Chinese Communism and Left-wing Movement

... a typical naive set of assumptions about "group oriented" cultures it that the participants within them are basically altruistic, self-effacing, self-sacrificing and sociable. A society of such individuals should exhibit the very best of human civilization working in equitable, democratic communities. By contrast, those from individualistic cultures should be cold, grasping, selfish, egotistical and almost incapable of the cooperation demanded by a civil society. Indeed, a society of individualists, by this stereotype would be a dog eat dog affair, dedicated to conflict, riven with disloyalty and betrayal, forever failing to build a stable and humanistic community.

The 20th Century revolved politically around competing interpretations of Capitalism, Communism, Socialism and Fascism. These are all ways to organize the lives of people on a large scale. Are real alternatives or new interpretations likely to emerge in the challenging years ahead? What might they look like?

This chapter investigates the operation of Maoism in a new social world,
the emerging party-state under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in
Yan’an, the party’s center from 1937 to 1947, and tracks how this system of thought interacted with the material and social world to create the Communist model of the cadre as a particular kind of knowing and speaking subject. The data in this chapter come primarily from party-generated documents, especially authoritative statements
by Mao and organizational statements on the implementation of the Rectification Movement (1942-44) from three distinct organizational domains: propaganda, organization, and security. The functions of these domains during the campaign were, respectively, political mobilization, party building, and the purging of spies (real and imagined). These
uses of knowledge reflect the social and political institutions
of the emerging party-state: coordinated and exclusive media, a centrally
controlled bureaucracy, and a tragically anxious and powerful security apparatus.

“Agitation” and “propaganda” are technical terms within Marxist revolutionary theory. Agitation and propaganda as defined by Georgi V. Plekhanov and supported by Vladimir I. Lenin are "value-free", which is to say devoid of morality. Communist propaganda was aimed towards influencing the attitude of the western and “non-aligned” populations, advancing the ideology of Marxism, the communist world-view, and the interests of the communist states. The mass line/party line of the communist states, led by the USSR and PRC, during this period has these important common motifs (among others): (a) the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China were the supporters and natural allies of anti-imperialists and the working classes throughout the world, (b) the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army were grass-roots organizations admired and backed by the oppressed Vietnamese peasantry, (c ) the pro-western governments of South Vietnam and Southeast Asia were unpopular authoritarian puppets of the United States, (d) the armed forces of the United States in South Vietnam represented an occupying power feared and resented by the South Vietnamese, who wanted reunification with Ho Chi Minh’s communist North. They were engaged in a war that was unwinnable. Soviet-run movements pretended to have little or no ties with the USSR, were often seen as noncommunist, but in fact were controlled by USSR. The organizations aimed at convincing well-meaning but naive Westerners to support Soviet overt or covert goals. These organizations undoubtedly also had members who genuinely believed in world peace and studiously avoided contact with communists and their sympathizers, but who nonetheless were used by the USSR/PRC propaganda machine to promote policies in sync with Marxist-Leninist goals. Despite the people in question thinking of themselves as standing for a benign socialist or ideological cause, such as the peace movement, and although they were de facto valued allies of the USSR/PRC; they were actually held in contempt and were being cynically used by the communists for political purposes. Official investigations during the Cold War turned up circumstantial evidence, but little or no absolute proof of KGB involvement. On the other hand, some CIA case officers, such as Kent Clizbe, analyze the counterintelligence data to conclude that KGB covert influence agents in American education and academia, Hollywood, and the media inserted anti-American sentiments.

I am better at writing apologies than conveying thanks, but here goes. First of all I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my promoter, Bart Dessein. Without his encouragement, I would never have thought of beginning the research for this dissertation in the first place, and without his generous efforts to keep me on track, I would have certainly never made it this far. His courses on Buddhism and Chinese philosophy, society, and politics were a great source of inspiration for me during my studies.

