Political System

The study aims to provide an analysis and systematize the complex of factors influencing the transformation of party systems. We attempt to identify the relationship between their general and specific influences in particular countries to explore the transformation process's general patterns and national characteristics in European Union's political spaceion. This study's method is based on an overview of the unique bibliography collected by the researchers, which includes sources devoted to the study of foreign parties and party systems in the European Union by modern political scientists. The analysis shows the specification of internal and external factors that influence the adaptation of the political parties and systems to the EU's changing situation, country, and society. The modern transformation of political parties and party systems in the EU is caused by the phenomenon of globalization, the financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009, the overlapping migration crisis of 2015-2026, Brexit and changes in the institutional environment, and the democratic deficit in the EU itself. The obtained results have verified the research hypothesis. This study discussed modern tendencies in the transformation of political parties and political space in the European Union under the influence of different, controversial but discrete factors of development and complete explanation about the essence of new types of political parties

Здійснюється аналіз процесів модернізації політичної системи Ісламської Республіки Іран, її специфічних рис. Досліджується вплив соціокультурних чинників на темпи, форми і результати трансформації сучасних політичних інститутів Ірану, визначається ступень їхньої ефективності у підтриманні функціонування суспільства та його захисті від зовнішнього тиску. Ключові слова: Іран, модернізація, політична система, соціальна політика, шиїзм. Пророченко Н. А. Иранский опыт модернизации: общественно-политический аспект. Анализируются процессы модернизации политической системы Исламской Республики Иран, ее специфических черт. Исследуется влияние социокультурных факторов на темпы, формы и результаты трансформации современных политических институтов Ирана, определяется степень их эффективности в поддержании функционирования общества и его защите от внешнего давления.

The Socio-Political Evaluation of Energy Deployment (SPEED) framework was proposed to improve understanding of energy technology deployment. It was intended to help energy policy-makers develop and implement more effective strategies to accelerate the deployment of emerging energy technologies. The theoretical underpinnings lie in the fields of sustainability science, political science, and risk perception. Part of the objectives of the SPEED framework are to identify the dominant socio-political influences on energy technology decisions and examine how policy can facilitate a societal response to climate change by contributing insights to stakeholders. The focus is at the state level because it is at the state level that emergent energy technologies are sited, permitted, and built. The purpose of this study was to examine the structure of communication about carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology from the perspective of individuals actively involved in decisions that affect deployment and diffusion. We use density of function-system networks to examine differences between states and categories stakeholders. The information is used to inform the discussion of the current structure of communication and how it might present either barriers or opportunities for CCS innovation.

Based on recent survey data from 20 countries, this article examines the 'contagion' thesis: that lack of support among the electorate at one level of the political system may spread to other levels. The levels examined are political parties and the party system. The results demonstrate that the degree to which people are attached to a party is related to how they view the need for parties in their country. In countries with widely different democratic systems, people who identify strongly with a party tend to be much more supportive of the idea that parties are necessary to the functioning of the political system than people without strong party attachments. Hence, party identification, a concept originating with the 'Michigan Four', is not only a very useful tool in analyzing voting behavior. It can also be applied to studying support for party-based democratic political systems.

The information society has developed with differing levels of success in Western Europe and the United States, as well as in Eastern Europe. E-government – a significant element of the information society – has an important and leading role in some countries, while elsewhere it lags well behind the development level seen in the private sector, non-governmental organisations, and even among citizens. Different strategies and action plans have been adopted in many countries, with different results being achieved against a backdrop of optimistic forecasts and hopes. Though Slovenia has become a new member of the European Union, Slovenian public administration still retains many characteristics of the old political system and is attempting to successfully apply egovernment in practice, both in terms of back-office and front-office operations. Its development has been underway for just a few years, and includes some areas that match the national strategy and plans, and some areas that d...

