Migrants rights

Nel libro I delle Eneide (538-543), Virgilio scriveva: «in pochi arrivammo qui sulle vostre spiagge. Ma che razza di uomini è questa? Quale patria permette un costume così barbaro, che ci nega perfino l'ospitalità della sabbia; che ci dichiara guerra e ci vieta di posarci sulla vicina terra. Se non nel genere umano e nella fraternità tra le braccia mortali, credete almeno negli Dèi, memori del giusto e dell'ingiusto». È un passo

India was one of the leading countries to implement the initial lockdown to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, but still, the lockdown failed and within a few months, India joined the list of countries most affected by the coronavirus epidemic. Why did this transpire? What were the reasons abaft this? Where did the Indian government miss? This manuscript endeavors to study the lacunae in the lockdown plans of the Indian Government and highlights the mistakes committed by the Government which caused the lockdown in India to fail and further exposed the domestic migrant laborers to unbearable difficulties. The manuscript argues that the fundamental and economic rights bestowed upon the domestic migrant workers and other laborers under labor laws and the Indian constitution were breached extensively during the lockdown and that the state's policies during the lockdown worsened the condition of the domestic migrant workers.

Ipea fornece suporte técnico e institucional às ações governamentais -possibilitando a formulação de inúmeras políticas públicas e programas de desenvolvimento brasileiro -e disponibiliza, para a sociedade, pesquisas e estudos realizados por seus técnicos.

In recent decades, the criminalization of immigration and the use of private prisons have increased in popularity. The criminalization of immigration and the privatization of prisons work hand in hand in shaping the American criminal justice response to immigration. Privatization creates a powerful opportunity for the social construction of the undocumented immigrant into a powerful potential source of revenue for for-profit corporations. Private prison corporations, such as Corrections Corporation of American and The GEO Group, stand to profit significantly from the private immigration detention center. Several investigative reports have focused on how these companies stand to profit, but little attention has been given to the psychosocial consequences that impact immigrant detainees and their families.

The International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (ICMW) is a comprehensive international human rights mechanism adopted by the United Nations in 1990 with the purpose of protecting the migrant workers and members of their families. However, as compared to other international human rights treaties, the ICMW has been less recognized by States. Till date there are only 54 States which have ratified the Convention, 13 signatories, and 131 No action. The aims of this chapter are therefore to provide a general assessment of the Convention and to identify the major obstacles that explain the low level of ratification. The obstacles include political will, legal barriers, economic obstacles, political obstacles, lack of awareness, public attitudes, and national sovereignty. This chapter also sheds light on the limitations of the ICMW in States which have ratified it, namely, Guatemala, Ecuador, Mexico, and Sri Lanka. Overall, the findings reveal that though these States have ratified the ICMW, they do not fully conform to its obligations as there are still legal discrepancies, lack of awareness, corruption, and poor governance. However, the ICMW remains an important and highly relevant international human rights framework to govern the transnational mobility of people.

This volume has been realized within the context of the Sfera project, acronym of: Supporti Formativi ed Educativi alle Reti di Accoglienza. Thanks to SFERA, the promoting bodies favoured the integration and social insertion of immigrants with vulnerable target and non-safeguarded minorities, strengthening relational skills through learning the Italian language.

Produced by Shannara Cooperativa Sociale, head of the project.
Thanks to the Fondo Asilo, Migrazione e Integrazione 2014-2020 (Fami) – Obiettivo Specifico 2 – Obiettivo Nazionale 2
– “Formazione civico linguistica” – Servizi Sperimentali di formazione linguistica.

Code PROG – 793 CUP D77E17000020007

The volume is curated by Angela Visconti

Türkiyeli ve Suriyeli kadınların ev dışı ücretli işgücüne katılımlarının belirleyenlerini ve etkilerini toplumsal cinsiyet ve gruplar arası ilişkiyi odağına alarak anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu anlama  çabası, makro politikalar, politik ve ekonomik bağlam ve toplumsal cinsiyet rejimleri kesişiminde oluşturulan bir analiz  çerçevesinden yapılıyor.
Bu  çalışma, Türkiye’de yoğun politik kutuplaşma ve baskı, yükselen
ekonomik krizin ve artan yoksulluğun ülkedeki atmosferini şekillendirdiği bir dönemde gerçekleştirildi. Eş zamanlı olarak, Suriyeli mültecilere yönelik nefret söylemi, ayrımcılık, ırkçılık ve saldırıların da sürekli yükseliyor. Dahası, Covid19- pandemisinin etkisinin tüm dünya toplumlarını derinden etkilediği ve yaraladığı bir sürecin de içindeyiz.

