Kingdom of Hungary

This article aims to provide a general picture of the patterns of regional inequalities in the Kingdom of Hungary before its dismemberment. It also compares the location of the economic peripheries with areas
dominated by national minorities and traces the changes in these patterns up until 2010 in modern Hungary and the successor states. We
hypothesise that beyond the issues about land, suffrage, and minority, the issue on regional differences should also be considered as these
might enhance or mitigate such differences, thereby either strengthening or weakening the internal cohesion of the state and the society.
The second part of the paper investigates whether regional differences diminished in the broader region due to the regional development policies of the successor states − considering that, unlike in the 1910s, both the regional development planning and the notion of ‘social equality’ became a central part of economic policies. To analyse the abovementioned questions, the GISta Hungarorum (1880–1910) database and the recent statistical data for Slovakia, Romania, and Hungary (2000–2010) were evaluated at settlement level.

Nitra is one of the oldest Slovak towns. In the beginning of the 9th century it was a centre of the Nitra principality. But its own town privileges gained only from king Bela IV. in 1248. In that time it was a royal town. Situation has changed when king Ladislaus IV. on May 13, 1288 donated the town of Nitra along with the local guests (hospites) to Paschasius, the bishop of  Nitra for his merits. In addition, he granted him the right to call, collect and retain other guests, to regulate their freedom and to change them the usual taxes and fees. The Nitra guests were exempted from the jurisdiction of the mayor od the Nitra county and transferred to the jurisdiction of the Nitra bishop. Bishop Paschasius was previously provost of Bratislava and from the childhood of king Ladislaus he performed in his service various diplomatic messages during which he was even captured by the Cumans. For these reasons he received quite decent compensation. Thus, a significant change occurred in the town´s position. Nitra became a bishop´s town. It was a step backwards for the townspeople. However bishop began to intervene in their rights only at the end of the Middle Ages, In this period, bishops Anton of Šankovce (1492-1500) and his successor Stephen Podmanický (1505-1530) began to demand from the townspeople services that opposed their former freedoms. Only under bishop Paul of Telegd (1619-1644) was an agreement signed between the Nitra citizens and the bishop, which set out the rights and duties of the Nitra´s townspeople. On the basis of this, their relations worked until the abolition of serfdom in 1848.

O novej dobe... (John WYNDHAM)

ŠTÚDIE
Lucia GREGORÍKOVÁ BRANIŠOVÁ
Česká kráľovná Konštancia Uhorská

Jakub PALKO
Budínsky mier 1254

Matej ČAPO
K histórii hrobu francúzskeho vojaka z roku 1809 v Petržalke

Diana BALOGÁČOVÁ
Korunný princ Rudolf o rakúskej šľachte a význame vzdelávania

Peter VANEK
Rýchla divízia v bitke o Rostov na Done v roku 1942

PODUJATIA & SPRÁVY
Juraj HRICA
Konferencia "100 rokov Bratislavskej župy", Modra, 24. 9. 2019

O AUTOROCH

Die Ehe und die Ehebünde waren in der Zeit des Mittelalters Domäne der
Kirche. Es ging nähmlich um eine der sieben kirchlichen Sakramenten,
also alles, was mit dem kirchlichen Recht im Zusammenhang stand, wie
Verlobungen, Eheschließungen, Ausnahmen bei der Eheschließung, Streitigkeiten um das Ehevermögen und andere Eheangelegenheiten, gehörten in die Kompetenz der Kirche und der Kirchengerichte. Die Eheschließungen im Mittelalter waren ausdrücklich ein Kontrakt, ein Handel („contractus matrimonialis“). Die Eltern hatten die Pflicht, für ihre Kinder, Söhne und Töchter, entsprechende Lebenspartner zu finden, am besten vermögensgleichwertige, bzw. auch besser situierten und mittels der Ehe für den Nachwuchs eine gute Zukunft zu sichern und das Familieneigentum zu vermehren. Die Liebe zwischen den Verlobten war nicht an der ersten Stelle. Sie konnte sich entfalten, wenn überhaupt, erst nachträglich im Ehebund. Es war nicht denkbar, dass der Sohn oder die Tochter den Partner selbst nach ihren Vorstellungen und Idealen gesucht hätten und den Auserwählten dann nur den Eltern vorgestellt hätten. Im Mittelalter funktionierten diese Sachen genau umgekehrt. Die Initiative war auf der Elternseite. Und dabei war vor allem die Geschlechtserhaltung mit zahlreichem Nachwuchs, vor allem des männlichen Geschlechts, und seine Vermögensvermehrung wichtig.

Frontispiz: © Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien. Das Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Die dadurch begründeten Rechte, insbesondere die der Übersetzung, des Nachdrucks, der Entnahme von Abbildungen, der Funksendung, der Wiedergabe auf fotomechanischem oder ähnlichem Wege und der Speicherung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen bleiben, auch bei nur auszugsweiser Verwertung, vorbehalten. Die Vergütungsansprüche des § 54 Abs. 2 UrhG werden durch die Verwertungsgesellschaft Wort wahrgenommen.

Deism is one of the branches of radical Enlightenment which states that God creates the World, but he does not
intervene into its operation. Theological dogmas are completely useless because these rules are not necessary for
the prosperity of people. These ideas were very dangerous to Christianity; however, they were widespread in many
parts of Europe in the 18th century. The Reformed Diocese of Békés was located in the south eastern area of the
Kingdom of Hungary, whose followers practised an essentially rural way of life; therefore, they hardly read any
scientific and philosophical works. In spite of this fact, the spread of the ideas characteristic of deism can be
observed in numerous dioceses. The reception of deism in southeast Hungary can be witnessed not in the traditional
intellectual documents (school curriculum, translations, and philosophical treatises), but in the documents of the
ecclesiastical government: Church attendance records, documents of the proceedings of the ecclesiastical courts.
With the detailed analysis of the ecclesiastical administration documents of the Reformed Church, this study
investigates how folk religion relates to deism and the criticism of religion by the radical Enlightenment.

Territorium comitatus Nitriensis quoad administrationem ecclesiasticam tempore medii aevi pars dioecesis Strigoniensis erat. Quam diocesim primus rex Hungariae sanctus Stephanus circa annum 1000 fundavit. Ambitus eius eundem spatium ac pristinus episcopatus Nitriensis saeculo nono exsistens comprehendit. Praefata dioecesis quondam in multos inferioris gradus unitates, scilicet archidiaconatus, dividebatur. In comitatu Nitriensi archidiaconatus Nitriensis (1156) et Sasvariensis (1210) mentionati sunt. Ibidem etiam minores unitates: vicearchidiaconatus seu districtus erant et quidem districtus de Bojnice, Hlohovec, Topoľčany et Veľký Kýr. Principalis cellula totius ecclesiae corporis autem parochia erat. Rete parochiarum in comitatu Nitriensi exsistentium et in hac forma administrationis comprehensarum iam tempore medii aevi densissimum erat. Erant in metis huius comitatus summatim 160 ecclesiae parochiales numeratae. Prae statu hodierno, in quo idem territorium 188 parochias numerat, minima tantum differentia observari potest. Multorum locorum parochiae antiquissimae erant, ante saeculum tertium decimum ortae sunt. Dici vere potest, quod fundamentum structurae parochialis eo ipso tempore positum erat.

