Early European Nomads

8 iron daggers of the advanced stage of the Prokhorov culture (III-II centuries BC), found in different years in the vicinity of the village of Tolbazy located in the forest-steppe of the Southern Urals (Republic of Bashkortostan, Aurgazinsky district) are published. It is shown that according to physical and geographical data, this area (about 15  15 km) is allocated to a single microdistrict located at the crest of the Bielsko-Urshak watershed, which has a width of more than 50 km at this point. The territory of the microdistrict is elevated (100 meters or more from the foot of elevation, 250 meters above sea level on average), it abounds with small lakes and springs on the top, with the sources of small watercourses on the slopes and it is surrounded by rivers on all sides. Most of the findings were made on the plateau or at the sources of small watercourses, some of them-in river valleys. It is concluded that this area can be considered as a separate honey cell, "nomadic parish" or summer dwelling complex, which is typical for the settlement system of early nomads to the north of the hills of Obshchiy Syrt. The nearest known honey cells are located at a distance of 5-12 km from Tolbazinsky district and the number of finds of bladed weapons of the mid-late I Millennium BC varies from 3-4 to 25 pieces. It is also shown that in the III-II centuries BC, the development of bladed weapons (swords and daggers with a straight cross quillion and a crescent-shaped pommel) among the nomads followed the line of standardization of earlier forms of the Southern Urals, the assimilation of individual innovations and imitation of samples with a ring-shaped pommel representing foreign culture for the region.

The article gives an overview of the evidence for mounted nomads between the northern Caucasus and Central Europe in the early first millennium BCE before the Scythian impact around 600 BCE. It discusses the recent evidence of the genesis of the phenomenon of mounted nomads in Eurasia, touching on genetic as well as osteological findings regarding the use of horses as traction or riding animals, which represents a second stage in the domestication of the horse.
The second part of the article discusses how the introduction of technological innovations regarding horse gear and bridling techniques that were developed by early mounted nomads originating in central Asia and Eastern Europe transformed items of the material culture and forms of status representation of communities west of the bend of the Danube. Based on selected examples from the northern Caucasus, the North Pontic steppe belt, and the Carpathian Basin, it touches on the historical dimension of a new way of horse bound warfare and a pastoral economy for the Early Iron Age cultures between the Carpathian Mountains and Central Europe.

The main models of planigraphy of the Eurasian Steppe early nomads’ special elite necropolises and elite sections of them were analyzed. Usually such necropolis / section were a string of barrows. In European Steppe the special elite cemeteries were placed near the settlements of agricultural peoples, in the Central Asia — near a small rivers and in the mountain pastures’ zone. For the completion of such elite cemeteries the magic of sacred numbers: 3, 5, 7, 12 were important. The various models of elite sections in the clan barrow necropolises were studied: two parallel strings with big barrows in the eastern one; the big barrows location in the bottom of a hill, near a spring; in the center of string; the string of big barrows as a centerline with small barrows around it; big barrows concentration on the northern border of cemetery; the big barrow create a discharged chain length up to 10 km.
KEY WORDS: elite necropolises, elite sections of necropolises, the main variants of planigraphy, early Steppe
nomads of Eurasia

This paper discusses spectacle-shaped pendants made of bronze wire representing relatively frequent grave goods found under the Middle Bronze Age tumuli in the western Serbian region. Within these finds, based on the manufacturing details, it is possible to distinguish exceptional pieces representing a unique phenomenon characteristic exclusively to this region. By comparing them with the objects found in the nearby territories, as well as in a wider area of distribution of metallic products from Central Europe and the Carpathian Basin, it can be concluded that these pieces of jewelry, together with the different types of torcs, pins and bracelets, as well as the used decorative patterns, were quite possibly manufactured in local workshops operating most probably in Western Serbia.

Among all the hoards consisting the ceremonial akinakai, defining swords and daggers of Iranian origin), the assemblage of items discovered in 1882 near the Vettersfelde village (Poland) is the most reliable. Judging by the plots presented on the richly decorated golden objects in the animal style like a fish-shaped plaque, a clover-shaped phalera and a scabbard of a sword, they make up a unified ensemble, most likely made simultaneously in one workshop. The manufacture of treasure items from Vettersfelde is usually associated with the Milesian colonies of the Pontic region, while certain bilingualism is documented, allowing to use both Greek and barbaric expressive means. Most likely, the choice of metaphors for the narrative was not accidental and was recognized both by its performer and the recipient. If the localization of the treasure production is moved beyond the northern or western coast of the Black Sea, then it can be noted that the Milesian colonies of Eastern Greece can also claim the role of a workshop for Vettersfelde hoard. In particular, according to many parameters, Cyzicus is suitable.

