Race Riots

This research explores the role of opinion-based groups in understanding responses to racist violence such as the 2005 Cronulla riots in Australia. Traditionally, explanations of collective action in social psychology and sociology focus on conflict between broad social categories. We propose that the responses to the riots can be understood not only as inter-group conflict between Muslims and non-Muslims, or an in-group argument amongst non-Muslims, but as a bona fide inter-group conflict between supporters and opponents of the riots. We argue that these groups use rhetoric in attempts to claim dominant status within society by aligning their identities with positively valued social categories such as ethnicities and national identities. The analysis of rhetoric from the groups supporting and opposing the riots demonstrates consistent, albeit contested, attempts to align support for the riot with the Australian national category in conflict with countervailing attempts to align opposition to the riot with the same national category.

(1999) Using six newspapers as primary sources: the Newark Evening News; The New York Times; The Washington Post; the Los Angeles Times (from a city where major race riots had occurred in Watts in 1965); The Detroit News (from a city where major race riots happened a week after Newark’s); and The Times (in London, for a perspective from outside of the United States); I try to demonstrate that the 1967 Newark riots did not simply happen in the streets. The rioting only began as such when a series of institutions defined certain actions as a “riot” and launched a complex struggle over the definition of space. It is in this sense that the riots were architectural from the beginning.

“America’s Bicentennial Poem: Robert Hayden’s ‘American Journal’.” Presented May 23, 2015 by Christopher Buck during “Memorials of the Faithful” weekend. Desert Rose Baha’i Institute. Eloi, AZ. (May 23–24, 2015.)

During America’s Bicentennial of the Declaration of Independence in 1976, Hayden served as Consultant in Poetry to the Library of Congress, in the first of his two-term tenure (1976–77 and 1977–78).

That same position later became known as “Poet Laureate of the United States” in 1985.

As America’s Bicentennial poet laureate and the first African American poet laureate, Hayden rose to the occasion by offering a poem about America.

That poem is “American Journal” (1976).

“American Journal” may thus be regarded as America’s “Bicentennial poem.”

Implicit in Robert Hayden’s “[American Journal]” is this thesis:
Social maturity is coefficient with human solidarity.

This thesis unifies the various kinds of identity that this compressed and kaleidoscopic poem treats.

As a literary tube of mirrors, “American Journal” implicitly describes social identities that render the American experience decidedly multidimensional.

Internal evidence suggests that Hayden treats American identity in nine dimensions:

(1) Landscape Identity;
(2) Alien (Individual) Identity;
(3) Racial Identity;
(4) Political Identity;
(5) Class Identity;
(6) Material Identity;
(7) Religious Identity;
(8) American (National) Identity;
(9) Human Identity.

In the modernist collage of anecdotal scenes and sustained ironies that comprise “American Journal,” these nine dimensions operate as a multifaceted prism of American mentality and potentiality.

On viewing Hayden’s “[American Journal]” through this dimensional prism, America emerges as a work-in-progress—episodically revised by crisis after crisis—an experiment through which the meaning of humanity may be universalized.

This “work” will progress until it reaches a stage in which the interplay of competing identities is seen as a stable matrix—an ideal array of integrative identities (reflecting Hayden’s general orientation as a Bahá’í).

This optic will apply to the inarticulate yet implicitly unitive moral of “American Journal”—a message in a bottle, as it were.

America, in the poet’s musing, is caught up in a socially adolescent identity crisis. America has yet to mature until it resolves its fundamental identity crisis. This, in the broader context, is a defining social problematic of the world at large.

Our special thesis is that “America” itself—as portrayed in “American Journal” and as analytically illuminated by the nine dimensions previously described—operates topically and tropically as an emblematic problematic in humanity.

The problem is not with any identity in particular. It is when particular identities alienate.

In composing “American Journal,” Hayden—who is acutely aware of this “strangering” or schisming dynamic—contrives a reconnaissance mission involving a fictive visit by a man from Mars.