Nobiles ex familia Majténiana tempore medii aevi locum inter insignes familias nobilium in territorio Slovaciae existentium occupabant. Quoad statum eorum socialem ad coetum nobilium medii ordinis possumus eos adnumerare. Dicendum est quidem tituli aliquorum ex Majténianis „strenuus miles“ seu „aulicus regius“, sive munus cubicularii regii et dapiferi, quo unus ex dicto genere in curia regia fungebatur, ad nobiles amplioris gradus pertinebant, inter barones autem, qui titulo „magnificus“ designabantur, Majténianos non computamus, singuli enim nobiles huius familiae titulis „egregius“ vel „dominus“ appellabantur. Muneribus vicecomitum (comitatus Nitriensis et de Turiec), castellanorum (castrorum Bojnice, Čachtice, Sklabiňa et Nitra) seu praepositorum (ecclesiae de Turiec) vel abbatum (monasterii in monte Zobor) hoc tempore ornati erant. Possidendo dominia cum centenis sessionibus iobagionalibus quam nobiles Forgách dicti, vel eorum similes de Oponice seu Coboriani ad ordinem sic dictum medium inter barones et ceteros nobiles comitatuum locum habentem numerari possunt.
Familia Majténi similiter quam eius propinqui, id est familia Motešický est antiqua propago generationis nobilium de Diviaky nad Nitricou. Progenitores eius sibi sedem in Dolné Motešice, villa in meridionali parte comitatus de Trenčín existenti, constituerunt, ubi saeculo XIII. ineunte iam possessores fuerunt. Nomen eiusdem villae, in forma vero madiarica, id est Majténi, acceperunt pro nomen suum gentilicium. Haec erat differentia inter eos et familiam Motešickýanam, cuius nomen gentilicium similiter ortum est de nomine eiusdem villae, sed dissimiliter scribebatur in forma sclavonica. Caput et conditor huius familiae sine dubio Gregorius de Motešice (Maythe) erat, qui in serviciis regis Sigismundi contra Turcos et hussitas fidelitatem et opera fidelitatis exhibuit, pro quibus regiam remunerationem obtinuit. Anno 1434 castrum Sivý Kameň, collatum ei a rege Sigismundo, facta est nova residentia familiae. Gregorius et posteri eius nomen dicti castri in lingua madiarica Keselőkő ab hoc tempore solebant nomini gentilicio adiungere. Hoc incommodum et accessu difficilem locum iam XV. saeculo durante Majténienses reliquerunt et translati sunt ad oppidum Nováky, in contigua vicinitate existentem, ubi singuli eorum domos seu curias lapideas edificaverunt et nomine dicti oppidi suum originem designabant („Maytheny de Nowak“). Altera propago huius familiae suam sedem in oppido Zavar constituit, ubi praefatus Gregorius a rege Sigismundo eodem tempore donationem accepit, et nepotes eius similiter etiam nomen praefati oppidi ad suum nomen gentilicium iunxerunt. In ultimis annis medii aevi Majténienses possidebant castrum Sivý Kameň cum pertinentiis Podhradie, Veľká a Malá Lehota (hodie Lehota pod Vtáčnikom), Nováky, Sebedražie, Čereňany, Bystričany, Horná Ves, Malé Uherce et Rádobica, praeter has possessiones ad dominium dictae familiae spectabant etiam villae (Dolné) Motešice, Peťovka, Baštín, Baštianka, Zavar et Žlkovce.
Collectio litterarum et aliorum publicorum instrumentorum ex tabulario familiae Majténianae proveniendorum nunc in Archivo Hungarico Regnicolari (Magyar Országos Levéltár) in Budapest asservatur. Pars materiae huiusmodi tabularii tempore medii aevi scripta, in collectionem litterarum medii aevi (Diplomatikai levéltár) est translocata. In archivo hocce Majténiano, totaliter 192 litterae tempore medii aevi scriptae numerantur, quarum maior pars in autographo (166), id est in forma originali seu in copia (26), conservatae sunt. Ex his litteris 56 sunt, quae dicuntur transumpti, in illis 84 insertae litterae continentur.  Huic autem 106 litterae deperditae, neque in originali, nec in copia exsistentes, de quibus solum mentiones habemus, adnumerandae sunt. Ad hoc etiam 35 litteras in copia simplici seu vidimata asservatas adicimus. Itaque summatim dici potest, quod in praefato archivo Majtényano 415 litterae, quas in forma editionis publicamus, inveniuntur.
E toto numero litterarum hoc tomo contentarum 383, id est 92%, adhuc ineditae sunt. Editores alii solum 16 litteras in suis editionibus in extenso publicandas ediderunt. 33 litterae sunt in forma longiorum seu breviorum regestorum in medium prolatae. Vidi ergo potest materiam litterarum ex hoc archivo proveniendarum adhuc parum investigatam esse. Maior pars litterarum in hoc loco depositarum territorium Slovaciae hodiernae tangit, asservantur autem ibidem etiam in magno numero (72) litterae, quae ad loca extra territorium Slovaciae iacentia spectant.
Quoad tempus emanationis litterarum in nostra collectione comprehendarum, illae ex annis 1324 až 1526 proveniunt. Earum antiquissimae in forma autographi adhuc conservati sub dato 12. augusti 1324 a rege Karolo emanatae sunt. In praefatis litteris rex statutionem possessionis Pác mandavit. Ex toto numero documentorum medii aevi e tabulario familiae Majténianae proveniendarum 62 litterae in saeculo decimo quarto emanatae sunt. In prima parte eiusdem saeculi 15 litterae ortae sunt, in altera parte saeculi eiusdem 47 litterae in lucem prodierunt. In prima parte saeculi quinti decimi 70 litterae emanatae erant, in altera parte saeculi praefati 115 litterae noscuntur et in prima quarta saeculi sedecimi 166 litterae in archivo Majténiano asservatae inveniri possunt. Vidi ergo potest maiorem partem litterarum tabularii huiusmodi ex ultimis saeculis medii aevi oriri.
Litterae in nostra editione comprehensae eo modo ordinantur, ut temporum ratio in eis servaretur, id est singulis litteris singuli numeri assignantur secundum tempus emanationis earum. Postea datum et locus dictae emanationis inducitur. Locus autem ille tantum in eo casu inducitur, in quo litteris dictis mentionatus est. Quoad loca credibilia et locus emanationis litterarum e scriptoriis eorundem institutionum proveniendarum, idem erat ac locus, in quo dictum capitulum seu conventus suum domicilium habebant, itaque non erat necessarium ea inducere. Post haec regestum, id est brevis descriptio tenoris singularum litterarum, in lingua Slovaca traducta, sequitur. Sub dicto regesto in litteris inclinantibus impressa descriptio tabulae (apparatum diplomaticum) adiungitur, in qua precise qualitas conservationis litterae, ergo, utrum de autographo agatur necne, perscrutatur. Hac in re etiam exploratur, utrum haec copia vidimata seu tantum simplex sit, vel utrum de deperdito agatur, de quo solum mentio exsistit, necnon etc., item inducitur in hoc loco descriptio exterioris partis litterarum, sicut condicio tabulae extera, id est qualitas materiae, e qua sunt litterae confectae (membrana seu charta) et adnotatio laesionum possibilium. Nequaquam omittendae sunt adnotationes scribarum seu aliarum personarum, quae in marginibus litterarum saepe inveniuntur, aeque nostrum animum ad descriptionem sigillationis litterarum advertimus et ad qualitatem sigillorum in hisce litteris servatorum. Magnae importantiae sunt etiam informationes de loco depositionis litterarum, consignationes earum, editiones seu in extenso vel solum in forma regestorum. Tum demum tenor singularum litterarum edendarum sequitur. Subtus adnotationes editoris quoad textus et quoad rem inveniuntur. Pars illa totius operis nucleus repraesentat. In finem dictae editionis index nominum et locorum posuimus.

Iba ukážky. Knihu si možno objednať u vydavateľa - na stránke Filozofickej fakulty Trnavskej univerzity v Trnave. - Previews only. The book available for purchase from the Trnava University Bookstore online (http://ff.truni.sk/knizne-publikacie/archivum-familiae-majteni-0).

