Theodor Herzl

This essay makes a case for reorientation in the controversially discussed matter of how the relationship between Orientalism and Zionism should be interpreted. It abandons the notion of convergence between both spheres, postulating instead that a tradition of downright resistance to Orientalism is inscribed into German literary Zionism. To exemplify the potential of this reorientation for new insights into both postcolonial and German-Jewish history, a discus- sion is provided of Theodor Herzl’s novel The Old New Land (1902), Felix Salten’s Neue Menschen auf alter Erde (1925), and Franz Kafka’s Schakale und Araber (1917).

Theodor Herzl was not a major, original intellectual figure and should not be considered as such. Most of his ideas were not new, yet he left perhaps a bigger mark on twentieth-century Jewish life than any other Jewish  figure. Herzl was also not a prolific writer, and his heritage remains more political than literary. Nevertheless he wrote three key works: The Jewish State (1896) and Altneuland (The Old New Land; 1902) are his major writings; while the earliest of the three, a play titled The New Ghetto, written in the transitional period around 1894, offers a glimpse into Herzl’s world and his evolving attitude toward antisemitism. The Jewish State is written in a dry but eloquent style and includes his analysis of anti- semitism, in which he advances the idea of a Jewish state as the only possible alternative. Altneuland, on the other hand, takes the form of a realistic novel, allowing Herzl to imagine cultural and political life in the new society. His vision addresses the nature of relations between Jews and Arabs, Jews and Gentiles, wealthy and poor Jews, and religious and secular elements of society.

Es ist eine Arbeit, die die Lyzeums-Schülerin Edith Borgemeister aus Duisburg während des I. Weltkriegs für eine Aktion der Cecilienhilfe anfertigte. Eher unfreiwillig erstellte sie damit eine umfangreiche Dokumentation zur Helden- und Durchhaltekunst in der damaligen Kriegszeit.

ÖZET Ortadoğu bölge itibariyle insanlık tarihinin doğuşundan beri birtakım farklı olaylara sahne olmuş bir coğrafyadır. Bu durum üç semavi dinin de merkezi olma özelliğine sahip olması nedeniyle de önemlidir. 19 yy. sonlarında Siyonizm'in Avrupa'da atılan temelleriyle birlikte, Filistin'e uzanan bir Yahudi devleti kurulmuştur. Bu devletin kurulması için büyük devletler Yahudilere destek vermiş ve Avrupa'dan Filistin'e yoğun Yahudi göçünün sağlanmasına yardımcı olmuşlardır. Toprakları işgal edilen Araplar ile Yahudiler arasındaki çatışma ve savaşların ilk yirmi yılı işlenmiştir. ABSTRACT The Middle East is a geographical region that has been the scene of several different events since the birth of human history. This is also important because the three semitas have the feature of becoming a center of religion. 19 century. A Jewish state was set up in Palestine with the foundations of Zionism in Europe. For the establishment of this state, the great powers supported the Jews and helped to secure intensive Jewish immigration from Europe to Palestine. The first twenty years of the conflicts and wars between the Arabs occupied by their lands and the Jews have been committed. GİRİŞ İnsanlık tarihi kadar eski olan Ortadoğu ve onun kalbi niteliğinde bulunan Filistin semavi dinlere merkez olmuştur. Semavi dinler buradan dünyanın değişik bölgelerine yayılmış ve tarihe bakıldığında gücü elinde bulunduranlar her zaman bu coğrafyaya hakim olmak istemişlerdir. Dünyada üzerindeki büyük çıkar çatışmaları ve savaşları bu topraklar üzerinde olmuş ve olmaya devam etmektedir. Osmanlı'nın çöküşünden sonra kangren olan Filistin sorunu, İsrail'in kurulması ve yerleşimci/işgalci politikalarını sürdürmesini tarihsel süreçte dört farklı döneme yayabiliriz: 1892'de Osmanlı Filistin'inde Yahudi yerleşimin başlaması, 1918'de Osmanlı

According to a frequently repeated story, during the early years of the Zionist movement a number of European Jews were sent to Palestine to investigate its suitability as a location for a Jewish state. They reported back, the story concludes, that "the bride is beautiful, but she is married to another man" — Palestine is an excellent land, but it belongs to others. While its details vary with the telling, the story's central point is often the same: already in the early years of the Zionist movement, Jews recognized that it would be unjust and immoral for them to try to claim Palestine; despite this awareness, the Zionists proceeded with their plans for Jewish statehood there; from the outset, therefore, the establishment of the state of Israel was an act of severe and willful injustice.