This article deals with the interaction between formal and informal politics in the EU. First of all, it argues that the EU is a special setting for such interaction, as compared to other political systems, as a result of its speedy institutional development and multi-layered nature. Then, it briefly addresses new institutionalist and governance approaches to informality, as well as the strategic motivations behind informal practices. Four such strategies are distinguished. At the co-operative end of the spectrum informal practices may be intended either as a lubricant for applying existing rules or as an experimental garden for trying out new rules. More conflictual strategies may aim at re-directing policy substance or the application of existing rules (critical voice) or rather at circumventing those rules. On that basis, the article presents the 'staging' of practices as a way to understand the interplay of formal and informal practices. Informality can take place in front stage settings where rules are pre-given or in backstage settings where rules are not pre-given, while at the same time these settings can be formally sanctioned or not. Besides formal front stage practices this may result in three types of informal practices: informal front stage practices, formally sanctioned backstage practices and 'sub-politics'.

ABSTRACT Historically, researchers have addressed pricing issues from many different perspectives, including the firm's business model (cost structure, experience curve), stakeholders (customers and channel partners), competition (market structure and intensity), and macroeconomic issues (interest rates, economic growth). An important dimension of organizational price setting that has been neglected is the impact that the firm's internal political system, reflected in interdepartmental coordination and rivalry, has upon price setting. A study of managers who are influential in shaping the firm's pricing strategy was conducted to identify intraorganizational issues and their relative impact on the firm's pricing strategy. The results of the study provide important implications for the development and execution of a firm's pricing strategy.

PR systems often are credited with producing more equitable outcomes between political parties and encouraging wider social group representation than majoritarian systems. Theory suggests that this should instill greater trust, efficacy, and faith in the political system. We assume that citizens disadvantaged by majoritarian rules (political minorities) will have a relatively greater shift toward positive attitudes about democracy following a

This article considers how a plurality of views on how the EU ought to be legitimated may even contribute to its overall legitimacy and not, as is often assumed, to its contestedness as a polity. It draws lessons for the EU from a recent turn in the literature on legitimacy towards analysing political systems as mechanisms for mediating between several views of legitimacy, rather than articulating any one. It identifies a range of views on how the Union ought to be legitimated. It appraises alternative mechanisms for combining or choosing between those views. It concludes with lessons for the constitutional development of the Union.

Our paper explores, on a theoretical level, the reason for frequent failures of rural development policies and identifies some potential improvements in rural policy making in Europe. Our approach to des/integration concerns actors, resources, institutions, knowledge, the fundamental logic of development, and the interplay between two distinct levels of rural development: the level of policies, or central intervention; and the level of local aspirations aimed at improving everyday rural life. Along these lines, two characteristic systems of rural development -the central bureaucratic and the local heuristic -can be clearly identified. Ideally, these should work in co-operation, complementing each other, forming an integrated development system, where rural policy serves to (i) channel resources, establish strategic aims and development models in a top-down mode, and (ii) convey information and mediate social, economic, political interests in a bottom-up mode. However, lack of integration and divergence of interest can lead to dysfunction, conflict and dissipation within the system. We argue that rural development policies tend to fail because the central bureaucratic system imposes topdown control and objectives throughout the development process, thus failing to sufficiently promote the reconfiguration of local resources, which is better achieved through bottom-up processes and the local heuristic system. In other words, the tendency to disjunction between the two basic socio-political systems of rural development is the main reason for the failure of rural development policy. The paper offers analytical models of integrated and non-integrated rural development systems and illustrates the argument through some examples taken from the community initiatives and the preaccession policies of the European Union. The study is in two halves. The first half elaborates the concept of 'integrated rural development'. based on international literature. The second part offers a few new conceptions, as a contribution to the 'new rural development theory' and simple models of integrated and non-integrated development.

sion does not provide a platform for the resolution of the outstanding issues of contention relating to the international protection of GIs. 54 These issues span much larger concerns such as the relative importance of GIs to rural economies, the preservation of existing agricultural, industrial and cultural practices and, more fundamentally, whether EC-style GI protection would enhance or distort global trade in agriculture. As such, they are unlikely to be resolved other than by serious political compromise.