In hoc tomo seriei publicationum „Fontes rerum Slovacarum“ nominatae, quas Sedes historica Facultatis philosophicae, Universitatis Tyrnaviensis, ad lucem edit ea mente, ut fontes res gestas Slovacas tangentes accessu faciles reddantur, litteras epistulasque medii aevi ex archivo alterius familiae nobilis ex territorio Slovaciae oriundae: familiae Očkaj, publicamus. Nobiles de Očkov, villa in medio cursu fluvii Váh sita, generatio origine Slovaca erant. Dolendum est, quod in Očkov praedicta fere nulla vestigia praesentiae eorum usque nunc sunt conservata. Tempore medii aevii nobiles de Očkov inter inferiores familias nobilium pertinebant. Singulae personae de familia ista familiares et servientes aliorum nobilium amplioris gradus, id est magnatum et baronum regni erant. In gradus altioris dignitatis solum tempore moderni aevi ascendebant, cum inter barones computati essent. Multae erant personae huius familiae, quae tempore praeterito variis muneribus non solum in administratione comitatus Nitriensis ornatae essent, scilicet Gaspar Očkaj, supremus capitaneus castri Posoniensis (+1628), qui exercitui comitatus Nitriensis contra gentes rebellis Gabrielis Bethlen pugnaturo preaerat, item Josephus Očkaj (1740-1805), ductor copiarum Austriacarum bella contra exercitum Napoleonis in variis locis gerens, sive operum artis fingendi collector, nummorum et rerum naturae peritus, Franciscus Očkaj (1775-1851), praefati Josephi filius, denique in philosophia eruditus, Antonius Očkaj (1839-1848), episcopus de Košice. Omnium Očkajorum clarissimus autem Ladislaus Očkaj erat, homo temerarius in re militari, dux exercitus kuruconum in seditione Francisci II. Rakocii, quem perfugam kurucones causa proditionis et transitionis in partem imperatoris in Novo Castro archiepiscopali (Nové Zámky) anno 1710 supplicio affecerunt. Exceptis suis antiquis bonis haereditariis familia Očkajorum serius multas possessiones obtinuit, quae singulas personas familiae praemissae e suis sedibus in alia loca regni Hungariae, Slovaciae remotissima, reducerunt.
In tabullario familiae Očkajorum nonnulla iucunda documenta non solum res gestas huius familiae sed etiam territorii Slovaciae meridio-occidentalis tempore medii aevi tangentia inveniuntur. Ibidem quoque nonnullae litterae familiarum nobilium de Rišňovce, Šurianky, Visolaje et Žabokreky reperiri possunt. Precipue autem documenta familiae Lövő, id est Sagittariorum de *Lučenec-Dubovany. Qua familia exstincta prima parte saeculi XV. exeunte omnia eius litteralia instrumenta in manus familiae Očkajanae deventa erant, quia familia illa eodem quoque tempore in possessionem portionum possessionariarum in possessione Dubovany habitarum inducta erat. Similiter ac possessiones omnium familiarum supradictarum, cum quibus Očkajani certo modo in nexu affinitatis iuncti erant. In tomo „Archivum familiae Očkaj“ nominato seriem publicorum instrumentorum medii aevi ex tabulario familiae Očkaj proveniendorum in lucem edidimus, quae in Archivo Hungarico Nationali (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár) in Budapest asservantur, et historiam ambarum generationum antiquissimam, scilicet Očkajorum de Očkov et Sagittariorum (Lövő) de *Lučenec descripsimus. Commemoramus autem breviter, quod litteras e tabulario Očkajano oriundas anno 1945 incendium infelix consumpsit, et solummodo quia paulo ante ex eis copiae photographicae confectae erant, historiam familiae Očkajorum a temporibus antiquissimis perscrutari et cognoscere possumus.
Sicut praemisimus, collectio litterarum et aliorum publicorum instrumentorum ex tabulario familiae Očkajorum proveniendorum nunc in Archivo Hungarico Nationali (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár) in Budapest asservatur. Pars materiae huiusmodi tabularii tempore medii aevi scripta (in forma copiarum photographicarum, sed tres litteras etiam in forma autographi), in collectionem litterarum medii aevi (Diplomatikai levéltár) est translocata. In archivo hocce Očkajorum, totaliter 281 litterae tempore medii aevi scriptae numerabantur, quarum maior pars in autographo (261), id est in forma originali conservatae erant. Hodie autem tantummodo de copiis photographicis agitur, quia tempore secundi belli mundani litterae incendio consumptae erant. Postea tres litterae in forma originali additae erant (in totalem numerum 284 litterarum, quarum 264 sunt in forma autographi seu imaginis phototypicae autographi). Ex his litteris 34 sunt, quae dicuntur transumpti, in illis 38 insertae litterae continentur.  Huic autem 5 litterae deperditae, neque in originali, nec in copia exsistentes, de quibus solum excerpta habemus, adnumerandae sunt. Ad hoc etiam 11 litteras in copia simplici seu vidimata asservatas adicimus. Itaque summatim dici potest, quod in praefato archivo Majtényano 313 litterae, quas in forma editionis publicamus, inveniuntur.
Quoad tempus emanationis litterarum in nostra collectione comprehendarum, illae ex annis 1257 usque 1525 proveniunt. Earum antiquissimae in forma autographi adhuc conservati sub dato 10. augusti 1257 a rege Bela IV. emanatae sunt. In praefatis litteris idem rex litteras capituli de Nitra sub dato 8. maii 1257 de remissione iuramenti super terris Dvorany et *Rozvadze praestandi emanatas confirmavit. Ex toto numero documentorum medii aevi e tabulario familiae Očkaj proveniendorum 9 litterae in saeculo tredecimo emanatae sunt. In saeculo decimo quarto  84 litterae editae sunt, quarum 34 litterae in prima parte eiusdem saeculi, 50 litterae in altera parte ortae sunt. In prima parte saeculi decimi quinti 79 litterae emanatae erant, in altera parte saeculi praefati 78 litterae noscuntur et in prima quarta saeculi sedecimi 61 litterae in archivo Očkajano asservatae inveniri possunt. Vidi ergo potest magna pars litterarum tabularii huiusmodi e saeculo XIV. orta est.
Litterae in nostra editione comprehensae eo modo ordinantur, ut temporum ratio in eis servaretur, id est singulis litteris singuli numeri assignantur secundum tempus emanationis earum. Postea datum et locus dictae emanationis inducitur. Locus autem ille tantum in eo casu inducitur, in quo litteris dictis mentionatus est. Quoad loca credibilia et locus emanationis litterarum e scriptoriis eorundem institutionum proveniendarum, idem erat ac locus, in quo dictum capitulum seu conventus suum domicilium habebant, itaque non erat necessarium ea inducere. Post haec regestum, id est brevis descriptio tenoris singularum litterarum, in lingua Slovaca traducta, sequitur. Sub dicto regesto in litteris inclinantibus impressa descriptio tabulae (apparatum diplomaticum) adiungitur, in qua precise qualitas conservationis litterae, ergo, utrum de autographo agatur nec ne, perscrutatur. Hac in re etiam exploratur, utrum haec copia vidimata seu tantum simplex sit, vel utrum de deperdito agatur, de quo solum mentio exsistit, nec non etc., item in hoc loco descriptio exterioris partis litterarum inducitur, si vero perscrutari potest, quia maxima in parte solummodo de imaginibus phototypicis agitur, sicut condicio tabulae extera, id est qualitas materiae, e qua erant litterae confectae (membrana seu charta) et adnotatio laesionum possibilium. Nequaquam omittendae sunt adnotationes scribarum seu aliarum personarum, quae in marginibus litterarum saepe inveniuntur, aeque nostrum animum ad descriptionem sigillationis litterarum advertimus et ad qualitatem sigillorum in hisce litteris servatorum, sed dicendum est imagines litterarum ex archivo Očkajano proveniendarum dorsales raro confectas esse. Magnae importantiae sunt etiam informationes de loco depositionis litterarum, consignationes earum, editiones seu in extenso vel solum in forma regestorum. Tum demum tenor singularum litterarum edendarum sequitur. Subtus adnotationes editoris quoad textus et quoad rem inveniuntur. Pars illa totius operis nucleus repraesentat. In finem dictae editionis index nominum et locorum posuimus.

Iba ukážky. Knihu si možno objednať u vydavateľa - na stránke Filozofickej fakulty Trnavskej univerzity v Trnave. - Previews only. The book available for purchase from the Trnava University Bookstore online (http://ff.truni.sk/knizne-publikacie/archivum-familiae-ockaj-stredoveke-dejiny-rodiny-ockajovcov-listiny-z-jej-archivu).

A charter from the year 1247 says that Cistercians from the Church of Saint
Giles in the town of Bardejov (aput ecclesiam sancti Egidii de Bardfa) neighboured
also with German guests (hospes) from the town of Prešov (Theotonici de Epuryes).
The Germans illegitimately destroyed border signs that determined the property of the
Cistercians. The mentioned document is a unique information about the presence of
the Germans in Bardejov’s surroundings already in the first half of the 13th century.
The Árpáds must have placed the guests to that location before the year 1247 but
we are not sure whether the Germans came before the Mongol invasion of Europe
(1241 – 1242) or after it. Both time interpretations are possible. The Cistercians
owned a royal property with the Church of Saint Giles,
which had its old bordeline. We do not know how big the property was as the
bounds of Bardejov in the charter from 1247 were later falsified. If the original
town bounds had not been changed in the charter, we would have known where the
properties of the Cistercians and the Germans from Prešov met. The area where
the Germans settled can be studied only within bounds mentioned in the falsified
part of the charter from the year 1247-in the part about the sell of the village of
Smilno from 1269 and in the part from 1320 when Charles I. of Hungary widened
the previous bounds of Bardejov to meet the needs of new guests. In 1320,
a new village (New Village) near Bardejov is mentioned. It is today’s Bardejovská
Nová Ves. The village shows up in sources as Hipfolu, Vyffalu or Nova villa. It is
highly probable that Prešov Germans mentioned in the charter from 1247 were
settled there. For examples, today’s towns of Spišská Nová Ves and Banská Bystrica,
where German guests lived, are names as Villa Nova (1268) and nova villa
Bystrice (1255). The same naming approach might have been chosen with Prešov
Germans that settled in a vicinity of older Bardejov and so their settlement was
called as a New Village (Nova villa, Bardejovská Nová Ves). It is possible that the
Cistercians left Bardejov before the year 1261 in the time when Šariš belonged to
Prince Stephan, the son of Bela IV. Therefore, we cannot exclude the option that
Prince Stephan re-settled Prešov Germans from Bardejovská Nová Ves to Bardejov
after the Cistercians had left.