When the origins and development of the Chinese Communist Movement before it seized the state power in 1949 are examined, while conventionally the movement is periodized according to its respective main task of struggle, it can also be divided into four distinct phases in reference to the dominant ethos and style in each phase. To avoid the movement-centric pitfalls, it can be shown how the structural circumstances and organizational ecologies in each phase conditioned the fashioning of its dominant ethos. In its earliest phase, a failing parliamentary politics with relatively strong civil society and weak state institutions thus shaped its ethos as a social movement led by intellectuals, with sprawling networks but loose coordination. After being purged and outlawed by the Kuomintang, the movement began to bifurcate into two segments, one dedicating to urban clandestine activities and the other capitalizing on the state devolution in the countryside. The KMT's incremental state building efforts narrowed the space of the movement, until it came almost to the brink of organizational extinction, even though its intellectual fellow travelers had helped score much success in ideological and cultural domains. The forced retreat of the Long March inaugurated a third phase of exploration and openness, when the movement regained its legal activities and attracted broadening support from a variety of social sectors. Yet, the scrambling of resources as a result of the structure of triadic conflicts with Japan and the KMT ended that phase of exploration and openness. A new phase of internal tightening and external softening cemented its hegemony yet also consolidated and institutionalized a leader-centric organizational culture that partly mirrored its competitor and partly borrowed from the Soviet template. Tracing its transformation from a social movement to an institution with its own organizational myths, rituals and rules, the teleological narrative gives way to an emphasis on the contingent interactions between its organizational environment and its internal evolution. Such a viewpoint also underscores the politics of interpretation in the formation of its organizational power and authority.

Studies on Nigerian national interest and Nigerians role in conflict management in Africa can be divided into two groups according to major research questions they are interested in. The first group examine the conditions under which Nigeria intervention becomes necessary. In that regard, this research work explore the factors that influenced the Nigerian intervention in the recent Malian crisis, whether the intervention was in achieving the stated Nigerian foreign policy objectives and in protecting Nigerians national interest. We raised two researched question, did the Malian crisis pose a threat to Nigeria’s national interest? Did the Nigerian interest in the Malian crisis coalesced with her foreign policy objective? Using qualitative method base on logical induction we argue that the implication of the Malian crisis for Nigeria seem grave if the Jihadist gain foothold in Mali, because Nigeria is having its own fair share of extremist activities with Boko Haram insurgency in northern Nigeria the proximity of a possible ally in Mali would be injurious to Nigeria’s national interest. Thus the Nigerian Mali military intervention may have served her national interest.

Keywords: Insurgency, Nigerian national interest, military intervention, foreign policy, Malian crisis.

Wilbur Schramm’s “Soviet” communist model and J. Herbert Altschull’s “Marxist” approach have been widely used as general theoretical frameworks to examine press systems in the Marxist world in general and China in particular. Though a growing literature suggested significant changes in Chinese journalism in the past 2 decades, very few studies have sent a direct challenge to the 2 models’ theoretical wisdom through the Chinese case. This article finds neither of the 2 models is sufficient in conceptualizing the Chinese case because of Chinese news media’s transitional nature and the 2 models’ inner theoretical flaws as normative press theories. Furthermore, realizing the growing conflict between normative media theories and accelerated post-Cold War global media transformation, the author suggests using
a transitional media approach to revisit the traditional normative media approach and calls for a more systematic study of the transitional phenomenon of global media systems.

The early Chinese Marxist, communist leader and martyr, Yun Daiying was an avid readerandcollectorofbooks.Hisintellectualandpoliticalendeavorsstartedwithreading and collecting various books and magazines on current affairs and social sciences from home and abroad. Yun Daiying founded his own private library in 1917 and expanded it into a public library while he was a student of Wuchang National Normal University. Later Yun established a reading club christened the ‘‘Mutual Aid Society’’ under the disparate influences of Kropotkin, Mushanok
oji Saneatsu, and the YMCA. Yun’s founding of the Beneficent Group Bookstore in 1920 epitomized his ideal of combining reading and thebook trade with the dissemination of newknowledge and the reconstruction of society from the bottom up. Yun kept his distance from the other Cominterninfluenced Wuhan Marxists, and it was rather upon the organizational foundation of the BeneficentGroupBookstorethatYunDaiyingco-foundedamoreradical‘‘Co-Existence Society’’, whose members were eventually converted to communism in 1921.

This essay analyzes competing visions among leftist intellectuals of “the Chongqing model,” an economic and political approach to municipal governance in China associated with the southwestern city of Chongqing and its former leader, Bo Xilai, between 2009 and 2012. Based on this analysis, I posit the existence of a center-left/left split within the Chinese political spectrum distinct from the traditional “new left”/”old left” split described in most English-language literature on the Chinese left. I describe a “core” Chongqing model based upon the features of its development strategy most acclaimed among Chongqing supporters: its economic policies, its “mass line initiative,” and its crackdown on corruption and crime. In contrast, I show how Chongqing’s famous “red culture” campaign, often treated as one of the model’s distinguishing features, met with opposition among Chongqing’s center-left backers. Similarly, I show how the center-left and the left split in relation to two other topics that feature in leftist discussion of Chongqing: first, China-West antagonisms, and second, social stability and Party legitimacy.