Within river basins different social, economic, political and physical subsystems interact. When making decisions, policy makers should be aware of such interactions as any new policy will affect more than one subsystem. To determine the adequacy of a specific management policy, an integrated study is needed of a complicated water management system in the basin considering major physical, social, economic and political aspects. The Zayandeh-Rud river basin, in central Iran with a semi-arid climate and large agricultural, industrial and domestic water uses, is an example of a complicated watershed system where the lack of complete knowledge about all the interacting subsystems has led to failure of the policy makers in addressing the water shortage in the basin. Although water shortages occur fairly soon after completion of each new water source, transbasin water diversion is still the major policy of water planners to address ongoing shortages. System dynamics provides a unique framework for integrating the disparate physical, socio-economic and political systems important to watershed management. This approach is used to comprehend the interactions of different drivers of the problem and to convey the experiences, lessons learned, and perceptions gained during the model development process. A simulation model, built based on causal loop diagrams of the problem, shows that transbasin diversion is not the best and only solution to the problem. The results of the model for different scenarios suggest that various options of demand management and population control can be more effective in addressing the water crisis of the basin when combined with transbasin water diversions, increasing water storage capacity and controlling of groundwater withdrawal.

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Over the past decade, and especially over the past few years, political corruption, fraud and violence in the Philippines have reached such alarming levels that many Filipinos have grown despondent, even cynical, about their country's political system. Exploring the suitability of the concepts of ‘predatory state’ and ‘patrimonial oligarchic state’ to the Philippines, I find that the regime rather than the state is the more appropriate unit of analysis. I argue that the predatory regime, controlled by a rapacious elite, that held sway during the years of the dictator Marcos, has made a comeback in the Philippines. Under the governments of President Joseph Estrada and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, traditional clientelism has given way to pervasive corruption, a systematic plunder of government resources and the rapid corrosion of public institutions into tools for predation. Instead of just being a throwback to the ‘old corruption’ of the Marcos era, however, the current predatory regime represents a ‘new corruption’ adapted to the ways of economic and political liberalization. While not as authoritarian as Marcos' regime, it has growing authoritarian tendencies: centralization of power in the executive; heightened repression; rigged elections; a much weakened rule of law; numerous political appointees in the bureaucracy; and increased influence of the military. A shift to naked authoritarianism, however, cannot be ruled out. As forces for democratic reform are much too weak, the predatory regime may be around for some time or it could give way, at best, to a more traditional clientelist electoral regime. Prospects for democratic consolidation in the Philippines in the near future appear bleak.

La Révolution de Haïti vue par deux personnages contemporains: Le scientifique prussien Alexander von Humboldt et l'homme d'état américain Thomas Jefferson SANDRA REBOK The Haitian Revolution was a historical event that immediately provoked numerous and very different reactions in the New as well as the Old World. It can be regarded as an ideological laboratory for Enlightenment actors, in which they tested how far their principles of liberty, equality, fraternity, and the right to revolt against oppression extended. Their reactions were tightly linked to their personal interests and convictions and their relationship to the political system they inhabited. This study analyzes the different points of view of two personalities with a significant influence on the events and the spirit of their time: the famous traveler and Prussian scientist Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859) and the

The most important political processes in Mexican politics including presidential succession since the 1920s have been conducted within a network whose political rationale has been political stability. All presidential elections have been won by a single political party. We analyzed the role of the network and presidential successions measuring significant relationships using the system UCINET IV. We contras~i computer distributions with historical facts. Applying the structural block model algorithm we found two well differentiated sub-networks, one representing a military-based group and the second a financial-based group. Measuring the network's centrality is one of the main objectives of network analysis for understanding concentrations of power and the distribution of influence in the political system. In this article we evaluate the maximum node and clique network index value concentration for the core of the Mexican network of power. Centrality and power indexes in the network are presented and their results are discussed in connection with cohesiveness.

