Russian and Soviet History

Аннотация. Анализируется оправданность использования понятия «незавершенный проект» в применении к советской градостроительной практике 1920-1930-х гг. Обращаясь к опыту социалистических городов, автор показывает, что сама попытка оценки процесса их строительства в жесткой нормативной логике «соответствия плану» оказывается малопродуктивной. Это объясняется тем, что проектирование большинства новых поселений в Советском Союзе на рубеже 1920-1930-х гг. осуществлялось при постоянной смене установок и корректировке градостроительных стандартов, что приводило к появлению многочисленных промежуточных «планов» и «проектов», определявшихся ситуативными факторами строительного процесса -имеющейся ресурсной базой, организационными условиями и пр. В таком контексте понятие незавершенности оказывается формальной характеристикой строительного процесса, пытающейся зафиксировать степень реализации градостроительного проекта в отсутствие четких критериев его оценки. Более того, использование понятия незавершенности в нормативном ключе мешает разглядеть уникальность и своеобразие регионального опыта советского градостроительства, дающего многочисленные примеры появления оригинальных градостроительных решений в результате работы архитекторов в экстремальных условиях и вынужденного использования нестандартных приемов и технологий. Автор полагает, что такая ситуация является следствием утверждения в публичном дискурсе нарратива «нереализованной утопии», рассматривающего советскую архитектурную традицию в символических категориях «невоплощенного проекта» и «несостоявшегося будущего». В его рамках незавершенность оказывается не столько аналитической характеристикой и четким критерием оценки, сколько метафорой и фигурой речи, которая формирует особый ракурс восприятия советского архитектурного опыта и влияет на характер и направленность его анализа.

Im Zentrum des Beitrages steht die Analyse der Kategorie des „Vertrauens der Partei“ in der Etablierung der sowjetischen Subjektivitäten im frühen Sowjetrussland. Basierend auf den verschiedenen Typen von Bittschriften der BürgerInnen an die Partei- und Staatsautoritäten werden die Techniken des autobiographischen Schreibens in die Prozesse der bolschewistischen Persönlichkeits-, Staats- und Gesellschaftsbildung eingebettet. Der Autor zeigt, wie das „Vertrauen der Partei“ moralisiert und materialisiert, personifiziert und beglaubigt, visualisiert und geschlechtsspezifisch definiert wurde. Insbesondere während des Großen Terrors wurde es zum alltäglichen Kampfbegriff, um über das Leben und den Tod einer Person zu entscheiden.

Bushuev A.S., Tagirov I.R. Politicheskoe razvitie postsovetskogo Tatarstana: ot sovetskoy avtonomii k sovremennoy modeli [Political development of the post-Soviet Tatarstan: from Soviet autonomy to the modern model]. IN: Gasyrlar avazy – Eho vekov, 2020, no. 4, pp. 6-21.

В статье исследовано политическое развитие Республики Татарстан в период от принятия Декларации о государственном суверенитете 30 августа 1990 г. до заключения 15 февраля 1994 г. двустороннего договора с Российской Федерацией о разграничении предметов ведения и взаимном делегировании полномочий. В работе не только подробно рассмотрены внутренние процессы, происходившие в самой республике в этот сложный исторический период, но впервые показано влияние общероссийских тенденций и процессов федеративного строительства и становления новой российской государственности на развитие региона. Авторами определена роль института президентства в стабилизации политического поля в республике и характер взаимодействия различных общественных сил с республиканской властью. Подробно рассмотрен ход конституционного строительства в Республике Татарстан, показано значение этого процесса для законодательного оформления суверенного статуса и нахождения оптимальной модели взаимодействия различных политических сил, власти и общества. Охарактеризована динамика переговорного процесса с Российской Федерацией. Установлено, что переговорный процесс, начавшись с попытки Татарской АССР повысить свой статус до уровня союзной республики в ходе подготовки нового Союзного договора в 1990 г., завершился заключением двустороннего договора с федеральным центром в 1994 г., что способствовало не только снятию напряженности в двусторонних взаимоотношениях, но и уходу от внеполитических методов решения конфликтов при взаимодействии центра с другими регионами страны. Показано, как заключение Договора 1994 г. и иных межправительственных соглашений способствовало успешному социально-экономическому развитию республики в последующий период.

The article examines the political development of the Republic of Tatarstan during the period from the adoption of the Declaration of State Sovereignty on August 30, 1990, to the conclusion of a bilateral agreement with the Russian Federation on February 15, 1994, on the division of jurisdictions and delegation of powers. The paper examines in detail the internal processes that took place in the Republic during this difficult historical period, and for the first time, it shows the influence of the all-Russian tendencies and processes of the federalism construction and the establishment of a new Russian statehood on the development of the region. The authors determined the role of the institution of the presidency in stabilizing the political field in the Republic and the nature of the interaction between various social forces and the Republican authorities. The course of the constitutional construction in the Republic of Tatarstan is considered in detail, the significance of the legislative registration processing of the sovereignty status and finding an optimal model of interaction of various political forces, authorities and society are shown. The dynamics of the negotiation process with the Russian Federation is characterized. It is established that the negotiation process, which began with an attempt of the Tatar ASSR to raise its status to the level of the Union republic during the preparation of the new Union Treaty in 1990, ended up with the conclusion of the bilateral treaty with the Federal Center in 1994, which contributed to the relaxation of tension in bilateral relations and avoiding non-political methods of resolving conflicts during the centre’s interaction with other regions of the country. It is shown how the conclusion of the 1994 Treaty and other intergovernmental agreements contributed to the successful social and economic development of the Republic in the subsequent period.