Some authors are unwilling to dispense with unsubstantiated stories, opting instead to put scholarly standards aside in their attempts to advance anti-Zionist arguments. One case in point is the “married to another man” fable. The potential anti-Zionist uses inherent in the ‘married to another man’ story are irresistible to many authors, despite the lack of a primary source or a historical basis for its retelling, and accounts for much of its popularity.

What is the relationship between Mizrahi feminism and Israeli ultranationalism? What is the relevance of gender justice activism to the 2014 Gaza War and Israel’s foreign policy?

Wrapped in the Flag of Israel Second Edition examines neoliberal bureaucracy in the Global South using feminist critical race theories. It interrogates the relationship between the State of Israel and its Mizrahi single mothers who are at the forefront of Mizrahi feminism. It also presents a model of bureaucracy as divine cosmology that preempts the agency of disenfranchised Mizrahim who are Israel’s demographic majority. Mizrahi protests fall flat when the Israel-Palestine conflict dominates the headlines. While most studies of neoliberal bureaucracy employ a Foucauldian or Marxian lens, this book illustrates how Israeli bureaucracy draws on a theological essence that fuses religion, gender, and race into the foundations of citizenship. It sets out to understand why Mizrahi mothers remain loyal to a state that injures them though its bureaucratic system.

The extensive Afterword to the Second Edition connects intra-Jewish racial and gendered dynamics to the 2014 Gaza War. It tracks sequences that began with social protest and ended with elections that bolstered Israel’s political right. In between came bloodletting between the IDF, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel’s neighboring Arab states. The 2014 Gaza War was a watershed, but not only in the Israel-Palestine conflict. Under the smokescreen of war, Israel accelerated neoliberal economic reform. The first victims of this restructuring were Mizrahi single mothers. Palestinians, however, would pay the highest price for Israel’s Mizrahi-Ashkenazi rift.

There are those in the World today who are trying to rewrite history and even erase history for their own evil intentions.

There is much written on Anti- Semitism; today there are those Zionists who wish Anti-Semitism to apply only to the Jewish people for their own benefit. And there are those who want to ensure that Anti-Zionism does not equate Anti–Judaism. The Zionists Extremists want to equate themselves to the Jewish people to hold onto their power and evil practices. They do not realize that the majority of the Jewish people are not Zionists.

I would like the people of the Earth to make their own informed decision about Anti-Semitism by finding the answers to the following questions. I have attached references that will allow them to make their own decisions.

Theodor Herzl (1860–1904) is credited for laying foundations of the political Zionism the aim of which was to be recognizable on the literal as well as visual level. As a result of this postulate Zionism promoted itself by means of various visual arts and viewed them as an important Zionist medium. In this way, the image of Herzl became an incarnation of Zionism and an expression of its ideas. His figure was a multilayered carrier showing the ideology's evolution and providing the point of departure for many motifs and iconographic themes employed by the movement. One of them is the so-called Messianic theme that can be derived from the Zionist projection of the leader's image. Although Herzl is not directly portrayed as Messiah, there are certain elements implied in his images that drove the development of his Messianic myth. Herzl's image, personality, politics and his ability to wake up the Jewish masses from a " deep slumber " by bringing up their " hidden powers, " all evoked associations with Messiah. Mythical and idealistic elements as well as emotions connected with this figure were mostly focused around the Messianic message.