In this paper, we deal with the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) which has been promoted as a promising theoretical approach of policy change and stability. After outlining the framework's main features and development over time, we review numerous ACF applications in natural resource policy studies and relate them to existing theoretical debates. The framework accounts for long-lasting policy debates between advocacy coalitions regarding value conflicts in multitude geographical domains and political systems. However, we identify several empirical anomalies and conceptual inconsistencies regarding advocacy coalition properties and causal paths to policy change. We draw on cultural theory and veto-player theory and the empirical evidence to theorize and propose several conceptual improvements and new hypotheses. By doing so, we address the ACF's concepts of belief systems, collective action, the role of and interdependencies among external events, political resources and institutions. Our theoretical proposals could provide for more detailed, dynamic and comprehensive look at the interactions among actors and their wider political and socioeconomic environment. These theoretical enhancements could mediate between the ACF propositions and the long-lasting theoretical critique directed to this framework and the divergent empirical evidence as regards to policy change analysis. We acknowledge that the further conceptual development of the framework will depend on the willingness of ACF theorists to integrate insights from rival research programs.

In 1995 the FDRE constitution institutionalized multi-party democracy and since then Ethiopia held five consecutive national elections which tested the journey of Ethiopian democratization process. The central objective of this paper is to explore democratization process in Ethiopia by focusing on the challenges and prospects of post 1991 situations. To this end qualitative methodology was employed to gather data from secondary sources. For this purpose journal Articles, official documents, constitution and other legal documents and policies were used. Based upon the data the study revealed that the post 1991 FDRE Constitution espouse new democracy friendly laws and orders which contain detail lists of human rights, introduction of multi-party politics and commencement of democratic institutions which are amicable development for democratization process in the country. However, there are problems in implementing these opportunities on the grounds. Among others, the 2005 election aftermath political and legal measures (CSO Law, Press Law and Anti-Terrorism Law), authoritative nature of Ethiopian politics, weakness of actors in democratization process, Political polarization among political parties, weakness of democratic institutions and corruption are the major challenges to the realization of democratization process in Ethiopia. Hence, the study implies the need for reforming the 2005 election aftermath politico-legal measures on the one hand and strengthens actors in democratization process and democratic institutions on the other hand.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are increasing the influence they are able to play on global politics. As far as they represent political values, interests, and demands that cut across the borders of the states. Furthermore, they participate in many trans-national and world-level actions and programs, and are recognized also by policy-makers as actors of the world political system, the reserved domain of the states. For this reason, it is quite safe to say that they have an impact on the transformation of the structure and processes of world politics. At the same time, it is safe not concealing that the NGOs effective actorness continues to depend on the access given to them by state governments and international organizations (IOs) to international institutions and common decision-making processes and actions. This chapter analyses the participation of NGOs in humanitarian intervention and peace operations. Knowledge about this area of action is of great importance to underst...

This paper examines primary health care (PHC) development with an emphasis on community participation in Ethiopia under the feudal regime of emperor Haile Sellassie, the socialist/military rule of Mengistu Haile Mariam and the sprouting democracy and free market economy of Meles Zenawi. In spite of the rapid expansion of primary care under Mengistu, community participation was hampered by the protracted war and centralized, urban-based, bureaucratic approaches and attitudes that failed to promote an enabling environment for community participation. The socialist government, although implementing various community programs and expanding the rural health services, did not succeed in revolutionizing the health services. A comparative examination of the democratized rebel health services of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) illustrates the inconsistencies between stated policies of the Ethiopian government and actual strategies, and identifies factors promoting and impeding participatory health care development in a war environment. Achievements, opportunities and potential dangers to PHC and community participation in the post-war era characterized by economic progress, democratization, decentralization, lingering ethnic conflict and private initiatives are briefly described.