Drawing upon 47 semi-structured interviews with Mexican migrants in Sweden, this paper focuses on the different ways in which people construct culturally mediated imaginaries of inter- and intra-group Otherness. Using a semiotic approach, it explores the influence of culturally rooted discourses in the creation of an image of the self and how this affects the perceptions held over specific migrant groups. Traditional markers of class were found to play a pivotal role in the acculturative process of most participants; nonetheless, their stories reveal complex and opposing forms of cultural reconstruction to secure a place on the Swedish social ladder. Narratives are therefore embedded with contradictory feelings of empathy, solidarity, neutrality, resistance, and resentment upon which notions of Otherness are constructed. The paper concludes that symbolic representations of migration are relevant for understanding the types of support and opposition that irregular migrants can obtain from other migrant groups.

La note d’analyse qui se suit se rapporte à l’exposé de Youri Vertongen, le 11 Mars 2021 sur la mobilisation des sans-papiers à Bruxelles, ainsi qu’à l’article “Soutien politique et soutien humanitaire. Retour sur les solidarités citoyennes avec les réfugié.e.s en Belgique” (Vertongen, 2018 : 126-133)

Différents outils d'analyse permettent de caractériser une activité d’influence évoquée lors de l'exposé de Y. Vertongen.

ABSTRACT  This study investigates the role of canonical norms in the mission of the Catholic Church to promote, protect and ensure respect for the dignity and rights of migrants. This analysis is carried out in three steps: first, it offers a brief introduction to Catholic canon law; second, it outlines the canonical norms that deal with the dignity and rights of migrants at large; and third, it presents the rights of Christian migrants, particularly those individual rights that arise from the sacrament of baptism.

Migrantes, Apátridas e Refugiados: subsídios para o aperfeiçoamento de acesso a serviços, direitos e políticas públicas no Brasil PROJETO PENSANDO O DIREITO Mapeamento Normativo Migrantes, Apátridas e Refugiados: subsídios para o aperfeiçoamento de acesso a serviços, direitos e políticas públicas no Brasil 3 organismos internacionais gerais, ou seja, sem atuação específica em matéria de direitos humanos e/ou migrações, foram trabalhados a Organização das Nações Humanos, Comitê para a Eliminação da Discriminação Racial, Comitê Para a Eliminação da Discriminação Contra as Mulheres, Comitê para os Direitos da Criança, Comitê para os Trabalhadores Migrantes -, Conselho de Direitos Humanos, Relatores Especiais, e Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados). No que se refere aos organismos específicos, foi mapeada a Organização Internacional para as Migrações. O mapeamento normativo regional foi organizado em torno de duas organizações regionais: a Organização dos Estados Americanos -OEA e o Mercado Comum do Sul -MERCOSUL. Em relação à OEA, foram inicialmente mapeadas as convenções, protocolos e declarações em matéria de direitos humanos dos migrantes, seguidas das resoluções da Assembleia Geral da OEA e dos documentos das Cúpulas das Américas sobre o tema, e de um item sobre diretrizes e declarações em matéria de direitos humanos dos migrantes, visto que alguns destes documentos foram endossados por resoluções da OEA. No contexto do MERCOSUL, os documentos deste organismo foram organizados em normas, referindo-se aos documentos de conteúdo obrigatório, e diretrizes referentes aos direitos humanos dos migrantes. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de consulta aos sítios eletrônicos de cada um dos organismos citados e a suas bases de dados documentais, utilizando-se, por vezes, pesquisa por palavras-chave (migrações, direitos humanos, etc.) ou pesquisa completa de documentos por ano. Cabe destacar que nos casos em que o volume de documentos é bastante expressivo, fixou-se como lapso temporal da pesquisa os anos entre 2000 e 2014. Foi dada preferência aos documentos específicos sobre migrações e direitos humanos dos migrantes, ou grupos migratórios específicos como refugiados e apátridas; porém, foram igualmente identificados, analisados e indicados documentos sobre temas gerais, tais como direitos humanos, direitos de PROJETO PENSANDO O DIREITO

