Failed State

Terörün küresel bir nitelik kazandığı dönemde terörizmi tetikleyen ya da şiddetlenmesi noktasında uygun ortam hazırlayan koşulların belirlenmesi sürdürülebilir bir barış ortamının sağlanması için hayati önem taşımaktadır. Ulus devlet modelinin kusurlu bir versiyonu olarak tanımlanan başarısız devletler terörist grupların yuvalanabilecekleri güvenliksiz alanlar ile kriz bölgelerini oluşturmaktadır. Dünya barışını en çok tehdit eden unsur devletler arasındaki silahlanma yarışından ziyade terörün önlenemez yükselişi ve başarısız devlet olgusunun yıkıcı etkilerinin yayılmasıdır. Kabile toplum yapısının hakim olduğu Somali'de 1991 yılından itibaren merkezi otorite ülke genelinde zayıflamıştır. Sömürge mirasından modern devlete geçiş aşamasında başarısızlığa uğrayan ülke iç savaş, açlık, terör gibi kavramlarla özdeşleşmiştir. Somali'de devlet mekanizmasının kusurlu olması, nüfusun geniş kesiminin siyasi ve ekonomik haklarından mahrum olması ya da havaalanları ve sınırların denetle...

International security is a dynamic and challenging topic. This is due to the contested concept of ‘Security’ which is defined in numerous ways depending on actors’ strategic circumstances. Traditional (Realist) theories and literature has portrayed security to mean state power and survival in an anarchic world. Consequently, foreign policy from western actors in the security arena has been heavily influenced and shaped by this traditional outlook. Thus the concept of ‘failed state’ has so far served this traditional outlook and has had colossal implication on policy implementation. However, this prevailing dominant school of thought was challenged after the end of Cold War in the early 1990s when civil wars erupted in the former Soviet republics. The brutality of these civil wars and the human cost led international actors in the ‘new world order’ to question the state-centric concept of a ‘state’ and advocated the need to address human suffering and violent conflict.

This paper draws on previous research tackling not the process of recovery, but of collapse. Three states (Lebanon, Somalia and the former-Yugoslavia) were considered when collapsed, in crisis and relatively stable. These countries were selected because despite their stark differences – geographical (Middle East, Africa and Europe), political (a democracy, a nepotistic regime and a dictatorship) and economic (capitalist, neo-patrimonial and socialist system) –, all of them collapsed in the end. The findings of that analysis were turned upside down to develop priorities to salvage failed states. This paper will first develop the theoretical implications thereof, and second confront this theory with current attempts to put Humpty Dumpy back together.

The research is based on qualitative fieldwork rather than on quantitative data due to the scarcity and poor quality of such data in collapsed states. Quantitative data constrains the analysis because it is often designed to capture long-term structural and official indicators, whereas this paper focuses on short to medium term dynamics and recognizes the importance – particularly in weak states – of informal networks (e.g., the Lebanese state, formally a democracy, operated very much as an oligarchy). The information was processed by way of the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), a standardized comparison of qualitative data allowing though experiments.

Current debates rest on the conclusion that Nigerian leadership suffers from extreme moral depravity and attitudinal debauchery. This leadership personality is expressed in poor governance manifested in consistent crises and insecurity, poverty of extreme order among the citizens, debilitating miasma of corruption and rising unemployment indices. There is a glaring failure to regulate the system effectively and the leadership's inability to exploit and distribute the resources of the state fairly and equitably. Nigerian leadership has been described as a corrugated theatre of indentured roguery, and its populace as a timid mass of impoverished humanity. Infrastructural decay has become a national identity and the citizens now live in bizarre condition of uncertainty. The picture shows a rapidly failing state and it is argued here that it is largely a function of poor leadership attitude. Nigerian leadership today requires a new attitude to navigate a rapidly deteriorating society. How this attitudinal change can be brought about was the focus of this paper. The study generated data from documentary sources as well as researcher-experiences through participant observation and descriptively analysed them. The discussion concludes that the persuasive approach to bringing about attitudinal change has failed to cause a change of attitude in Nigerian leadership towards being responsive to public interest. On the basis of this, the paper recommends a new approach to attitudinal change called legitimate compulsion.