Aufgrund umfassender Forschung nach ins 1526 hinüberreichenden Quellenmaterial und mit Hilfe der Analyse von ihr hervorgegangener verschiedener direkter oder indirekter Angaben  finden wir den Verschluss, dass auf dem Territorium der damaligen Slowakei außer Slowaken mehr als zwei Zehnern verschiedener Völkerschaften – Bulgaren, Tschechen, Griechen, Kroaten, Chwalizen, Jassen, Kovaren, Kumanen, Ungarn, Mähren, Deutschen, Petschenegen, Polen, Preussen, Roma Leuten (Zigeuner), Rumänen, Ruthenen, Sikuler, Italienern, Uzen, Wallonen und Juden lebten. Das ist relativ namhafte Zahl und aufgehend nur von dieser Zahl könnte man auf ersten Blick denken, dass mittel-alterliche Slowakei – was Völker betrifft – eine sehr vermischte Region war. Aber es ist nicht ganz so. Es ist zwar wahr, dass Angehörige aller diesen Völker da einmal wahrhaftig lebten, aber nur um über sehr kleine Zahl von ihnen kann man sagen, dass sie mit ihre Anwesenheit in der Entwicklung der Nationalitätsverhältnisse bei uns bedeutend eingrei-fen würden. Für so ein Volk können wir vielleicht nur Ungarn in dem südlichen Teil der Slowakei, Deutschen in Städten und in manchen spezifischen Regionen (der Landesteil unter dem Kleinen Karpaten, sogenanntes Hauerland in der mittleren Slowakei, Zips), eventuell Ruthenen in dem Nordosten der Slowakei ansehen, obzwar massenhafter Sied-lungseingriff dieser Letzten war ein Ergebnis erst späteres Zeitabschnittes. Übrige Völker waren im wesentlichen nur periphere Angelegenheit der hiesigen Ansiedlung und ihrer Eingriff war nur vorübergehende Belebung der Nationali-tätsituation – solange, bis sie in der Masse des Majoritätsvolkes nicht zerrannen und ihre ethnische Identität nicht verloren. Nach der Slowaken war die zahlreichste Nationalität auf dem Gebiet der Slowakei die Ungarn (Magyarn). Die ers-ten Gruppen der Angehörige dieses Volkes hatten sich von zweiter Viertel des X. Jahrhunderts hier absetzen angefan-gen, in dem östlichen Teil der Slowakei hatte massenhafte Zufluss des ungarischen Volks erst in zweiter Hälfte des XIII. Jahrhunderts geschieht. Dieser Prozess war dennoch nicht einmalig, aber er war ein Ergebnis längerer Entwicklung. Die Ankunft der Ungarn geschah oft in dem Zusammenhang mit der Stiftpolitik der ungarischen Herrscher, die die Besitze, die sich auf diesem Gebiet befinden, der Personen der ungarischen Ursprung verschenkten. Bei Untersuchung des Ausmaßes des ungarischen Sitzdurchgriffs konzentrierten wir uns dennoch nicht an der Untersuchung der konkreten Zahl der ungarischen Wohnsiedlungen. Diese Aufgabe mit ihrer räumlichen Widrigkeit erfordert selbständige Bearbeitung.
Die dritte zahlreichste Nationalität waren bei uns die Deutschen. Die Angehörige dieser Nationalität spielten ver-hältnismäßige bedeutende Rolle bei Christianisierung des alten Ungarns und bei der Verlegung der Gründe des unga-rischen Staates aus. Markantere Umsiedlung des deutschsprachigen Elements ins Land passierte dennoch von der Hälfte des XII. Jahrhunderts. Es kann sie in weiterem Rahmen der deutschen Nachbesiedlung des Osteuropa legen. Folgender Zeitabschnitt des XIII. bis Ende des XIV. Jahrhunderts ist Zeit des intensivsten Durchgriffs der Deutschen in der Slowakei. Ihr Vorkommen setzen wir in annähernd 480 Standorte voraus, was annähernd 15% aus der Totalsum-me derzeit bei uns besiedelter Plätze nahm. Wenngleich in mehreren Wohnsiedlungen die Deutschen nicht erhielten und des Assimilationsdrucks unterlagen, in mancher von ihnen infolge der Übereinstimmung ganzer Reihe von wohltä-tigen Umständen standhielten bis zu neuester Zeit.
Das ruthenische Element war vierte zahlreichste Nationalität in der mittelalterlichen Slowakei. In Frühzeitabschnitt des von XI. bis XII. Jahrhunderts hat man die Russen als Wächter der Grenze und körperliche Wache des Herrschers genutzt. Die Zuwanderer aus Galizien nahmen nach dem Grundsatz des deutschen Kaufrechtes in später Zeit auf der Nachbesiedlung gebirgiger Gebiete der nordöstlichen Teil der Slowakei (7 Ansiedlungen) teil, aber sie setzten sich durch vor allem als Besiedlungselement im Rahmen sogenannter walachischer Kolonisation (cca 150 Wohnsiedlun-gen), dessen Startsubjekt auch bei uns die Rumänen waren. Unser Zeitabschnitt erfasst aber nur eine Etappe dieses Prozesses.
Die Anwesenheit übriger Nationalitäten ließ dauerhaftere Spur an der Wange der mittelalterlichen Slowakei nicht über. Eventuell nur über Juden könnte man noch sagen, daß ihre örtliche Kommunitäten kontinual hier von dem Mittel-alter leben. Die jüdischen Kaufmänner aus dem Ungarn sind in den Quellen schon im X. Jahrhundert zitiert. Größer Zahl der Juden geriet hier im XI. Jahrhundert als Flüchtlinge vor den Pogromen, die an sie in Westeuropa ausgeübt worden, und weitere Welle der jüdischen Zuwanderung traf dieses Gebiet nach dem tatarischen Einfall. Belegt sind sie da nur in vier Standorten.
In Betreff übrigen Völker mit der orientalischen Ursprung, der türkische Bestandteil des alt-magyarischen Stam-mesbandes bildeten aus dem Chazaren-Reich getrennten Kowaren (3) und aus dem Reich der Wolga Bulgaren stam-menden Sikuler (5). Beide Nationalitäten wurden reich in der ungarischen Armee benützt, sie schaffen ihre schlagkräf-tigen Teil. Sie wirkten allerdings auch als die Wächter des Grenzgebietes. Für einzige, bisher lebendige Spur nach ihnen könnten wir ganze Menge der türkischen Elemente in wörtlichen Bestand heutiger ungarischen Sprache dafürhal-ten. Das selbe kann man über türkischen Petschenegen (12), Uzen (1) und iranischen Chwalizen (1) sagen. Nur mit dem Unterschied, dass diese Nationalitäten die Ämter und Funktionen in Wirtschaft und Finanzleitung des Landes be-kleideten und dass sie hier offenbar um etwas später gekommen sind. Militärische Rücksicht spielte seine Rolle auch bei der Engagierung der Abteilungen der türkischen Kumanen, die sich ausgangs XI. Jahrhundert in Osteuropa als be-deutender mächtiger Faktor erfanden. Umbruch XI. und XII. Jahrhundert sehen wir als Entstehungszeit der Wachsied-lungen an, deren Benennung von slowakischer Form des Namens dieser Nationalität - Plawtzen (Plavci) (3) abgeleitet ist. Kollektive Ablagerung der Kumanen zusammen mit iranischen Alanen (Jassen) geschah erst knapp vor dem tatari-schen Einfall. Diese Welle traf allerdings unser Gebiet nur peripher. Die Aufzählung der Wohnsiedlungen östlicher Ur-sprung schließen wir mit den Zigeunern, kommenden nach Südosteuropa in ersten Jahrhunderten zweites Jahrtau-sends aus Indien. Obzwar in der Ungarn konnte man sich mit ihnen offensichtlich schon im XIII. Jahrhundert bekannt-machen, die Zeit ihres zahlreicheren Absetzens geht schon über die Rahmen unserer Arbeit.
Von den Nationalitäten der Westeuropa spielten auch romanische Wallonen in Ungarn die unvernachlässigbare Rolle neben Deutschen. Das lateinische Element ist hier schon im XI. Jahrhundert belegt, aber seine Ankunft schritt hier mit der gleichartigen Intensität besonders im XII. Jahrhundert fort. Auch darum kann man über Wallonen sagen, dass mit seiner Rolle bei dem Wachstum des Stadtlebens in Ungarn in Anfang sogar der Anteil der Deutschen über-trumpften. Die Wallonen saßen aber nicht nur in Städte nieder. In der Slowakei sind sieben Lokalitäten nach ihnen be-nennt.
Was sich des Siedlungsanteils anderer Nachbarvölker betrifft, wir haben schon die Ruthenen benennt. Weniger markant hat sich bei uns die Anwesenheit anderer Nachbarn hervorgetreten. Auf unserem Gebiet sind die ältesten ört-lichen Benennungen nach Mähren benennt, vor allem die Benennungen des „Moravany“ (2) Typs, deren Anfang zu dem großmährischen Epoche unserer Geschichte reicht, d. h. zum IX. Jahrhundert. Offenbar das selbe gilt für die Be-nennungen des „Moravce“ (2) Typs. Die Tschechen kommen hier erst in der Ära des ungarischen Königreichs. Sie spielten aktive Rolle bei der Christianisierung der Ungarn. Die Umsiedlung der slawischen Gäste nach dem Lande be-nennt zwar auch die ungarische Legislatur des Königs Koloman (1095-1116), woraus könnte man ihre allgemeine Aus-breitung besonders auf dem Gebiet der Slowakei erschließen, das mit beiden Landen unmittelbar grenzte, aber zur Zusammenzählung der totalen Anzahl aller Siedlungen der Tschechen (3) und Polen (3) erstanden in diesem Zeitab-schnitt, reichen uns die Finger der beiden Hände aus. Nicht einmal in Einer hielten sich ihre Einwohner ursprüngliche Nationalität ein. Die Angehörigen dieser Nationalitäten drangen hier oft besonders nach zerstreuter Weise durch. Für polnisch gehaltene Siedlungen der Goralen in dem nördlichen Teil der Slowakei melden sich seiner Entstehung erst zu späterem Zeitraum. So kann man das auch über die Siedlung von südwestlicher Slowakei der serbisch-kroatischen An-siedler sagen, die im XVI. Jahrhundert vor dem Druck der osmanischen Turken rannten.
Es kann man also sehen, dass unser Gebiet mit der Anwesenheit mehreren Völker getroffen war. Aber dieser Eingriff war in dem Fall der Mehrheit von ihnen redlich sehr spärlich. Zudem setzten sie reichlich sporadisch an, was auch rief hervor, dass ihre Existenz hier nur kurzfristig war. Sie konnte den komplexen slawisch-slowakischen Charak-ter dieses Gebietes, der sich im Verlaufe des V. und VI Jahrhundert hier formierte und mit größeren oder kleineren Veränderungen bis heute dauert, nicht gefährden.

