Ancient Macedonia

Although the ancient Macedonians had no independent dramatic tradition of their own, from the late fifth century onwards successive Macedonian kings began to sponsor Greek theater productions and professionals with real enthusiasm. Indeed, their patronage was crucial to the post-classical development of the ancient theater into a more international performance.

Record of the Macedonian language from the 16th century

The texts presented for analysis in this article were produced by the Institut Detudes Slave, De L'universite De Paris in 1958, and are a study based on words and phrases from Macedonia in the 16th century. It is one of the earliest manuscripts written in a purely Macedonian vernacular tongue, and its content was collected from the village of Bogatsko, which is found in the region of Kostur in the south-west of Macedonia. The author remains anonymous and the only likely conclusion that can be drawn is that he may have spoken the Macedonian language natively or acquired it as an additional tongue due to living in close proximity to people who spoke it. The texts were written using the Greek alphabet, which was not uncommon in the Macedonian Peninsula during the Ottoman period, as similar examples with the Albanian and Vlach languages have demonstrated.
Vocabulary and Linguistic Characteristics The texts reveal distinctive local features that have tenaciously survived the ages, and are still present in a number of today's spoken Macedonian dialects. This fact reveals the remarkable consistency of the Macedonian language despite the lack of state support or schooling until the 20th century. Below is a sample of words from the texts, along with linguistic characteristics peculiar to the language of the Macedonians. Animal/Food/Anatomy Terms - Mrave (Ants); Tsurvets (Worm), Sokol (Falcon), Vraptsi (Birds), Golobi (Pigeons), Kokoshki (Chickens), Petel (Rooster), Oftsi (Sheep), Kozi (Goats), Jagne (Lamb), Mechika (Bear), Elen (Deer), Lisitsa (Fox), Kon (Horse), Krusha (Pear), Meso (Meat), Sireni (Cheese), Jajtsa (Eggs), Vino (Wine), Sol (Salt), Zhito (Grain), Koska (Bone), Gas (Buttocks), Kuro (Penis), Made (Testicles). Unique and Loan Words - The word Galuhtsi (Mice) is used, which can also be said as Gluhtsi or Gluftsi, and Macedonians are the only people who use this word. The word Veligden (Easter) is used, pronounced with the 'g' in Macedonian only. Turkish loans are very rare, one example being Jorgano (Blanket). Dialectal and Jat Features - The Kostur region contains dialects that have retain several archaic characteristics, such as the word Ranka (Hand) rather than the more common Macedonian variant of Raka. An interesting trend is found in the use of multiple transitions of the Jat feature that is present in various Macedonian and Slavonic dialects. For example, the text employs the word Dedo (Grandfather) and not Djado, yet Hljap (Bread) and not Lep or Leb. Definite Articles - The typical Macedonian postfixed definite article is exhibited in words such as Krushata (The Pear) and Dushata (The Soul). It is also noted in the word Patot (The Path) for 'the path' , although as the case of Jorgano (The Blanket) demonstrates, the 't' at the end can also be dropped, as in several of today's Macedonian dialects.
Words and Phrases, Unchanged for Centuries. Containing a rich glossary and in excess of 300 words and phrases, the texts demonstrate the strength of the Macedonian language through preservation. Following is a comparison of sentences between the texts and the Macedonian dialect of Bitola as spoken today. 16th cent., Kostur dialect 21st cent., Bitola dialect Gospodine, brate, da si zdrav, da si prost, ostavi ni da spime, ela da jame, i da pieme, dol da pojdime, da rabotime. Gospodine, brate, da si zdrav, da si prost, ostai ne da spiame, ela da jaime, i da piame, dolu da pojdime, da rabotime. Imate hljap-o da kupime, imate vino da kupime, ot koja strana da pojdime vo Bogatsko. Imate lep da kupime, imate vino da kupime, od koja strana da pojdime vo Bogatsko. As can be clearly noticed, most of the vocabulary and grammar is identical. All of the elements that would later be required to rejuvinate the Macedonian people as they were shaking off centuries of subjugation, were present during this period. The language of the people had solidified, a tradition of heraldry and symbolism had developed which incorporated the emblem of a rapant lion and historical figures from Macedonia's past, and the churches continued preserve the local customs and serve as cultural centres for the population. The significance of all these elements together cannot be overstated, the language of medieval Macedonia is the same as the language of the Macedonians today. Unfortunately, only a small portion of the larger amount of Macedonian literature from the Middle Ages has survived, much of it being looted and destroyed by Greek-speaking officials, clerics and teachers. Nevertheless, Macedonian as a language reached its current form centuries before the creation of the Macedonian Peninsula states in the 19th and 20th centuries.