An inverse of NASA’s Mars Reconnaissance Orbiter launched in 2005, Hayden launches his own probe of planet Earth, to explore American alienation through the eyes of an alien from outer space, who defines the core and refines the crux of American identity.

The Lambing Flat riots were a series of violent riots led by European and Australian born miners against Chinese miners from 1860 to 1861 on the Burrangong goldfields in NSW. They led to anti-Chinese immigration legislation in NSW in 1861 and the White Australia policy enacted after Federation in 1901. However, legislation and government policies were not enough to create a shared sense of national identity. After Federation, individual and collective memories of the Lambing Flat riots were re-imagined as a national foundation myth. The town of Young, where the riots had occurred were proud of the role that they played in the foundation of a White Australia. Indeed, residents proudly participated in a film titled “The Birth of White Australia” (1928) and many memoirs published around this time also refer to the riots as the birth of White Australia. Today, however, pride in this myth has disappeared and the town struggles to redefine itself in a modern multicultural nation, especially when there are increasing interactions with Chinese Australians who want to be acknowledged for the roles they played in the creation of the Australian nation.

On Monday 9 September and Tuesday 10 September 1985, the inner-city area of Handsworth, Birmingham, was subject to rioting, resulting in two deaths and 122 injuries. Handsworth in particular bore the brunt of deindustrialisation, as over 4000 jobs in the manufacturing industry were lost between 1976 and 1981. 1 In 1985 unemployment in Handsworth was twice the national average and in the same year the Economic and Social Research Council revealed that Handsworth was "the most socially deprived area in Britain". 2 A 1988 report by the Bishop"s Council of the Diocese of Birmingham, revealed the extent of the problems in the city in the late 1980s; "Unemployment levels are high; housing conditions are deteriorating; crime rates are above average; incomes are lower" concluding that "these factors are often aggravated by racial prejudice." 3 The disturbances in Handsworth in 1985 thus provoked discussion in television current affairs and documentary programming about issues of racial tension, inadequate housing, rising crime and high unemployment in deprived urban areas. Programmes broadcast on independent television about the Handsworth riots were: the "essay" documentary film Handsworth Songs

Currently, little scholarly work is present on the Beaumont Race Riot of 1943. While the Beaumont riot represents only one incident during a period of many, its significance to Southeast Texas history has not been adequately categorized. Much of the work done on the riot centers around the newspaper articles written at the time, but these accounts differ from publication to publication. The actual police and National Guard records from the incident in June 1943 do not appear at all. Focusing on police and military response, and beginning with the rape report that lit the fire of the riot, one can begin to catalogue the event into a timeline that can then be compared to the newspaper articles and first-person accounts. This chronologically organized study into the Beaumont Race Riot of 1943 might then offer a deeper insight into the events of June, 1943 from beginning to end and the clear steps that led to each shift. 
Using the resources cited above, a short summary of race riot history and the historiography of scholarship on the topic will begin the study but the bulk of the work will consist with the building of a timeline of the incident, backed by police and military reports. Newspaper articles and first-person interviews will then be added into the timeline of events to showcase the contentious nature of the time in which the riot occurred and the overall feeling of the period and the people involved.

This study will highlight the history of the Turudbe Fulbe by examining them from their own writings as well as the writings of contemporary scholars. Iexamine the concept of identity construct and historical consciousness as utilized by the Turudbe Fulbe and their connection with the ancient tribe of the Banu Isra'il as well as Quraysh. I attempt to delineate the role that the Turudbe’ played in the reform and jihad movements of the 18th and 19th centuries. Their resilient historical consciousness and how this identity construction helped in the survival of this people will be examined in depth. Furthermore, I will also show how during the period of African enslavement in the western hemisphere, the Turudbe’ Fulbe helped produce some of the most dynamic leaders of reform and change in the African American struggle for freedom and justice. Men like Frederick Douglas, Denmark Vesey and David Walker were all influenced either directly or indirectly by enslaved Turudbe’ Fulbe men. In this regard, reference will be made to Amir Abd’r-Rahman ibn Ibrahim, Alfa Umar ibn Sayyid, and Muhammadu Bilali who were the purveyors of Turudbe Fulbe Islamic beliefs and who reflected the continuity of this great people and their contribution to western civilization.
The Turudbe’ Fulbe’: the Lost Children of Abraham
The Persistence of Historical Continuity Through Identity Construction in the Quest for Self-Determination

