resistance at Central High School
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    Little Rock: Race and Resistance at Central High School

    By Karen Anderson

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    A political history of the most famous desegregation crisis in America

    The desegregation crisis in Little Rock is a landmark of American history: on September 4, 1957, after the Supreme Court struck down racial segregation in public schools, Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus called up the National Guard to surround Little Rock Central High School, preventing black students from going in. On September 25, 1957, nine black students, escorted by federal troops, gained entrance. With grace and depth, Little Rock provides fresh perspectives on the individuals, especially the activists and policymakers, involved in these dramatic events. Looking at a wide variety of evidence and sources, Karen Anderson examines American racial politics in relation to changes in youth culture, sexuality, gender relations, and economics, and she locates the conflicts of Little Rock within the larger political and historical context.

    Anderson considers how white groups at the time, including middle class women and the working class, shaped American race and class relations. She documents white women's political mobilizations and, exploring political resentments, sexual fears, and religious affiliations, illuminates the reasons behind segregationists' missteps and blunders. Anderson explains how the business elite in Little Rock retained power in the face of opposition, and identifies the moral failures of business leaders and moderates who sought the appearance of federal compliance rather than actual racial justice, leaving behind a legacy of white flight, poor urban schools, and institutional racism.

    Probing the conflicts of school desegregation in the mid-century South, Little Rock casts new light on connections between social inequality and the culture wars of modern America.

    Some images inside the book are unavailable due to digital copyright restrictions.

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherPrinceton University Press
    Release dateNov 10, 2013
    ISBN9781400832149
    Little Rock: Race and Resistance at Central High School
    Author

    Karen Anderson

    Karen Anderson (1932–2018) is both a science fiction fan and a founder of the Science Fiction & Fantasy Writers of America. She graduated from high school in Maryland and worked as a military cartographer to pay for both her attendance at the 1952 World Science Fiction Convention and the academic year 1952–53, which she spent as a drama major. Correspondence with Poul Anderson convinced her that the life she wanted was in science fiction, not on the stage, and she and Anderson later married. Karen Anderson’s solo work comprises verse and short fiction. She brought many skills to assist Poul Anderson in writing his novels: proofreading, research, languages, mapping, story planning, and collecting material for future works. Discussions led to early shared bylines; after visiting Hadrian’s Wall, Karen put a year’s research and plotting—plus verses of her own—into his hands for The King of Ys.

    Read more from Karen Anderson

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      Book preview

      Little Rock - Karen Anderson

      Little Rock

      POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY AMERICA

      Series Editors

      William Chafe, Gary Gerstle, Linda Gordon, and Julian Zelizer A list of titles in this series appears at the back of the book

      Karen Anderson

      PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS       Princeton & Oxford

      Copyright © 2010 by Princeton University Press

      Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,

      Princeton, New Jersey 08540

      In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street,

      Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW

      All Rights Reserved

      Second printing, and first paperback printing, 2014

      Paperback ISBN 978-0-691-15961-4

      The Library of Congress has cataloged the cloth edition of this book as follows Anderson, Karen, 1947–

      Little Rock : race and resistance at Central High School / Karen Anderson.—1st ed.

      p. cm.—(Politics and society in twentieth-century America)

      Includes bibliographical references and index.

      ISBN 978–0-691–09293–5 (cloth)

      1. School integration—Arkansas—Little Rock—History—20th century. 2. Central High School (Little Rock, Ark.)—History. 3. African American students—Arkansas—Little Rock—History—20th century. 4. African Americans—Education—Arkansas—Little Rock—History—20th century. 5. School integration—Massive resistance movement—Arkansas—Little Rock—History—20th century. 6. Little Rock (Ark.)—Race relations. 7. Little Rock (Ark.)—Politics and government—20th century. I. Title.

      LC214.23.L56A53 2010

      379.2′630976773—dc22          2009022870

      British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available

      This book has been composed in Adobe Garamond.