One of the cities of Macedonia listed by Claudius Ptolemaeus (Geogr. III, 12, 23) and Pliny the Younger (NH. V, 10, 17) in the imperial age is Lete. Its location is about 12 kilometers NW of Thessaloniki. The city and its cemeteries sprawled over the hills of the Derveni pass and the western part of the fertile plain of Langadas. This strategic position on two main roads - leading from the Aegean into the central Balkans and linking the Thermaikos Gulf with eastern Macedonia - justifies the long, continuous habitation of the site, from the very early Neolithic period until the Roman era.
The two bronze oinochoai derive from the cemetery of Lete, a city of ancient Mygdonia in Macedonia. More specifically, the oinochoe no MTh 17244 (fig. 1-2) accompanied a male burial of the early 3rd century, while the oinochoe no MTh 22710 (fig. 3-4) accompanied a female burial dated to 270-260 B.C. The morphological characteristics of the two vessels allow for their incorporation in the Hellenistic version of type 9 of the bronze oinochoai, dated to late 4th-early 3rd c.B.C. The handle of oinochoe MTh 17244 ends to an ivy leaf, while the attachment of the handle of oinochoe MTh 22710 is decorated with two confronted heads of goats which frame acanthus leaves. This theme comprises a rare decorative motif on the handles of metal vessels, with the earlier example being the bronze trefoil oinochoe from Galaxidi. In early Hellenistic era the same motif is encountered on the attachments of the handles of the two-handled bronze oinochoe B 34 from the Derveni cemetery (fig. 5, 10 a), a bronze sheet with similar function from Region of Didymoteichon (fig. 6) and a bronze oinochoe from Nafpaktos (fig. 7a, b), related to a Macedonian workshop. Other examples, such as the bronze olpe in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston and the bronze hydria from Palazzolo demonstrate that the depiction is used until the early Roman times. The oinochoe MTh 22710 from Lete belongs to a burial assemblage where it is combined with clay drinking vessels, thus it comprised a symposium vessel. The emblematic depiction on the attachment of its handle refers to Dionysus as a god of wine and symposium, considering that the goat is included among the animals that accompany the god. Αlso, in the same context belongs the ivy leaf on the oinochoe MTh 17244.
The two oinochoai were possibly manufactured in the period between 330-300 B.C., while the MTh 22710 is a little later. They were undoubtedly already used vessels which were deposited as funeral offerings not much later than their production. The estimation that certain metal vessels from the cemetery of Derveni are creations of a metal workshop installed in Lete is further confirmed by the scarcity of the shape of the two bronze oinochoai. The stylistic similarities between the theme of the confronted heads of goats on the oinochoe and the crowning of grave stelae, which depict the same theme and are products of Attic workshops (fig. 9), allow for the verification of the influence of Attic art in their performance. Nevertheless, the influence of Attic workshops has been noted in other facets of local production activity in Lete.

Abile stratega, condottiero e potente sovrano, Alessandro Magno di Macedonia, eroe che percepiva se stesso alla stregua di un nuovo Eracle o di un nuovo Achille, fu, prima di tutto, un “viaggiatore”. E chi si approcci alle pagine del presente lavoro, nel quale viene ripercorsa l’intera vicenda del grande macedone ,si prepari, di fatto, a compiere un lungo e affascinante viaggio...Un’esplorazione attraverso quei luoghi in cui l’uomo Alessandro compì il luminoso percorso che lo avrebbe portato a divenire mito; aspirando costantemente, come racconta la storica Lynette Mitchell nella prefazione al libro,“...a divenire il più grande tra tutti gli eroi...”.Con pieno rigore storico, e senza concessioni alla fabula, a farla da padrone, in un racconto sostenuto da una poderosa mole bibliografica, sono i fatti “così come si svolsero”. Fatti la cui rievocazione, spogliata di facili orpelli, saprà coinvolgere e trascinare ogni lettore dentro l’antica e immortale storia (o viaggio) dell’ultimo eroe.