Gershom Scholem in Deutschland
Zwischen Seelenverwandtschaft und Sprachlosigkeit
Hrsg. v. Gerold Necker, Elke Morlok u. Matthias Morgenstern

Die Biographie des in Berlin geborenen und ab 1923 in Jerusalem lebenden Kabbala-Forschers Gershom Gerhard Scholem ist von den Katastrophen und Umbrüchen des 20. Jahrhunderts geprägt. Im Horizont des für Scholem ambivalenten deutsch-jüdischen Verhältnisses nehmen die Autoren des Bandes seinen Werdegang im Kaiserreich und in der Weimarer Republik in den Blick sowie die Bedeutung, die er als israelischer Gesprächspartner für die Zeitgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland hatte. Die Beziehungen zu Walter Benjamin und Hannah Arendt, zu dem Theologen Otto Michel und dem Verleger Siegfried Unseld dokumentieren auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen Scholems Verbindung zu Deutschland, die ihn auch bei persönlicher Lyrik und sogar bei seiner wissenschaftlichen Prosa zur jüdischen Mystik begleitete.

Osmanlı Devleti’nin çözülme ve dağılma döneminde yaşanan savaşlar, katliamlar ve toplumun içine düştüğü ahlâkî bunalımlara bir asker olarak tanıklık eden Ömer Seyfettin, gerek düzyazıları, gerekse hikâyeleriyle Türk milletini içine düştüğü bu sosyal buhrandan kurtarmak ve millete yol göstererek tarih sahnesinden silinmesine engel olmaya çalışmış gerçek bir aydındır. Yunanistan, Bulgaristan, Sırbistan, Karadağ ile savaşılan bir dönemde, bir taraftan dış düşmanlarla uğraşılırken, bir taraftan da içerideki zararlı düşüncelerle de mücadele etmek gerekmektedir. Yazı, Türk milletinin tarih sahnesinden silinmek üzere olduğu bir dönemde, ‘dünya kardeşliği’ kisvesi altında Türk toplumunda masonluğu yaymaya çalışan kozmopolit aydınlar ve masonluk üzerine Ömer Seyfettin’in görüşlerini ele almaktadır.

In questo breve elaborato scritto, ho cercato di analizzare due delle tematiche proposte nell’opera curata da Gerardo Cunico,
"Attualità e prospettive del ‘principio speranza’": l’opera fondamentale di Ernst Bloch. Il testo in questione ci fornisce gli interventi di un convegno promosso dal Dipartimento di Filosofia dell’Università di Genova e dall’Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici,svoltisi nei giorni 27 e 28 febbraio 1995, nella Sala del Consiglio Provinciale di Palazzo Doria-Spinola. La prima riflessione prende spunto dall’intervento di Jürgen Moltmann (Amburgo, 8 aprile 1926),teologo luterano tedesco, che ha cercato di illustrare la tematica della speranza messianica nel pensiero blochiano. Il secondo intervento invece, proposto da Remo Bodei (Cagliari, 3 agosto 1938), filosofo italiano che frequentò le lezioni di Ernst Bloch, ci inserisce all’interno di quella logica del desiderio, che costituisce uno dei temi portanti della filosofia blochiana.

Una corona per Sion? Con questo titolo volutamente ambivalente la penna del giovane Kraus si chiede se un gesto umanitario possa e debba avere conseguenze politiche per le sorti degli ebrei europei. La sua disamina del sionismo politico è una delle più dissacranti descrizioni del nazionalismo ebraico e del suo fondatore: il “dandy” Theodor Herzl.

This draft chapter provides text-based evidence, drawn from publicly available documents, to enable Western readers to have possession of texts and commentary which some Muslims in the Middle East, or elsewhere, would say are important to understand Muslim resistance and opposition to the State of Israel.  From original German language texts written by the "Father of the State of Israel," to real historical problems with the so-called "Balfour Declaration," to manipulations by many Zionists up to, during, and after the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, to a virtually-unknown public Jewish-American Opposition of the formation of any Zionist State--published in the New York Times, with the text and names of these powerful American Jews standing up against Zionists IN the Wilson Government, this chapter has many elements of real historical important.  It is a rough draft, but it has many substantive areas of content.