The article discusses the phenomenon of slavery from the point of view of social anthropology. Here, the slave appears as a person who has lost his/her right to autonomous social self-representation and, correspondingly, to forging any kind
of social relationships beyond the will of the master, i.e. the person who has seized and appropriated this right from the slave. Mikhailin also looks at the network of social connections and hierarchies that give rise to marginal and inferior social statuses (including that of the slave) and which create the perspective (of the slave-owner) necessary for even talking about “marginality” and “inferiority.” The social-anthropological approach to slavery illustrates Mikhailin’s study of the Russian serf and of the social and intellectual consequences of serfdom in the later nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Contemporaries and historians of the Russian revolutions have often made a great deal of the Jewish role in the events of 1917. In late 1917, for instance, it was commonplace to assert that the Bolsheviks were simply part of a Jewish conspiracy. This paper takes a look at the various Russian perspectives on the revolution and its Jewish aspects, focusing in particular on the views of leading intellectuals, writers and politicians, such as S.M. Dubnov, Maxim Gorkii and Aleksandr Blok. It reveals that attitudes were not always straightforward, even amongst the liberal elements of the intelligentsia.

This article examines the nature of Soviet consumption and technological development through the history of milk and milk packaging between the 1950s and 1970s. Based on published and archival materials, the paper focuses on the role that milk played in Soviet nutrition and the role that packaging played in Soviet consumption. The article also examines the modernization of technology for making packaging as well as technology transfer from the West. It concludes that, as in many Western countries , both the Soviet state and Soviet specialists saw it as important to increase the consumption of milk after the war, but the meaning of milk changed. Milk, a basic staple for nutrition, became a matter of science and specialists sought to explain its positive effects. In addition, due to the development of the paper and chemical industries , new forms of milk packaging, more practical in their uses, were introduced in the West. Soviet leaders and specialists saw the new packaging as a desirable feature of modernity, but were unsuccessful in launching domestic technologies for manufacturing such packaging. While experimenting with domestic technology, Soviet producers also received foreign equipment for making milk packaging. Nevertheless, the capacity of such foreign equipment was not enough to satisfy growing demand and the consumption of "modern packaging" remained lower than in the West until the introduction of capitalism and, with it, foreign companies into the Russian market in the 1990s.

SANTRAUKA
        Iš užkariautų kraštų įkūrusi imperiją carų valdžia jos administraciniam padalijimui skyrė nuolatinį dėmesį. Prie Rusijos mokslų akademijos 1739 m. įsteigtas Geografijos departamentas, kuris vadovavo visiems geodeziniams ir kartografiniams darbams, reikalingiems administraciniam padalijimui atlikti, žemėtvarkai bei kitiems valdymo reikalams. Vėliau jis buvo pertvarkytas į kitokias organizacijas. Administracinės sritys yra pažymėtos rusų topografų ir kartografų sudarytuose žemėlapiuose ir savaip atspindi Rusijos politiką užkariautų kraštų atžvilgiu. Pavartykime dokumentus bei žemėlapius ir pamatysime, kokiais būdais carai ir TSKP generaliniai sekretoriai vykdė Lietuvos nutautinimą, į kokius administracinius vienetus skirstė Lietuvą ir kur žymėjo jos rytinę ribą.

SUMMARY
        The administrative division and changes of boundaries of Lithuania on the Russian maps of the 19th and 20th centuries are analyzed. The administrative division and its changes reflect the official politics of Russia against the neighbouring conquered countries. Analysis of old maps and related documents shows the methods and scale of Lithuania’s denationalization, executed by the Russian tsars and secretaries-general of the Communist party.

РЕЗЮМЕ
      Анализируются административное деление и изменения границ Литвы на картах России XIX и XX веков. Административное деление и его изменения свидетельствуют об официальной политике России по отношению к соседним оккупированным странам. Анализ старых карт и связанных с ними документов дает представление о методах и масштабах денационализации Литвы, которую проводили цари России, а позже – генеральные секретари коммунистической партии СССР.

Аннотация. Статья представляет собой хронику семьи Лаппо-Данилевских, к которой принадлежал выдающийся русский историк Александр Сергеевич Лаппо-Данилевский (1863–1919). В ней рассмотрена история двух ветвей рода, полтавской и екатеринославской, от начала XVIII в. до первых лет советской эры. В статье исследуются родственные связи с многочисленными русскими и украинскими родами, такими, как Корбе, Гангебловы (Гангеблишвили), Манвеловы (Манвелишвили), Чорбы, Похвисневы, Чуйкевичи, Бекарюковы, Вернадские, Гизетти, Гревсы, Зарудные, Ольденбурги, Петровские, фон Эссены. Особое внимание уделяется уровню образованности и политическим взглядам предков и ближайших родственников историка.
Abstract. The article offers a chronicle of the Lappo-Danilevskii family,
to which belongs the outstanding Russian historian Aleksandr Sergeevich
Lappo-Danilevskii (1863–1919). The paper examines the history of
two branches of the Lappo-Danilevskii clan from the beginning of the 18th
century until the first years of the Soviet era: one from Poltava and one from
Ekaterinoslav. It surveys the Lappo-Danilevskiis’ relations to various Russian
and Ukrainian families, such as: Korbe (Corbea), Gangeblov
(Gangeblishvili), Manvelov (Manvelishvili), Chorba, Pokhvistnev, Chuikevichs,
Bekarjukov, Vernadskii, Gizetti, Grevs, Zarudny, Oldenburg, Petrovskii,
von Essen. Special attention is paid to the educational level and
political views of ancestors and close relatives of the historian.