The aristocratic family of the Stibors left significant traces of its intense construction and founding activities in various places. To the series of their foundating credits belong also the establishment of the Augustinian monastery in Nové Mesto nad Váhom. Duke Stibor wanted it to become an ancestral monastery and the final resting place for himself and members of his family. With the approval of king Sigismund and the archbishop of Esztergom Ján in 1414 in a place of the parish of Nové Mesto was established the provostship of regular canons of St. Augustine. Stibor summoned 13 canons, including provost, and donated part of his property: 2 villages Pobedim a Bašovce to the monastery. At the same time he began the reconstruction of the parish buildings. Stibor´s son Stibor in  1431 extended property of the monastery by donation of the village Andovce and many valuables. At that time the kingdom of Hungary was experiencing a tough period. The hussite troops and after them bands of robbers called „bratríci“ (brethren) threatened the security of northern areas of the country. That´s when the provostship of Nové Mesto was burned and plundered. Therefore in the year 1449 the local provost asked the pope for permission to move to a nearby town Beckov. The new landlord Paul Bánffy from Lindava promised the canons to build there a new monastery protected by the fortification of his castle. Although the pope agreed with the request, the intention failed to be realized. The written sources mentioned the canons in Nové Mesto even in 1454. Then about 60 years we haven´t any reports of them. Only in 1514, we record the initiative of two priests of the archdiocese of Esztergom, who had taken steps to restore the provostship, which in the past turbulent times had been ravaged and its staff forced to leave. With this restoration helped the abbot of the monastery of Roudnice nad Labem, from where probably part of new canons came. The succesful restoration of the monastery starts the new period of the history of the provosthip.

Erratum: p. 480 - „...the Teutons and their possessions were placed under the protection of the Holy See even before 1216, ever since their establishment as an Order in 1191 (see note 15). Pope Honorius III merely reconfirmed this well-known fact using the same formulation as his predecessors (see note 16).”

Abrstract: This article aims to discuss the presence of the military religious orders at the frontiers of Christianitas during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a period when the hierocratic auctoritas ecclesiae materialized itself through vigorous expansionism. The military religious orders acted in consensus with the Holy See and at the request of the political European entities (also subjected to the authority of the Pope) in regions where they could not withstand the threats which endangered parts of their kingdoms or possessions. Ultimately this article integrates the presence of the Teutonic Knights in Transylvania during the first half of the thirteenth century in this broad mission of expansionism and highlights how the Roman Pontiff established relationships with the kingdoms positioned at the edge of Christianitas.

Hac editione collectio litterarum tempore medii aevi proveniendarum, quae in archivo familiae Motesickyanae quondam deposita, nunc vero in Archivo Hungarico Regnicolari (Magyar Országos Levéltár) in Budapest asservatur, inveniri potest. Familia Motesicky est antiqua propago generationis nobilium de Diviaky, a qua sequestrata probabiliter saeculo decimoquarto vitam liberam iniit. Familia illa sedem ac domicilium in Horné Motešice, villa in pristino comitatu de Trenčín iacente, habebat. Bonis suis ac honore in coetum nobilium medii status computabatur. Dici vere potest membra dictae familiae (prae suis congenerationalibus e familia Majtény oriundis et in villa Dolné Motešice residentiam habentibus, qui iam saeculis XV.-XVI. certas dignitates seu bona non modica sunt adepti) tempore medii aevi solum in regione sua, circa sedem praefatam in dicto comitatu sitam, quadam auctoritate valuisse. Aetate quidem recentiori nobiles generationis ipsius in scaenam historiae maiori cum gravitate prodierunt, tunc temporis (XVIII.-XIX. saeculis) etenim in manibus suis nonnulla castra cum plurimis villis ad dicta castra spectantibus in Slovacia meridio-occidentali sita tenebant (Tematín, Moravany, Košeca, Korlátka, Šurany, Bošany etc.). Haec bona quidem variis modis acquisiverunt (v. g. iure hereditario, per nexus matrimoniales, per impignorationem etc.), sine quadam dubitatione autem dictae acquisitiones possessionariae efficiebant, ut ipsi inter nobiles status eminentioris computari possent.
In materia instrumentorum litteralium hoc archivo inveniendorum et a tempore medii aevi proveniendorum non solum documenta negotium generationis Motesickyanae tangentia continentur, sed ibidem etiam nonnullae litterae ad res nobilium aliorum (de Bardoňovo, Korlátka) spectantes, cum quibus generatio ipsa temporis processu nexus consanguinitatis inierat, inveniri possunt. Tenores litterarum ipsarum satis magnum territorium Slovaciae occidentalis attingunt, ad negotia possessionaria seu bona in pristinis comitatibus de Trenčín, Nitra, Tekov, Bratislava, sed etiam longius in comitatibus de Liptov, Spiš, immo etiam extra territorium hodiernae Slovaciae iacentia spectant. Litterae illae praetiosas informationes investigationi singularum nobilium generationum in hac regione viventium iniendae praebent, magni momenti sunt autem quoad indagationem vitae nobilium pristinae, valorem habent magnum etiam explicationi progressus locationis villarum etc. Puto enim hanc editionem rerum scriptoribus magno auxilio venire posse, ut informationes obtineant nonnullas ad melius historiam territorii eiusdem cognoscendam.
Materia instrumentorum litteralium ex tabullario familiae Motesicky proveniendorum in Archivo Hungarico Regnicolari, ut premittitur, asservatur. Hocce archivo totaliter 186 litterae numerantur, quae in autographo, id est in forma originali, conservatae sunt. Ex his litteris 33 sunt, quae dicuntur transumpti, in illis 53 insertae litterae continentur.  Huic autem 82 litterae deperditae, neque in originali, nec in copia exsistentes, de quibus solum mentiones habemus, adnumerandae sunt. Ad hoc etiam 36 litteras in copia simplici seu vidimata asservatas adicimus. Itaque summatim dici potest, quod in praefato archivo Motesickyano 351 litterae, quas in forma editionis publicamus, inveniuntur.
E toto numero litterarum hoc tomo contentarum 307, id est 87%, adhuc ineditae sunt. Editores alii solum octo litteras in suis editionibus in extenso publicandas ediderunt. 42 litterae sunt in forma longiorum seu breviorum regestorum in medium prolatae. Vidi ergo potest materiam litterarum ex hoc archivo proveniendarum adhuc parum investigatam esse. Maxima pars litterarum in hoc loco depositarum territorium Slovaciae hodiernae tangit, solum paucae earum ad loca extra territorium Slovaciae iacentia spectant.
Quoad tempus emanationis litterarum, quae in nostra collectione comprehenduntur, illae ex annis 1235(-1240) až 1525 proveniunt. Earum antiquissimae in forma autographi adhuc conservati sub dato 15. ianuarii 1258 a capitulo ecclesiae Nitriensis emanatae sunt. In praefatis litteris de conventione inter Benedictum, praepositum monasterii Beatae Mariae Virginis de Turiec ex una, parte vero ex altera inter Cosmam ac Banum de Diviaky nad Nitricou facta loquitur. Ex toto numero documentorum medii aevi e tabulario familiae Motesickyanae proveniendarum 11 litterae in saeculo tredecimo emanatae sunt. In prima parte saeculi decimi quarti 43 litterae oriundae sunt, in altera parte saeculi eiusdem 96 litterae in lucem prodierunt. In prima parte saeculi quinti decimi 79 litterae emanatae erant, in altera parte saeculi praefati 77 litterae noscuntur et in prima quarta saeculi sedecimi 45 litterae in archivo Motesickyano asservatae inveniri possunt.
Litterae in nostra editione comprehensae eo modo ordinantur, ut temporum ratio in eis servaretur, id est singulis litteris singuli numeri assignantur secundum tempus emanationis earum. Postea datum et locus dictae emanationis inducitur. Locus autem ille tantum in eo casu inducitur, in quo litteris dictis mentionatus est. Quoad loca credibilia et locus emanationis litterarum e scriptoriis eorundem institutionum proveniendarum, idem erat ac locus, in quo dictum capitulum seu conventus suum domicilium habebant, itaque non erat necessarium ea inducere. Post haec regestum, id est brevis descriptio tenoris singularum litterarum, in lingua Slovaca traducta, sequitur. Sub dicto regesto in litteris inclinantibus impressa descriptio tabulae (apparatum diplomaticum) adiungitur, in qua precise perscrutatur qualitas conservationis litterae, ergo, utrum de autographo agatur necne. Hac in re exploratur etiam, utrum haec copia vidimata seu tantum simplex sit, vel utrum de deperdito agatur, de quo solum mentio exsistit, necnon etc., item inducitur in hoc loco descriptio exterioris partis litterarum, sicut dimensio, et condicio tabulae extera, id est qualitas materiae, e qua sunt litterae confectae (membrana seu charta) et adnotatio laesionum possibilium. Nequaquam omittendae sunt adnotationes scribarum seu aliarum personarum, quae in marginibus litterarum saepe inveniuntur, aeque nostrum animum ad descriptionem sigillationis litterarum advertimus et ad qualitatem sigillorum in hisce litteris servatorum. Magnae importantiae sunt etiam informationes de loco depositionis litterarum, consignationes earum, editiones seu in extenso vel solum in forma regestorum. Tum demum tenor singularum litterarum edendarum sequitur. Subtus adnotationes editoris quoad textus et quoad rem inveniuntur. Pars illa totius operis nucleus repraesentat. Litteris hoc modo editis conscriptio regestorum in lingua Latina scripta sequitur et in finem dictae editionis index nominum et locorum posuimus.