1. Abstract
2. Introduction
3. The Origin of the Turudbe’ Fulbe’
4. Social Stratification of the Turudbe’ Fulbe’
5. The Turudbe’ and the Diffusion of Islam in Western Bilad’’s-Sudan
6. Uthman Dan Fuduye’ and the Persistence of Turudbe’ Historical Consciousness
7. The Asabiya (Solidarity) of the Turudbe’ and the Philosophy of History
8. The Persistence of Turudbe’ Identity Construct in the American Diaspora
9. The ‘Lost and Found’ Turudbe’ Fulbe Children of Abraham: The Ordeal of Slavery and the Promise of Redemption
10. Conclusion
11. Appendix 1
The Kitaab an-Nasab (the Book of Lineage) of Abdullahi Dan Fuduye’
12. Appendix 2
The Aslu’l-Falaatiyeen (the Origin of the Fulani) of Abdullahi Dan Fuduye’
13. Appendix 3
The Nasab’l-Fullata (The Lineage of the Fulani) author unknown
14. Appendix 4
The Nasab Shaykh Uthman ibn Fuduye’ of Shaykh Uthman ibn Ahmad ibn al-Qadi Abu Bakr Ladan
15. Appendix 5 Kitab ‘n-Nasab wa’s-Sihr (the Book of Lineage and Relationships by Marriage) by Shaykh Bashir ibn Ahmad ibn al-Qadi Modibo Abdullahi ibn Bellel
16. Appendix 6
The Autobiography of Umar ibn Sayyid
17. Postface
18. Bibiliography

Christopher Buck, “Robert Hayden’s ‘[American Journal]’: A Multidimensional Analysis.” Online Journal of Baha’i Studies 2 (2008): 1–37. 

As America’s “Bicentennial poem,” poet-laureate Robert Hayden’s “American Journal” reveals much about the poet’s treatment of American identity, and of his tropical use of “America” as well. The artifice of “American Journal” is quite interesting: “American Journal” purports to be the field notes of a Martian observer who, by his shape-shifting powers, disguises himself in an array of human personas, and who then reports his findings to his superiors, “the Counselors.” "American Journal” introduces the unlikely figure of an alien observer from outer space, whose field-notes are reported in the poem itself. The alien‘s journal about America (hence the title, “American Journal”) is recorded in truncated form—largely by the poetic device known as brachylogy (condensed expression; laconic speech), as in “oceans deserts mountains grain fields canyons / forests variousness of landscapes weathers / sun light moon light as at home much here is / beautiful dream like vistas reminding me of / home.”

A close reading of “American Journal” assumes that these American social identities act as superegos that overarch and refract on individual identities, to which individual identities may be subaltern. In the opening lines of the poem, the poet describes “the americans this baffling / multi people.” Yet, at the end of the poem, the poet is at a loss to adequately account for “their variousness their ingenuity / their elan vital and that some thing essence / quiddity i cannot penetrate or name.” Nevertheless, internal evidence suggests that Hayden treats American identity in nine dimensions: (1) Landscape Identity; (2) Alien (Individual) Identity; (3) Racial Identity; (4) Political Identity; (5) Class Identity; (6) Material Identity; (7) Religious Identity; (8) American (National) Identity; (9) Human Identity.

Citation: Christopher Buck, "Robert Hayden's 'American Journal": A Multidimensional Analysis." Online Journal of Baha’i Studies 2 (2008): 1–37.