Sandro Teti pubblica in questi giorni Miti e contromiti. L'Urss nella Seconda guerra mondiale, di Vladimir Medinskij, ministro della cultura del governo russo fino allo scorso Gennaio e consigliere di Vladimir Putin. Un libro destinato a far discutere, nell'eterna ricerca delle colpe storiche della Seconda guerra mondiale.

Immediately after the start of the Great Patriotic War, the Stalinist state undertook a purge of the country from suspicious elements, reminiscent in a number of parameters of the Great Terror: arrests took place throughout the country, certain categories of the population were repressed. Among them were believers, the repressions against whom were extremely cruel. One of the instruments of repression has become the courts of general jurisdiction, on the materials of which the article is based. The war became an incentive for a terrorist campaign, it also became its limiter: it was impossible to simultaneously fight an external enemy and wage a large-scale campaign against "internal enemies". The scale of repression against believers, as well as the degree of their cruelty, significantly decreased during the war, but never stopped.

La composizione etnica della popolazione è quella premessa importante senza la quale è impossibile procedere alle più concrete ricerche etnoantropologiche. Per capire questa realtà non basta normalmente conoscere la distribuzione dei gruppi etnici e culture tale quale esiste al giorno d’oggi, ma occorre saperne anche l’evoluzione storica.

During the Russian Civil War (1918–20) Russian Jewry suffered a tragedy comparable to the period of Hetman Bohdan Khmel'nytskyi and surpassed only by the Holocaust. Historians differ in their estimates of the number of victims of anti-Jewish pogroms, the bloodiest of which occurred in Ukraine from 1919 to the beginning of 1920. No statistics were kept, of course, and the numbers put forth in the literature range from 50,000 to 200,000 dead.2 To these we should add tens of thousands who were maimed, raped, and robbed. Despite the magnitude of these events, their circumstances and consequences have been insufficiently studied. The tragedy of Russian Jewry in 1918–20 has tended to exist "in the shadow" of the Holocaust.
Before investigating this problem further, we must first analyze the existing historiography on the "Jewish question" in the Russian Civil War. This article critically explores the literature concerning one of its most important aspects – the history of the relationship between participants in the White movement and the Jewish population of the former Russian empire. Analysis of several of the more significant works demonstrates that these relations were much more complex than has been hitherto recognized. They cannot be reduced simply to a duality of executioners and their victims. I of course do not mean to "whitewash" the White movement; its participants so besmirched its name that no objective historian could bleach it clean. Rather, my task is to formulate, on the basis of the existing literature, the essential questions that confront historians examining the "Jewish question" in the Russian Civil War.