Iba ukážky. Knihu si možno objednať u vydavateľa - na stránke Filozofickej fakulty Trnavskej univerzity v Trnave. - Previews only. The book available for purchase from the Trnava University Bookstore online (http://ff.truni.sk/knizne-publikacie/archivum-familiae-motesicky-stredoveke-listiny-z-archivu-rodiny-motesickovcov).

Fortified settlements, fortresses and strongholds (generally called castles) had existed in the Carpathian Basin before the year 1000, so long time before The Kingdom of Hungary was established. Even at that time, their naming system varied. Castles, fortresses or strongholds were usually mentioned by using the Latin terms as civitas, urbs, castellum, castrum, fortalicium, munitio, turris, propugnaculum, arx or locus castri. Studying medieval sources closer, we find out that despite a wide variability the above mentioned terms were not used simultaneously at one time period. Yet, this does not apply when talking about synonyms (for example civitas / urbs, fortalicium / castellum, castrum / fortalicium, castrum / munitio, castrum / turris). Latin terms civitas, urbs, rarely castellum and the least used castrum (in case of Slavs almost never), were used to designate fortresses, strongholds and castles between the 9th and 11th century. It did not mater whether the settlements belonged to bishops or rulers, grafs or margraves. The Latin term castrum started to be used in The Kingdom of Hungary for all castles (county castles, royal residences, fortified monasteries) not sooner than in the 12th – 13th century. It was the most frequently used term for medieval castles called as „private nobility residences“. In case of The Kingdom of Hungary, the terms civitas or urbs were used in the 11th – 12th century, as well as in the 9th – 10th century, to designate not only bishops‘ and rulers‘ settlements but also border castles, county castles and so all more significant fortresses in the kingdom. The county castles in The Kingdom of Hungary started to be built at the turn of the 10th century and in the first half of the 11th century. Those were the first power centres of the Árpáds inhabitated by royal counts (comites). The county castles began to disappear since the half of the 13th century. Around the year 1200, royal castles started to be built as fortified settlements of a new kind. Local and foreign sources from the 11th – 12th century mention Hungarian castles and fortresses under the terms civitas, urbs, castrum, castellum, rarely also munitio or presidium. In The Kingdom of Hungary, the Latin terms civitas or urbs named a royal seat, an important castle, a count centre, an episcopal seat and later also a town. The term castellum designated a fortress, a fortified place (locus munitus), later also a fortified manor house or noble mansion. Castrum was first of all a fortress, a castle and sometimes also a monastery. It is probable that in the 11th century in The Kingdom of Hungary the term civitas was used for any fortified settlement / castle (royal, episcopal, guardian) regardless its importance, location and size. The proof that the term civitas was the most used for designating a castle in The Kingdom of Hungary can be found in Hungarian Codes of Law of the Árpád kings. György Györffy assumed Hungarian count castles started to be called as castrum instea of civitas and urbs around the half of the 12th century. Pál Engel is of the same opinion and dates it back to the 12th century as well. The mentioned naming change is supported by the 12th century sources found near the castles of Mosonmagyaróvár, Székesfehérvár, Esztergom, Novum Castrum-Abaújvár and others. Based
on those sources, it is possible to notice an alternation in count castles naming (castrum) which were called as civitas or urbs in the 11th – 12th century.

Policy of Hungarian kings was very open towards foreigners coming into the country since very begining of existence of medieval Hungary. This population mainly from Western Europe speaking romance languages, had often left their homes due to the bad economic situation. Another reason for emigration, however, was the rise of piety caused by the phenomenona of the Crusades from the end of the 11th century. Both aspects have played a role in the settlements of this new population in Hungary, which received a special legal status called "the guests". Among the regions with the oldest romanesque population in the Kingdom of Hungary were Srem (Serbia), Spiš (Slovakia), Transylvania (Romania) and Tokaj (Hungary). Romance guests came to Hungary before the end of the 11th century, but the main period of their arrival was the time of king Géza II of Hungary (1141-1162) , who invites them to slightly populated regions. Guests in Hungary were engaged in the international trade and viticulture . Excluding these guests, in the sources one can find a large number of pilgrimages to Jerusalem through Hungary. The Crusades had created more specific institutions such as religious orders -the Hospitallers and the Knights Templar, who also settled in Hungary and participate in the political, economic and cultural life of the country . 1 Uhorské kráľovstvo a všetky zeme pripojené ku korune svätého Štefana fungovali už od svojho počiatku na princípe multikultularity, multietnicity a multilingvizmu. Tento moment bol aj pregnantne zdôraznený zo strany uhorských panovníkov, ktorí do Uhorska pozývali hostí -"hospites" z krajín západnej Európy. Práve otvorenosť panovníckej dynastie voči cudzincom, dobré hospodárske podmienky a nízka hustota osídlenia zohrávali hlavnú úlohu v usadzovaní cudzieho obyvateľstva v krajine. Tendencia Arpádovcov v rámci "pozývania" cudzincov, budúcich hostí, vyvrcholila najmä počas panovania Gejzu II. (1141-1162), kedy dochádza k osídleniu či doosídľovaniu viacerých uhorských regiónov: Sriem, Spiš, Transylvánia a dnešný región Tokaj. Viaceré aspekty týkajúce sa týchto regiónov doteraz neboli úplne preskúmane ani interpretované. Románskym hosťom sa už venovalo niekoľko historikov.

After the death of the Hungarian King Stephen V in August 1272 a new phase of the so-called war over the Babenberg heritage, a large Central-European conflict which had dragged on since 1246, broke out. Nor in this – already fourth – war between the Bohemian and the Hungarian kingdoms could the latter reach any significant success. The situation changed in October 1273 with the election of Count Rudolf of Habsburg to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire. Rudolf immediately started to press his imperial claims, which affected lands under the rule of the Bohemian King Přemysl Ottokar II – Austria, Styria, Carinthia and Carniola. Following lengthy negotiations of an alliance, he secured crucial assistance of the Hungarian and Cuman armies for his wars against Přemysl Ottokar in 1276 and 1278, and stroke down his enemy at the famous battle of Dürnkrut. The aim of this study is to provide a detailed and comprehensive account of the relationship between Hungary and Bohemia in the six years proceeding Přemysl Ottokar’s fall, shedding a better light on these important events of Central European history.

Keywords: Bohemian-Hungarian relations, Rudolf I, Přemysl Ottokar II, Kingdom of Hungary

The author of this study is concerned with researching the Bereg royal estate, which formed part of the frontier regions of the medieval Kingdom of Hungary. In the 11th century Bereg belonged to the great frontier county of Boržava, but formed an independent territory within it. A separate county organization under noble control was established in it only later. Its centre was a royal manor, where the kings of Hungary settled people of German origin in the first half of the 13th century.
Its importance mainly lay in the fact that it was a dynastic property of the House of Arpád at least from the 11th century. It was a part of the Carpathian mountains dominated by forests. Members of the Arpád dynasty often went there to hunt. In Western Europe such properties were known as forestes and the prerogatives of the monarch prevailed there. It is very probable that forest properties of the dynasty
including Bereg were also protected by special rights of the monarch in the Kingdom of Hungary. According to all the evidence, Bereg was a royal forest where members of the Arpád dynasty hunted, and it had an internal organization similar to that known from Western Europe.