This article further develops understandings of urban riot as a social and political symptom to consider the riot as a situated and situating biographical moment, a personal experience which is both signifying and significant. It argues for a paired understanding of riots as a set of physical incarnated (re)actions and as 'total social fact' – involving 'society as a whole' and putting its institutions at work 'all together and at once' (Mauss, 1950). It switches from 'urban riots' as a descriptive notion to total rioting as an analytical tool. Total rioting consists of intertwined social upheavals and exchanges, writ through the metaphysical, sociological, poetical and political. It assembles people of a particular kind forever, hence manufacturing social solidarities and subjectivities. As a particular response to specific problems, it reveals how a contemporary state of metaphysical, social and political insecurity generates new forms of empowering projections and intimate policies; and why what is destroyed is precisely what matters. As an attempt to make and unmake society at the same time, it has become the pinnacle of a paradoxical political socialization process. Being less a language for a broader political communication than an insider trading activity, its long-term outcomes reshape the politics of recognition and claims for visibility.

The article investigates afresh the circumstances surrounding the "anti-Chinese uprising" in the Australian Goldfields town of Clunes in 1873. 
Beginning with historical interpretations of events, it notes that scholars have heavily relied on one colonial newspaper report as their primary source (some scholars use two other sources, but many use only this single document).
The article then points that there are several primary sources which have never been cited or used by historians; and identifies 5 key overlapping documents.  Some of these colonial sources include recorded interviews by participants taken the following day after the troubles.  It then plots out the course of events as shown by all corroborating sources - and it is surprising to find there was no wild mass uprising, the troubles seeming to comprise of a rowdy 20 minute confrontation halted by police.
The article then surveys contemporaneous newspaper reports of the day at Clunes, showing the different viewpoints and perspectives taken by colonial publications according to political disposition.  It also plots how accounts were changed, dramatised and embellished as news travelled from country to city, and from newspaper to newspaper across the colonies. 
The article finishes by posing serious questions on how accounts in historical newspapers need to be more carefully cross-checked and contextualised to verify reported "news".
pp10.

La Justicia Restaurativa en el tratamiento de disturbios callejeros. * Theo Gavrielides * * Resumen A pesar de la existencia de abundante literatura sobre justicia restaurativa, el potencial de tal paradigma respecto a la violencia grupal callejera ha permanecido largamente inexplorado. Las implicancias financieras, políticas y sociales que los recientes disturbios han ocasionado en los distintos gobiernos alrededor del mundo, generan un nuevo debate sobre la idoneidad de las prácticas restaurativas para aliviar el sobrecargado y costoso sistema de justicia penal. El presente artículo emplea el método de estudio de casos, para investigar ejemplos en India, Grecia, Canadá e Inglaterra, lugares donde la justicia restaurativa es considerada en el tratamiento de los disturbios. Así se identifican temas claves, a la vez que se plantean recomendaciones, y-como nuevas políticas-se proponen prácticas e investigaciones en esta área gris de la justicia restaurativa.

This is the presentation of slides presented at the National Association of African-American Studies Conference, February 2016 in Baton Rouge, LA. The paper accompanying these slides is "Sylvia Plath's Hidden Civil Rights Issues", first presented in 2013 at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. Please download PPT presentation to read notes.

What happened at Elaine? This question has two different, but interrelated, meanings. First, there is the question of the order of events, cause and effect, exactly who did exactly what and why-everything the historian hopes to uncover. However, this question can also relate to how this particular occurrence of racial violence should be classified as a social event. Reporting at the time tended to use the term "riot" or "race riot" to describe what happened at Elaine, and some of the earliest historical analyses followed suit, as with Bessie Ferguson's 1927 master's thesis, titled simply "The Elaine Race Riot." 1 Such descriptions were employed by newspapers to signify ostensible revolts against white authority-suspected "insurrections" or "uprisings"-but scholarship has long rejected such one-sided views while retaining the terminology as a useful shorthand for such large-scale violence. Historian Grif Stockley, in 2001, employed the term "massacre" to describe what happened at Elaine, and this term has since caught on, especially among those who wish to emphasize the one-sided nature of the violence-by whites,

The Latin term tolerantia, which was used in the Middle Ages1 [1] in its ethimological sense of suffering and patience, will later take on, specifically from the Enlightenment onwards, a second, more positive meaning referred to the otherness, where tolerance connotes accepting the other.