The Antigonid dynasty, one of the four Hellenistic kingdoms that emerged after the death of the Alexander the Great, was established in 306 BC by its eponymous founder Antigonus I Monophthalmus (‘the One-Eyed’) and his son Demetrius Poliorcetes ('the Besieger'). Originally based in Asia Minor and Syria, the family later gained control over the territory of Macedonia in 275 BC under the aegis of Antigonus II Gonatas (277-74, 272-239 BC). The kingdom subsequently came to prominence, reaching its peak during the reign of Philip V (221-179 BC), before coming to an end following successive conflicts with Rome and the defeat of its final ruler, Perseus, in 168 BC.
While the Antigonids were an important part of the political scene in the Hellenistic period, study of them has been largely overshadowed by that of the Ptolemies, Seleucids and Attalids, which (other than the Attalids) were longer-lasting and saw a greater engagement with non-Greek peoples. This lack of attention has obscured the significance of this dynasty in the politics and culture of the ancient Mediterranean. It is the aim of this conference, therefore, to pave the way to rectifying this situation as the first event of a new international Antigonid Network. Alongside conference papers touching on a range of different aspects, discussion sessions will help build relationships between individuals and institutions, as well as offer the space to develop collaborative projects and resources.

""En Filipo II y el Arte de la Guerra tendremos la oportunidad de conocer en profundidad a uno de los más grandes reyes de la antigua Macedonia. Gracias a su habilidad como estratega, diplomático, político y soldado, heredó un reino pobre, débil y acosado por innumerables enemigos y lo transformó en el más poderoso de toda Grecia.

A lo largo de sus páginas podremos conocer la historia del reino Macedonio, desde sus orígenes míticos hasta la formación de un imperio, de la mano del que, a la postre, se convertiría en el padre del mítico Alejandro Magno y en el forjador de un nuevo ejército que cambiaria el devenir de la guerra en la Antigüedad. Filipo II fue el creador de la falange macedonia, formación que se demostraría como inigualable en el campo de batalla y que reportaría incontables victorias sobre poderosos enemigos, como los ilirios, los tesalios, los tracios, los beocios o los atenienses. Pero no sólo eso, logró integrar en el campo de batalla a la infantería y a la caballería para emplearlos en nuevas formaciones tácticas: armó a sus soldados con las míticas sarissas y apreció como pocos las posibilidades militares que la maquinaria de guerra podía proporcionarle, siendo el mecenas de numerosos avances en este campo. Soñó con conquistar el Imperio persa, cuando ya había logrado lo que nadie antes fue capaz: el control de Grecia.

Sólo la muerte le arrebató esa hazaña, pero sentó las bases de lo que más tarde conseguiría su propio hijo. Su figura levantó tanto odios como pasiones; se le conocía como mujeriego y bebedor, pero también por su habilidad para la oratoria, por sus astucia, determinación y valor. Siempre luchó en primera línea junto a sus soldados y nunca permitió que éstos le llamaran rey, sino solo "General".

It is well known that several Greek leaders, for various reasons, after falling in disgrace in their homeland, found refuge in Persia: typical examples are the Spartan Demaratus and the Athenians Themistocles and Alcibiades. The opposite case, that of Persian leaders who fled to Greece and lived there as refugees, though attested, is much less known. Jakob Seibert’s important study of political refugees in ancient Greece devotes only a brief reference to this issue. This paper aims at exploring this topic more deeply, by identifying common and different features in the cases examined, focusing on the period between the Persian Wars and the Kingdom of Philip II of Macedonia.