In 2014 America's export item №1, "democracy, " produced a neo-Nazi putsch in Kiev, and a civil war in Ukraine /1/. After 8 years of futile Western-mediated peace negotiations, while waging a war against the rebellious "new republics of Novorussia, " shelling populated areas and thus terrorizing Donbass' civil population to the tune of 14,000 civilians (of which 800 children !!!) dead and countless wounded, the Russians said "enough is enough, " and started a spets-op 1 to rid their brothers west of the recent common border, of the neo-Nazis. The conflict arose in a moment that was both delicate and critical for "Western democracies' political elite:" the time had come to admit crucial errors of judgment entailing enormous economic damages and financial costs plus elements of either ignorance or irresponsibility, or both. Droves of resignations-were these honest and conscientious individuals, or at least such with a slightest sense of dignity-were expected, to say the least. On the ground of implications for conflict of interest, on top of express contempt to democratic conduct, action has started towards forcing the resignation of Ursula von der Leyen, by the rebel MEPs whose courage, strife for justice, and dedication to the rule of law we reported earlier on /2,3/. Plenty of calls for Nuremberg 2.0 have been posted /4/, and a preliminary hearing has already started /2/. All of us that are on the opposite side of the barricade unanimously qualify the behavior of Western "democratic" leaders as "fascist, " and will not stop until all guilty get punished proportionally: essentially we don't have a choice since they specify the alternative as "resetting" us. And we stay vigilant, especially seeing that now the situation in Ukraine gives them a chance to deflect the attention of the masses to the conflict zone-and hopefully get them to forget about the "pandemic, " and the pending indictments... 2 To that end, I realized that I must explain more details, in a sequel to the earlier (2014) paper on the topic /5/, in order to assist homo occidentalis in comprehending the current intricacies, and in getting better oriented vis-à-vis-helped against, that is-the giant propaganda machine he is faced with, 24/7. Hence here we will answer the most important questions which almost everyone I know never asks, and never gets the answers of: who are the Ukrainians, what is their origin, and how do they differ-if at all-from the Russians? The origin of Ukrainians, and the genesis of their statehood The very first emancipation of independent Ukraine sanctioned internationally occurred-brief as it was-after the WWI. The Bolsheviks incorporated Soviet Ukraine into USSR, wherein it spent seven decennia of unsurpassed progress in literacy, cultural emancipation, industrial development, and military glory, until the split in 1991 3. Before 1918 Ukraine was part of the Russian Empire, its name denoting a geographic term labeled after the word in Russian for "fringe", "brim", "edge, " "land's end, " "borderland"-which in all Slavic languages will sound like "Okraina, " "Okrainina, " "Pokrainina, " and similar. And backwards in time the Russian Empire spans to Kievan Rus' , the earliest formally recognized by the world's arbiter of the time Russian Principality. Based on Byzantine chronicles, an 18 th century historian, Johan Stritter, constructs the genealogical tree of the "Ryurik" dynasty with the first ruler recognized as early as 9 th century /6/. Hence more than a millennium the population of this area (the southwestern, southern, and part of the central regions of European Russia) has lived without differentiation between "Russian" and "Ukrainian. " 4 For your information, this amounts to 40-50 generations! Let's now take a look at the position where the action took place, during the early years of Kievan Rus'-and bear in mind that the geographic term denoting the location of this piece of land onto the map of their big common Motherland Russia started to be in use for distinguishing some of the natives as a sort of differing "ethnos" only in 17 th century: Kievan Rus' emerged on the territory, and out of the population of the former medieval state of Bulgarica Magna, acknowledged by Byzantine scholars with statehood as of AD 642 /6/ 5,6. Old Great Bulgaria itself has evolved out of the mixture of the 1 From Russian "spetsial'naya operatsiya" = special operation 2 While We, The People are binding our time with watching this internal Russo-Russian conflict the criminals exposed in /2-4/ are relentlessly pursuing their ultimate goal: since midyear 2021 WHO is seeking supranational jurisdiction on public health. I can't imagine a bigger outrage: corrupted servile bureaucrats dwelling in the swamp of conflicts of interest, and busy with nothing but peddling Big Pharma's next products will get full control over my body and my mind? No Way! It's better to die on a barricade: perishing with dignity is thousand times preferable than kneeing in front of human scum! 3 At that point in time Ukraine's GDP was greater than France's. 4 Except perhaps at the very edges of the country; also, a more prominent distinction has been bestowed upon the local (Zaporozhian) Cossacks. 5 Kan Kubrat, Bulgarica's ruler of the time, has studied in Constantinople, was befriended with the future Emperor Heraclius, has been a Christian, and was bestowed with the title "patrician" before returning to his land to govern. This explains the privileged position of Bulgaria, Europe's most senior state in terms of lifespan under the same name. Christian tradition runs throughout the royal family, and at least two rulers, Tervel and Simeon, obtain the title of "Caesar" to the Roman Empire (Byzantium)

In the 1920s, with the end of the revolution, the Soviet government began investing resources and energy into creating a new type of book for the first generation of young Soviet readers.

These early books for children were the ABCs of Soviet modernity; creatively illustrated and intricately designed, they were manuals and primers that helped the young reader enter the field of politics through literature.

Children's books provided the basic vocabulary and grammar for understanding new, post-revolutionary realities, but they also taught young readers how to perceive modern events and communist practices. Relying on a process of dual-media rendering, illustrated books presented propaganda as a simple, repeatable narrative or verse, while also casting it in easily recognizable graphic images.

A vehicle of ideology, object of affection, and product of labour all in one, the illustrated book for the young Soviet reader emerged as an important cultural phenomenon. Communist in its content, it was often avant-gardist in its form. Spotlighting three thematic threads - communist goals, pedagogy, and propaganda - The Pedagogy of Images traces the formation of a mass-modern readership through the creation of the communist-inflected visual and narrative conventions that these early readers were meant to appropriate.

CONTENTS

Introduction Primers in Soviet Modernity: Depicting Communism for Children in Early Soviet Russia 3
Serguei Alex. Oushakine and Marina Balina

PART I: MEDIATION

Chapter one Three Degrees of Exemplary Boyhood in Boris Kustodiev’s Soviet Paradise
Helena Goscilo

Chapter two How the Revolution Triumphed: Alisa Poret’s Textbook of Cultural Iconography
Yuri Leving

Chapter three “Foto-glaz”: Children as Photo-Correspondents in Early Soviet Pioneer Magazines
Erika Wolf

Chapter four Autonomous Animals Animated: Samozveri as a Constructivist Pedagogical Cine-dispositive
Aleksandar Bošković

Chapter five The Fragile Power of Paper and Projections
Birgitte Beck Pristed

PART II: TECHNOLOGY

Chapter six From Nature to “Second Nature” and Back
Larissa Rudova

Chapter seven Autonomy and the Automaton: The Child as Instrument of Futurity
Sara Pankenier Weld

Chapter eight Spells of Materialist Magic, or Soviet Children and Electric Power
Kirill Chunikhin

Chapter nine “Do It All Yourself!” Teaching Technological Creativity during Soviet Industrialization
Maria Litovskaya

Chapter ten The Camel and the Caboose: Viktor Shklovsky’s Turksib and the Pedagogy of Uneven Development
Michael Kunichika

Chapter eleven Aeroplane, Aeroboat, Aerosleigh: Propelling Everywhere in Soviet Transportation
Kat Hill Reischl

PART III: POWER

Chapter twelve Spatializing Revolutionary Temporality: From Montage and Dynamism to Map and Plan
Kevin M. F. Platt

Chapter thirteen “Poor, Poor Il’ich”: Visualizing Lenin’s Death for Children
Daniil Leiderman and Marina Sokolovskaia