When Hans Herzl, son of Theodor Herzl, converted to Christianity in 1924 and committed suicide in 1930, he challenged the boundaries of the Zionist movement. Zionist responses to Hans's conversion and suicide reveal underlying and conflicting assumptions regarding the religious, cultural, and ethnic boundaries of Jewish nationalism, both in the 1920s and 1930s, as well as in future Israeli state policy. This article traces responses in the press and among leadership of the World Zionist Organization to Hans's conversion, as well as subsequent reactions to his suicide. To some, Hans's anomalous life threatened Jewish unity and the Zionist movement; to others, Hans deserved not only a biography but a meaningful place in Zionist discourse. These conflicting definitions and priorities of Zionism in the 1920s and 1930s resurface within the legal and bureaucratic institutions of Israeli statehood, particularly in the 1962 Supreme Court case Rufeisen v. Ministry of the Interior.

The paper focuses on an iconographic analysis of a 1908 portrait of Theodor Herzl by Leopold Pilichowski. The author draws on the context of zionist interpretation, which consisted in the negation of the diaspora and utilised the representation of Ahasverus, as an archetype of the so-called pejorative image of a ghetto Jew. Herzl's portrait was to be a platform response to that negative visual domain and a guideline for the new Zionist ideals

Meine Sicht als unabhängiger Christ.
Inhaltsverzeichnis:
1. Zionismus und Antizionismus.
  a) Politischer Zionismus.
  b) Neo-Zionismus.
  c) Religiöser Zionismus kabbalistischer Tradition: Osteuropäischer Chabad-Chassidismus schlägt orthodoxen Antizionismus der talmudischen Tradition („Drei Eide“).
  1. Exkurs: Talmudisch-kabbalistische Auserwählungsreligion und Anti-Nonsemitismus.
2. „Evangelikal“.
  a) Historisch-evangelikales Christentum.
  b) Evangelikaler Zionismus und seine Abkehr vom reformatorischen Erbe.
  2. Exkurs: Wie der Staat Israel die Aufklärung seiner Kriegsverbrechen von 1948 behindert – eine Chronologie.
Fazit.
Nachtrag.
(2020-10-20)

The early history of the Zionist movement reflects many of the concerns that continue today in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. The British made a prothe early history of the Zionist movement reflects many of the concerns that continue today in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. The British made a promise to establish a “National home” for the Jews in Palestine with the Balfour Declaration during World War One based on the historic claim of the Jews in Diaspora to the Biblical kingdoms of Israel and Judah and the persecution of the Jews in Europe. That promise was fulfilled under the mandate to Palestine that Britain obtained under the League of Nations. While the mandate only promised a Jewish “National home” in Palestine under an advisory Jewish agency, the Zionists had wanted a Jewish state. Furthermore, the mandate required that the Arab residents of Palestine be guaranteed equal civil and political rights. Nevertheless, the Palestinian Arabs never agreed to the mandate.

Britain had also promised its Arab allies during World War One, namely, the Hashemites, to support their struggle for independence from the Ottomans. Under the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement, Britain and France decided to divide the Middle East between themselves, with France obtaining a sphere of influence in northern Syria (including Syria, Palestine, Lebanon,  today) and the British in Mesopotamia (Iraq, today) and Jordan, today. The French agreed to cede the mandate to Palestine to the British in return for their support of the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France. When the Hashemite Emir Feisal was removed from power in Syria by the French, the British rewarded him with the Kingdom of Iraq, and they confirmed his brother, Abdullah I, as the ruler of Transjordan, which comprised the land east of the Jordan River and west of the Euphrates.

Today, there are Israelis who argue correctly that Jordan originally was part of the Palestine Mandate, and therefore included in the Jewish “National home.” They note that Palestine was divided once (separating Transjordan from Palestine) and then again (by the partition of the Holy Land between Palestinians and the Jewish State after World War Two). Thus, they argue, Jordan today should be considered the Palestinian state, especially in light of the fact that now the majority of the population of Jordan is Palestinian. However, the British confirmed the conquest of region by Hashemite Saudi Abdullah I and confirmed him as the King of Transjordan. His grandson, King Hussein, who married an American, made a strategic alliance with the West during the Cold War; and King Hussein’s son, King Abdullah II, the current ruler of Jordan, made a strategic marriage to a Palestinian woman. Thus, the Hashemite family is firmly entrenched as the Jordanian monarchy.