List of cases
- Athens: Rhoesaces, Zopyrus, Amorges;
- Peloponnese: the son of Pharnabazus;
- Macedonia: Artabazus, Amminapes, Sisines.

In spite of clear tendencies of Alexander III the Great to build an empire that would unite number of nations, it is not quite clear how far he practiced the “brotherhood of nations”, i.e. homonoia. (See below Tarn, and de Mauriac). His empire and later Diadochi states were apparently not quite compatible with the idea “of being of one mind together”, what the word “homonoia” probably should mean. Was the reality quite opposite?

Were the political and administrative structure of the Macedonian states, the empire of Alexander of Macedonia, Egypt of Ptolemy’s and the Hellenistic Diadochi states, while its citizens were of mixed national origins, prominently “nationalistic states”?

What kind of state was the empire of the Alexander of Macedonia? Was it a Macedonian nationalistic state, where all high administrative and military positions as well as core military units were occupied by the Macedonians; or did its political structures mirrored the mixed multi-national population that constituted the empire? How many of Alexander’s generals and high officials were Greek and how many Macedonian? Did Alexander chose for satraps in the occupied territories some Geeks or exclusively Macedonians and local dignitaries? What was the national structure of the core military units that were left in the occupied regions?

I am also interested in the political system of the Ancient Egypt at the end of the 4th century BC. Was the Egyptian Ptolemy dynasty an Egyptian, Macedonian or Greek dynasty? Did the Ptolemy family mix with the Greek families or with local Egyptian families or it remained “racially clean” Macedonian?

What kind of states were Hellenistic states? Were they by their political and national structure Macedonian or Greek? Did they rely exclusively on high military or state officials that were Greeks or they were mostly Macedonians; did “nationalism” lose its power with time and when? How many generals in those states were Greeks and how many still Macedonians?
____________________________________________

Tarn, WW: Alexander the Grat, Vol II, Sources and Studies, Chapter 25, Cambridge University Press, 2002 (1948).

Henry M. de Mauriac: Alexander the Great and the Politics of "Homonoia", Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Jan., 1949), pp. 104-114, Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press, Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2707202

This paper extends one published in 2006 where I addressed the question: can we estimate the proportion of coined gold and silver in Hellenistic times out of the total amount of available precious metals? There a rather coherent answer emerged from different approaches to the problem: only a small proportion (not more than 25%) of all the available precious metals was monetized. In this paper, on the other hand, I try to estimate the amount of gold in ancient Greece that was not converted in coins. Such an enquiry clearly entails large uncertainties. My focus is on the weights of extant Greek gold jewellery, the total sum of which I estimate to be c. 70kg (+/- 30kg?). When compared with the total weight of the great treasures of the period (Vergina, Thracian royal tombs, Georgia [Vani]: c. 25kg), this estimate seems reasonable. Other avenues for research are presented (providing still other estimates) for what appears to be a stimulating new perspective on the problem of metal availability and coinage, which will further help us to build a better and narrower framework for our speculations.

It is only within the last few decades that Classical scholars have begun to acknowledge the political and social impact of athletics on the ancient Classical world during the 5 th and 4 th centuries BCE. In this work, after assessing the theory of identity and the perceived distinction between the ancient Greeks and their "barbaric" neighbors, the Macedonians, I examined Olympia and Athens as two case studies that combine athletics and ritual within a single landscape. After recognizing how these sites reaffirm Greek identity, I have applied the same parameters to Macedonian Dion, where I believe the Macedonians similarly utilized the landscape to affirm their own Hellenicity.

The author is trying to solve the chronological problems of Livy’s information on the war operations in the region around and north of Lake Lychnidus during the Third Macedonian War. The focus is on the period between 170-169 B.C., namely, the problems regarding Livy’s information on Perseus’ counterattack on Roman positions at the turn of 170/169 B.C., Roman control over the city of Uscana and one undocumented Perseus’ attack on Dardanians in 170 B.C. The author concludes the events in question have a mutual connection, proposes a new chronological course of events and emphasizes the importance of Livy’s 43rd book for the study of the consequences of the war operations north of Lake  Lychnidus during the Third Macedonian War.

