Karanos

Aristotle is the best extant source for the death of Archelaus during a Royal Hunt. He clearly indicates that Archelaus was murdered by Crataeas who, along with two co-conspirators, Hellanocrates of Larissa and Decamnichus, were incited to their plot by perceived injustices at the hand of the king. This article argues that in lieu of a widely agreed upon constitution in Argead Macedonia, a king's legitimacy was based largely (if not solely) on the perception that he was the font of justice, and by his appearance in sacred rituals-one of which was the royal hunt-which religiously validated his right to rule. Thus, this murder was carefully timed by the conspirators to reject the legitimacy of Archelaus for not dispensing "correct" justice in their respective cases. As always personal animosities get roiled into politics in Argead Macedonia.

Interview with William Greenwalt (Santa Clara University)In this first issue, Karanos’ Editorial Board wants to pay a well-merited tribute to one of the main promoters of the Ancient Macedonian Studies: William (Bill) Steven Greenwalt (University of Santa Clara). His name is most that well known in our fieldwork, but maybe he has not enjoyed the deserved authority as far as he does not finalize his research achievements with a typical monography or a History of Macedon. Nevertheless, Greenwalt is one of the researchers who had contributed mostly in the return of the interest on Ancient Macedonia beyond the figure of Alexander the Great, concretly attending to the Argead dynasty. Thanks to his work and efforts, questions like the royal charisma of the Argeads or his polygamy are now discussed in full and accepted in the academic sphere. Likewise, he is also a researcher who has popularized in the academia the name of Karanos, legendary monarch who gives name to our journal. It was, t...

During the expedition and campaign across Asia, Alexander and his army had been involved in a lot of circumstances that deserved the attention of some professionals of the medicine. The relationship between Alexander's army and the Physicians is complex, and it is also a question to observe if there were in the army something like a medical unit. Nevertheless, the links between the Argeads and the practice of healing and medical arts and the professionals of medicine seems to have been usual in the Macedonian court. So, Alexander's episodes concerning his illness, and especially his abilities to heal or to help someone to be healed can be considered as a clue of the king's connections with Asclepius, and even more, of Alexander's use of this links to portrait himself as a healer, and in some way even as an incarnation of Asclepios, in his own way to divinization. KEYWORDS Medicine; Asclepius; physicians; Medical unit; Asian campaign; Alexander the Great; King as healer; Argeads. In Antiquity, nothing was left to chance in a military campaign, where soldiers shared space with a long list of members of the entourage of the generals, such as philosophers, artists, seers, physicians… But along with these, there were other figures like assistants, bartenders, prostitutes, wheelwrights, squires, sons/daughters and women of soldiers, and so on, ad infinitum. We can guess that the non-combatant collective in a military expedition would be equal or superior in number to that of the soldiers 1. The organization of these groups of people, nevertheless, was not included among the usual information offered by the Ancient sources 2 , which were more interested in explaining * This paper, developed within the Research Group 2017SGR234, wants to be a tribute in honor of Prof. Brian Bosworth. 1 The question is difficult to quantify: ENGELS 1978, 11ff. 2 Despite SALAZAR 2013, 297 who defends that, concerning Alexander's wounds and the military Medical treatment in Greece,"the historians writing about Alexander the Great (in particular Plutarch, Arrian and Quintus Curtius), who often present his life in Homeric terms, form another group of important authors. Alexander was wounded several times, and some of the descriptions go into great detail about his wounds and their treatment". In our opinion, this is a judgemnt lacked of rigour, that does not agree with the difficulties of analyzing this subject in detail, as is our aim in this paper. Likewise, the 39 Surgery's knowledge was probably common among the soldiers. Curt. 9.5.25 says Critodemus and not Critobulus: HECKEL 2006, 100. On this, see also HECKEL 1981. 40 Glaucias, according to Arr. An. 7.14.4. 41 Plu. Alex. 72 against Diod. 17.110.8. 42 In Greek culture, the term that designed the shortage (λιμός/limós) is closely linked with the one used for epidemy (λοιμός/loimós).