Dans les années 1997–2002, les Comores, un des plus petits et un des plus jeunes pays d’Afrique, ont été la scène d’un processus de la désagrégation de l’État, qui consistait non seulement en la désintégration effective du pouvoir central dans une partie considérable du territoire de l’archipel, mais également en la sécession des deux îles et l’émergence sur l’une d’elles d’un quasi-État qui, suite au concours de nombreuses circonstances, parvint à mener une existence autonome durant une période de cinq ans. D’après un point de vue rencontré fréquemment, c’est une situation économique précaire qui mena à la crise de l’État aux Comores ainsi qu’à l’intensification des tendances séparatistes dans ce pays. En réalité, le problème de l’effondrement de l’État comorien est bien plus complexe et des prémisses historiques, politiques, sociales et économiques, aussi bien que des facteurs liés à l’environnement y ont contribué. Publié dans «Africana Bulletin» n ° 52, 2004, p. 131-153.
Sur le séparatisme au Sénégal, voir:
https://www.academia.edu/40844578/Origins_of_Armed_Separatism_in_Southern_Senegal

The system is coming to have some of the features of failed state, to adopt a currently fashionable notion that is conventionally applied to state regarded as potential threats to our security or as needing out intervention to rescue the population from severe internal threats" -Noam Chomsky, Failed State 2 -Would it not be easier in that case for the government to dissolve the people and elect another? -Bertolt Brecht, "The Solution" 3 -Pengantar Dalam setengah tahun terakhir, kehidupan bernegara kita dikepung sejumlah persoalan gawat berikut: korupsi, bencana alam, euforia-hegemonik-feodalisme (politik identitas), dan kemiskinan. Panggung politik disesaki kecarut-marutan kasus mafia pajak -kelas teri‖ Gayus Tambunan, beragam bencana (banjir bandang di Wasior, gempa bumi dan tsunami di Mentawai, erupsi Merapi di Yogyakarta-Jawa Tengah), euforia (hegemonik) feodalisme a la -pro-penetapan‖ dalam kasus RUUK Yogyakarta, dan yang termutakhir adalah kasus kudeta moral kaum agamawan 4 atas kebohongan pemerintah mengenai data kemiskinan. Laiknya pertunjukan akrobatik, sorotan mata publik mesti simpang-siur berlompatan mengikuti sepak terjang para elit the ruling class sebagai rejim yang gagal memperagakan demokrasi. Tak bisa ditampik lagi, situasi itu melukiskan sebuah kecenderungan yang semakin menguat perihal, meminjam Chomsky, negara gagal (failed state). Negara gagal bisa ditengarai dalam tiga ciri utama berikut. Pertama, ketidakbecusan atau ke-emoh-an pemerintah melindungi segenap warga negaranya dari berbagai macam tindak kekerasan atau bahkan penghancuran. Kedua, adanya kecenderungan pemerintah lebih hirau pada diri mereka sendiri ketimbang upaya pencapaian penegakan hukum dan perundangundangan nasional maupun internasional, dan justru bebas berlenggang melakukan berbagai tindak agresi dan kekerasan. Ketiga, jika pun toh pemerintah memiliki bentuk-bentuk yang demokratis, namun sesungguhnya mereka tengah tertimpa defisit demokrasi yang gawat, dimana substansi demokrasi yang sejatinya telah tercerabut dari insititusi-institusi demokratis formal mereka. 5

The sizable amount of academic and policy-oriented literature on socio-political violence in Lebanon could be said to have rendered the country a 'prestige zone' for theorizing on the powerful image of the Leviathan, the Hobbesian idea that a secular social order is achievable only within a strong sovereign state. Building on the insights of the anthropology of the state, this article argues for the necessity of a critical assessment of contemporary expert discourses of 'state failure'. Based on archival research and anthropological fieldwork, the article addresses the metaphor of the failed Leviathan as an empirical question. Overall, it seeks to explore its productivity as an applied expert category and to highlight both the conditions of its construction and dissemination, as well as some of its particular effects.

