Navajo archaeology

The Grolier Codex is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B. Carlson. One of four known ancient Maya books, the Grolier Codex depicts different manifestations of the planet Venus; the column of glyphs on the left of each panel records days in a 104-year Venus almanac. These plaster-coated bark-paper pages, carbon-dated to the 13th century, represent only half of the 20-page original. A numbered photographic arrangement of the Grolier Codex depictes the author's discovery that Codex pages 10 and 11 are actually two parts of the same "page 10".  Carlson clarifies the identities of Venus deities depicted in the Grolier Codex from a comparison of images from the Cacaxtla murals and links the images of the Grolier Codex with ancient Maya astronomically timed ritual warfare and sacrifice. (Grolier Codex photographs: Enrico Ferorelli; Other photos: Bob Sacha)

This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D.  The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.

The Grolier Codex (Codice Maya de Mexico, CMM) is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B. Carlson. One of four known ancient Maya books, the Grolier Codex depicts different manifestations of the planet Venus; the column of glyphs on the left of each panel records days in a 104-year Venus almanac. These plaster-coated bark-paper pages, carbon-dated to the 13th century, represent only half of the 20-page original. A numbered photographic arrangement of the Grolier Codex depictes the author's discovery that Codex pages 10 and 11 are actually two parts of the same "page 10".  Carlson clarifies the identities of Venus deities depicted in the Grolier Codex from a comparison of images from the Cacaxtla murals and links the images of the Grolier Codex with ancient Maya astronomically timed ritual warfare and sacrifice. (Grolier Codex photographs: Enrico Ferorelli; Other photos: Bob Sacha)

This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D.  The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.

Introduction to Kiva Fall 2021 special issue focused on Diné (Navajo) archaeology. Discusses key themes within the area of study, as well as a short discussion of the five research articles (Weiner & Kelley 2021; Campbell 2021; Lee 2021; Two Bears 2021; and Wero & Martin 2021) that make up the issue. The other articles cover topics ranging from: Navajo insights about Chaco Canyon, reservation-era pastoralism, weaving craft traditions, boarding school ethnohistory, and the historical archaeology of uranium mining.

"Selected proceedings of the “First International Conference on Ethnoastronomy: Indigenous Astronomical and Cosmological Traditions of the World”held at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., 5-9 September 1983."

Available on Amazon.com  - see link in listing. Ships internationally from the USA.

The arrival of the ancestors of the Apaches and Navajo to the North American Southwest, the so-called Apachean migra- tion is one of the most widely discussed issues in American archeology. Since the 19th century, after connections were disco- vered between the Athabaskan language family, potential routes and directions of migration between the Arctic and Subarctic region (inhabited by the Northern Athabaskans) and the Southwest (inhabited by the Southern Athabaskans) began to be con- sidered. During the 1930s, the Edward Sapir’s linguistic research made it possible to determine that the migration flowed from north to south, but this conclusion merely sowed the seed of research on Apachean migration, which has since blossomed with archaeological discoveries from the last 20 or 30 years. Today, we are able to pinpoint what prompted the Athabaskans’ journey; we also know of cultures such as Promontory (around the Great Salt Lake) or Dismal River (Great Plains), which we associate with the presence of the Apachean people on both sides of the Rocky Mountains. Still, many questions remain unanswered, and previous hypotheses are being verified in the light of new discoveries. No less interesting proved the results of research into some auxiliary sciences of archeology: genetics and linguistics, and the analysis of historical sources and oral tradition.
The following article aims to introduce the reader to the most important and recent discoveries related to the issue of Apachean migration, and present hypotheses that have recently emerged in the scientific community, both in the context of the migration route itself and arrival in the Southwest, as well as the dates associated with them.

The Navajo have probably been the subject of as much ethnological study as any Native American group. Their capacity for assimilating both material and ideological culture traits from surrounding groups is well documented (Hester 1962; Witherspoon 1983: 533) and, as discussed by Aberle (1963) and Witherspoon (1975), may stem from a traditionally flexible lifestyle. This flexibility is evidenced socioeconomically by Navajo participation in railroad construction and maintenance from Chicago westward to California, including the Mojave Desert, and archaeologically by the establishment of rail associated occupation sites (Kluckhohn, Hill, and Kluckhohn 1971: 320). This article de scribes several Navajo structures in the Mojave Desert in terms of their architecture and ethnohistoric function. Documentation is also provided regarding the nature of general Navajo settlement patterns in southeastern California.