Swords and daggers of the Scythian period, known under the generalizing term such as “akinakai” are characterized by encyclopedias and dictionaries as short swords of the Iranian peoples. Indeed, this definition is relevant for most of the akinakai of the 7th–4th centuries BC, however, the early nomads of Eurasia had a broad view of their blade weapons. The analysis of more than 2000 items from the territory of Eurasia allows us to highlight a series of swords, especially outstanding in size. Such “extra-long swords” include items with a blade length of more than 70 cm and their distribution covers almost all regions of Eurasia, where the swords of the Scythian tradition are known, with the exception of China, the Pamir, and the Minusinsk Hollow in the East and Central Europe in the West. The earliest Scythian extra-long swords are associated with the territory of the Caucasus. One of these swords was discovered in Transcaucasia, on the Karmir-Blur citadel, which was sieged no later than the mid. 7th century BC, another was found in the destroyed burial ground of Sauk-Dere in the Western Trans-Kuban. It is significant that one of the two extra-long swords of the pre-Scythian time was also associated with the Caucasus and was discovered in the elite proto-Maeotian burial of Ulka-I in the vicinity of Maykop in the second half of the 8th century BC. The next, the Middle Scythian period includes swords of the 6th century BC from the destroyed mound in Crimea near Izyumovka, Pokrovsky burial ground near Saratov and stray finds in the forest-steppe between the Volga and the Don rivers. The extra-long sword from the Novobinka mound in the Altai steppe with the pommel decorated with gold is also associated with this period. In the late Middle Scythian period or in the early 5th century BC extra-long swords reach their widest distribution and appear in the Romanian Carpathians, the Pontic forest-steppe, the Lower Volga, the Urals, the Aral Sea region and Altai. Nevertheless, the bulk of the finds (about 60%) belong to the Classical Scythian period (late 5th – late 4th centuries BC), are mainly associated with the territory of the Urals and represented by “transitional type” swords. Analysis of the extra-long swords could help us to feel the limits and the borders between the so-called “European Scythian” and “Asian Scythian” worlds, and the differences relate to both the chronology and the context, as well as the status of the thing. For instance, extra-long swords almost disappear to the west of the Volga, with the beginning of the Classical period, while they continue to be part of grave goods in the east. In addition, almost every extra-long sword (4 out of 6) in Asia is decorated with gold, and this tradition has been preserved for almost two centuries. On the other hand, the European area, which gives an abundance of ceremonial swords during its “Golden madness” in the Classical period, shows us no relationship between the redundant morphology of the swords and their prestige status. However, that does not exclude the cult function of extra-long swords in the communities which, according to Herodotus, considered “the old iron sword” the embodiment of the god of war.

Bronze cauldrons of the Scythian time are a rather rare find in the Northern Black Sea region, especially on its western borders. Therefore, those few items found on the territory of the Republic of Moldova occupy a worthy place in the collection of the National Museum of History of Moldova (NMHM). In particular, at the moment in the main archaeological exhibition two bronze cauldrons are displayed, which were discovered near the village of Nikolskoe in 1988 in burial mounds no. 14 and no. 15. In addition, already in 2020, two bronze cauldrons without any accompanying documents were found in the collection of NMHM; however, they were visually identified as coming from various excavations in the Low Dniester region: from the burial mound no. 45 near Dubossary and burial mound no. 1 near the Răscăieţii Noi village. Scythian bronze cauldrons in the west area are concentrated in three main regions: Bukovina Podolia (Iacobeni, Avrămeni, Ivane-Puste, Shvaikivtsy), the Lower Dniester (Răscăieţii Noi, Nikolskoe, Dubossary, Coiburciu), and the Lower Danube (Ograda, Castelu, Scorţaru Vechi, Mresnota Mogyla, Ostrovnoe). Some Scythian cauldrons have no reliable archaeological context. Nevertheless, in combination with the same “stray” finds like the Scythian statues, the finds of Scythian cauldrons mark the Scythian presence, most likely, not earlier than the late 6th century or even the turn of the 6th-5th centuries BC. There is a significant chronological difference between the northern (forest-steppe, Bukovina-Podolia) group of cauldrons and the southern (steppe, Lower Danube-Lower Dniester). At the same time, a chronological priority is characteristic of the first, where the cauldrons are known since the middle of the 7th century BC. Bronze cauldrons (with their carriers) penetrate the steppe region 150-200 years later, as well as the “military” burials that appear in the western steppe regions no earlier than the middle of the 5th century BC. Most of the burials with cauldrons (and, apparently, the stray finds) are dated back to the second half of the 5th century BC. Then, at the early 4th century BC their quantity is reduced and after the first quarter of the 4th century BC they will completely disappear from the cultural practice of the population of the steppes of the North-Western Black Sea region.