While the argument for the Israeli occupation of the West Bank today is for security reasons, there are historical precedents for a single, state solution to the conflict. There are those in Israeli who want to see a continuation of the status-quo, because they know that throughout the history of Zionism the problem has always been how can Israel claim to be a democratic state, when the majority of the population was or will become Arab. The real problem, however, is how can one people claim that to be chosen by God to possess the Promised Land that is holy to three religions.

In​ ​ recent​ ​ years,​ ​ community​ ​ land​ ​ trusts​ ​ (CLTs)​ ​ have​ ​ come​ ​ to​ ​ the​ ​ fore​ ​ of​ ​ the affordable​ ​ housing​ ​ debate​ ​ as​ ​ a​ ​ mechanism​ ​ to​ ​ combat​ ​ the​ ​ excesses​ ​ of​ ​ the​ ​ speculative housing​ ​ market.​ ​ While​ ​ it​ ​ may​ ​ seem​ ​ like​ ​ the​ ​ CLT​ ​ ​ ​ is​ ​ a​ ​ recently​ ​ constructed​ ​ alternative, the​ ​ debate​ ​ between​ ​ the​ ​ ​ stewardship​ ​ ​ of​ ​ land​ ​ versus​ ​ the​ ​ ​ private​ ​ ownership​ ​ ​ of​ ​ land​ ​ has existed​ ​ in​ ​ America​ ​ since​ ​ pre-colonial​ ​ times,​ ​ dating​ ​ back​ ​ to​ ​ Native​ ​ American​ ​ settlements. Although​ ​ private​ ​ land​ ​ ownership​ ​ is​ ​ the​ ​ norm,​ ​ this​ ​ paper​ ​ serves​ ​ to​ ​ re-contextualize​ ​ the struggle​ ​ for​ ​ collective​ ​ land​ ​ stewardship​ ​ as​ ​ a​ ​ model​ ​ whose​ ​ history​ ​ is​ ​ as​ ​ old​ ​ as​ ​ private land​ ​ ownership.

Bu çalışmada, Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri ışığında 1880-1922 yılları arasında
Siyonist hareketin yönlendirdiği Yahudilerin Filistin topraklarına yerleşme çabaları ve
Osmanlı Devleti’nin bu yerleşme çabalarına karşı aldığı tedbirler ele alınmıştır.
Araştırmaya ön hazırlık olması bakımından yeterli düzeyde literatür ve arşiv
taraması yapılmıştır. Giriş bölümünde tezin araştırma yöntemleri hakkında bilgi
verilmiştir. Birinci bölümde Yahudilerin Osmanlı Devleti’ne göç etmeden önce
yeryüzünde dağınık halde bulunan nüfus oranları tespit edilmiş, belirtilen zaman aralığı
itibariyle Osmanlı Devleti’ndeki sosyal statüleri ve Filistin bölgesine gerçekleştirdikleri
tarihin akışını değiştiren büyük göçün boyutları konu edilmiştir. Daha sonra neden Filistin
bölgesine yerleşmeyi amaçladıklarının anlaşılabilmesi için Yahudilerin “Vaat Edilmiş
Topraklar ve Seçilmişlik” inançları ele alınarak, Siyonist ideoloji ile Yahudi inancının bu
kavramları nasıl yorumladığı araştırılmıştır. Tezin asıl konusunu oluşturan ikinci bölümde
Yahudilerin Filistin’e sahip olmak için ortaya koyduğu faaliyetler ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin
bunu engellemek amacıyla aldığı önlemler irdelenmiştir.
Eserin sonuç bölümünde genel bir değerlendirme yapılmış, ekler bölümünde
belirtilen zaman aralığında göçlerle sürekli olarak artan Yahudi nüfus oranlarını ortaya
koyan tablolara ve Yahudi tarihi ile Siyonist yerleşimlerin tasvir edildiği haritalara yer
verilmiştir.