Downloadable! There are three major theoretical perspectives on tax compliance. The first theory perceived that tax compliance is deterred by sanction (Title, C. 1980). Second Theory perceived tax compliance as purely economic decision (Allingham & Sandmo, 1972), while the ...

there has been a long debate about the role of energy and economic growth as well as about the pricing of non-renewables. Both exploration of (non-renewable) natural resources and their use can generate negative national and international external effects and at the same time, the positive external effects of innovation projects may also be considered in the field of resource-saving technological progress; while process innovations, product innovations and setting ambitious standards could be major elements of green innovativeness and sustainability provided that governments and international organizations set the incentives right. However, this broader sustainability perspective has not been taken. As indicated by the current prevailing approach to controlling CO 2 emissions in the international political system, little attention is paid to global green innovation dynamics despite the fact that international positive external effects are crucial here.

This study analyses the interplay between the high and the low, or local, level of Hasidic political engagement, an important matter, that has been so far neglected. The best‐known actions of Hasidic shtadlanim (political intercessors), such as interventions by Rabbi Isaac of Warka or Rabbi Menehem Mendel Schneersohn, occurred at the highest state levels, and attempted to influence regulations of a general nature. This portrays Hasidic politics as being chiefly engaged in solving general problems for the whole Jewish community. Nevertheless, it is not unreasonable to suppose that significant sections of Hasidic politics were not concerned with general issues at state level, but rather, with small local conflicts and individual problems. Thus, seeking to find similarities and links between Hasidic macro politics and local community politics appears to constitute a legitimate question. Were these local activities in any way connected or dependent on wider national politics? Did any structural similarities exist between them and, if so, what was their source? What implications did this have on the relations between the leaders and community in a non‐democratic political system such as the Kingdom of Poland? The article discusses an episode from Będzin, a medium‐sized town in the south of the Congress Kingdom, where the local Hasidic group clashed with the communal rabbi‐informer, Hersz Rozynes. The detailed analysis of the case demonstrates that in a highly bureaucratised and centralised state, there were no political undertakings that could be classified as purely local. Every intervention in a local matter required state‐level competences and triggered administrative procedures reaching far into the central government. This made local, communal politics dependent upon state‐level professional intercessors, and so paved the way to the increasing professionalisation of Hasidic – and more generally Jewish – politics in the course of the nineteenth century.

Welfare state retrenchment is widely seen as a highly unpopular endeavour and, therefore, as politically difficult to pursue. This assumption has underpinned most of the political science research on this issue, notably Paul Pierson's seminal contributions about the 'new politics of the welfare state'. Yet, the question remains why and under what circumstances cutbacks take place in highly developed welfare states despite these formidable political obstacles. This article reviews the literature on the politics of retrenchment, namely on the impact of socioeconomic problem pressure, political parties, political institutions, welfare state structures and ideas. Most authors agree that socio-economic problems -particularly domestic problemscontribute to an atmosphere of 'permanent austerity' which inspires cutbacks. Moreover, according to most scholars, the extent of retrenchment possible depends on the specific institutional configuration of a political system and the path dependence of existing welfare state structures. The debate on the relevance of political parties and ideas, by contrast, is still far from settled. Further unresolved issues include the nature of the dependent variable in retrenchment studies. Also, the exact motives for cutbacks are theoretically still little understood, as are the political mechanisms through which they are realized. I argue that, because of the nature of these persisting issues, the pluralistic dialogue between different methods and approaches -as well as their combination -remains the most promising way forward in the study of welfare state politics. This is the pre-peer reviewed version of the following article: Peter Starke (2006): The Politics of Welfare State Retrenchment: A Literature Review, Social Policy & Administration 40:1, 104-120, which has been published in final form at