"All animals are equal but some animals are more equal than others" (George Orwell): Amid the last summer BLM demonstrations, pogroms, and vandalism of monuments in major American cities, the author asks  the aggressive woke crowd uncomfortable questions about monuments to prominent Native Americans who owned black slaves and about a forgotten 2016 case identical to what happened to George Floyd whose death was turned by media into a political hype.

Abe Forsythe’s Down Under (2016) is the first narrative feature film about the Cronulla riot—the infamous event on 11 December 2005 where over 5000 white Australians, responding to a minor local incident, descended on Cronulla Beach in Sydney and proceeded to harass, chase and bash anybody who they perceived to be of Middle Eastern appearance. In the following nights, a series of violent retaliatory attacks took place, as community leaders called for calm. Suvendrini Perera identifies how a symmetrical narrative had emerged in the wake of the riot and its aftermath, whereby Cronulla Beach “comes to stand for a paired sequence of events, the riot and the revenge, in a fable of equivalence in which two misguided groups . . . mirror each other’s ignorance and prejudices”. This article considers how Down Under reinforces the distortive implications of this “riot and revenge” narrative by maintaining a structural equilibrium—through the rigorous balancing of its narrative and characters, and formally, via its soundtrack, cinematography and editing patterns. In so doing, and despite its antiracist sentiments, the film ultimately dilutes the issue of race and obscures the power imbalances that informed the riot, and which continue to this day.

August 2011, with the police losing control of parts of the city for four days. This event was not an ethnic riot: participants were ethnically diverse and did not discriminate in choosing targets for looting or destruction. Whereas the sociological literature has focused on variation in rioting across cities, we examine variation within London by mapping the residential addresses of 1,620 people subsequently charged with rioting on to 25,022 neighbourhoods. Rioters tended to come from economically deprived areas. Rioters were more likely to come from neighbourhoods where ethnic fractionalization was high, which can be interpreted as evidence for social disorganization. These findings run counter to the literature's rejection of deprivation and disorganization as explanations for rioting. In addition, rioting was motivated by political grievances, as rioters tended to come from boroughs where police were perceived as disrespectful.

This article looks at riots that consumed Paris and much of France for three consecutive weeks in November 2005. The author argues that the uprisings were not instigated by radical Muslims, children of African polygamists, or despairing youth suffering from high unemployment. First and foremost, they were provoked by a terrible incident of police brutality, a tragedy among a litany of similar tragedies. Black and Arab youth were already frustrated: decades of violent enforcement of France's categorical boundaries-both racial and geographic-had filled many with rage. When Minister of Interior Nicholas Sarkozy responded to the violent death of three teenage boys on October 25, 2005, by condemning the boys rather than the police officers who had killed them, he merely reaffirmed what many young blacks and Arabs already believed: that their lives have no value in France.

Urban regeneration has been transformed in recent
years from being a concern primarily of the Global
North, to a world-wide phenomenon. Governments of
all political shades pursue regeneration strategies and
projects that impact on investment decisions and the
lives of millions of ordinary and deprived people
world-wide. In the 1960s in Britain an urban
Programme was declared by Prime Minister Harold
Wilson to be focused on the alleviation of acute social
need in selected urban areas. In contrast in 1981
Michael Heseltine set up the property-led Urban
Development Corporations tasked with exploiting
property development opportunities. This paper
proposes two contradictory rationales for urban
regeneration that have become increasing incompatible
under globalised neoliberalism. These arguments are
elucidated through case studies in London, England.

We use speech act theory to study the U.K. state’s response to large-scale public disorder across English cities in August 2011. This historical case has practical implications for understanding how nation states address other crises—because we explain in detail how the discourse of powerful state actors restores order. Drawing on parliamentary debate, Select Committee testimony, and interviews with police officers, our contribution is to describe and analyze how this happened contemporaneously at different levels. At street level, this involved the reassertion of sovereignty through territorial struggles by the police. At what we call “state level,” speech act theory helps us show how Members of Parliament framed the disorder and participants in ways that supported the reestablishment of norms and of order; principally through homogenization, in a process we describe as “tidying.”