Israeli history textbooks published since 1948 dwell at length on the Ottoman government’s relations with the Zionists and its policies toward the Palestinian Jews. Explaining the Ottomans’ opposition to Jewish settlement in Palestine, the textbooks acknowledge their concern that a non-Muslim majority could emerge there to demand autonomy or independence, as had happened earlier in the Balkans. However, they sharply criticize the wartime policies of Jamal Pasha against the Jewish community in Palestine. Although they concede that the majority of the community remained loyal to the Ottoman government, they mainly attribute this to their fears of a harsh retaliation from the part of the government. In contrast, they consider the pro-British activities of Nili and the Hebrew Battalions as the right kind of investment for the future of the community.

In the summer of 1904 Theodor Herzl died of a pre-existing heart condition after a severe quarrel over the geographic destination of Jewish mass emigration;  an emigration that, according to his plans, would finally lead to the foundation of a modern Jewish state. In the same summer of 1904 Franz Kafka, then a student of law at Charles University in Prague, bought and obviously read very closely the new Czech edition of a book that the Czech national leader and later President of the Czechoslovakian Republic, Thomas Garrigue Masaryk, had first published in 1881, in German: Der Selbstmord als sociale Massenerscheinung der modernen Civilisation.  Here Masaryk offered both a diagnosis and a therapy for what he called in the rhetoric of his day the "sickness of our century".  The decay of morals and increase of semi-education in an ever more complex modern world could only be healed by a new religion, combining the most suitable elements of protestantism and catholicism. Until the invention of such a remedy, Masaryk warned, one would have to deal with the statistical symptoms of the disease: mass emigration and suicide, the latter comprising “those anomalous kinds of death brought about by an unintentional interference of the subject with his life process, whether by positive, active self-participation or a negative, passive attitude towards the dangers of life. In this sense, for example, the suicide is one who meets a premature death through an immoral or imprudent life […]".  In this very summer of 1904, when the fate of one national leader in the Hapsburg ‘Völkerkerker’ seemed to fulfill with disquieting precision the prognosis of another such leader, Franz Kafka began to fulfill his fate, a fate that would again lead to premature death: He started writing.
In my paper, in dealing with the concept of leadership in Herzl, Masaryk, and Kafka I am not aiming at a final ethical judgement based on the easily available wisdom of the posthumous observer. Rather, I would like to explore the discursive potential of a notion so deeply entangled in the catastrophe of the 20th century as it existed in the last two decades before that catastrophe, and at its very verge.