      Printed on acid-free paper. ∞

      press.princeton.edu

      Printed in the United States of America

      10  9  8  7  6  5  4  3  2

      Contents

      List of Illustrations / vii

      Acknowledgments / ix

      INTRODUCTION

      Not Here, Not Now, Not Us / 1

      1. Mapping Change: Little Rock Forges a Desegregation Plan / 19

      2. Occupied Arkansas: Class, Gender, and the Politics of Resistance / 55

      3. Uncivil Disobedience: The Politics of Race and Resistance at Central High School, 1957–1958 / 94

      4. The Politics of School Closure: Massive Resistance Put to the Test, 1958–1959 / 137

      5. The Politics of Fear and Gridlock / 166

      6. Politics as Usual: Reviving the Politics of Tokenism / 190

      CONCLUSIONS

      Little Rock and the Legacies of Brown v. Board of Education / 228

      Abbreviations / 245

      Notes / 247

      Index / 315

      Illustrations

      1. Emblem of the Citizens’ Council. / 53

      2. Remember Little Rock political icon. / 75

      3. The first African American to graduate from Little Rock’s Central High School, Ernest Green stands alone, in May, 1958. / 127

      4. In November, 1957 Daisy Bates organized a pre-Thanksgiving dinner for the Little Rock Nine in order to publicize their gratitude, patriotism, and religiosity. / 128

      5. Thurgood Marshall, the chief counsel for the NAACP, holds the door to the Federal District courtroom in Little Rock as Daisy Bates, Gloria Ray, and Minnijean Brown leave after a hearing on their case. / 129

      6. The nine African American students enter Little Rock’s Central High School under military escort. / 130

      7. In the fall of 1958, Governor Orval Faubus closed the public high schools of Little Rock under a law passed by segregationist legislators. / 131

      8. White students at Raney High School, Little Rock’s short-lived segregationist academy, protest desegregation. / 132

      9. Segregationists converge on the Arkansas Capitol Building to protest desegregation in August, 1959. / 133

      10. Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus holds a press conference regarding events in Little Rock. / 134

      11. This iconic picture of Central High School student Hazel Bryan taunting Elizabeth Eckford as she tried to enter the previously all-white school circulated around the world in September, 1957. / 135

      12. The Little Rock Nine gathered to commemorate the 40th anniversary of desegregation at Central High School. / 136

      Acknowledgments

      All scholars depend on the assistance of many others. I am grateful to all those individuals and institutions who have enabled me to shape and complete this project. My first debt is to the many colleagues at the University of Arizona, past and present, who have created a stimulating intellectual community for me and have provided wonderful examples of innovative scholarship. In addition, my colleagues in the Teaching Workshop in Women’s History at UCLA have pursued an impressive range of topics, many focused on gender and race, over three decades of annual meetings dedicated to the serious intellectual work of teaching generously nourished with laughter. Finally, my graduate students at the University of Arizona, particularly those in women’s history, have taught me a great deal through the years and have deepened my understanding of gender, race, and power.

      Many archivists contributed to the success of Little Rock. I owe a special debt to Linda Pine at Special Collections at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock; Andrea Cantrell and Michael Dabrishus at Special Collections at the University of Arkansas, Fayetteville; and Jane Hooker at the Arkansas History Commission. In addition, archivists at the National Archives; the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library; the State Historical Society of Wisconsin; and the University of California, Santa Barbara provided essential assistance.

      Many participants in the events of this book were willing to spend time with me in oral history interviews. I am grateful to them for their trust in me and for their insights into the events they helped to form. It saddens me to know that so many of them have passed away while I took my time on this project. I am particularly grateful to Georg and Wilma Iggers and to Lee Lorch for their generous hospitality on my research trip to Buffalo and Toronto.

      The University of Arizona was generous in its support for my research trips. I received funds from the small grants program of the Vice President for Research, the Social and Behavioral Sciences Research Institute, and the Udall Center. Without these kinds of resources, humanists would be seriously impaired in their scholarly work.

      Finally, those who read and edited the manuscript provided crucial insights and assistance. William Chafe, who proved to be a model of forbearance as well as insight, read all the drafts. Anonymous reviewers for Princeton University Press also read carefully and provided helpful advice. At the University of Arizona, Laura Briggs and Myra Dinnerstein read early chapter drafts. I also want to thank Sherry Smith for her work on the index. Finally, the editors at Princeton University Press worked hard to improve the manuscript. I particularly appreciate the assistance of Clara Platter and Ellen Foos in the late stages of the project.

      Little Rock

      INTRODUCTION

      Not Here, Not Now, Not Us

      Little Rock did not bring on disaster. Disaster was deliberately thrust upon a majority of progressive and law-abiding citizens by extremists and outsiders seeking to serve their own ends.