El texto de Joshua Clover estudia la nueva era de revueltas ciudadanas. El autor examina la correlación entre el advenimiento contemporáneo de la violencia colectiva y la crisis actual del modelo económico capitalista. Su análisis gira en torno a dos transiciones de lo que Charles Tilly llamara el repertorio de acción colectiva. Primero, la transición de la revuelta a la huelga y, segundo, la transición de la huelga al retorno de la revuelta. Clover analiza simultáneamente los cambios en las prácticas de lucha popular y el engranaje histórico y económico que los determina. De allí sostiene que existe una sincronía tripartita entre la Revuelta-huelga-revuelta (Riot-strike-riot) y el arco de acumulación capitalista occidental Circulación-producción-circulación. Es decir, el autor se pregunta, por ejemplo, cuál sería la relación de las revueltas de Ferguson (2014) o Baltimore (2015) con la era de "circulación prime" sobre la que hoy opera el mercado.

Les Etats-Unis ont connu des émeutes massives et meurtrières dans les années 1960, et des épisodes plus dispersés après. Cet article rend compte de la littérature américaine sur les émeutes, et notamment du progressif désintérêt des sociologues américains pour leur dimension protestataire, au profit d’analyses formalistes. Cette dimension a pourtant été mise en lumière par les événements de Ferguson en 2014 et Baltimore en 2015, qui sont venus rappeler que les ghettos noirs se soulèvent d’abord, sinon seulement, en réaction à l’intense répression policière qui s’y déploie.

In 2001 there were a number of disturbances in British Northern towns. New Labour’s response was to promote the idea of community cohesion. Using Jim Bulpitt’s theory of statecraft I will argue this was an attempt to peripheralise the politically awkward issues at the heart of the disturbances, in order to maintain the political elites’ autonomy and prestige. These issues included deprivation, lack of local resources and (the focus of my enquiry) race. I will show community cohesion is a flawed concept. The selective re-contextualisation of social cohesion maintained its negative aspects (such as vague aims), toned down its positive aspects (such as condemnation of wealth inequality) and changed its focus to race. I will look at the Home Office response (the Cantle Report) and its implicit “Britishness” - which alienates certain groups – and its hollow rhetoric of local empowerment. I will then show how statecraft’s application to race is applicable to New Labour’s pursuit of community cohesion, especially the concepts of peripheralisation and depoliticisation. I will use the results of my content and discourse analysis of the Cantle Report and the Burnley Task Force to show the three main aims of the Cantle Report are to deflect responsibility, to devolve tasks and to provide cheaper and easier solutions to expensive and difficult problems. Finally, I will argue that the pragmatism of community cohesion was undermined by the “war on terror” which centralised the race issue and combined it with foreign policy. This increased demands on the Blair Government and undid the peripheralising advantages of community cohesion – demonstrating why the Government sought to avoid it in the first place.

In December 1873 the Victorian goldmining town of Clunes, about thirty kilometres north of Ballarat, was the scene for what is remembered as a major uprising against Chinese miners. This event is cited in assorted histories of Australian society in the nineteenth century, often being placed in terms of size and violence close behind the riots at Lambing Flat in 1861 and Buckland River in 1857.

Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have found the exact measure of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them, and these will continue till they have resisted with either words or blows or both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress. " -Frederick Douglass (1857)

"Following up to the fruitful and interdisciplinary discussions At the first „Riot!“ workshop in  December 2013, where we discussed a broad range of research projects (MA and PhD  theses), engaging with the topic of riots and rioting in different geographical and historical  contexts, from squatting movements in Potsdam in the 1980s and 1990s, to urban uprisings  in Manchester, Paris and Stockholm, to food riots in Burkina Faso and 18 th  century slave  insurrections in the Caribbean, we are glad to announce that a second workshop will take  place in late February. 

If you want to present your own work, please indicate the topic so we can include it in our  programme. For all presentations, please prepare a handout or a draft paper and send it to  us by the 21 st  of February, so we can circulate it among all participants. Presentations and  handouts can be in English or German. 