La plupart des historiens considèrent la nomination d'Herzl au poste de correspondant de [la] Neue Freie Presse à Paris en automne 1891 comme le sommet de sa carrière d'intellectuel et d'homme de plume. Sa rapide ascension au firmament des « célébrités» viennoises est stupéfiante. Herzl, juriste estimé, journaliste admiré, dramaturge dont les pièces sont présentées sur la scène du «Burgtheater» légendaire est un hôte bienvenu et bien vu dans tous les milieux de la haute société de la capitale de l'Autriche-Hongrie, même ceux des antisémites. Son aspect extérieur lui vaut un charisme envoûtant, quasi irrésistible. En outre, c'est un homme qui sait «se ranger». Fraîchement marié, installé dans un appartement viennois chic avec Julie Naschauer, sa jolie épouse, beaucoup plus jeune que lui et bien dotée, il devient peu après le mariage (qui a lieu en 1889 1 ), l'heureux père de Pauline (1890), puis de Hans (1891), ses deux premiers enfants 2 ", Ses amis, ses proches, sa mère surtout, ont donc de bonnes raisons d'être fiers des succès de ce jeune trentenaire. Toutefois l'état réel des choses ne correspond point du tout à ces belles apparences. La nomination inespérée de Herzl en 1891 au poste de correspondant du quotidien prestigieux [la] Neue Freie Presse à Paris est pour lui «une solution miracle» qui le sauve in extremis de grands soucis financiers et familiaux. Herzl qui traverse aussitôt après son mariage une grave crise personnelle, est à bout de forces, il sent approcher une catastrophe. Quelles furent les causes de cette défaillance? Tout ce dont les parents de Herzl étaient si fiers se défait en lui. Sa carrière de dramaturge d'abord: enfant gâté et privilégié de la Thalie autrichienne, Herzl voit à partir du début des années quatre-vingt-dix ses pièces refusées même par les théâtres de deuxième ou de troisième ordre 3 . Qui pis est, il se rend compte qu'il manque d'un vrai talent pour devenir un grand homme de théâtre ; lucide, mais non sans amertume, il constate dans sa lettre du 29 février 1892 à Arthur Schnitzler: « J'en ai fini avec le théâtre. Mon expérience en ce domaine fut mauvaise voire stupide. Celles de mes pièces que j'estime le plus et auxquelles j'ai tâché de donner une forme artistique n'ont pas du tout été remarquées ... Quand je pense -ce qui m'arrive d'ailleurs rarement -à ma place dans la littérature allemande, je ne peux que me moquer de moi-même» (K4994 4 ). Il s'avère aussi que ses études de droit ne lui avaient pas permis de s'établir et ne lui garantissaient aucune sécurité matérielle; Herzl ne jouissait ni d'un poste rémunéré, ni du statut d'avocat professionnel. Il vivait tant bien que mal du revenu d'articles occasionnels et aucune perspective plus prometteuse ne semblait poindre à l'horizon. 1 Sur le mariage de

Only a relatively few historians acknowledge just how close Britain came to losing the First World War. Although heavy loss of young lives in the stalemated land war on French territory dissipated national strength and morale, Britain's fate, ominous for a certain period of time, was dependent on the development of the war on the high seas. This was not related to a diminution in the formidable power of Britain's navy which had imperiously ruled the waves since the time of Lord Nelson's victory at the Battle of Trafalgar.

"My paper examines the early history of Zionist thought and practice. To that end, it looks at the role of Theodor Herzl, someone widely considered the founding father of Zionism, in formulating and reifying Zionist thought into a functioning political movement.

I discuss the important historical steps in Herzl’s work and the eventual popularisation of the then nascent movement for a Jewish homland. The latter was mainly a result of Herzl’s pamphlet, The Jewish State, published in 1896, which for the first time brought the idea of a Jewish homeland into the consciousness of the wider public.

This publication will also be scrutinised given its historical importance, and it will be placed within its proper historical context; one of colonialism and Orientalism. By extension, we can then see that from its inception, the Zionist Movement, despite its apparent humanitarian motives, was a deeply flawed enterprise that was reliant on colonialist and Orientalist thought."

This paper explores Theodor Herzl’s – founder of the Zionist Organization and shaper of the political Zionist movement – understanding of social elites and their role in society, especially with regards to creating (or avoiding) social and political change. The paper follows Herzl’s different perceptions of elites and their relation to society, trying to trace the way that led him from an ideal of an aristocratic republic to his later democratic ideal, penned near the end of his life. The paper’s main argument is that for Herzl, creating a utopia, i.e. an ideal polity, effectively meant shaping a new understanding of the elite’s position in society. Even though in his imagined future polity the elites still govern – and even still govern with an aristocratic air – their relationship with society is changed, shifting from an outsider’s position to a socially and morally engaged position, which would form their public legitimacy and source of power. For Herzl, it is only through a politically and socially engaged governing elite that change could be possible.