      —Little Rock School Superintendent Virgil Blossom¹

      Well, Little Rock, we believe, was selected by those who were pushing for integration as a city to be made an example of, and all the forces of government and the forces of liberalism and all the forces of integration were sent to Little Rock to make this the battleground and fight it out, fight the issue out and settle it here, so as to place other school districts in the state and in the South in an indefensible position.

      —Rev. Wesley Pruden²

      On the morning of September 4, 1957, 16-year-old Elizabeth Eckford awoke early, so keyed up about her first day at Little Rock’s Central High School that she could hardly wait to be up. As she ironed the black and white dress she had made for the occasion, her brother turned on the television. A local newscast related that large crowds were gathering at the previously all-white school to prevent the entry of Elizabeth and eight other African American students scheduled to start school that day. Her mother, anxious about her daughter’s safety, yelled from the kitchen for them to Turn that TV off! Her father paced throughout the house, unable to calm his fears. Before Elizabeth left for school, her mother summoned the family to the living room for a prayer.³

      As she walked the block from the bus to her new school, Elizabeth was unaware of crucial decisions made by others. Because the Eckfords did not have a phone, state NAACP leader Daisy Bates had intended to send someone to their house that morning to notify Elizabeth where to meet the other black students and an interracial escort of ministers before entering the school. Distracted and exhausted, Bates had forgotten to do so. Isolated from the others, Elizabeth found herself on her own in a dangerous situation. Unbeknownst to her, Governor Orval Faubus had ordered the Arkansas National Guard to prevent the entry of the African American students.⁴

      Elizabeth assumed that the soldiers were there to offer protection to her and to Central High’s other black pupils. Believing that one of the Guardsmen had directed her to go to a particular entrance, she walked down the street between a hostile crowd of whites and the guards. She tried twice to cross the National Guard lines, but was refused access to the school. In the meantime, segregationist whites closed in around her, shoving and yelling epithets. One woman urged her to go back where you came from, while others cried Lynch her! Lynch her! The frightened girl made her way to a bus stop, where a Guardsman ordered the crowd away from the bench. Grace Lorch, a white woman who belonged to the local NAACP chapter, stayed with her, fending off the crowd while Elizabeth waited for a city bus to take her to safety. Lorch told members of the crowd that Elizabeth was just a little girl and that Six months from now you’ll be ashamed at what you’re doing. In a gesture that would make him a lightning rod for segregationist anger, New York Times reporter Benjamin Fine put his arm around the frightened adolescent and urged her, don’t let them see you cry. When a few segregationists tried to block entry to the bus, Lorch also threatened to punch them in the nose. She then rode the bus with the silent and terrified young woman, who got off at the School for the Blind, where her mother worked. There she found safety and comfort in her mother’s arms.⁵

      Elizabeth Eckford’s ordeal received world-wide publicity. The picture of Central High School student Hazel Bryan, her face contorted with hate, taunting a frightened but dignified Eckford became a national and international symbol for racial politics in Little Rock. The Arkansas Gazette editorialized that the picture of Eckford in front of the shouting white girl with her pretty face distorted by unreasoning hate and fear spoke for itself. Central High School Vice Principal Elizabeth Huckaby described the pictures in her journal as reflecting the dignity of the rejected Negro girl, the obscenity of the faces of her tormentors. One Central High alumnus wondered whether Bryan was the flower of white Southern womanhood? Gentility, as Beth Roy has noted, was a deeply gendered act; men could be rough-and-tumble while women carried the torch of right behavior. Bryan apparently had dropped the torch.⁶

      If southern white women had a special responsibility to embody and enact southern gentility, something was clearly amiss in Little Rock. The contrasting images presented by Little Rock’s youthful antagonists threatened to undermine the historic associations between race and respectability for southern white women. With her shy demeanor and fashionable but proper attire, Elizabeth Eckford embodied an innocent, demure young womanhood. Bryan, by contrast, projected a disorderly and subversive womanhood, one that violated white middle-class taboos against visible manifestations of racial hatred and against provocative and disagreeable behavior by women. The day after the incident, Vice Principal Huckaby chastised Bryan for her role in the mob, beginning a series of highly class-based confrontations between school administrators and dissident students over the latter’s role in segregationist protests. As the reactions to Bryan indicated, any form of public activism involved segregationist women in a troubling contradiction: they had to flout the gender conventions of southern society in order to strengthen them.⁷