In the aftermath of the migration crisis, the European Union and its member states adopted a series of policies aimed at reducing migratory pressure. A sample of these measures is the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding of 2 February 2017. Under this commitment, Libya agreed to perform interception and return of boat migrants on high seas, an operation known as pull-back or push-back by proxy. Among the episodes falling within this label, the most relevant is the one which occurred on 6 November 2017, which was carried out by the Libyan Coast Guard under the coordination of the Italian authorities. Seventeen of the survivors lodged an application before the European Court of Human Rights, claiming that Italy had violated various provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights. The present paper examines the challenges posed by pullbacks from the standpoint of the Law of the Sea and the International Human Rights Law, as well as the issues specifically concerning the proceeding before the Strasbourg Court.

Sasha Huber's Rentyhorn (2008), Switzerland, was a component of the Swiss Demounting Louis Agassiz campaign. The campaign sought to rename Agassizhorn, a peak bearing the name of Swiss-born scientist Louis Agassiz (1807–1873) a proponent of scientific racism. The article examines Rentyhorn, an intervention, by the Swiss/Haitian artist Huber (b 1975, Zurich), through concepts of re-mapping. Within Rentyhorn, the Swiss landscape is exposed through the naturalised systems of knowledge (geological mapping), making visible unacknowledged histories (Agassiz's legacy), and marginalised perspectives (postcolonial critique) within a geographical terrain. Positioning Rentyhorn as a critique of Swiss official ‘memory’ of Agassiz, as an esteemed scientist, highlighting how the processes of historical amnesia on Agassiz's role in the formation of racist theories, are a symptom of a wider societal disavowal of Swiss engagement with the colonial project. Challenging Agassiz's presence in the Swiss landscape emerges as a nexus of critical debate, visual and political activism.
Key words: Sasha Huber, Louis Agassiz, Agassizhorn, political racelessness, postcolonial Switzerland, racism, slave daguerreotypes, re-mapping, Rentyhorn

In this paper, we argue that the recognition and protection of the rights of migrant workers, their
families, and their communities must be the focal point of any application of the capabilities approach. Moreover, this focus can contribute to reconciling a rights-focused human development approach within global governance priorities for managing migration.

The multi-directional nature of labour migration flows has resulted in an increasing number of countries having become both senders and receivers of regular and irregular migrants. However, some countries continue to see themselves primarily as senders and so ignore their role as a receiving country, which can have negative implications for the rights of migrants in their territory. Using the example of Indonesia, which is State Party to the 1990 UN Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their Families, this article demonstrates that irreg- ular migrant workers in this country have the legal right to protection against labour exploitation even when they work despite the govern- ment’s prohibition on employment. The article discusses the ‘right to work’ and how international human rights law has translated it into the ‘right to protection from labour exploitation’ for irregular migrants in Indonesia. By way of two case studies about the Indonesian government’s handling o...

In July 2016 the UN and IOM entered into an agreement whereby the IOM became a related organisation within the UN system. In September of that year, the UN commenced negotiations towards the Global Compact on Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration to be adopted in Summer 2018. This paper examines the place of UN human rights obligations regarding migrants and the IOM Member states' position that it should remain a 'nonnormative' agency even after its inclusion in the UN system. We question whether the primacy given to national law, and the lack of any reference to international law or human rights in the IOM Constitution are compatible with the substantial role assigned to the organisation in the development of the Global Migration Compact which the UN General Assembly has determined is a human rights driven project.

Indigenous populations, sex workers, and migrants have been legally, socially, and economically disenfranchised by the Canadian state in a multitude of ways—often in the name of “anti-trafficking.” In effect, state-led anti-trafficking enforcement measures fail to address the root causes of the harms created by past and present colonization, anti-sex work laws, and racist immigration measures and programs. This paper argues that anti-trafficking legislation and policies have been immeasurably harmful towards those they claim to protect.

Resumen Una plena justificación del castigo debería exigir que entre el penado y la comunidad que lo llama a responder haya una relación política en la que el penado puede encontrar razones para implicar sus intereses y capacidades más preciadas en la mantención y desarrollo de dicha comunidad. En el contexto de una democracia igualitaria, estas razones deben dirigirse al penado como un igual. De ahí que castigar a quien carece de plena membresía política siempre es un problema para el derecho penal. En este capítulo se explora el caso específico de los extranjeros, comparándolo con grupo que se encuentra en los márgenes de la relación política, esto es, las víctimas de extrema pobreza.