Chapter fourteen Young Soldiers at Play: The Red Army Soldier as Icon
Steve Norris

Chapter fifteen The Working Body and Its Prostheses: Imagining Class for Soviet Children
Alexey Golubev

Chapter sixteen Americanism: The Brave New New World of Soviet Civilization
Thomas Keenan-Dormany

Illustration Credits 525

List of Contributors 529

Index 535

Монография посвящена философскому учению архиепископа Никано-ра (Бровковича) (1826–1890) в аспекте его восприятия в русской мысли вто-рой половины XIX–XX вв. Его философию предлагается рассматривать как онтологическую гносеологию, имеющую своей целью рационально-фило-софское выражение православного миропонимания. Философия архиепи-скопа Никанора анализируется в контексте идейного наследия В. Н. Карпо-ва, Н. Н. Страхова, Ф. М. Достоевского, И. С. Аксакова, В. С. Соловьева, Н. Я. Грота, К. Н. Леонтьева, В. В. Розанова, А. Ф. Лосева и других русских мыслителей. Важное место занимает вопрос источниковедения и историо-графии исследования философии архиерея-мыслителя. Анализируются современные исследования, посвященные его жизни и философскому твор-честву. В исследовании впервые в научный оборот вводятся материалы ар-хива архиепископа Никанора.

Ilya Gerasimov's article discusses the parameters of a new Soviet history that would critically deconstruct the prevalent historical master narrative, which still bears traces of late twentieth-century Soviet and Western conceptualizations. Rather than advancing some normative theory or a particular conceptual model, Gerasimov outlines six general propositions that open up new research perspectives and pose new research questions without predicting any actual answers. First, he calls for the deconstruction and differentiation of key historical terms that are perceived as self-explanatory and self-evident. This includes a radical separation of the Soviet from the Bolshevik (communist), and Bolshevism from socialism. Second, he insists on readjusting temporality and revising historical periodization by explicating the origins of the Soviet project in the post-1905 political visions of national elites or clarifying the USSR's role in World War II between September 1, 1939, and June 22, 1941. Gerasimov's third point concerns decoupling historical processes from traditional explanatory schemes and labels. Thus, the familiar umbrella term "the civil war and foreign intervention" accurately accounts for only some of the manifold historical developments on the ruins of the Russian Empire in 1918–1922. Conversely, the concept of Holodomor, which has been squarely applied and studied only in the context of the Ukrainian famine in the early 1930s, invites comparisons with an even more horrible synchronous famine in Kazakhstan and also with the Kremlin-aggravated famine in besieged Leningrad. Such a comparison can expand our understanding of these phenomena and the logic of biopolitics and governmentality behind them. Gerasimov also argues that taking seriously the old Soviet preference for political economy over economics can offer a path toward a more perceptive Soviet economic history. Fourth, he calls for critically disentangling groupness and individual subjectivity: whatever the actual success of the regime in forging new groups or a histo rian's belief in their reality, there is no methodologically grounded reason for identifying a person's motivation with their belonging to a particular group. The fifth suggestion concerns acknowledging the incongruence of the centers of power and the centers of knowledge until their conjunction is proved empirically. This is not an idiosyncratic Soviet condition; it can be observed in any rapidly nationalizing multicultural society, just as in a deeply politically fractured one. Finally, Gerasimov proposes that the critical theory approach be integrated into a new Soviet history. He concludes that a critical theory is the most productive when it recovers human agency and subjectivities, particularly those of the oppressed, while avoiding direct identification with any hegemonic discourse, past and present. It helps to counter the para-academic extremes in assessing the Soviet period that deny the Soviets their subjectivity as simultaneously victims and perpetrators.
Статья Ильи Герасимова обсуждает параметры новой советской истории, которая критически деконструировала бы все еще преобладающий исторический мастер-нарратив, унаследовавший многие концептуальные подходы советской и западной историографии ХХ века. Не настаивая на некой нормативной теории или конкретной концептуальной модели, Герасимов формулирует шесть тезисов, которые намечают новые исследовательские перспективы и формулируют новые исследовательские вопросы, не предсказывая готовых ответов на них. Во-первых, он призывает к деконструкции и дифференциации ключевых исторических терминов, воспринимающихся сегодня как самоочевидные и не требующие пояснений. В частности, речь идет о принципиальном разграничении между советским и большевистским (коммунистическим), а также между большевизмом и социализмом. Во-вторых, он настаивает на корректировке привычной темпоральности и пересмотре исторической периодизации, выявляя истоки советского проекта в политических планах национальных элит после 1905 г. и требуя прояснения роли СССР во Второй мировой войне между 1 сентября 1939 г. и 22 июня 1941 г. Третий пункт программы Герасимова касается растождествления исторических процессов и сросшихся с ними традиционных объяснительных схем и ярлыков. Так, привычный всеохватывающий термин "гражданская война и иностранная интервенция" адекватно описывает лишь часть многогранных исторических событий и процессов, развернувшихся на руинах Российской империи в 1918–1922 гг. И наоборот, концепция Голодомора, которая применялась и изучалась только в узком контексте украинского голода начала 1930-х гг., может сравниваться с еще более ужасным по последствиям голодом в Казахстане, а также с голодом в блокадном Ленинграде, многократно усугубленным решениями Кремля. Такое сравнение может расширить наше понимание этих явлений и логики стоящих за ними биополитики и управленитета правящего режима. Герасимов также утверждает, что серьезное отношение к политической экономии, которую в СССР пDедпочитали собственно экономической науке, может дать ключ к более адекватной и информативной экономической истории СССР. В-четвертых, он призывает к критическому разведению группности и индивидуальной субъектности: каковы бы ни были действительные успехи режима в создании новых социальных групп или вера историка в их реальность, отождествление мотивации конкретного человека лишь с его принадлежностью к той или иной группе не может быть обосновано методологически. Пятое предложение касается признания несовпадения центров силы и центров знания – по крайней мере, до тех пор, пока обратное не доказано эмпирически в каждом конкретном случае. Эта ситуация, противоречащая фуколдианской ортодоксии, не является специфическим отличием СССР; ее можно наблюдать в любом быстро национализирующемся мультикультурном обществе, равно как и в глубоко политически раздробленном. Наконец, Герасимов предлагает интегрировать критическую теорию в новую советскую историю. Критическая теория продуктивна в той мере, в какой она помогает восстановить историческую субъектность людей, особенно угнетенных, избегая при этом прямого отождествления с любым гегемонным дискурсом, в прошлом или в настоящем. Применение критической теории поможет противодействовать параакадемическим крайностям в оценке советского периода, отрицающим субъектность советских людей, бывших одновременно жертвами преступлений и их участниками.