      The resistance to desegregation evidenced by the disorders at Central High School and by later segregationist actions makes Little Rock an especially illuminating case study of the problem of enforcing federal desegregation laws in the first ten years after the Brown v. Board of Education decision. Officials and citizens in Arkansas used many of the evasive strategies that characterized massive resistance to desegregation elsewhere. These strategies included the passage of myriad state laws whose constitutional validity was suspect, state and private harassment of the NAACP and of individuals associated with desegregation, foot dragging by local school officials, and interference from a state government intent on impeding any compliance with federal law.⁸

      Little Rock was poised to become a singularly powerful regional, national, and international symbol of violent resistance to federal desegregation efforts and to racial change. After a federal court injunction forced the governor to remove the state troops from Central High, Little Rock police attempted unsuccessfully to prevent mayhem when the African American students entered the school on September 23, 1957. Confronted by a menacing segregationist mob that they did not believe they could control, local police removed the black students at midday. In order to enforce federal authority, President Dwight Eisenhower federalized the Arkansas National Guard and sent the 101st Airborne Division to Little Rock. With their assistance, the nine African American students entered Central High again on September 25, eight of them for the duration of the academic year.

      Once Eisenhower ordered federal troops to Arkansas, Little Rock became the central symbolic event in the racial and sectional politics of the 1950s. For civil rights activists and other supporters of integration in the nation, it was a critical early site where the enactment of a violent and hateful resistance to African American advancement served as a foil for the display of a courageous and justifiable challenge to oppression by black citizens. For segregationists, the events in Little Rock represented a very different sort of morality play, one in which jack-booted federal authorities overrode the wishes and interests of the white majority as they sponsored a dangerous inversion of the South’s cherished traditions and the nation’s racial heritage.⁹

      The law in question was that mandated by the U.S. Supreme Court in its 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. In a short opinion, the justices unanimously held that segregated public schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and were thus unconstitutional. Specifically, the justices declared that in the field of public education the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. That doctrine had become a revered ideal in the minds of many southern whites since the 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson. In public schools, it was more honored in the breach than in the practice as the equal part of the principle fell into immediate and sustained disuse in southern law and policy.¹⁰

      In 1954, the Court left the issue of implementation of its decision in Brown v. Board of Education to further arguments, which informed its decision a year later in a case dubbed Brown II. That opinion was vague about timetables, asking only that school officials proceed with all deliberate speed as they forged school systems not based on color distinctions. The Court held that the trial courts would retain jurisdiction over districts under court orders to consider whether the action of school authorities constitutes good faith implementation. The requirement that school officials create and implement racially nondiscriminatory practices provided great latitude for local authorities to define the meanings of race neutral laws and practices in postwar America. Because Arkansas cases were heard in the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit, which included the plains states and none from the Deep South, they would be decided by judges who might be more supportive of the intentions of the first Brown decision.¹¹

      The fact that the school board in Little Rock had initially stated its intention to comply and in 1955 had drafted a plan for desegregation made the situation more promising there than in many southern communities. Ironically, the school board’s victory in a 1956 lawsuit initiated by local NAACP officials meant that the district operated under a court-ordered desegregation plan, albeit one that moved much more slowly than the African American litigants would have preferred. That lawsuit also points to the critical role African American activists played in contesting segregation in Arkansas and in shaping the terms and outcomes of the struggle in Little Rock.¹²

      The critical actions taken by NAACP leaders and African American citizens in Little Rock reveal the importance of local activism to the national organization’s legal strategies and successes. The national NAACP’s relationship to school desegregation in Little Rock was purely reactive; local leaders alone initiated the 1956 lawsuit that placed the Little Rock School Board under a court order to desegregate. Once Faubus put state troops around Central High School, local NAACP leaders consulted closely with the national organization about political and legal strategies to reopen the school on a desegregated basis and to protect the African American students enrolled there. Moreover, local activists and NAACP leaders worked together to contest the narrow formalism advanced by moderates seeking minimal compliance with the Brown decision. In Little Rock, grassroots activism and litigation were intimately related, not opposing points on a continuum between community-based militance and an elite politics of polite protest and legalistic approaches.¹³