Tak henti-hentinya bencana bertubi merundung negeri ini. Dari bulan Oktober hingga November 2010 saja, tidak kurang dari 1200-an nyawa melayang karenanya. Beruntun setelah banjir bandang Wasior (Senin 4 Oktober 2010 pagi) dan Tsunami Mentawa (Senin 25 Oktober 2010 malam), erupsi Merapi menyusul terjadi pada Selasa 26 Oktober 2010 lalu. Belum pulih benar kedukaan atas meninggalnya ribuan korban dan kehancuran massif akibat bencana gempa bumi hampir lima tahun silam, 27 Mei 2006, 2 kini warga Yogya-Jateng kembali berduka. Sekilas, kita bisa cermati dampak-dahsyat ketiga bencana tersebut. Berdasarkan data BNPB (Badan Nasional Penanggulanan Bencana), total biaya pemulihan pasca banjir bandang Wasior mencapai Rp 370,53 miliar. 3 Sementara untuk proses rehabilitasi, rekonstruksi, dan relokasi bencana gempa bumi dan tsunami Mentawai membutuhkan dana Rp 368,773 miliar. 4 Sedangkan kerugian akibat erupsi Merapi, menurut data BNPB per 23 Januari 2011, mencapai sebesar Rp. 7,1 trilyun. 5 1 Dikutip dari Naoim Klein, The Shock Doctrin: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, New York: Penguin, hlm 360. 2 Gempa bumi Yogya-Jateng, telah mengakibatkan korban meninggal 5.716 jiwa; korban luka-luka 37.927; rumah roboh/rusak berat 156.662; rumah rusak sedang/ringan 202.031. Total kerugian dan kerusakan di seluruh sektor mencapai 292,2 triliun atau setara dengan 3 miliar dollar AS. Lihat AB.Widyanta (ed), Kisah Kisruh di Tanah Gempa, Catatan Penanganan Bencana Gempa Bumi Yogya-Jateng 27 Mei 2006; Yogyakarta: CPRC, 2007, hlm. 539-543. Lihat juga AB.Widyanta, Modal Sosial: Partisipasi Warga yang Dinisbikan dalam Governance Kebencanaan (Potret Penanganan Gempa Yogya-Jateng) dalam Jurnal Renai Tahun VII No 1 2007, hlm.96. 3 Banjir bandang Wasior mengakibatkan korban tewas 173 orang, 26 orang luka berat, 2.374 orang luka ringan, 118 orang dilaporkan hilang, dan 9.016 orang mengungsi. Sebanyak 987 unit rumah hancur dan puluhan fasilitas umum rusak. Lihat http://regional.kompas.com/read/2010/11/29/20314984/1.510.Unit.Rumah.di.Wasior.Direlokasi 4 Menurut data BNPB per 29 November 2010, bencana gempa bumi dan tsunami Mentawai menyebabkan korban tewas 509 orang, luka berat dan ringan 24 orang, 21 orang hilang, dan sebanyak 11.425 orang mengungsi. Rumah rusak sebanyak 749 unit dan fasilitas umum rusak 34 unit. Total kerusakan dan kerugian di Mentawai sebesar Rp 314,96 miliar. Lihat http://regional.kompas.com/read/2010/11/29/20314984/1.510.Unit.Rumah.di.Wasior.Direlokasi. 5 Menurut data BNPB per 8 Desember 2010, jumlah korban meninggal akibat erupsi Merapi mencapai 379 orang dan 179 orang masih dirawat inap di rumah sakit. Penduduk yang masih berada di pengungsian sebanyak 21.338 orang

Somali, Afrika'nın en yoksul ülkelerinden biri olarak, 1991'den beri başarısız devletlerin en üst sıra-larında yer almakta; yaygın silahlı çatışmalar, açlık ve göç gibi sorunlarla başa çıkmaya çalışmak-tadır. Uluslararası toplumun Somali'de barış ve istikrarın sağlanması için gösterdiği çabalar 2011 yılına kadar istenen sonuçlara ulaşmamıştır. Türkiye, 2011 yaz aylarında yaşanan açlık kriziyle bir-likte Somali'ye yönelik bir açılım başlatmıştır. Türkiye'nin hamlesi ve yardımları kısa sürede Somali halkının gönlünü kazanmış, barış ve istikrarın sağlanmasına yönelik beklentiler artmıştır. Ancak, süreç içerisinde Türkiye'nin Somali politikasına yönelik eleştiriler yükselmeye başlamıştır. Eleştiriler, Türkiye'nin uluslararası toplumdan kopuk çalışması, Somali gerçeklerini bilmemesi, kurumsal ka-pasite eksikliği ile uzun dönemli strateji yokluğu üzerine odaklanmaktadır. Somali'deki mevcut krizin tarihsel arka planı, toplumsal bağlamı ve çok boyutlu nedenleri, barış ve istikrarın da ancak geniş kapsamlı, uzun dönemli ve tüm aktörlerle koordineli bir çalışmayla mümkün olabileceğini göstermek-tedir. Bu bağlamda Türkiye'nin mevcut Somali politikasını gözden geçirmesi ve kapsamlı bir strateji geliştirmesi gerekli görülmektedir.