Suomen marsalkka Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim syntyi 4. kesäkuuta 1867 Askaisten Louhisaaressa, jonka hänen isoisänsä isä Carl Erik oli hankkinut suvulle 1795.


Kun Pohjolan geopoliittinen asema nyt muuttuu, on paikallaan kunnioittaa marsalkka Mannerheimin ja hänen isiensä elämäntyötä tutkimalla heidän kokemuksiaan edellisten muutosten aikana.


Marshal Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim of Finland was born on 4 June 1867 in The Louhisaari manor of Askainen, which his grandfather's father, Carl Erik, had acquired for the family 1795.


As the geopolitical position of the High North now changes, it is appropriate to honour the life's work of Marshal Mannerheim and his fathers by studying their experiences during previous changes.

Н ачиная с периода поздней перестройки и по сей день судьба тела Ленина, хранящегося на протяжении почти 90 лет в мавзолее на Красной площади, не перестает вызывать яростные споры. В последние годы в попу лярных и академических публикациях это тело все чаще сравнивают с мощами христианских святых. Сравнения эти обычно проводятся в довольно приблизитель ных терминах, поскольку особого знания о том, что из себя представляет материальность этих тел -особенно тела Лени на, -у пишущих нет. Вместо обсуждения конкретных фактов обычно просто высказывается мысль, что советский режим с самого начала подразумевал провести аналогию между те лом Ленина и телами православных святых, поскольку такая аналогия якобы была режиму выгодна с идеологической точки зрения. А далее следует известный, но не слишком подтверж денный фактами аргумент: в малообразованной стране с силь ной православной традицией нетленное тело Ленина должно было автоматически восприниматься населением как тело коммунистического святого. И это якобы добавляло режиму легитимности 1 . Аргументы эти, казалось бы, сами собой на прашиваются, но именно их кажущаяся очевидность вызывает сомнение. Как уже было сказано, эти аргументы не основаны на глубоком знании того, что же из себя в действительности представляет тело Ленина и как именно «режим» пытался его сохранить.

Over the course of the Great Patriotic War, fought from 22 June, 1941 to 9 May, 1945, there was a dramatic transformation in the way the Red Army conducted battle. From an army on the cusp of annihilation to one that quickly recovered to vanquish the invading forces of Nazi Germany, this resurgence can be traced in part to its mastery of operational art. Moreover, the ever-increasing series of strategic victories which eventually led to Nazi Germany’s final defeat, beginning in late 1942, revealed the importance that offensive doctrine held for the Red Army leaders.
The guiding principles which formed the basis of operational art were proscribed within many of the Red Army’s prewar and wartime theoretical writings, many of which coalesced unto the pages of several Red Army field manuals. However, for the purposes of this thesis, focus shall be assigned to the 1936 Provisional Field Regulations as the primary source for what the author shall later identify as the ten principles of Soviet operational art.
The first chapter will be devoted to explaining how the author utilized various sources in the examination of this subject. In addition to English-language sources, Russian and German primary and secondary materials were extensively consulted. As part of this literature review, comments regarding both the value and shortcomings of these works will be made to show why they were used and to what degree they proved helpful.
The second chapter will seek to discuss all ten principles of Soviet operational art. This will begin by identifying where in the manual these principles are located and how they were supposed to be applied in the context of tactical and operational offensives. This will be followed by a brief look at how each was conceptually developed. A broader understanding of the nature of these principles will require an examination of their respective roles in the planning and conduct of tactical deep battle and operations in depth.
The third major section of this thesis will assess the importance of the aforementioned principles by examining their roles in two major operations. These are: (1) the Smolensk Counter Offensive Operation, 21 July to 7 August, 1941 and (2) Operation Uranus, 19-23 November, 1942. The Smolensk Counterstroke was chosen to demonstrate operational failure when most of the ten principles of operational art were absent. Conversely, Uranus will be to show success when all are present.
Following this shall be the fourth chapter, which will offer a comparative discussion on the differences and similarities in German and Russian military doctrines as expressed by their respective field manuals, namely the 1933 Truppenführung and the 1936 Soviet Polevyye Ustav.
Lastly, the fifth and final chapter will offer a summary conclusion that will address the question of why the German army failed to win the war, even when abiding by a military doctrine similar to that practiced by the Red Army. This will involve a comparative assessment of Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin’s abilities as military leaders and their understanding of operational art.