This report documents the results of Class III archeological survey of 134 acres for proposed mining project in the Star Lake area of McKinley County, New Mexico. Michael Meyer of Mineris Vitae, LLC contracted with the Office of Contract Archeology, University of New Mexico to perform the survey. The project area is located in Section 2, T19N, R6W of the Star Lake USGS Quadrangle, McKinley County, New Mexico. The survey resulted in the documentation of 22 sites and 23 isolated occurrences. The fieldwork was performed between March 5 th -15th, 2012. Of the 22 documented sites, four are recommended as eligible for the inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places, twelve are recommended as not eligible while the eligibility recommendation for the remaining seven is undetermined. v vi

Concepts of archaeology, ethnology, linguistics, environmental change, genetics, radiocarbon dates, mapping, herd-following, migratory caribou, bison and pronghorn and their hunters, and the need to move south, form the basis of the Navajo-Apache descending from the Canadian Chipewyan.

OPEN ACCESS (2022):
https://open.uapress.arizona.edu/projects/navajo-multi-household-social-units

.. 5. Social archaeology— Arizona—Black Mesa (Navajo County and Apache County). ... Rocek examines the 150-year-old ethnohistorical and archaeological record of Navajo settlement on Black Mesa in northern Arizona. Rocek's study, the first of its kind, not only reveals a rich array of interacting factors that have helped to shape Navajo life during this period but also constructs a valuable case study in archaeological method and theory, certain to be useful to other researchers of nonurban societies.

Rio de Janeiro 1992 > UN Year of Indigenous People summit & UN General Assembly 1992 > the CMPCC summit 2010 of Climate Change and Mother Earth's Rights: the long pursuit of Hopi to get their ethnoclimatology investigated.

Rio de Janeiro environmental summit became the watershed that brought some of the world's most isolated ethnic communities into the awareness of the environmental degradation, climate change, and global warming. One of these highly isolated communities were the Hopis who are highly revered among the indigenous Americans for their fierce cultural independence and ancient, truly indigenous history-keeping. The National Hopi Grand Council of 1947 appointed His Honourable faith-keeper Thomas Banyacya as the guardian of the nation's history-keeping.

The First Nations of the Americas, with a support of the entire patronage of the World Indigenous Peoples summit, appointed HH Thomas Banyacya as the closing speaker to end the United Nations' Year of Indigenous Peoples on 10th December 1992. As soon as the session was over and the lights were turned off from the United Nations' General Assembly Hall, the World Indigenous Peoples' appeal was immediately ignored and forgotten by the United Nations.

His Excellency President Evo Morales (an Aymara Indian himself) has carried many reforms to empower indigenous people and invited me to summarise for Conferencia Mundial de los Pueblos sobre el Cambio Climático y los Derechos de la Madre Tierra (the Peoples Climate Change and Mother Earths Rights Summit) CMPCC, at Cochabamba - Tiquipaya, Bolivia in 19-22 April 2010 the merits of the ancient Puebloan ethnoclimatology that formed the core of the UN Assembly Motion.

A mistrust, past disappointments, frustration and the residential school experiences, make the spiritual leaders and faith-keepers of the native Americans resentful, presenting a formidable and ihibiting barrier on dissemination of traditional knowledges for the broader public as the native Americans have turned introverted and prefer to view their past only for themselves and keep knowledge within themselves to protect of their innate spirituality and relationship with the outer world.

Deep indigenous mistrust is reflected in retention of information and artefacts also from the anthropologists thus hindering access to ancient Sun Ages ethnoclimatology documents.

In applying evolutionary concepts to the practice of archaeology, it is important to keep in mind that transmission mechanisms -the manner in which cultural units replicate -directly affect archaeological patterning. The artifactual record visible to archaeologists represents what I will call "learning lineages," historically related chains of transmitted or replicated information. If we are to effectively study the evolution of cultural systems, we must understand and properly identify these learning lineages. It is therefore crucial to understand exactly what is replicating culturally, and how the mechanisms of replication affect cultural patterning. We then need to construct units that reflect this understanding of replication mechanisms, and translate those into things visible archaeologically. To ignore replication mechanisms would be equivalent to using Darwin but ignoring Mendel. What follows is a preliminary attempt to identify learning lineages in Navajo pottery from northwest New Mexico.