      When initially confronted with the need to accommodate the Supreme Court’s mandate in the Brown cases, white Arkansans’ reactions ranged from a reluctant and cautious acceptance to extreme hostility. After the situation exploded in the fall of 1957, most whites in Arkansas came to feel that they had been singled out for unwarranted hardships that included international misrepresentations, social conflict, violence, lost business, and significant disruptions to their daily lives and relationships. Many whites expressed the strong conviction that Little Rock was not the appropriate place to start school desegregation. Moderates claimed that Arkansas was a progressive state improving its race relations through a careful adherence to white voluntarism. They believed, however, that their ability to sustain continued racial progress required that they be allowed to do so quietly and on their own initiative. Staunch segregationists, by contrast, did not claim the mantle of racial progress, largely because they touted a rigid system of racial segregation as the prerequisite for racial harmony.¹⁴

      Moderates and segregationists alike advanced conspiratorial explanations for Little Rock’s plight. After claiming that large numbers of outsiders had been ready to descend on Little Rock in September 1957 in order to prevent desegregation, the Rev. Robert Brown, Episcopal Bishop of the Diocese of Arkansas, concluded: It would seem to those who know the South, and its attitude towards these problems, that Little Rock, a moderate city in the Southwest, was chosen by design to be the ground for the battle because its moderation made it a target for each side and its significance would be far bigger than Little Rock. In 1959, a committee of the Arkansas Legislative Council concluded that the fall 1957 events that had occurred in Little Rock were planned, schemed, calculated and had as [their] motivating factor the international Communist conspiracy of world domination squarely behind the entire shocking episode.¹⁵

      The idea of outside interference allowed locals to deny any responsibility for events occurring in their midst and to project racism and violence onto people from another place, social class, or political standpoint. The problem, in short, was not us, but rather nameless outsiders seeking to fight their racial battles by proxy. This view not only enabled Little Rock residents to save face, it also allowed them to believe that their actions and political commitments were not at issue. For the moderates, it also justified a politics of inaction sustained by the conviction that outsiders had precluded effective action on their part. Being southern, as historian Sheldon Hackney has observed, inevitably involves a feeling of persecution at times and a sense of being a passive, insignificant object of alien or impersonal forces. As a result, southerners have fostered a world view that supports the denial of responsibility and locates threats to the region outside the region and threats to the person outside the self.¹⁶

      In fact, the crisis over school desegregation was constructed by multiple actors, inside and outside of Little Rock, who often worked together to secure their goals. However much some citizens wished for a complete autonomy from outsiders, Little Rock was inextricably linked to other parts of the state, the region, the nation, and the world. Indeed, some of the individuals who most fervently wished for isolation on the issue of race had worked energetically to forge economic, political, and cultural ties to various outsiders. The terms used by many in Arkansas, however, precluded acknowledging this or discussing how to operate in an interdependent world divided by race and other significant social and cultural fissures.

      In Little Rock, as in many other places in the South, the most common white plea was for more time—time to adjust, time to secure more social acceptance of racial change. A segregationist, for example, wrote to the Arkansas Gazette in 1955 and, citing biblical arguments against integration, expressed his belief that we should wait for this until nearer the end of time. We do not want something that will cause our hearts to almost stand still and ache. In 1957, Governor Faubus pointed to the state’s segregationist legislation and asked for time to litigate these measures to final conclusions in order that we may see clearly and unmistakably what is the law of the land—either state or Federal. The plea for more time was a panacea for individuals who believed that the postponements they sought might become, in fact, indefinite ones.¹⁷

      In the meantime, conflicts over school desegregation generated a great deal of political heat. That heat derived not only from the disturbing effects of racial change but also from their relationship to other transformations in American society and culture. In the postwar period adult southern whites and the region’s male civic leaders found their power imperiled by the unsettling effects of changes in economic structures, the rise of a youth culture, the increasing power of national media, changing sexual mores and practices, and dramatic shifts in gender and family relations. Moreover, these domains of social and cultural life were densely interconnected. African American campaigns for increased rights and opportunities threatened to destabilize not only the southern system of race but also the class compact among whites that the system secured. Women were entering paid employment in growing numbers and participating in the public world of volunteer associations and social movements even as the dominant ideology proclaimed that their only legitimate place was at home.¹⁸