Instructions to the Red Army Commanders Assuming Authority on Polish Territory in 1944–1945

The rapidly advancing digitisation of Russian archival collections opens up new possibilities for Polish historians. The Red Army troops entering the Polish territory in 1944 appointed military commanders in towns and villages, who for some time were the chief authority for the Polish population and the Red Army troops staying there. After launching of the January 1945 offensive, the Soviet Army occupied Central Western Poland and entered the territory of the Western and Northern Territories, which had belonged to Germany before the war. Military commanders were also established there, but due to the lack of Polish administration, their rule was more extensive and lasted longer, also in 1946. Under the commanders' rule, which lasted for months, about onethird of the area of the Polish state, where millions of Germans still lived, came under their rule. Thousands of murders of civilians, rapes and the large-scale transfer of looted property to the USSR took place. These events placed a heavy burden on the Soviet
military administration and the commanders. The paper aims to present three regulations concerning the work of Soviet military commanders in Poland. They were found in the resources of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation. They show the changeability of the concept of activities of military commanders in the Polish lands. The scope of their influence also changed. The first one, from July 1944, concerned only Lublin. The second one, from August 1944, concerned the area of operation and stationing of the troops of the 1st Ukrainian Front (Przemyśl, Rzeszow, Sanok). The last one, issued in October 1944,
came from the highest level, the General Staff of the Red Army, and regarded all troops stationed on Polish territory. The instructions indicated the intention to introduce ‘limited occupation’ in Poland, masked by the ‘sovereignty’ of the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN) (the Polish government subordinated to the Soviets). The commanders were to support PKWN, fight the representatives of the London government, but not to interfere with religious practices, probably in order not to escalate the conflict at all levels and not to alienate the villagers. The commanders had the right to impose compulsory labour on the Poles.
They also had police powers, i.e. to check the Polish population, confiscate weapons and documents. The wide range of control powers also over the Polish Army is noteworthy. For the Polish independence underground, the key regulation was to ‘disarm and arrest individuals, groups and units if they refused to surrender their weapons voluntarily’. The postulated description of the military commander's profile, his character traits and attitude towards the Polish population is also interesting. It was recommended not to interfere with the activities of the authorities depending on PKWN (i.e. the communist ones). It was ordered to respect places of religious cult, assuming that the Red Army soldiers brought up in atheism could by acts of vandalism deepen Poles' dislike of the Communists.

The quick decline of party authority, ethnic conflicts that could no longer be suppressed, perestroika and the disintegration of the USSR - all the social upheavals that led to the crash of “the last empire” have triggered sweeping changes in the Russian language. Gasan Gusejnov’s pioneering work is devoted to the language of ideology that came to be known as Newspeak and has penetrated all spheres of the language reality in the Soviet epoch.
It is a Corpus Dictionary of the last variety of Russian in the Pre-Internet era.

The 2d part of the article about the conflict of interests among those historians, journalists and politologists who support persecution of independent historians and the limitation of an access to archival files of Soviet special services and army, contains critical review of provocative initiative of Pavel Polyan to create an “international historical arbitration” similar to “legalistic courts-arbitrations of Hogue and Strasbоurg”, as well as the evidence of cooperation of the late chief of “International Memorial” with successors of KGB. A few paragraphs describe how and why management of GULAG History Museum (Moscow) deliberately desrtoyed the videotape of the lecture, Georgiy Ramazashvili read there in December, 2016 about pesrecution of historians in Russia and other ex-Soviet republics.

В книге в доступной форме освещаются различные аспекты жизни населения Татарской АССР в годы Великой Отечественной войны, оценивается вклад республики в Победу над фашизмом, рассматриваются вопросы сохранения памяти о ратных и трудовых подвигах наших земляков. Достоинством издания является богатый иллюстративный и источниковый материал. Авторы предоставляют читателю возможность не только узнать новую информацию, но и почувствовать атмосферу той эпохи через архивные документы, мемуары ветеранов, фотографии, плакаты, стихи военных лет. Книга адресована широкому кругу читателей, всем интересующимся историей Великой Отечественной войны, преподавателям и студентам вузов и средних учебных заведений, учителям и учащимся общеобразовательных школ.


In the book various aspects of the life of the population of the Tatar ASSR during the Great Patriotic War are covered in an accessible form, the republic contribution to the Victory over fascism is estimated, questions of keeping the memory of military and labor feats of our fellow-citizens are considered. The advantage of the publication is a rich illustrative and source material. Authors provide the reader with the opportunity not only get to know new information, but also to feel the atmosphere of that era through archival documents, memoirs of veterans, photos, posters, poems of the war years. The book is addressed to a wide readership, all interested in the history of the Great Patriotic War, lecturers and students of universities and institutes, teachers and pupils of secondary schools.

The author conducted a comprehensive study of the everyday life of the higher pedagogical schools’ staffs in 1953-1964 on the basis of a wide range of published literature and archival documents. The thesis solves issue of the evolution of the evaluation of the figures of J. Stalin, L. Beria, G. Zhukov, G. Malenkov, V. Molotov and L. Kaganovich as well the perception of CPSU itself.