İlticanın kendisinin uluslararası hukukta hiç bir zaman bir tanımı yapılmamıştır. II. Dünya
Savaşı’ndan sonra kabul edilen uluslararası insan hakları hukukunun en temel belgesi
BM İnsan Hakları Evrensel Beyannamesi’ne 14. Madde ile giren iltica hakkı, ‘herkesin
zulüm karşısında başka memleketlere iltica etmek ve bu memleketler tarafından
mülteci muamelesi görmek hakkına haiz olduğunu’ söylemektedir. Burada tanımlanan şekli ile iltica aramak bir haktır ama bu hakkın tanınması ve mülteci statüsü verilmesi
ulus devletin egemenlik yetkisine bırakılmıştır.
Buna rağmen, uluslararası insan hakları hukukundaki sözleşmelerden doğan denetim
organları, vatandaş olmayanlar açısından –giriş, ikamet, haklara erişim, sınırdışı edilmeden korunma- gibi geniş bir alanda zamanla bağlayıcı olan kararlar, tematik yorumlar ve ilkeler geliştirmişlerdir. Bunlardan en önemlisi de kaynağını uluslararası hukukta mutlak bir yasak olan işkence yasağından alan geri göndermeme -non-refoulement- ilkesidir. 2010’lu yıllara geldiğimizde ise artık insan hakları hukukunun bireyleri koruma adına devlet egemenliğine karşı daha fazla istisna getirdiğine tanık oluyoruz. Uluslararası içtihattaki gelişmeler, devletin geri göndermeme ilkesine uymasını sağlamanın ötesine geçip, ona artık birtakım pozitif ödevler de yüklemeye doğru evrilmiştir. Bunlardan başta gelen kazanımlara örnek olarak, kadınlar ve kız çocuklarının ‘hassas grup’ tanımı içerisinde yer alması ve vatandaş olmayanlara koruma amaçlı mültecilik dışında hukuki statülerin tanınması verilebilir.

A comparative study on labour migration in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan as well as Russia, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Includes research and analysis of various migration patterns, impact of labour migration on development, including remittances; legislative and institutional basis and international cooperation; labour migrants' rights, etc. A project funded by the European Commission and IOM in Kazakhstan was based on a desk research and a wide range of expert interviews with eight site visits to Ashgabat, Astana, Bishkek, Dushanbe, Islamabad, Kabul, Moscow and Tashkent. Includes policy recommendations for the relevant ministries of each country, presented in Analytical overview.

Исследование и анализ трудовой миграции, ее роли в развитии и проблемам управления в пяти странах Центральной Азии, России, Афганистане и Пакистане на основе кабинетных исследований и экспертных опросов и непосредственных наблюдений во время полевых миссий в Алматы, Астану, Ашгабад, Бишкек, Душанбе, Исламабад, Кабул, Москву и Ташкент.  На их основе  предложены рекомендации для государственных органов по реформированию миграционного законодательства и институтов . Проект при поддержке Европейской Комиссии и Международной организации по миграции.

Based on ethnographic research in South Korea, this article investigates the gendered production of migrant rights under the global regime of temporary migration by examining two groups of Filipina women: factory workers and hostesses at American military camptown clubs. Emphasizing gendered labor processes and symbolic politics, this article offers an analytical framework to interrogate the mechanisms through which a discrepancy of rights is generated at the intersection of workplace organization and civil society mobilization. I identify two distinct labor regimes for migrant women that were shaped in the shadow of working men. Migrant women in the factories labored in the company of working men on the shop floor, which enabled them to form a co-ethnic migrant community and utilize the male-centered bonding between workers and employers. In contrast, migrant hostesses were isolated and experienced gendered stigma under the paternalistic rule of employers. Divergent forms of civil society mobilization in South Korea sustained these regimes: Migrant factory workers received recognition as workers without attention to gender-specific concerns while hostesses were construed as women victims in need of protection. Thus, Filipina factory workers were able to exercise greater labor rights by sharing the dignity of workers as a basis for their rights claims from which hostesses were excluded.