There are known at least 69 swords decorated with precious metals from 52 locations of Eurasia in 8th–4th centuries BC. The ceremonial swords and daggers are usually longer (than ordinary items) and older (than the rest of the grave goods). The overwhelming majority of finds of swords and daggers of the Iranian world are associated with aristocratic burials. The closest practice of conspicuous consumption for the Iranian nomads became the funeral one, for which the weapon turned into ceremonial (as a rule, it was covered especially with a thin gold leaf). It is easy to see that the Iranian ceremonial weaponry, found in isolation from the concentrations of graves: from Ziwiye, Oxus and Vettersfelde, is outside the nomadic world and possibly designates its borders for different periods. And the very tradition of ceremonial swords, placed in a funeral context, pulsates throughout the history of Iranian-speaking nomads. It appears in the finale of the pre-Scythian period. The context of its appearance is the fading practice of deposition of the swords and daggers in hoards, linked to the traditions of Late Bronze Age. Then the tradition of golden swords is actively manifested in the Scythian time and after a while, it is revived already in the Sarmatian period. In the Scythian time, the tradition of ceremonial swords is accompanied by chronological lacunae that run between the main links of the periodization chain (the early 7th, early 6th, the late 5th centuries BC). Even though the maximum number of Scythian swords and daggers (in full accordance with the Gauss's Law) falls on the Middle Scythian period, the bulk of ceremonial forms refers to the finale of the Classical Scythian culture, illustrating the thesis that such conspicuous consumption coincides with periods of political instability and crises. And indeed, after the period of maximum distribution of the ceremonial akinakai in the third quarter of the 4th century BC, after just one generation, we see the disappearance of the classical Scythian culture, along with its characteristic weaponry, horse harness, animal style and monumental funeral architecture.

The overwhelming majority of finds of ceremonialswords and daggers (i.e. decorated with gold and put in the special context) of the Iranian world are associated with aristocratic burial complexes, including “stray finds”, which, probably, originate from the destroyed burials. Apparently, the closest practice of conspicuous consumption for the Iranian nomads became the funeral one, for which the weapon turned into ceremonial. It is easy to see that the Iranian ceremonial weaponry, found in hoards is located outside the nomadic world and possibly designates its borders for various periods. And the very tradition of ceremonial swords, placed in a funeral context, pulsates throughout the history of Iranian-speaking nomads. The context of its appearance is the fading practice of deposition of the swords and daggers in hoards, linked to the traditions of Late Bronze Age. Then the tradition of “golden swords”is actively manifested in the Scythian time and after a while, it is revived in the Sarmatian period. In the Scythian epoch, the tradition of ceremonial swords is accompanied by chronological lacunae that run between the main links of the periodization chain. Despite the fact that the maximum number of ordinaryScythian swords and daggers (in full accordance with the Gauss's Law) falls on the Middle Scythian period, the bulk of ceremonial forms refers to the finale of the classical Scythian culture — the “Golden fall” of Scythia with its huge royal burial mounds and an abundance of gold, illustrating the thesis that such conspicuous consumption coincides with periods of political instability and crises.

The paper is an attempt to reveal the structure of the distribution of swords and daggers of Scythian period in Carpathian-Dniester region from the chronological, functional, cultural, landscape and contextual points of view. The Scythian type of blade weaponry became a part of the military tradition or even the cultural identity for the inhabitants of the region. Scythian blade arms of the given territory can help to describe the main trends to the evolution of akinakai at the western frontiers of Scythian culture. The compound of weapons also varies from one region to another. Thus, the spearheads are characteristic mainly for the steppes between the Dniester and the Danube, Southern Carpathians, and their biggest concentration is associated with Great Hungarian Plain. Most of the finds of axes are also linked with the territory of Hungary, although the finds of akinakai in the area of the Vekerzug culture are rare even for large burial grounds. An interesting picture is given by the cartography of the akinakai of various functional groups: daggers and short swords tend to Transylvania and the forest-steppe Carpathian-Dniester region, while the long and especially extra-long swords are characteristic of the steppe area. Basing on the panoply a new typological grouping of regions could be obtained. Thus, it is possible to move from small cultural groups, to cultural blocks, enclaves, communities of people who preferred similar types of weapons. The calculation of the relations with the help of the classification by unequal features has demonstrated several such enclaves: Carpathian, Steppe and Western. Obviously, the preferences in weaponry are directly related to the preferences in funeral rite and landscape localization, regardless of the chronological extent. I.e. the allocated cultural enclaves demonstrate uniformity not only in the weapons choice but also in the funeral features. Thus, for the Steppe enclave with the domination of the spears and long swords, the main type of the funeral construction is the barrow, whereas, for the Carpathian and Western (with the predominance of daggers and axes, respectively), flat graves are more characteristic.