This paper deals with the background, role players, sequence of events, geopolitical considerations and history of the Angolan War which took place from 1975 to 1990 between the Soviet Union and its allies & proxies on the one hand, and the Republic of South Africa and its allies on the other. It also has a section presenting a rebuttal of previously published material on this subject, and a section on disinformation techniques used in and by the Soviet Union.

This article explores the enduring popularity of Scriabin's music in the decade after his death, when Soviet cultural officials sanctified his works as national treasures.  It debunks the myth of the disappearance of the composer's music after his untimely death.

In Eastern Europe, the energy crisis has led to large-scale environmental damage, and the ways in which energy sources are exploited and used have a dramatic effect on the environment in terms of pollution to air, land and water.  During the course of this essay, I will look at the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) and Poland to demonstrate how the environmental crisis is related to the energy crisis.

The USSR and Poland, in many ways, typify the problems of energy and environmental pollution in Eastern Europe.  The USSR has been chosen to examine the Soviet government’s belief that, “Its line of socialism can adequately cope with environmental degradation”.  Poland has been chosen because it has some of the most acute energy and environmental problems in Eastern Europe with 27 areas severely affected by ecological damage.

The energy sources examined in this essay include coal, oil and nuclear, and the ways in which electricity is generated and utilised.  I shall examine the economies of the USSR and Poland, and energy-intensive industries such as steelmaking, chemical production and heavy engineering.  I will also examine the problems of outdated technology, which in itself leads to greater environmental damage.

The study is framed as follows:
- In section 2, links between industry, energy and environmental crises.
- In section 3, links between coal, oil and gas generation and environmental crisis.
- In section 4, links between systemic inefficiencies and environmental crisis.
- In section 5, links between nuclear energy and the environmental crisis.

POSTSCRIPT:
- Independence of former Soviet states in late-1991, and USSR dissolution in December 1991.
- Russian sphere of influence in former Soviet states, e.g. CSTO – Collective Security Treaty Organisation of Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.
- Poland joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in 1999, whilst Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania joined in 2004.
- Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland joined the European Union (EU) in 2004 – with new legal, environmental and trade procedures.
- Trade of oil, gas, coal, and food to countries in Europe and the EU (35% of EU energy needs are supplied from Russia, and in Germany around 60%).
- Strategic importance of Ukraine – desire to join the EU and NATO, Ukraine is important for agricultural goods (e.g. wheat, barley), oil, gas, coal, minerals.
- Vladimir Putin’s rebuilding of the Russian Empire/Soviet Union, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008, the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the 2022 invasion of east Ukraine, e.g. Donbas, Kyiv.

Abstract
The article focuses on the concepts of empire, national identity and Soviet nationalities policy in the framework of center-periphery relations in the USSR. The author illustrates
through various examples why Soviet policy in general and in particular in the Moldavian SSR resembled the policies pursued by other classical empires in the national peripheries.
Special attention is paid to linguistic aspects, Russification, and the degree of national identity accepted by Moscow in the former Moldavian SSR especially in the context of the Soviet-Romanian dispute over the „Bessarabian question”. As one of the main criteria of measuring discrimination is the percentage of the local population – ethnic Romanians – represented in various domains, the author quotes archival data in this regard. Among
the conclusions is that on the economic level and more exactly representation of the ethnic Romanians as top mangers of industrial enterprises, one can conclude that discrimination
existed and it speaks of the imperial character of the Soviet Union.

Ohne das Engagement vieler mutiger Frauen hätte es in der Sowjetunion der 1960er bis 1980er Jahre keine Dissidentenbewegung gegeben. Über diese Streiterinnen für Menschenrechte und Demokratie ist bislang jedoch wenig bekannt. Auf der Basis von Memoiren und biographischen Interviews zeichnet die Autorin ihre Lebenswege nach: aus der sterilen Welt des Komsomol in die verrauchten Küchen der Dissidenz, in denen diskutiert, aber auch getanzt und geflirtet wurde. Der Weg in die politische Mündigkeit endete für viele im Lager oder im Exil. Die Selbstzeugnisse der Frauen geben neue Einblicke in dissidentische Lebenswelten: Bewältigungsstrategien im Alltag, Identitäten, Wertesysteme, Netzwerke und Geschlechterbeziehungen. Der weibliche Anteil am Widerstand, die Auseinandersetzung mit der "Frauenbefreiung durch den Sozialismus", die politischen und sozialen Veränderungen sowie der Prozess des Erinnerns werden erkennbar. Auszeichnung der Dissertation mit dem Klaus-Mehnert-Preis, Nachwuchsförderpreis der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde (DGO) und dem Fakultätspreis der Philosophisch-Historischen Fakultät der Universität Basel 2005.

Throughout its history, Russia has repeatedly faced the challenge of armies returning from campaigns abroad posing a potential threat to its leadership and political system.

The conflict in Ukraine risks presenting Russia with the same internal political threat. Not only do Russia’s forces appear to have suffered remarkably high and in many cases unnecessary casualties, but they have also been startled by the propaganda with which they had been indoctrinated suddenly colliding with a reality that turned out to be entirely different.

This article considers the possibility of eventual political change in Russia resulting from defeat in Ukraine, and the resulting shock to Russia's leadership as well as to its military.