Political theorists have barely addressed whether migrants have the right to use their original language(s) in the public sphere. My goal in this article, then, is to test what does it mean or imply to say that A has a right to use her language. Making use of Hohfeld's scheme of rights and considering Kloss' idea that language rights are closely dependent upon which sphere is at stake (either public or private sphere), I propose a basic scheme of language rights and liberties. In this work, I argue for two main points. First, that speaking one's own language should be considered both a liberty and a right in the private sphere as a tolerance-oriented right. Second, that using one's own language should neither be considered a right, nor a liberty enjoyed by everyone in the public sphere. To recognise such a thing would suppose supporting a universal promotion-oriented language right. In this regard, I distinguish between migrant and longsettled national language groups. I argue that only members of the latter should be prima facie entitled to a right and liberty to use their own languages in public settings. Finally, I offer a preliminary approach to permissible language policies to secure migrant's language rights and liberties.

The author deals with the one of the most problematic issues of the migrant crisis,
namely the deprivation of liberty of a unaccompanied migrant minor in his or her
migrant journey. The situation of migrants in the crisis that has hit Europe is not
easy in itself, but it is made even more difficult by the fact that children often travel
with adult migrants, and the most difficult aspect of this phenomenon is certainly
unaccompanied migrant children. The countries most affected by the influx of
unaccompanied children are Greece and Malta. Article 5 of the European
Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms lays down the grounds
on which a person may be deprived of his liberty, and in recent years the European
Court of Human Rights has elaborated in detail the basis for ordering the detention of
migrants. The author has paid the greatest attention to the views of this Court when
it comes to unaccompanied migrant children analyzing all the judgments rendered
by July 2019, and the difficulty of their position is sufficiently illustrated by the fact
that the Court found violations of convention rights in all judgments in their
deprivation of liberty.

Scholars have devoted insufficient attention to Indonesia's foreign policy on migrant worker protection, especially as mobilized in multilateral institutions. This article addresses such knowledge gaps by analyzing why Indonesia has, for almost two decades, persistently promoted the United Nations Migrant Worker Convention in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) despite constant pushback from migrant-receiving countries. It argues that Indonesia's persistence is driven by its locally constituted meaning of migrant worker rights. In particular, this article advances the critical norms approach in international relations to demonstrate that its interpretation is influenced by "Indonesia's normative baggage," or past experiences with labour migration that have too frequently dealt with the exploitation of Indonesian citizens abroad. This normative baggage in turn shapes the country's diplomacy and promotion of convention standards deemed appropriate for safeguarding Indonesian migrants in ASEAN. In presenting the argument, this article contributes to the study of labour migration by scrutinizing Indonesia's foreign policy on migrant protection and unpacking norm interpretation processes that are necessary in international negotiations.

The aim of this chapter is to contribute to furthering our understanding of family-related migration and social integration in contemporary European societies by examining (a) how Swiss migration and integration policies shape the social integration of foreign spouses from countries outside the European Union and (b) the compatibility of such policies with Switzerland’s aim of the equality of women and men in all areas of society. The following specific questions are addressed: What views regarding family norms and gender roles are inherent in family-related migration policies? What rights are granted to foreign spouses and for what specific purposes? Do these rights provide an adequate basis for equal gender relations among members of cross-border families?

Over the past five years, labour policies in the countries of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have witnessed significant transformations driven by numerous macro-level challenges, such as demographic imbalance, dependence on hydrocarbon economy, political and security crises. Despite the challenges' commonality across the GCC, yet, policy responses related to labour were different from country to another. This article explores the macro-level challenges facing labour policymaking in the GCC, followed by an examination of social inclusion/exclusion patterns targeting expatriate workers in Qatar and Saudi Arabia due to the recent labour policy transformations. Both countries were selected to provide in-depth contextual analysis of the radical shift towards inclusion in Qatar and exclusion in Saudi Arabia.

I analyse how the transnational migrant subject is addressed through a spectrum of legal rules and criteria designed to question her legitimacy at the point of crossing borders. I expose how the complexities and layering of migrant existence are rolled and oattened through a regulatory apparatus that fails to engage with the broader transnational processes that produce the global demand for migrants. International and domestic laws are serving as sites where the emergence of the transnational migrant on the global stage is being resisted and her human rights compromised. These legal interventions are constructed along frameworks rooted in the boundaries of difference, the sovereignty of the nation-state, and the myth of the liberal subject, which all fail to address the challenges posed by the transnational migrant.