The main aim of this research is the analysis of the Macedonian infantry discipline in the period of the great conquests of 4th century BC. The research objectives are the review of Philip’s II actions to improve the Macedonian army discipline, the determining their effectiveness, the identifying the essence of disciplinary problems which are connected with the phalangites of Phillips and Alexander’s times. A multi-faceted approach to the ancient narrative sources, methods of comparative historical analysis and content analysis have been used. It defends that traditionally for infantry militia of the Argead Kingdom as well as for a similar component of the neighboring barbarian societies’ armed forces the law discipline was typical. Through intensive training, the introduction of a system of rewards and penalties, Philip II managed to instill for the Macedonian infantry discipline which high level was demonstrated in wars of domination in Balkan Peninsula and confirmed during the Alexander's Asian expedition. The phalangites’ disciplinary motives were based on benefits of belonging to the royal army and an established corporate identity. However, the great military importance of the Macedonian infantry and their unity made possible mass demonstrations, during which the military protested against the military-strategic and political-administrative decisions of the monarch, which did not correspond to the interests of the army.

In this addition to my original thesis I address the circumstances that saw Alexander’s army having to rush back from the Syrian Gates of Cilicia to confront late in the day an enemy that had somehow managed to get behind him.  So this chapter temporarily shifts the focus of my thesis from tactical to strategic issues, and looks at the lingering questions over Alexander’s illness during his time in Tarsus.

Chapter III (55)

How Roman Arms Came to Conquer the Successors of Alexander (55)

How Much More Successful Was the Roman Legion than the Macedonian Phalanx? (57)

The Best Soldiers versus the Best Formation (59)

Why the Greeks Were Shocked after Rome’s Domination of Macedon (60)

Final Thoughts on the Impact of Alexander on Polybius’ Work (63)

Several tales exist regarding the Sinaia lead tablets. The first known mention of them was when the 200 lead plates were discovered in the warehouse of the Bucharest Museum of Antiquities, Romania, in the 19th century. Of the 200 pieces originally in the collection of plates, only 35 are known to remain today, but there are some photos of some of the rest. When discovered they were ignored and considered to be forgeries because they appeared new, with no traces of corrosion. They were not considered valuable enough to be evacuated with the rest of the Romanian Treasure to Russia in 1916. However, some renewed interest in the plates among non-scholars has been shown more than a century later, following the publication of a report about them by engineer Dan Romalo in 2003. [citation needed] [Wikipedia.org] According to "an oral tradition, " the lead plates are in fact copies made at the Nail Factory of Sinaia in 1875 from the originals, which were allegedly made of gold, and they were kept for a while at the Sinaia Monastery. Allegedly, the gold was used either in the building of Peleş Castle, or the plates were part of the Romanian Treasure which was never returned by Russia after World War I. An analysis made at the Institute of Nuclear Physics in Bucharest confirmed that the composition of the The Sinaia lead plates – Understanding the lead tablets written in the Dacian / Thracian language.

ANDRONIKOS, Manolis; Vergina: The royal tombs and the ancient city; Athens, Ekdotike Athenon S. A., 1989, 244 pp., 28 cm. [ISBN 9602131284] Si hay algo que despierta la imaginación de los aficionados a la Historia y, más si cabe, de los profesionales que se dedican a ella, son los grandes descubrimientos arqueológicos. Los más importantes, hasta la fecha, se han realizado hace tanto tiempo que las publicaciones surgidas a su amparo abundan en cantidad y calidad; sin embargo, aún quedan hallazgos que, por la importancia de los personajes asociados a éstos, siguen cautivando a quienes están convencidos de poder desvelar sus secretos al resto de la humanidad. Hasta hace pocos años, uno de ellos era la supuesta tumba de Filipo II, hijo de Amintas, el más importante gobernante macedonio de la Antigüedad tra su propio hijo, Alejandro el Grande. Su supuesta morada fue descubierta por Manolis Andronikos, en 1977, cerca de la antigua capital macedonia de Egas, en la actual pequeña población de Vergina, situada en la región de Imathia, Macedonia Central.