In the spring of 1972 as a result of construction work in the Pîrjolteni village (Călărași district, Republic of Moldova) was occasionally discovered a cremation with a various grave goods represented by the ceramic items, elements of horse harness and weapons. This burial, as well as a number of other burials that form the eponymous (Pîrjolteni-Dănceni) horizon is differently interpretated, both in ethnocultural and chronological way. Some researchers consider it a link between the Thracian Hallstatt and the classical Getian culture, i.e. a burial of early Getian culture. Others scholars see in that complex the reflection of Scythian-Thracian syncretism without a pronounced dominant and note that ethnocultural attribution is impossible in this case. This largely characterizes not the burial itself, but the problem situation where the value judgments of the researchers collide. For example, it is described from the perspective of “continuity” or “cultural diversity”, how often the space between the Dniester and Prut is presented. Nevertheless, the Pîrjolteni burial is a unique funeral complex, which obviously belonged to a warrior and, judging by the inventory, mounted warrior. Besides that, the deceased was focused on nomadic traditions in his equipment. And the analogies to weapons and horse harness lie far to the east and reflect evolutionary processes covering almost all steppe regions of Eurasia. While there are no special premises for clarifying the chronological position of the burial within the framework of the late Middle Scythian period, however, the date can be limited to the 1st quarter of the 5th century BC basing on the design of the sword. And the border between the initial stage of the Middle Scythian period and its final, apparently, lies at the turn of the 6th-5th centuries BC. Despite the over-originality of the complex, the presence of a Scythian sword and animal style objects allows us to link Pîrjolteni burial with the general processes associated with the evolution of military equipment of Carpathian-Danube region.

In 1894, an iron dagger was discovered in the vicinity of Vršac in Serbia and later given to the City Museum. Afterwards, this dagger had been repeatedly entered in various archaeological publications illustrating the different cultural phenomena and processes of Early Iron Age at Middle Danube. The first Scythian akinakai reach the Great Hungarian plain in the Early Scythian period, but not later than at the turn of 7th—6th centuries BC (e.g. strayfinds of bronze and bimetal daggers). Nevertheless, the bulk of the Scythian swords and daggers are part of the Middle Scythian period. Probably, the first funeral complexes are associated with the period of transition from the Early Scythian stage to the Middle one during the early 6th century BC, and several strayfinds (of the Šumejko and Vettersfelde types) with the beginning of Middle Scythian period at 1st half of 6th century. The single-edged sword (from the grave at Bátmonostor) and the bulk of the strayfinds of the Nógrád type could be also connected with the first part of Middle Scythian period during the 6th century BC. By the end of Middle Scythian period, in the 1st half of the 5th century BC, appear swords and daggers decorated with the elements of Animal style and “segment”-like hilts, among which the akinakes from Vršac could be also placed.

There are presented some new and previously unknown findings of akinakai from the territory of the Republic of Moldova in this article. These akinakai belong to Scythian culture and could be attributed to Kelermes type. The chronological framework of this type is based on several funeral complexes and determined by 650—600 BC. Distribution of stray finds of Kelermes type swords and daggers allow to reconstruct routes of appearance of Early Scythian antiquities in steppes of Don, Volga region and Carpathian basin. Besides that, it is assumed a special cultural status of this type based on complementary indicators – on presence in burials, prestige exemplars and images. Also, a bronze model of akinakes (from Medgidia, Romania) is connected with Kelermes type swords and daggers, most likely produced as a decoration of the Scythian anthropomorphic sculpture.

The paper presents a recently discovered silver leg overlays and a fragment of a wooden
leg, which belonged to an item of luxury furniture (most probably a throne) of the Achaemenid
type in the vicinity of the «royal» Barrow-mound no. 1 of the Filippovka Barrow-ground.
A complex study of the unique fi nds (isotope analysis, metallography, attribution of wood art)
gives grounds to suppose that this piece of furniture was most probably made in the eastern part
of the Achaemenid state. In ancient times the throne was broken and repaired, but the repair was
made by less skilful craftsmen and probably in another workshop. Special attention is paid to the
place of the fi nd, the space between the barrow-mounds. Such situation may prove that barrowgrounds
of the early nomads at the foothills of the South Urals were not just burial places, but
could be used as sanctuaries.

The book is written by anthropologists, historians, and archaeologists specializing in nomadic studies. All the chapters presented here discuss various aspects of one significant problem: how could small nomadic peoples at the outskirts of agricultural civilizations subjugate vast territories between the Mediterranean and the Pacific? What was the impetus that set in motion the overwhelming forces of the nomads which made tremble the royal courts of Europe and Asia? Was it an outcome of any predictable historical process or a result of a chain of random events? A wide sample of nomadic peoples is discussed, mainly on the basis of new data.