The year 310 B.C. witnessed the extinction of the Argead line. Cassander had ordered the murder of Young Alexander IV and his mother Roxane, widow of Alexander the Great. The kingdom of Macedonia was now without a king. Cassander’s deed cleared the way for the ambitious dynasts who controlled the armies and lands of the eastern Mediterranean. Yet no one stepped forth to claim the crown. The throne lay vacant for four years. In 306 the situation changed in dramatic fashion. Antigonus Monophthalmus took the title of King, and a chain reaction followed. Within a short span of time, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander all acquired the same title. The Hellenistic world which had had no monarch for half a decade suddenly had a plethora of them. But what kind of monarchy, how viewed and how justified? The matter is important. It helped give shape to the age of Alexander’s Successors.

An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea. Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos-long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing-was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and "Pelasgian" regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations. This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king's best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4 th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name. If Hephaistion's ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.

Olympias of Epirus is one of the main characters in the history of the emergency of Macedonia as an international power with Philip II and Alexander. Nevertheless, despite the many books, papers and studies that had been improving our knowledge about Argead Macedonia in times of the great Macedonian conquerors, the historians of the XIXth and XXth centuries treated Olympias in the same terms of the ancient sources. This uncritical perspective denotes a clear tendency and aims to reproduce gender stereotypes that comes to our own days.

This paper revaluates key moments in the court politics of Alexander the Great's reign through the introduction of <em>philia</em>-networks governed by gift-exchange as a template for explaining the relationships between key participants. This approach makes it clear that Alexander initially held a passive role in the political life of his own court and was dependant on others for his succession. These dynamics shifted in the opening years of the Asian expedition as Alexander sought to break these <em>philia</em>-networks, building his own and surrounding his person with <em>philoi</em> of his own choosing.

Aristotle is the best extant source for the death of Archelaus during a Royal Hunt. He clearly indicates that Archelaus was murdered by Crataeas who, along with two co-conspirators, Hellanocrates of Larissa and Decamnichus, were incited to their plot by perceived injustices at the hand of the king. This article argues that in lieu of a widely agreed upon constitution in Argead Macedonia, a king’s legitimacy was based largely (if not solely) on the perception that he was the font of justice, and by his appearance in sacred rituals—one of which was the royal hunt—which religiously validated his right to rule. Thus, this murder was carefully timed by the conspirators to reject the legitimacy of Archelaus for not dispensing “correct” justice in their respective cases. As always personal animosities get roiled into politics in Argead Macedonia.

espanolLa muerte de Perdiccas, hijo de Orontes, durante su invasion de Egipto es un hecho dificil de comprender, por lo que podemos encontrar diferentes explicaciones para este evento. El objetivo principal de este articulo es establecer una conexion entre la muerte de Perdiccas y la importancia, el significado de los rios y su cruce para los antiguos macedonios. De hecho, los rios estaban relacionados con la realeza. Este hecho se refleja en su relacion con los reyes de la zona geografica de los Balcanes (Polyaen. 4.12.3). Por lo tanto, podemos encontrar pasajes en los que algunos de los personajes miticos mas importantes fueron engendrados por un rio divino (Asteropaios, Rhesus, Orfeo, etc.). Ademas, a veces incluso la majestuosidad proviene del rio, porque los reyes fueron coronados en el rio o cerca de uno (App. Syr. 56; Justin 15. 4.2-7). De hecho, el fundador de la casa real Argeada, Perdiccas I, se convirtio en rey despues de ser salvado por un rio (Hdt. 8. 138). La fuerte co...

SIXTH INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM VOLUME 2 OFFPRINT TU6ì*flLoN\K\ APXAIA MAKEAONIA EKTO AIEONEE EYMIIOEIO TOMOL 2 ANATYtlO 1. Cf., ad es., M. Rostovzev, Storia economica e sociale del mondo ellenìstico (tr.it.), 1. Firenze 1966, 153 e 258-259; J. K. Davies, "Cultural, social and economie features of the Hellenistic World", in CAH2 VII.I. The Hellenistic World, Cambridge 1984,257-320. 2. Fa eccezione A. Dalby, "The wedding feast of Caranus the Macedonian by Hippolochus", Petits Propos Culinaires29, 1988, 37-45. Di questo articolo ho avuto notizia-grazie alla lettura di H. Sancisi Weerdenburg, "Caranus' distribution of tableware", DATA, feb. 1993, Note no. 13solo quando il testo della mia comunicazione era pronto per la stampa. Dello stesso Dalby cf. ora anche Siren Feasts. A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece, London -New York 1996, in panie, per il banchetto di Karanos.