A genuine historical testimony of Macedonia before the big geopolitical reshuffle in 1878.

„Every nation that has glorious deeds is a glorious nation. However, beside all the glorious deeds, if those deeds remain unknown, the nation shall also remain unknown. Therefore it is necessary to collect and preserve all those glorious deeds in history, because history is the guardian of a nation’s life, and so future generations shall know, respect, accept and support it...“
                                                                                                                                Jovan Dragašević

The calm serenity of the gods featured on the narrow upper frieze of the chryselephantine couche found in the chamber of Philipp'II tomb is in marked contrast to the impassioned movement of the more active mortals on the front of the wide frieze immediately below.  Here, against a gilded backdrop, fourteen male figures, rendered in rather high relief, move on foot and on horseback. The limbs and the faces of the figures are of ivory, the other parts were of carved wood, gilded and painted, which for the most part has been eroded and lost. As revealed by the gestures of the figures, and the composition of the scene overall these men were not engaged in combat with each other but were in pursuit of animals.
The hunters wore sleeved or sleeveless short tunics, capes, boots and, as deduced from the way in which the heads of all were cut at the top, hats resembling wide berets, the characteristic Mace-donian kausies. The absence of heroic nudity and the presence of typical Macedonian attire for the time reveal unequivocally the disposition for realism that dominates the modelling of the figures themselves.
Ten of the fourteen small heads are preserved in very good condition. Worked with absolute precision and meticulous attention, by the hand of an accomplished artist, these heads, of momentous importance despite their miniature size, are without doubt among the most remarkable studies of the human figure known from ancient art. The artist’s conscious intention in rendering each of these faces with specific individualised features, which depart markedly from the strictures of the generalised idealised types, is i think obvious, notwithstanding the stylistic unity apparent in the figures, as a personalised stamp of the artist.
if we accept that ancient artworks exist which can rightly be awarded the title of portrait, then we have here some of the most characteristic of these. Philip, his young heir alexander, and one dozen other kinsmen and companions of the king are portrayed in a particularly realistic manner on this couch, but in the absence of other comparanda, it is not easy to put to the faces the names we know from the sources and so to identify them.

Ιn the ancient Greek civilization women in general lacked high status, rank and privileges within the society. Social gatherings and feasts were held without the presence of women. In most cases, they were either absent or separated from the men throughout these fests. Important evidence of the women's role in the ancient times is Aristoteles note in the Aristotle, Politics (1.2.12 1254 b 13-14) where he mentions: ἔτι δὲ τὸ ἄρρεν πρός τό θῆλυ φύσει τό μέν κρεῖττον τό δέ χεῖρον, καί τό μέν ἄρχον τό δ΄ ἀρχόμενον, which means that a man is by nature better and superior than to a woman (who is inferior of him), a man is the leader that conquers and masters while the woman is the one who is ruled and being mastered. Many scholars though claim that the women's status and role in the Macedonians kingdom was more important and well respected contrary to Classical Athens and the Lacedaemonians. This assumption is due to the fact that for quite long periods of time, men used to be absent from their houses, "oikoi", fighting. At that times, women had the right to perform acts of civic merit, such were buying and selling property, the affranchisement of the slaves and other, various domestic acts which were usually performed by men. This fact contrasted with the Athenians jurisdiction where women occupied no legal authority. In Macedonia, even though society was strictly patriarchal, women undoubtfully had a big influence in the society. In this essay, we shall try to explore the women's role in the Macedonian kingdom and its institute from the 7 th century to 168 BC. Furthermore, clear evidence will be stated concerning their act in politics, religion matters, social roles and their involvement in the economic entity of the "oikos".