This work presents a modern re-edition of one of the chronicles of the Austrian provenance – Annales Sancrucenses I – II, which are exceptionally important for learning about the history of the Kingdom of Hungary in the 13th century. In addition to the editorial part, the paper deals with specific records related to the Kingdom of Hungary. Besides, the main goal is to present a qualitative and quantitative analysis of information provided by the chronicle with the emphasis on entries related to the history of the Kingdom of Hungary and to the development of the Hungarian-Czech-Austrian relations in the 13th century. The conclusions are based on the analysis of four medieval manuscript codices, currently stored in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien. The text of the chronicles is subsequently being compared with thus far the only published edition of the Annales Sancrucenses I – II, which was prepared by a German historian Wilhelm Wattenbach in the middle of the 19th century, and which was published as a part of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores (In folio) editorial series.

Key words: Kingdom of Hungary, Duchy of Austria, Heiligenkreuz Monastery, chronicles, Hungarian-Austrian relations, 13th century.

This paper begins by examining Ibn Khaldun's paradigm for the rise and fall of states owing to human decisions. Paradoxically, climatic determinism in historical events was also proposed in his work, such viewpoints having a long precedent in Islamic and Classical literature. The array of recent scholarship which has offered theories for climate-driven emergence of steppe empires is then discussed. All of this is to highlight that debates are longstanding regarding whether human factors or climate-geographic factors are the paramount drivers in the development of such empires. The paper then looks at two case studies. The first is the rise of the Saljuq Empire in the eleventh century. Secondly, Denis Sinor's geographical theory for the contraction of the Mongol Empire with the Mongol withdrawal from Hungary in 1242 is critiqued. The authors' conclusions are that in these two cases, climate cannot be seen as the primary driver behind the events, particularly since medieval observers were quick to notice when climate and geography did play a role in major events.

"A Hungarian is as passionate as an Italian… A Slovak is, like a Pole, devoted to liquor…": The National Character of Slovaks and Hungarians in Hungarian and Austrian Statistics up to 1848
National character (Nationalcharakter, Volkscharakter) as a category of scientific research had been solidly establishing itself in Austrian and Hungarian scientific discussions since the 80s of the 18th century. At the beginning it was the research subject of a complex scientific discipline known as statistics, or politics, (Statistik, Staatskunde). New scientific disciplines were formed during the first half of the 19th century. One of their goals was the examination and description of national character. It had been the subject of the great interest of the state during the Enlightenment since the reign of Joseph II. The depictions of national character recorded in statistical data provide a crucial source for the scrutiny of the historical genesis of ethnic, social and denominational stereotypes. The stereotypes were systematically noted down in their established forms. Consequently, the statistical data noticeably contributed to the creation of the fixed meaning and usage of stereotypes known at that time. The authors of the statistics wrote them with patriotical goals and with the aim to improve general knowledge and thus strengthen their native country. During the national character creation layers of new ethnic stereotypes were piled on the older ones. The new stereotypes reacted to social changes, state needs and norms and to interests and expectations of the elite. The mutual complementarity of Hungarian and Slovak national characters is evident even at first glance at the statistical data expressing them. Slavic people were due to their number, history and intensity of bilateral contacts, together with Germans, the main referential ethnicity for genuine Hungarians. The national character was attractive also for national movement ideologists during the pre-March era since they had realised its mobilization potential. The ideologists attempted to create a tool from national character for reinforcement of the identification with nation and for determining the ideal member of a national collective being formed. Stereotypization, a priori a part of every effort to reduce and divide a heterogeneous social group into certain representative features, was becoming an important instrument of national mobilization.

Державний вищий навчальний заклад "Прикарпатський національний університет імені Василя Стефаника" Факультет історії, політології і міжнародних відносин ГАЛИЧИНА НАУКОВИЙ І КУЛЬТУРНО-ПРОСВІТНІЙ КРАЄЗНАВЧИЙ ЧАСОПИС _________________________________________________________________________ 33'2020 Івано-Франківськ Галичина 2 Часопис внесено до Переліку наукових фахових видань України з історичних наук (Наказ МОН України від 7 жовтня 2015 р.) Рекомендовано до друку вченою радою ДВНЗ "Прикарпатський національний університет імені Василя Стефаника" (протокол № 10 від 27 грудня 2019 р.) Головний редактор: Мирослав Волощук Дивіться наші статті на сторінках: Офіційна сторінка в інтернет-мережі: http://journals.pu.if.ua/index.php/istgal Журнал індексується: Наукометричною системою Index Copernicus (Республіка Польща) -ICV 2017 = 45.28, ICV 2018 = 58.94. Статті й анотації присутні у міжнародній бібліотечній базі Google Scholar СТОРІНКИ ЖУРНАЛУ ВІДКРИТІ ДЛЯ ДИСКУСІЙНИХ МАТЕРІАЛІВ, А ТОМУ ЇХ ЗМІСТ НЕ ОБОВ'ЯЗКОВО ВІДОБРАЖАЄ ПОГЛЯДИ РЕДАКЦІЙНОЇ РАДИ ________________________________________________________________ При передруці матеріалів посилання на дане видання обов'язкове Відповідальність за достовірність фактів, цитат, імен та інших даних несуть автори публікацій

The main objective of this paper is to highlight the defining characteristics of the Order of the Knights Hospitaller as an ecclesial branch of the Ecclesia Romana and the means by which they established an extensive network of territorial possessions across the entire Europe between the 12th and the 13th centuries. This paper also emphasizes the particular example of the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary and the controversial diploma emitted by the Hungarian king Bela IV on the 2nd of June 1247. Within the analysis of the issuing context and the feasibility of the diploma’s effects, I will further discuss the matter of the dowry of Violant, queen consort of Aragon, understudied or intentionally omitted by both Romanian and Hungarian historiographies, which perceived the true nature of the Order with an acute scientific cecity. Therefore, this paper aims to provide the reader with the general frame of the relations between the Pontifical authority, the Order and the European nobility, as well as the involvement of the Hospitaller Order in crux cismarina, including their presence in the Medieval Kingdom of Hungary.

Medieval justice in the Hungarian kingdom as well as elsewhere in the world sought to combat crime, and punish criminals. Hungarian authorities used for this purpose a system of proscription. When crime had increased in the kingdom, the king sent his officer: palatine, royal court´s judge or sheriff of the county („zhupan“) to convene a general assembly („congregatio generalis“) of nobles, burghers and freemen of the county, in which all the criminals coming from that region should be punished. It was decreed, that all people accused of committing a crime, should be called on at the county´s assembly, so as to have an opportunity to be heard publicly. Should be able to defend, should be dismissed, if not or if there is ever absent, should be proscribed. Proscribing as a result of committing a crime meant to condemn a man to death pronounced in his absence. There were written registers at the assembly, in which the names of criminals and the type of crime committed were mentioned. Person, recorded in the proscription register was outlawed and in the case of detention quick trip to the scaffold followed. His property was confiscated by king or royal officer, who had the right to give it to another person. The only way a person could be exempted from proscription was to recieve a pardon. In fact the grace received only a small percentage of individuals. Most of them ended their lives in the hands of executioner. Proscription was actually a parallel of excommunication in secular spheres of life. Like the excommunicated person is excluded from the community of believers, and condemned to eternal damnation, as well the proscribed one was laid outside the secular community and condemned to physical death. Although the person punished was decided in a collective manner with the participation of several sworn persons („iurati assessores“), nevertheless it happened, that many people tried to exploit the system to their advantage. Possessions of proscribed persons were a big attraction for the greedy hands of unscrupulous people. The vast majority of people, however, included in proscription registers were real criminals. Long lists of people who figured in these registers indicate that even severe punishments failed to deter a person from path inviting to crime.

Diplomová práca sa venuje vzájomným uhorsko-českým vzťahom v rokoch 1260-1278 v kontexte vnútropolitického vývoja v Uhorsku v sledovanom období. Hlavným cieľom práce je priniesť podrobný výklad kľúčových politických udalostí, ktoré ovplyvnili vývoj vzájomných vzťahov medzi oboma stredoeurópskymi štátmi. Okrem toho práca prináša ucelený prehľad vnútropolitického vývoja v Uhorsku, ktorý bol v mnohých ohľadoch ovplyvnený práve vzťahu k Českému kráľovstvu, resp. rozsiahlym dŕžavám českého kráľa Přemsyla Otakara II. Zostavený text sa podrobne venuje vývoju uhorsko-českých vzťahov v 60. rokoch 13. storočia, ďalej priebehu a dôsledkom tretej (1270-1271) a štvrtej (1272-1273) uhorsko-českej vojny, a nakoniec situácii do bitky pri Dürnkrute, ktorá definitívne ukončila štvrťstoročné uhorsko-české súperenie o krajiny tzv. babenberského dedičstva.

This database enumerates the royal embassies of Kings Wladislaus II and Loius II. The inventory consists of three parts: part A is a chronological list of the missions in detail, part B is a register of the identified envoys and part C is an index of destination countries. I have been detected 12 more missions after the publication of the first part, the preliminary research report in the 4th issue of 2019. With these new entries a total of 201 missions are known with 120 identified people.