Somalia, as one of the poorest countries in Africa has been on the top list of the failed states, and tried to meet the challenges such as armed conflicts, poverty and mass migration since 1991. The attempts by the international community to ensure the peace and stability in Somalia have not produced the desired results by 2011. With the famine crisis in the 2011 summer, Turkey has initiated an opening towards Somalia. Turkey's intervention and aids are soon welcomed by the people of Somalia and the expectations for the provision of the peace and stability have increased. Yet some critiques have arisen about Turkey's policy toward Somalia. The critiques are focused on Turkey's work in isolation from the international community, unawareness of Somali's realities, the lack of institutional capacity and a long term strategy. The historical backdrop, social context and multi dimensional causes of the Somalia crisis indicate that the peace and stability can only be achieved by a long term and comprehensive work coordinated with all actors. In this context, Turkey should review the current Somalia policy and develop a comprehensive strategy. Giriş Somali, Avrupalı sömürgeci güçlerden Fransa, İngiltere ve İtalya'nın 19'uncu yüzyıl sonlarından itibaren topraklarını nüfuz bölgelerine ayırarak yürüttükleri

Corruption is a complex and persistent cancerous global phenomenon, which bedevils Nigeria. In Nigeria corruption in the form of misappropriation, bribery, embezzlement, nepotism, money laundering etc. by public officials have permeated the fabric of the society. Major political parties’ office seekers top the list of unfit or corrupt officials. Elected officials of high echelon and public officers use their position of authority to actively engage in corrupt activities. It is estimated that corruption accounts for 20 percent of the GDP of Nigeria. For several years Nigeria has been at the bottom of the TI CPI ranking. In 2002, the Nigerian government created the EFCC to investigate and prosecute cases of corruption and financial crimes. This paper reviews the political economy of corruption and the efforts by the Nigerian government to combat it by examining the types and forms of corruption and the various perspectives for understanding the causes of corruption. The study while re...

ESTADOS VULNERABLES: UN FENÓMENO UNIVERSAL QUE EXI-GE UNA APROXIMACIÓN INTERDISCIPLINAR.-2. UNA PROPUESTA DE TIPOLO-GÍA.-2.1. La distinción entre Estados débiles y fracasados.-2.2. Causas y caracteres de las situaciones de debilidad y fracaso del Estado.-2.3. La crisis del Estado en África: práctica reciente.-3. EL CONCEPTO DE ESTADO FRACASADO A LA LUZ DEL DERECHO IN-TERNACIONAL.-3.1. El elemento constitutivo del poder político en el concepto de Estado.-3.2. El estatuto jurídico del Estado fracasado.-4. CONCLUSIONES.

Publisher swisspeace is a practice-oriented peace research institute. It analyses the causes of violent conflicts and develops strategies for their peaceful transformation. swisspeace aims to contribute to the improvement of conflict prevention and conflict transformation.

İç çatışmaların genel özellikleri bakımından çeşitli kıstaslara göre farklı yorumlar getirilebilmektedir. Bir ülke içerisindeki iki farklı grubun veya devletle devlet dışı grupların savaşının iç çatışma veya iç savaş olarak adlandırılabilmesi için Corralates of War(COW) Projesi'ne göre bir savaşın şu başlıca kriterleri taşıması gerekmektedir[1]:

Abstract: The main objective of this paper is to evaluate the impact of leadership in redressing the failed state status of Nigeria with a focus on the present administration (between 2010 and 2012). For the past three years, Nigeria has been keeping the ugly company and ranking consistently as the fourteenth on the list of failed states, but the governing elites have been making spirited campaigns and slow haste in explaining away this situation. Through heavy reliance on secondary sources of data, the utilization of elite theory as framework, backed by the analytical approach to the issues raised/discussed, the paper observed that the ranking of Nigeria on the failed state index ignores some historical facts and current situational realities which make the failed criteria suspect and questionable. There is therefore the need to rethink and tinker with some of these criteria to reflect socio-economic and political performance in realistic terms. Purposeful and people –centered appr...

All denjenigen, die mir bei dieser Arbeit geholfen haben, möchte ich recht herzlich danken. An erster Stelle gebührt Dank Christian Sigrist, ohne den die Forschungen nicht möglich gewesen wären. Dank auch dafür, daß er über zwanzig Jahre lang kritisch zugehört hat, auch bei schlechten Nachrichten, die unsere Erwartungen in Frage stellten. Es waren viele. Mamadu Jao hat über viele Jahre unsere Forschungen begleitet und unterstützt. Ihm sei herzlicher Dank dafür. Franz Wilhelm Heimer danke ich für die Unterstützung der Forschungsarbeiten. Dank an all diejenigen, die mir ihr Vertrauen geschenkt haben, die mich zuhören ließen, die mich als Gesprächspartner akzeptierten. Dank an meine Kollegen, die gemeinsam mit mir ein schwieriges Stück Weg zurücklegten, und die mir den Zugang zu ihren Gesellschaften öffneten. Marina Temudo danke ich für zahlreiche Hinweise aus ihren Forschungen im Süden von Guinea-Bissau sowie für äußerst aufschlußreiche Diskussionen.