A museum functions in many ways and dimensions, but foremost it is a place of groundbreaking research and knowledge to be shared. Τhe central unit (New Museum) of the Polycentric Museum of Aigai is in the final phase of its completion and it will open for the public in the next months. Believing, that the museum of Aigai, the royal metropolis of Macedon, can and should open new paths in the approach and research of antiquity and particulary that of the Hellenistic Oikoumene, the Ephorate of Antiquities of Imathia with the cooperation and assistance of leading experts and scholars from the world's most important universities and research institutes prepared and organized a major international conference. Sixty renowned researchers will present fifty six papers summing up their research from May 27 to June 2, 2022 at the New Museum of Aigai.
Entitled: "Beyond Macedonia. The multifaceted Hellenistic Oikoumene reconsidered"  the conference focuses on the investigation of complex phenomena such as the economy, the architecture and the landscaping, the evolution of artistic and cultural trends, but also on the presentation of syntheses of excavations and findings in the vast Hellenistic world, from Pakistan to the western Mediterranean. Our intention is to enable the presentation of different approaches and of new scientific methods.

Основната цел на оваа студија е да се покаже присуството на македонскиот крал Александар III Македонски во македонските книжевни дела и неговата (и книжевна и книжевно-историска) улога како знак што обединува многубројни култури од различни времиња и од меѓусебно оддалечени простори. За таа цел беа консултирани бројни трудови од светски и македонски автори од историската наука, книжевната теорија и политикологијата без кои овој труд не ќе ја имаше ваквата интегрална форма. Историскиот и книжевно-теорискиот дел на студијава беа неопходни за да се воведе читателот во елаборациите од апликативниот дел што се однесува на интерпретации на дела од македонската книжевност и тоа од нејзините почетоци (народната литературата), преку средновековието и 19 век па сè до нашата книжевност од 20 и од првата деценија на 21 век, а тоа ќе рече дека нашата амбиција беше да се изработи една екстензивна студија за застапеноста на Александар Македонски во македонските книжевни дела и тоа, пред сè, од аспект на неговата улога како интерактивен код на културите.

Donja Dolina has occupied a prominent place in the study of late prehistoric archaeology in this part of Europe ever since the first excavations there in the early 20th century. Research has always placed greater emphasis on the graves discovered at the site, because the material found in the graves at Donja Dolina is of such importance to the understanding of Early Iron Age culture in this part of the Western Balkans. In addition to showing us connections to remote areas, the site has yielded objects that express local material culture and beliefs in
original and innovative ways. This paper presents unpublished graves excavated during the 1982 excavation campaign at Šokića bašta in Donja Dolina. The weapons, jewellery, and other goods found in graves give evidence of a high standard of living and the personal-social
prestige of the site’s occupants. A total number of 5 graves were found during this campaign, which can be dated from the 6 th century BC up to the 4 th century BC.

It's about general texts about Hellenistic and Roman Terracotta Figurines in Ancient Macedonia and the Coroplastic Workshop in the Hellenistic city in Petres and also a number of entries of the temporary exhibition displayed in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki in 2017

¿En la antigua Macedonia se impartían clases sobre la historia de Argantonio y las aventuras de los griegos en Tartessos?

Argantonios, el rey de Tartessos que reinó durante 150 años en un ostracon griego contemporáneo.

Georgeos Díaz-Montexano | The Epigraphic Society

En las orillas del “Golfo de Tesalónica” o “Golfo Termaico”, en las ruinas de lo que se considera la antigua ciudad de Sindos (Σίνδος) mencionada por Heródoto1, se halló un posible ostracon sobre asa de copa ática de barniz negro de mediados del siglo V a. C., aunque la fecha es solo aproximada, podría ser incluso de finales del VI o principios del V a. C.

En el mismo se halló un grafito con el inesperado nombre de un personaje que hasta el momento del hallazgo solo aparecía mencionado en copias medievales de los escritos de algunos autores griegos y romanos de la antigüedad clásica. El inesperado texto permitía leer el nombre de Argantonio, pero escrito de una manera algo extraña, lo que llevó a una doble lectura, y con ello, a la duda de si realmente se trataba del mismo célebre rey tartésico, Argantonio, citado por Anacreonte, Heródoto, Plinio y otros importantes autores de la antigüedad…

Leer el resto del artículo en http://atlantisng.com/blog/argantonios-el-rey-de-tartessos-que-reino-durante-150-anos-en-un-ostracon-griego-contemporaneo/