Enzo Traverso zufolge habe das Judentum mit der Etablierung Israels eine konservative Wende durchgemacht. Denn Israel selbst habe „die ‚Judenfrage‘ wieder erfunden“, während die Juden nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in den liberalen Demokratien zu einer anerkannten und beschützten Minderheit wurden. Was nützt es den Juden in Europa heute, „anerkannt“ zu sein, wenn sie dennoch Opfer von Gewalttaten werden und das in letzter Zeit immer häufiger. Zuletzt wurde am 23. März 2018 in Paris Mireille Knoll brutal ermordet, weil sie Jüdin war. Am 28. März 2018 wurde in St. Petersburg Mikhail Verevskoy totgeprügelt, weil er Jude war. Traverso gibt zwar zu, dass es auch heute noch Judenfeindlichkeit gebe, behauptet aber, dass sich diese aus dem israelisch-palästinensischen Konflikt speise. In dieser, der Opfer-Täter-Umkehr verpflichteten, Rationalisierung zeigt sich der ganze Abgrund des Post-Zionismus. Man will nicht wahrhaben oder verleugnet gar explizit, was bereits Pinsker hellsichtig bemerkt hatte: Der Antisemitismus ist ein Wahn, der sich weder vernünftig begründen noch durch Argumente wirksam bekämpfen lässt. Das gilt – auch wenn sich der Antisemitismus seit dem 19. Jahrhundert fortentwickelt hat – bis heute. Für den Antisemiten und seine Projektion ist es egal, wie sich sein Opfer tatsächlich verhält. Er findet sein Ziel weiterhin.

Har Herzl was conceived with explicit political goals as to its role in fomenting a burgeoning national identity and establishing a sweeping national narrative. This national identity was based largely on collective memory and self-sacrifice, and a narrative that strove to connect symbolic themes from pre-state Zionist aspirations, the catastrophe of the Holocaust, and the ultimate redemption represented by the State’s founding. This identity and narrative must be understood as central to the development of Zionist/Israeli civil religion.

Furthermore, the site’s meaning is not statically confined to the historical; its narrative continues to be in dialogue with contemporary Israeli nationalist sentiments, responding and adapting to the sitz im leben of Israelis. Beyond the geographical borders of the State itself, Har Herzl has evolved to play a central role in the Jewish identity formation of young diaspora Jews, as a key educational component of pilgrimage tours.

Har Herzl must be understood to be dynamic and responsive, playing an active role in the civil religion, nationalist identity, and collective memory of both Israeli and Diaspora Jews.

No one knew what to make of Herzl’s play The New Ghetto.
Suffice it to say it’s been staged only once. Yet some claim that,
rather than the Dreyfus trial, it was this immortalization of a
long-forgotten duel between a French aristocrat and a Jewish
engineer that propelled Herzl from assimilationism to Zionism.

On sait très peu de Jacques Bahar, ce journaliste qui, en août 1897,
au lendemain du premier congrès de Bâle, écrit cette merveilleuse et
prophétique parodie, publiée en mars 1898, il y a exactement cent vingt
ans, dans le journal Le Siècle.

E n 1896, L'État juif, le texte le plus connu d'Herzl, ne concerne que le peuple juif. Le but du manifeste est de montrer la nécessité absolue de l'immigration massive des Juifs de la Diaspora et de prévoir, point par point, la manière dont cette immigration se déroulera. Mais Herzl termine son texte en montrant la dimension mondiale du retour des Juifs dans leur patrie : Le monde sera libéré par notre liberté, enrichi de notre richesse, agrandi de notre grandeur. Et ce que nous tenterons là-bas pour notre propre prospérité aura des effets puissants et heureux pour le bien-être de l'humanité tout entière 1 .

The article deals with two different approaches to the Zionist enterprise that clearly dominated nearly all of the stages of its development: viewing any envisioned return of the Jews to the Land of Israel through a traditional redemptionist prism and a novel perception seeking refuge for a persecuted people. Though the historical schism and the ideological gap between both perceptions are obvious, I try to demonstrate that in terms of real-life ideologies they at times worked hand in hand. The refuge position was neither the exclusive domain of secular Zionists, nor was its redemptionist counterpart limited to the proponents of religious Zionism. Sometimes both positions are echoed by one and the same person. Furthermore, an intermediate position is presented and the reasons for its meager success are scrutinized. The main protagonists here are Herzl, Rabbi Kook, Rabbi Reines, and Ahad Ha'am.