In case you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact us.  We are looking forward to hearing from you! 

Janna Frenzel ([email protected])
Philippe Greif ([email protected])  "

Race riots are the most glaring and contemporary displays of the racial strife running through America's history. Mostly urban, mostly outside the South, and mostly white-instigated, the number and violence of race riots increased as blacks migrated out of the rural South and into the North and West's industrialized cities during the early part of the twentieth-century. Though white / black violence has been the most common form of racial violence, riots involving Asians and Hispanics are also included and examined.

Race riots are the most glaring and contemporary displays of the racial strife running through America's history. Mostly urban, mostly outside the South, and mostly white-instigated, the number and violence of race riots increased as blacks migrated out of the rural South and into the North and West's industrialized cities during the early part of the twentieth-century. While most riots have occurred within the past century, the encyclopedia reaches back to colonial history, giving the encyclopedia an unprecedented historical depth. Though white on black violence has been the most common form of racial violence, riots involving other racial and ethnic groups, such as Asians and Hispanics, are also included and examined. Organized A-Z, topics include: notorious riots like the Tulsa Riots of 1921, the Los Angeles Riots of 1965 and 1992; the African-American community's preparedness and responses to this odious form of mass violence; federal responses to rioting; an examination of the underlying causes of rioting; the reactions of prominent figures such as H. Rap Brown and Martin Luther King, Jr to rioting; and much more.

Many of the entries describe and analyze particular riots and violent racial incidents, including the following: Belleville, Illinois, Riot of 1903 Harlem, New York, Riot of 1943 Howard Beach Incident, 1986 Jackson State University Incident, 1970 Los Angeles, California, Riot of 1992 Memphis, Tennessee, Riot of 1866 Red Summer Race Riots of 1919 Southwest Missouri Riots 1894-1906 Texas Southern University Riot of 1967 Entries covering the victims and opponents of race violence, include the following: Black Soldiers, Lynching of Black Women, Lynching of Diallo, Amadou Hawkins, Yusef King, Rodney Randolph, A. Philip Roosevelt, Eleanor Till, Emmett, Lynching of Turner, Mary, Lynching of Wells-Barnett, Ida B. Many entries also cover legislation that has addressed racial violence and inequality, as well as groups and organizations that have either fought or promoted racial violence, including the following: Anti-Lynching League Civil Rights Act of 1957 Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 Ku Klux Klan National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Nation of Islam Vigilante Organizations White League Other entries focus on relevant concepts, trends, themes, and publications. Besides almost 300 cross-referenced entries, most of which conclude with lists of additional readings, the encyclopedia also offers a timeline of racial violence in the United States, an extensive bibliography of print and electronic resources, a selection of important primary documents, numerous illustrations, and a detailed subject index.

This paper analyzes the political economy of the Reconstruction Era’s (1865-1877) race riots through the economic logic of rules. The central argument is that the race riots were not an inevitable outcome at the end of the Civil War, but instead occurred because of the absence of effective rules to raise the cost of engaging in violence. We offer a general framework of “rule stickiness ” to analyze the process of rule reform. This framework offers insight into the conditions influencing the enforcement costs of formal rules, as well as the likelihood of third-party enforcers effectively monitoring and punishing rule breakers. The Memphis race riot of 1866 is provided as a case study to illuminate the explanatory power of the theoretical framework.

We use speech act theory to study the U.K. state’s response to large-scale public disorder across English cities in August 2011. This historical case has practical implications for understanding how nation states address other crises—because we explain in detail how the discourse of powerful state actors restores order. Drawing on parliamentary debate, Select Committee testimony, and interviews with police officers, our contribution is to describe and analyze how this happened contemporaneously at different levels. At street level, this involved the reassertion of sovereignty through territorial struggles by the police. At what we call “state level,” speech act theory helps us show how Members of Parliament framed the disorder and participants in ways that supported the reestablishment of norms and of order; principally through homogenization, in a process we describe as “tidying.”