A rota do Mediterrâneo central, que cobre a maior parte da costa italiana, consagrou-se como uma das principais vias de entrada de migrantes - incluídos os refugiados - merecendo sua análise, portanto, maior atenção. Como exemplo paradigmático dessa problemática, há o caso da embarcação Aquarius, que teve a sua entrada negada nos portos da costa italiana e, em razão disso, teve que redirecionar drasticamente os seus planos para que pudesse desembarcar com segurança em terra firme. Na presente pesquisa é feito um estudo sobre o caso do navio Aquarius, sob a ótica do princípio do Non-refoulement, analisando se a recusa arbitrária ao acolhimento de um grupo de pessoas, sem identificar especificamente o Status de cada uma, configura-se em desencontro com as normas internacionais ou se é justificável sob o argumento da defesa da soberania. No tocante ao método de investigação adotado, a pesquisa é desenvolvida a partir do método indutivo, sendo realizada uma análise bibliográfica, documental e jurisprudencial. Concluiu-se que, embora exista um desafio jurisprudencial na questão da securitização do fenômeno migratório, os Estados não estão dispensados do cumprimento dos termos dos instrumentos internacionais aos quais estejam vinculados.

This article introduces a special section that focuses on the analysis of migration policy and on how to measure the nature of these policies. It aims to take stock of previous studies and build on this knowledge to propose paths for further development.

El estudio que aquí se nos entrega, llega en un buen momento. Desde hace algunos años, la sociedad chilena se pregunta, ¿quiénes son éstos nuevos vecinos que desembarcan en nuestras ciudades, nuestros barrios, poblaciones y campamentos? ¿Cómo hacer para comprender estas lenguas y costumbres que por desconocidas nos atemorizan? ¿Cómo aprender a convivir con el migrante latinoamericano, de origen y rasgos mestizos, indígenas o afrodescendientes? Desde una mirada cuidadosa, Pablo Flores e Isabel Ibañez buscan responder estas preguntas. El estudio trata de los migrantes que habiendo llegado a vivir a la pujante ciudad minera de Antofagasta, al poco andar se han visto obligados a migrar hacia los campamentos que la rodean. Asentamientos precarios que nacen en los bordes de esta ciudad del norte de Chile para luego encaramarse en los faldeos de sus cerros. Las fotos que acompañan este estudio, muestran a hombres, mujeres y niños sonrientes, pero el paisaje que los rodea da cuenta de la sequedad y la pobreza en que hoy viven. No es difícil intuir, que tras esas pequeñas y precarias viviendas que habitan, hay esfuerzo y por cierto, cierta decepción. En este prólogo quisiera detenerme en al menos cuatro aspectos que a mi parecer, constituyen un aporte de este libro a la discusión que hoy recorre a la sociedad chilena: ruptura y expulsión; migración y estigma; márgenes y habitación; migración y derechos. Ruptura y expulsión: El estudio nos advierte que los migrantes a menudo llegan a nuestro país en busca de nuevas oportunidades producto de la falta de trabajo, ingresos económicos, calidad de vida y seguridad, entre otros. Sin embargo, en esta larga lista de factores que determinan la decisión de migrar, hay una dimensión de la que poco sabemos: el quiebre o pérdida de los vínculos sociales y redes familiares en el país de origen. Debido a dicha pérdida, hombres y mujeres migran en búsqueda de nuevas oportunidades y/o de redes que esperan encontrar en otra sociedad. De allí tal vez, producto de esa ruptura de los lazos en la sociedad de origen, que una de las consecuencias de la migración sea la necesidad de integración a redes transnacionales y también la reunificación.

Cette publication tend à aller à contre-courant des idées reçues sur la place, la représentation et le rôle de l'interprète professionnel lorsqu'il réalise sa tâche en mediaiton sociale. C'est à l'aide de la notion de paratraduction que, sur les seuils du traduire, j'ai voulu instaurer en Traduction et Interprétation en Milieu Social (TIMS) une nouvelle perspective invitant à considérer la pensée du seuil comme étant essentielle pour comprendre le «traduire» de l'interprète au quotidien, car, contrairement à la conception régnante, la traduction n'est pas que passage.