The Kingdom of Hungary originated as a state in which several ethnics lived side by side. Neverthless, the hegemony belonged to Hungarians. Due to this the Hungarian language became a communication medium on the royal court, even during the reign of non-Hungarian kings. Needless to say there were no laws approving this custom in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary, in contrast with the development in the last centuries of the reign before 1918. Such a practice became just an unwritten rule in the Middle Ages. Its implementation can be observable even from the very beginnings of putting the law dealings into the writing since the times of Arpádian kings in the 12th – 13th centuries. For this case, the presented paper gives numerous examples of such chancery practice. The place names concerning the area of Slovakia were usually written in their Hungarian version in the Latin charters, despite the Slovak settlement of those localities. For that, such Hungarian terms cannot be a proof speaking about the ethnicity of the inhabitants. Later, because of broadening contacts and dynastic connections of the Hungarian Kingdom with its Slavic neighbours (Czech and Polish
Kingdoms), there is noticeable increasing amount of Slovak topographical names in the charters since the 15th century.

The origin of the Benedicts Monastery of St. Blaise in Admont dates back to the second half of the 11th century. Several representatives of religious and secular aristocracy contributed to its establishment, especially the Archbishop of Salzburg Gebhard I and the Carinthian noblewoman Hemma of Gurk (†1045). Although the monastery was established almost thirty years after her death, money from her fund played a major role in its establishment. Over the next two centuries, the monastery was getting richer and it developed both materially and spiritually. Many important source texts have been created on the premises of its scriptoria, which serve historians to this day in discovering not only the history of the monastery itself, but also the broader area of Central Europe. Today, the extraordinary cultural contribution of the monastery is documented by the fact that its walls housed one of the largest medieval monastic libraries in the world. In the middle of the 13th century, the monastery was completely adapted into the system of Benedictine monastic institutions in the Austrian lands.

The events of 1246 are important in the context of this paper for two reasons. With the fall of the childless Austrian and Styrian Duke Frederick II Combative (der Streitbare), in the Battle of the Leitha River against the armies of the King of Hungary Béla IV in the summer of 1246, the ruling dynasty of Babenberg died out. His death was the beginning of one of the largest global conflicts at the height of the Middle Ages, known in historiography as the Conflict over the Babenberg Inheritance. At the end of 1246, the Archbishop of Salzburg Eberhard II, who held this important post for several decades, died as well. At the time, none of the major territorial rules of Middle Europe expected such extensive problems with the selection of a successor for this position. The fight for the position of the archbishop lasted for almost two following decades. Both conflicts took place at the same time. They mutually affected one another, and they pulled the whole adjacent area into the happening, including the Monastery in Admont.

Over the subsequent fourteen years, the situation in the Austrian countries was relatively intricate. Despite this, the property of the monastery grew several times. The former Istrian Duchess Sofia of the Andechs family is linked to several property donations. This noblewoman left to the monastery several properties lying primarily in the territory of the Duchy of Carinthia. Other important donors were for example the Styrian Captain Oto von Eberstein, Count of Gorizia-Tyrol Meinhard III, Carinthian Dukes Bernhard von Spanheim and his son Ulrich III, as well as other, less important Austrian and Styrian aristocrats and members of the ministerialis. This way, the monastery acquired numerous properties in the areas of Austria, Styria and Carinthia. At the time, this trend was not extraordinary. Based on this study, it is possible to even say that the Monastery in Admont, when compared to other monasteries, stood on the fringe of the interests of the highest representatives of the secular nobility. Other interesting aspects in the “political” development of the monastery were the legal disputes with other religious institutions. During the examined period, these were mainly two property disputes, whereby both judgments were given in the second half of February 1248. The first conflict was between Bernard of Clairvaux and the representatives of the Cistercian Abbey of Rein in Styria. The second conflict occcured between the Admont Monastery and the representatives of the Augustinian Monastery of Sankt Florian and the Benedictine Monastery of Kremsmünster in Upper Austria. The interventions of higher religious institutions – Roman Curia (Pope) and the representatives of the surrounding religious provinces, especially the Archbishop of Salzburg and the surrounding sufragan bishops (Gurk, Seckau, Chiemsee) represent a separate chapter in the history of the monastery.

A certain slowdown of the above-mentioned activities occurred after the division of the countries of the Babenberg Inheritance between the King of Bohemia Přemysl Otakar II and the King of Hungary Bela IV. This division occurred in the first half of 1254 by concluding the so-called Treaty of Buda, which completed the first Bohemian-Hungarian war for the Babenberg Inheritance (1252 – 1254). Based on this treaty, Admont came under the administration by the Hungarian-appointed Styrian officials, the influence of whom was relatively weak in the northern parts of the duchy. This has also caused a certain reduction of their interventions in the affairs of the monastery.

Towards the end of the 1250s, the territory of the Austrian countries was affected by repeated conflicts between the Hungarian Arpád ruling family and the Bohemian Přemysl ruling family. After the Battle of Kressenbrunn, the Styrian territory fell to the King of Bohemia Přemysl Otakar II. This change affected the status of the monastery only minimally. Legal disputes, property donations, etc. continued to be solved. Based on the results of this study, it is possible to state that although the ruling authorities of the Babenberg countries changed relatively often in the second half of the 13th century, not only the Monastery in Admont, but also many other monasteries and abbeys continued to live their own life, irrespective of who held the highest administrative functions in Styria.

The Battle of Muhi, fought between the Hungarian Kingdom and the Mongols in April, 1241, is not simply a crucial episode in Hungarian history, but rather it occupies a position of pan-Eurasian historical significance. Since the events have this position of importance for global history, it is therefore crucial that serious efforts are made to offer a reliable historical reconstruction of not only the battle itself, but also the short and long-term impact of the related Mongol invasion and occupation of Hungary. Recent archaeological finds and innovative historical interpretations now offer a complex, multidisciplinary approach which can be the basis of a new large-scale research project. Thus, what we are proposing here is a project aimed at improving our understanding of the episode and of its broader historical context through a fuller analysis of the surviving textual records and the most recent archaeological findings.

In this chapter, I will argue that the preservation of Latin did not necessarily mean ‘backwardness’ or a rupture with the mainstream of Enlightenment thinking. Thereby the Enlightenment should be understood in the sense coined by the Italian historian Franco Venturi who identified this intellectual movement as a combination of both patriotic and cosmopolitan characteristics. ‘Patriotic’ meant the local or civic commitment to the improvement of society, whereas ‘cosmopolitan’ implied the intellectual receptiveness to new ideas. Patriotism in the Ratio was reflected in the endeavour to create good and useful citizens and to provide education for the whole nation in accordance with the pupil’s social status. On the other hand, the cosmopolitan openness was detectable in the choice of new subjects, whose accent became practicality and contemporariness. In a similar vein, one can attribute the change of Latin teaching objectives and methods to this cosmopolitan intellectual openness. The focus in the Ratio—whose very title implied ‘method’ as a focal point— was obviously a shift from gaining knowledge of Latin to Latin as a means of gaining real knowledge, which ceased to be necessarily ancient.

Príspevok informuje o výsledkoch archeologického výskumu vo svätyni Konkatedrály v roku 2012. Prináša nové zistenia o jej architektonickom vývoji a pochovávaní v interiéri. Príspevok upriamuje pozornosť na nálezy z 13. storočia, ktoré sú prvými hmotnými dokladmi najstaršej sakrálnej stavby Prešova, predchodcu dnešnej Konkatedrály.

This study offers a reconstruction of a crucial event of pan-Eurasian historical significance—namely, the Battle of Muhi in 1241—by focusing on two primary source accounts of Batu Khan ascending a hill shortly before the battle. The two sources are not related to each other, and they represent two fundamentally different source groups related to the battle. By using a complex analytical approach, this article tries to identify the character and significance of the hill in question—something made difficult by the fact that there are no hills or mountains near the battlefield today. The attested purposes that Mongol rulers and troops had for ascending mountains are explored for clues. A hypothesis emerges according to which Batu likely ascended two different types of hill, one being a small mound (kurgan) of the type which characteristically dotted Hungary’s landscape around the battlefield. The other hill, which he ascended for religious ritual purposes, was probably one of the more ...

In the Middle Ages, a good relationship between the ruler and his people was built on loyalty (fidelitas). Loyalty to the king was also very important for the political order and for the preservation of the power of
the ruler and his people (magnates, mounted warriors, bishops, abbots and provosts). The oath of personal fidelity, devotion and loyalty was part of a ritual to strengthen the relationship between the lord and
his man. In Medieval Latin, the words fides and fidelitas originally had a religious meaning – believer, a Christian, and Faith. Later, these words began to refer to the relationship between people, e. g. between the king and his faithful supporters who swore to him fidelity, devotion, reliability, and loyalty. Medieval intellectuals commented on fidelity, oaths, and infidelity. In their works, they were mainly concerned with affection, love, friendship, morality, and loyalty in the relationship between the lord and his people, which resulted in fidelity (forma fidelitatis). The people loyal to the king should not act against their lord’s interests, nor should they hurt him. They have received property, social promotion or exemption from previous service for their loyalty and their tireless and devoted services. The examples from the Kingdom of Hungary, cited in the study from diplomatic as well as narrative sources, show the importance
assigned to fidelity by the kings and by the scribes who authored the chronicles. They viewed it as the foundation, the royal and main building block, of a functional realm to rule.