      In the postwar period, changes in teen dating patterns and sexual practices meant that high schools became a critical site where young people found intimate partners and spouses. Consequently, as David Goldfield observed, the prospect of the racial integration of public schools aroused deep-seated fears that propinquity would ultimately become intimacy. As more adolescents formed intense heterosexual pairs and decided to go steady, parents worried that the relationships would lead to premarital sexual intercourse and tried to control their children’s social world. Their anxieties were well founded. Teen pregnancy rates skyrocketed, reaching their twentieth-century peak in 1957.¹⁹

      When Elizabeth Eckford and the other African American students sought to enter Central High School, they were defying more than Arkansas’s state sanctioned inequality in educational opportunity. Similarly, when Hazel Bryan and other white antagonists at the school challenged the right of black students to be there, they were defending a social order different from the one their parents had experienced or imagined in their youth. The defiant behavior of white antagonists in school provoked a range of reactions in their parents, from unequivocal support to hostility. In the civil rights struggle in Little Rock, children became significant political actors, sometimes serving as surrogates for their parents and sometimes representing their own concerns and goals.²⁰

      For all social groups, the law became a crucial venue for political action. Because American courts have the authority to decide whether laws conform to the requirements of the federal and state constitutions and can invalidate those that do not, judges at all levels have played a crucial role in American politics and political culture. The centrality of the courts in the formation and legitimation of political claims and public policies makes them sites for struggles over fundamental political questions and social values. The role of the courts in defining and enabling the rights, responsibilities, and benefits of citizenship places them at the center of debates regarding racial and other hierarchies and gives them a central ideological significance in the nation’s political culture.

      This study examines Little Rock as a site for the creation of a class-conscious thinking about race that would inform color-blind law in the South and the nation long after the decision in Brown v. Board of Education. From the conception of the Little Rock school desegregation plan to the application of pupil placement policies, Little Rock’s school officials and civic leaders helped to forge the post-Brown era of race-neutral law that was suffused with racial meanings and racist intentions. The focus on law, society, and political culture distinguishes this study from Tony Freyer’s scholarship on Little Rock, in that it focuses less on the formal language of court decisions and more on the social logic of the laws and policies being contested, the cultural meanings found in the testimony in court cases, and the role of law in reflecting, legitimating, and transforming political rhetoric and social relations. In particular, it examines the middle-class ideologies revealed and enacted in the school board’s policies and legal strategies and in the political actions of the moderates.²¹

      Recently, scholars have offered persuasive analyses of the complexities of the resistance of southern whites to the egalitarianism of the civil rights movement while examining the recuperation of racist assumptions and practices in the accommodations of southern whites to the legacies of that movement. They stress the self-conscious adoption of race neutrality as a political vocabulary and legal strategy in the South’s responses to African American demands for greater rights and opportunities. Focusing their analyses on class differences among southern whites, these historians have documented the role of white elites and upwardly mobile suburbanites in promoting white flight from the central cities and their schools, the rise of modern conservatism, and the embrace of an ostensibly race-neutral law and politics in the region and the nation. Although this study, like the others, examines class relations as a systematic aspect of New South politics since the Brown decision, it differs in that it also analyzes gender and sexuality as critical aspects of southern responses to racial challenge.²²

      Along with the arch segregationists, Little Rock’s moderates clogged the courts with cases designed to thwart progressive court decisions and laws, and both factions pioneered in the use of litigation as a conservative political tool. In addition, both groups paved the way in the use of law breaking as a fundamental tactic for disaffected conservatives, a successful strategy that would become a staple of conservative politics in the years to come. Little Rock’s civil rights activists, by contrast, used litigation as a critical form of protest directed at undermining social and political hierarchies and redefining the terms of political and legal discussions. In particular, they contested the legal formalism and racist implementation practices embedded in the school board’s desegregation policies.²³

      Little Rock’s business elite faced multiple challenges in its quest for economic and political power. Dramatic changes in the economy of the postwar South had disturbed customary social, political, and demographic patterns. The displacement of rural workers of both races by mechanization on the plantations created pressures on business and government leaders to provide industrial jobs for whites who moved into the cities of Arkansas in the postwar period. Indeed, business and government leaders embraced development as a priority for their state. After World War II, the economic elite of Little Rock, in alliance with the state government, worked to attract new businesses and jobs from outside the South. Governor Faubus wholly endorsed this goal, signing a law creating the Arkansas Industrial Development Commission, which became, in the words of historian James Cobb, one of the most aggressive and highly visible industrial recruitment agencies in the South. Faubus also supported an amendment to the state constitution that enabled local governments to finance land acquisition and build facilities for the companies they lured from out of state. Clearly, the support of state government was an integral part of the development plans of men intent on forging the New South economy in Arkansas.²⁴