This paper reviews recent archaeological research concerning Classic Maya lowland political systems (ca. A.D. 250-1000). It focuses specifically on (1) subsistence practices revealed through the analysis of prehistoric climate, available resources, agricultural technologies, and diet; (2) population distribution, density, and size revealed through the analysis of settlement practices and architectural function; (3) social differentiation and interaction revealed through the analysis of burial practices, diet and health, architecture, and production, consumption, and exchange patterns; and (4) ancient Maya political economy (how it was funded) revealed through the analysis of community organization, ritual activities, the Classic Maya collapse, and warfare. It finally ends with a brief discussion of the future of Maya archaeology. A key factor that recurs throughout this review is the noticeable amount of variability that existed-varied resources, subsistence strategies, settlement practices, and social and political systems. An understanding of this variability is the key to appreciate fully the Classic Maya. 211 0892-7537/99/06100-0211$16.00/0 © 1999 Plenum Publishing Corporation KEY WORDS: Maya lowlands; political organization; Classic period; Maya archaeology.

EFFECTS OF GLOBAL PRESSURES This article develops the authors' existing theoretical framework for comparative analysis into a testable empirical model and shows how the model can be implemented for empirical inquiry through two case studies. According to this framework, the social, economic, and political systems that make up the domestic context act to filter global pressures that cause bureaucratic change. Based on the model, the article develops hypotheses predicting the effect of the global pressures on the major attributes of public bureaucracy: structure, scope, size, autonomy, and accountability. Brief case studies of Japan and Hong Kong test the hypothesized effects of global institutions and public sector efficiency pressures on bureaucratic change. Results indicate general support for the hypotheses. The article concludes by discussing further extensions and complexities not initially evident from the comparative framework.

This paper attempts to define the concept of the deep state, and discuss the elements that are fundamental to the core of the concept of the deep state. It aims to show the difference between the existing or apparent state and the deep state, by highlighting the characteristics and forms of the two states. The paper tried to determine the relationship between the deep state and the existing state in some countries, and it became clear that the concept of the deep state is limited and specific to each country and varies according to its political system and its historical and political conditions. Therefore, the paper concludes that the deep state interests differ from one country to another according to the system of government, and may correspond with the directions of the existing state, and those interests may conflict. But as a general result, the more true democracy, accountability and deliberation take root in governance, the weaker the deep state. There is no way to weaken the deep state's strength except by good governance based on true democracy, and the real embodiment of the state of right and law.

This article aims at defining the concept of 'semi-presidential government' and detailing the diversity of its practices. There are in fact three types of semi-presidential regimes: the president can be a mere figurehead, or he may be all-powerful or again he can share his power with parliament. Using four parametersthe content of the constitution, tradition and circumstances, the composition of the parliamentary majority and the position of the president in relation to the majoritythe author seeks to explain why similar constitutions are applied in a radically different manner.

This paper investigates ways in which political obstacles inhibit the formulation and implementation of sustainable tourism development in small-island developing states through the example of North Cyprus. The methodology draws on in-depth interviews and participant observation of significant actors in the tourism sector. The research findings suggest that understanding the intricate political system and power structure in a society is the key to understanding sustainable tourism policy development, planning and implementation. In the case of North Cyprus, policy development was found to be a product of political influence (referred to as ego-driven politics in the text), specifically the use of public resources as an instrument for political power, retention and that the politicisation of the public sector is the underlying cause of the weakened progress in sustainable tourism development. It is therefore essential to have a clear understanding of political issues, key political actors’ interests and how to mitigate personal interests to facilitate and maintain sustainable tourism development in such small states.

With the judiciary emerging as a surprisingly strong institution in an otherwise weak political system, one might expect a body of pro-poor jurisprudence to develop. This has not been the case, and this article investigates why. After considering patterns of poverty and the role of law in the dynamics of economic marginalization in Malawi, we examine factors assumed to infl uence the use of courts by the economically marginalized, the strength of their legal voice, and the response of the courts to poor people's social rights claims. We fi nd an interplay between factors impeding the demand for pro-poor justice as well as its supply: lack of litigation resources; high access barriers; the pull of alternative institutions; and the nature of Malawi's legal culture.

