Sociology of Racial and Ethnic Relations

Este capítulo, del libro "Las Caras y Taras del Racismo (Plural, 2018), explora las diferencias creadas por los procesos de autoafirmación y personificación en La Paz, Bolivia, que parten de las categorías analíticas de la etnicidad y las relaciones raciales, en las que “las disposiciones externas e internas (de los sujetos) se acentúan a partir de los grados de su subsistencia” (Simmel, 2017), producto de la reñida competencia entre los grupos autoafirmados y personificados de “q’aras” y “t’aras”. Se explora, asimismo, estas categorías analíticas, desde la construcción primaria de la aversión y la hostilidad raciales en la interacción rutinaria, hasta la justificación racional de la heterofobia en la política. Asimismo, se proveen proposiciones y categorías analíticas de la racialidad y las relaciones raciales, y de la etnicidad y los grupos étnicos, presentando los resultados de la encuesta ELCR 2017, para explicar los procesos de segregación y discriminación en los órdenes individual e interaccional de la sociedad boliviana.

Somalia is generally thought of as a homogenous society, with a common Arabic ancestry, a shared culture of nomadism and one Somali mother tongue. This study challenges this myth. Using the Jareer/Bantu as a case study, the book shows how the Negroid physical features of this ethnic group has become the basis for ethnic marginalization, stigma, social exclusion and apartheid in Somalia. The book is another contribution to the recent deconstruction of the perceived Somali homogeneity and self-same assertions. It argues that the Somalis, just like most societies, employ multiple levels of social and ethnic distinctions, one of which is the Jareer versus Jileec divide. Dr. Eno successfully portrays another Somalia, in which a mythical homogeneity masks the oppression and social exclusion suffered by some ethnic groups in the country

„That’s all we have.” Religion and Churches in the post-socialist Transylvania
In the book I present the religiosity, the religious life and the organizational framework of religion in the case of the Hungarian minority from Romania, in other words the religious field of the Hungarian community from Transilvania. On the one hand, the book is a cross sectional presentation of the current situation, but on the other hand it was inevitable the discussion of the
processes that led to the presented circumstantes. The analyzes that make up this volume have been divided into six chapters. In the first two I present the changes in the institutional embeddedness of religion after the collapse of the communist regime. Thus, this is a systemic analysis focusing on large historical churches, in which I examine the changes in the systemic presence
of religion as a subsystem, and the systemic functions and role of Hungarian minority churches in social organization. In the third chapter I analyze the
characteristics and processes of individual-level religiosity with the help of sociological surveys representative for the Hungarian population of Transylvania. The fourth and fifth chapters presents less-known, „marginal” actors of that religious field, the evangelical churches and the internal religious movements of the historical churches. In the last chapter the territorial distribuition of eight Romanian churches are shown.

Although scholars of Somali Studies have engaged themselves in examining the Somali society from several perspectives, colonial and early Somali writers mainly observed the Somali people as homogenous, egalitarian and nomadic pastoral. Themes on multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, and linguistic diversity were ignored as topics that sully the myth of the selfsame ideology colorfully embroidered in the official historiography. The notion also deluded pioneering Somali scholars from critically studying their people and analyzing colonial writing; at least not beyond the western scholars' knowledge boundary. Accordingly, the Horn of Africa was exemplified as a unique African nation where citizens enjoy equality and share an all-in-one identity: culturally, ethnically, historically, and linguistically. Contrary to that notion, though, the everyday social situation makes the primordial ideology of selfsameness unsustainable. To establish the evidence, this essay discusses about how the Bantu Jareer agrarian community, a section among the different groups of subalterns in the country, views its environment and social space within the boundary of deeply offensive segregation by an extremely suppressive Somali society.

The paper is based on field research conducted among Tanzanian and Zambian university students. Its immediate aim was to find out their attitude to the colonialism-born non-African (European and South Asian) minorities. The evidence gives reason to argue that the level of tolerance among Zambian students is higher than among Tanzanian. The most significant reasons for that are those related to the two countries’ history since the pre-colonial time, the memory of it, and this memory’s use and abuse by the post-colonial states. The greatest difference between the two cases lies in the existence since pre-colonial time of the Swahili culture and language at minimal number of expansionist centralized polities as the background for autochthonous peoples’ unity in Tanzania and lack of such a background till colonial period in Zambia. The Tanzanian situation is generally exceptional for Africa, while Zambian is typical. The theories based on the European historical experience prompt that Tanzania has better prospects for nation-building. However, we admit that in the wake of multiculturalism and profound shift in comprehension of nation as social reality in contemporary world, Zambia’s position can be even more favorable for multicultural nation-building and creation of the postcolonial nation-state than that of Tanzania.

Oftentimes hailed as a unique model of post­racial society (i.e. the so­called 'racial democracy'), the Brazilian elite has an enduring resistance to acknowledging the existence and the pernicious effects of racism in shaping the country's contemporary social relations.

Cet article propose de comprendre le fondement des idées orientant des personnes noires habitant des pays anciennement colonisés par les Européens et les anciennes métropoles multiraciales européennes à pratiquer le « blanchiment » de la peau à travers des produits considérés comme toxiques par les professionnel.le. s de la santé. Ainsi, nous analyserons des propagandes publicitaires faites pour la commercialisation de ce type de produits, tout en faisant appel à des textes mettant en exergue la colonisation, l'esclavage, la question de la beauté. Sans ignorer les aspects chimiques ou médicaux de la toxicité des produits utilisés, nous soutenons la thèse selon laquelle l'idée colonialiste qui pousse les gens à se « blanchir » est plus toxique que les produits éclaircissants utilisés. Mots-clés : Colonisation, esclavage, idée toxique, blanchiment de la peau, beauté.