      The control of politics and the uncontested right to define the public good were therefore essential to the economic ambitions of business leaders. Moreover, as Elizabeth Jacoway has noted, Little Rock’s business elite had just launched a movement to clean up city government and make it more amenable to the needs of the business community. Business leaders viewed both objectives of this movement as equivalent goals. Not surprisingly, they were hostile to the idea of sharing public power in the workplace or in the polity. Their imagined community was not in fact a democracy of white men. It was instead a hierarchy in which a politics of deference to elite white men enabled those men to secure profits for themselves and jobs for others. For the business leaders, economic development in a context of political inequality was necessary and sufficient for the creation of a just economic order and political stability in the region. Indeed, their conviction that they were apostles of progress justified an exclusionary politics and sanctified their efforts to retain power at all costs.²⁵

      The civic elite expected deference from working-class people in the workplace as well as in the political arena. The promotional literature used by the Little Rock Chamber of Commerce in the 1950s touted the tractability of the city’s white labor force. The city’s economic leaders assured corporate leaders considering a move to Arkansas that the state’s freedom to work amendment and its anti-violence law contributed to the harmonious industry-labor relationship they would find in the state. Moreover, the oversupply of labor, caused by mechanization in the state’s rural areas, meant that workers would accept lower wages. As a result, employers would benefit because Little Rock not only had a "tremendous quantity of workers seeking industrial employment but also offered workers whose rural roots had [instilled] in them an inclination to work conscientiously at whatever tasks are assigned to them. These workers were native-born and quick to learn; they are not susceptible to radical ideas."²⁶

      The values embraced by business leaders anticipated those that would later be labeled as neo-liberal. Their system of beliefs and practices promoted economic expansion as a social panacea, solidified the political priority accorded to growth politics in urban America, combined laissez-faire pronouncements with business subsidies from government, and placed worker subordination, opposition to unions, and low wages at the center of its development policies. Little Rock’s civic and economic elite regarded the issue of racial justice as a political threat to more important goals and took for granted that development would provide African Americans with an appropriate level of economic opportunity.

      Little Rock’s business leaders generally tried to exercise political power from behind the scenes, thus distancing themselves from public visibility and accountability. In this way, they could deny the connections between their economic and political roles and minimize the risks to their businesses entailed in public activism. The businessmen were socially conservative and sought to avoid public association with controversial issues. They hoped to keep segregation because they believed in racial hierarchies and in particular because challenges to the racial order could destabilize the system of power they had created. In a time of dramatic economic change, racial discrimination in employment operated to cushion the strain of transition for working-class whites and thus reinforced elite claims to power in the emerging new order.²⁷

      Business leaders’ actions revealed the assumptions and operations of a managerial masculinity characterized by an unshakeable sense of entitlement to public power and an overt contempt for others who sought a voice in the community’s affairs. As Deborah Kerfoot has noted, those for whom masculinity resonates most loudly appear to be so preoccupied with ‘fixing’ the world around them and others in it as to detract from the possibilities of other forms of engagement. The civic elite’s use of secrecy, manipulation, and deception to achieve its goals reflected a deep-seated anxiety that more democratic processes would erode its economic and political power and introduce profoundly unsettling values and modes of interaction. Local civic and business leaders’ claims to represent reason, moderation, and the public good masked the fear and egoism that often compelled their actions. However dispassionate their public language may have appeared, theirs was a politics of panic and timidity, bespeaking a radical discomfort with anything but uncontested dominance.²⁸

      The crisis over school desegregation undermined the desire of civic leaders for unchallenged power as working-class whites mobilized openly against integration, defied federal authority, and voted for segregationist politicians, particularly in elections to the school board. Significantly, working-class segregationists employed racial rhetoric to express class-based grievances and used symbols of the Confederacy to signal their fealty to a region whose heritage of slavery, localism, and rebellion they embraced. Their rhetoric, in the words of historian Pete Daniel, invoked a flawed history that conflated segregation, the Lost Cause, religion, and sex. The idea that African Americans might claim greater rights and opportunities created a confrontation between Little Rock’s working-class blacks and whites, who were competing for jobs, education, and respectability in a decade of great social change. It also pitted working-class resisters to integration against the local establishment.²⁹