This paper describes the privatization program in Italy during the 1990s and puts that policy in the context of macroeconomic adjustment, general market deregulation, and promotion of private investment in the provision of public infrastructure. The wave of state divestitures reached Italy later than other OECD countries. A deep-rooted tradition of state intervention, coupled with the use of public enterprises as a source of employment and political support, hindered the timid attempts at privatization of the 1980s, delaying until 1992 the start of largescale privatizations. These were imposed on Italian politicians and electorate by a host of factors: the financial crisis affecting both the general government and, sometimes irreversibly, state-owned enterprises (SOEs); the increasing aversion of the European Commission towards state aid to ailing firms; and the discredit thrown on public enterprises by their involvement in corruption scandals. An evaluation of its results in manufacturing, performed on the basis of a set of operative and restructuring performance indicators for a representative sample of privatized firms, indicates the lack of statistically significant improvements in efficiency scores. The analysis of the consequences of privatization on corporate governance show that, notwithstanding considerable changes in the structure of ownership and a sizeable contribution to capitalization and liquidity growth, the market for corporate control remains insufficiently transparent. These results appear to relect multiple factors -the preference accorded to quantitative targets in the context of EMU convergence, the weakness of the executive and its dependence on shaky parliamentary majorities in the Italian political system, and finally the resistance of politicians to relinquish control over SOEs. In the broader framework of fiscal decentralization, this last factor seems if anything reinforced by recent normative changes and proposals.

Es erfordert allerhöchste Sorgfalt der recht schwierigen Problematik "Carl Schmitt" mit biografischen Mitteln gerecht zu werden. Die Belobigung mancher Rezensenten, Reinhard Mehring habe die bisher beste Biografie Schmitts geliefert, sollte zumindest auch genanntem Kriterium Genüge leisten. Es gelingt zwar Biograf Mehring durch die extensive Einflechtung von bisher unbekannten Einträgen aus Schmitts Tagebüchern bis 1933 den Menschen in seiner Widersprüchlichkeit zu vermitteln und auf diese Weise dessen professionelle Höhen und Tiefen in einem neuen Licht erscheinen zu lassen. Denn die Tagebuchangaben verdeutlichen den sprunghaften, zuweilen bei der Wahl seiner Partnerinnen bedenkenlosen Mann, der selbst, als er in zwei Ehen aufging, den lockeren Umgang mit dem anderen Geschlecht nicht aufgab. Diese eindeutige Unstetigkeit kompensierte Schmitt mit intellektuellen Fähigkeiten, die viele Zeitgenossen beeindruckten und überzeugten. Die treibende Kraft dabei war der im 42 Punkte umfassenden "Argumentenkatalog" (S.311f.) an 27. Stelle stehende Punkt "Picaro-Argument" für seinen Entschluss den Weg Hitlers zu gehen:

Economic factors are among the many reasons that researchers consider as the causes of the collapse of Iranian governments during the Islamic era, what are being studies in the researches of contemporary scholars who want to recognize the economic roots of decadence and fall of them. A review on harmful economic changes occurred in the period of Safavids ruling in the mid-17th century can help us to clarify the causes of their fall and to find out the false beliefs about economic development throughout the Safavid period. On the basis of reliable written resources and through theoretical researches, it has been tried in present study to mention the weakness of Iran's fundamental structures during the period of Safavids and the effect of several factors such as governmental monopoly, reduction of revenues in goods transit, the heterogeneity of foreign trade capability, neglecting of agricultural optimization, etc. on the decline of the political system. The results show how various internal factors, such as: the government monopoly, and its weakness in economic planning, and the problems caused by war and instability, on one hand, and external factors such as: financial and commercial increasing of foreign competitors' capability and damages caused by reduced surveillance and increased border threats led to the collapse of Iran's economic structure and then the fall of the Safavid government.

Lindblom's 1959 article on incrementalism is one of the most cited works in social science.11A citation search was conducted on Lindblom's 1959 and (follow-up) 1979 articles, yielding 1112 citations. This article examines and probes five of the theory's basic, underlying assumptions in light of current empirical and theoretical approaches. The five assumptions are: (1) the limited nature of rationality and