The changes since the breakup of the USSR have impacted African migrants' social composition, as well as their strategies and forms of adaptation and integration in the capital city of Moscow. In this study, we discuss the factors influencing the choices of African migrants, related to their background as Africans and to their perceptions of the receiving society. We distinguish between two social groups of African migrants and argue that while one group seeks integration into the Russian society, the other limits itself to mere adaptation to life in Moscow.

O objetivo principal da presente pesquisa residiu na investigação da freqüência e formas de representações sociais de indivíduos afro-descendentes em anúncios publicitários ao longo de um recorte temporal de 38 anos. Por intermédio da técnica de análise de conteúdo, foram analisadas 1.279 propagandas presentes em 76 exemplares de 06 revistas de grande circulação nacional (Veja, O Cruzeiro, Exame, Pequenas Empresas Grandes Negócios, Cláudia e Nova).

Günümüzdeki Türkistan (Şincang) Uygurları ile aynı kökten gelen, fakat dini inançtaki farklılıktan dolayı sürekli ayrışan Sarı Uygurlar, 1980’lere kadar hemen hemen Müslüman Uygurları bilmemekte ve ya iletişim kurmamakta idiler. Sarı Uygur bölgesinde yapmış olduğumuz saha çalışması sonucunda, Sarı Uygurların Şincang Uygurlarına yönelik tutumlarının olumlu ve müspet olduğu gözlemlenmiş, dini duygularının zayıflaması ve hızlanan Çinlileşme karşısında, Müslüman Uygur toplumuna karşı imrenme, kültürel olarak kendini yakın hissetme duygu ve tutumu içinde oldukları gözlenmiştir. Ayrıca, Sarı Uygur aydınlarında kendi kültürü ve dilini korumak için Şincang Uygurlarının dilinden ödünçleme aldıkları, bazı yemek kültürünü benimsedikleri bizzat gözlenmiştir.

Daha önce Yughur Culture dergisinde basılmış olan ilgili makale işbu Mülliyet Araştırmaları Külliyatı'nda tekrar basılmıştır.

Immigration is the result of a complex and fluid interaction between economics and politics; between demands of the job market and ethnicity; between education and religion; between professional skills and age; and between poverty and mobility. Morality means the standards against which immigration, its acceptance and rejection, might be judged. Is it right or wrong to emigrate? Is it right or wrong to accept or reject immigrants? Reflecting the diversity of history and geography, and the inequality of people and places, such standards don’t exist. There is nothing moral when forces of push and pull produce a demographic match, but there is nothing immoral when they do not. In the world, divided between states, state expediency takes the place of morality.

The aim of the present study lays in the investigation of the frequency and forms of social representations of afro-descendant individuals' advertisements along a time frame of 38 years. Through the content analysis technique, it was analyzed 1,279 advertisements out from 76 issues of 06 nationwide large circulation publications – <em>Veja, O Cruzeiro, Exame, Pequenas Empresas Grandes Negócios, Cláudia e Nova</em>. Among the study's main results it can be highlighted that the average frequency of those individuals on pieces of advertisements has reached 4.2% along the 38 years period, whereas Caucasian individuals represent 94.55% out from 2,312 characters identified on the advertisements analyzed. The remaining 1.25% comprises other minority ethnic groups. Therefore, it is possible to notice a picture of high asymmetry among the ethnic groups in the context of advertisements – taking into account that 45.01% of the Brazilian population is made up of afro-descend...

En mayo de 2020, durante el gobierno interino de Jeanine Áñez, el ministro de Minería Fernando Vásquez dijo en una entrevista que no cumplía las especificaciones de identidad mínimas para ser militante del Movimiento al Socialismo (mas), pues tenía «los ojos verdes y la tez blanca» 1. El arrebatado comentario resultó de una pregunta periodística que le endosaba un pasado masista. Y es que el pasajero gobierno de Áñez pretendía diferenciarse del partido de Evo Morales incluso, o sobre todo, desde el imaginario racial. Paradójicamente, el despropósito de las declaraciones del ministro le valió más críticas por «creerse blanco»-cuando en teoría no lo era-que por ser «políticamente incorrecto». Y Rafael Loayza Bueno: es comunicador social y sociólogo especialista en etnicidad, racismo y socialización política.

В статье анализируются основные методологические и концептуальные возможности, которые предоставляет неоинституционализм для изучения этносоциальных процессов в современном мире. Рассматривая социоло-гическую историю формирования неоинституционализма в социальных науках, автор подчеркивает большой ме-тодологический и эвристический потенциал этого подхо-да в изучении этногенеза и этноконфликтов. Ключевые слова: этносоциология, методология, этнич-ность, метод, идентичность. In the article the main methodological and conceptual opportunities which the Neo-institutionalism provides for contemporary ethnic social studies in the modern world are analyzed. Considering the sociological history of the Neo-institutionalism formation in social sciences the author emphasizes the main methodological and heuristic potential of the approach in ethnogenesis and ethnic conflict studies.

My wife raised a great deal of money, and her dean tried to appropriate it (...).  She did an end-run around the dean and conspired with her department chair to create a department-based colloquium.  It was pretty high-fallutin' originally; the subsequent chairs let it drop in quality.  Anyway, this paper was for the first of these sessions, on the problems of race -- appropriate both to the department (Modern Languages) and the college (then and now mostly black, brown and yelllow -- but with heavily white, heavily Jewish instructional staff...).

In order to level the playing field for minorities, affirmative action is a policy formed out of the necessity to create equal opportunities for minorities of an education, within their jobs or when seeking employment opportunities. This topic of racism in the workplace has been much debated, yet is still very prevalent in today’s workplaces. This paper discusses the construct of racial inequality by discusses the effects of racial discrimination in the workplace.