      The members of that establishment viewed quality public education as a critical element in their industrial recruitment plan. Without good public schools, they believed, northern companies would not relocate managers and their families to Little Rock. Segregationists’ threats to the existence and quality of the public schools frightened local developers as much as the public disorders orchestrated by segregationists to sustain massive resistance. As with other elements of the local elite’s growth agenda, education required support from all levels of government, including the federal. This need for government support was intensified when the children of the baby boom era and of the rural migration to Little Rock markedly increased public school enrollments in the postwar era.

      Local business and civic leaders wished to profit from interdependence in a national economy while maintaining the South’s political isolation from a national polity and its racial arrangements. They held to a general belief in states’ rights, although they were more than willing to accept federal funding for education and other public services when it was available on their terms. In fact, their hopes for social stasis in the midst of economic changes were utterly chimerical. As Virginia Scharff has cogently noted, Markets and nations are creatures of motion. They require the circulation of people and money, goods and ideas. The proliferation of televisions in America’s living rooms reduced local elites’ ability to maintain their autonomy by giving racial conflicts national and international visibility.³⁰

      This study seeks to focus on various actors in the Little Rock story in order to understand its meanings in a new way. In particular, a broader comprehension of the crisis in Little Rock means taking the activism of white women much more seriously when analyzing the terms of public debates over race and education and when interpreting the outcomes of the crisis over school desegregation. The segregationist Mothers’ League of Central High School orchestrated not only the harassment of African American students at Central High by white racist students; its members also worked to mobilize segregationist resentment and resistance within the white community. Once state and local segregationists orchestrated the closing of Little Rock’s public high schools in September 1958, a group of indignant middle-class white women entered the political fray organized as the Women’s Emergency Committee to Open Our Schools (WEC). The organization soon became a formidable political presence throughout the state. The WEC worked with local civic leaders to support open schools and gradualism in desegregation, although its more liberal leadership ultimately developed an agenda that differed in important respects from that pursued by the male moderate establishment. The WEC’s deference to male civic leaders propped up the men’s power and doomed the progressive vision of some WEC leaders. Moreover, the WEC’s middle-class political appeals and priorities ultimately limited not only its progressive political vision but also its social base, as did the leaders’ commitment to trying to end segregation while excluding African Americans from their own organization.

      Examining businessmen’s actions more systematically in relation to local social relations than has previously been done illuminates the institutional and ideological bases for their success in maintaining their dominance over local politics despite the growing opposition to their policies. Focusing on the relationship of male business elites to working-class whites, middle-class white women, and African Americans also highlights the importance of local considerations in motivating activism for or against desegregation and in shaping political rhetoric, goals, and outcomes. As the Little Rock case suggests, local conflicts developed not only over what should be done with respect to desegregating the schools but also over the interrelated questions of who was to exercise power in the community and what kind of community should be created in postwar Little Rock.³¹

      More elusively, this study also reveals the operation of gender in the politics and social relations enacted by men throughout the crisis over school desegregation. Historians and the general public have become accustomed to the idea that gender as a power relation and cultural script shapes women’s consciousness and motivates their actions, albeit in complex and sometimes contradictory ways. Men, however, have remained the invisible gendered subject, in the words of Stephen Whitehead. That invisibility has obscured the fact that American men’s ceaseless quest for manhood formed American organizations, traditions, associations, public policies and political systems, as numerous scholars have documented.³²

      That quest for manhood has also shaped men’s social and political disputes. The different social backgrounds, political affiliations, and attitudes to race of the white men involved in the Little Rock crisis created profound conflicts. These conflicts centered in part on whether men would claim political authority as proponents of an ideology of progress centered on the economic and educational development of middle-class whites, or as defenders of racial purity and white working-class respectability. At the same time, men at all levels in the political hierarchy sought ways to assert their wills and protect themselves from the humiliation, material losses, and disempowerment they all associated with public defeats. Joane Nagel has noted the entrenched nature of such masculine preoccupations as honor, cowardice, strength, face-saving, and manliness in domains of competition among men. In Little Rock, these preoccupations became central obsessions, especially for the segregationists, as men fought for dominance for themselves and their interests.³³

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