Presented at the University of Havana, Cuba
Eighteenth International Conference for a New Political Science
November 17 to November 20, 2015
                                                       
For more than a century, conflicting interpretations of Karl Marx have left the world in a quandary. Was he a hard line communist? An idealistic tyrant? A misanthrope? Or, a Western style humanist? What was Marx’s non-economic theory of values?
In this essay I show how Formal Axiology can clarify these questions. Used as an interpretive framework, Formal Axiology will show beyond question that Marx’s Marxism was person-centered, and anti-collectivism.  "Communism" was not primarily an economic system for Marx, but a society of humane social relations among fully developed individuals.

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"The role of the peasant in society has been fundamental throughout China's history, posing difficult, much-debated questions for Chinese modernity. Today, as China becomes an economic superpower, the issue continues to loom large. Can the peasantry be integrated into a new Chinese capitalism, or will it form an excluded and marginalized class? Alexander F. Day's highly original appraisal explores the role of the peasantry throughout Chinese history and its importance within the development of post-socialist-era politics. Examining the various ways in which the peasant is historicized, Day shows how different perceptions of the rural lie at the heart of the divergence of contemporary political stances and of new forms of social and political activism in China. Indispensable reading for all those wishing to understand Chinese history and politics, The Peasant in Post-Socialist China is a new point of departure in the debate as to the nature of tomorrow's China.

    The first comprehensive, historically informed look at reform-era Chinese debates on the role of the peasant
    Radical appraisal of the development of reform-era Chinese intellectual politics
    Demonstrates the centrality of the peasant to the contemporary Chinese perspective on Chinese history"

    ‘Rural China, the source of the Chinese Revolution, has suffered marginalization, exploitation, and plunder under developmentalist reform policies since the 1990s, when the PRC leadership decisively embarked on a path of incorporation in global capitalism. In this well-researched and engaged study, Alexander F. Day critically analyzes the ideological debates occasioned by the ‘agrarian question’, and traces efforts by activists of various political stripes to resolve it. The ‘underside’ of the phenomenal so-called ‘China model’ is recognized widely, including by the regime itself, but is framed more often than not as a problem of sustained development. What makes this study unique and invaluable is bringing to light efforts to remedy it that also aspire to lend some credence to the regime’s ritual claims to socialism.’ Arif Dirlik, Liang Qichao Memorial Distinguished Visiting Professor, Tsinghua University, Beijing.

    ‘Across the past century, Chinese thinkers and political activists have returned again and again to the figure of the peasant. Some have seen a figure of dependency and backwardness, awaiting liberation from ‘the idiocy of rural life’. Others envision a figure of possibility: if rural energies can be mobilized for balanced development, then the Chinese economy will prosper, social justice will be achieved, and – most promising of all to some thinkers – China may yet open an alternative pathway to modernity more equitable than the one mapped by contemporary globalization and its theorists. Alexander F. Day brings a fine historical sensibility and a lucid political analysis to this study of an important, heated, and unresolved debate.’ Gail Hershatter, University of California, Santa Cruz

    ‘In coverage and content, as well as in theoretical import, this book is the only one we have to date in English on the topic of the intellectual discussions on peasants in China’s reform period. It will not only spawn a cottage industry in peasant studies in the US academy, it will undoubtedly become the point of reference for all other discussions of the ‘Chinese development path’ and global economics. Given China’s centrality to the health and wealth of the world economy, Day’s work is well positioned to have a major impact far beyond the China field.’ Rebecca E. Karl, New York University

    ‘In this invaluable book, Day reminds us that despite China’s unparalleled record of economic development over the past few decades, the figure of the peasant remains at the very centre of Chinese politics. The modernisation of rural communities and integration of the agricultural labour force into global markets has not only transformed Chinese society, but also challenged our understanding of the processes of economic and political development. Day’s incisive summary of recent and contemporary intellectual debates about the role of the peasant in China’s past, present, and future offers an invaluable corrective to those who assume that it is Chinese cities and their residents who have driven China into the future. Instead, Day’s compelling analysis demonstrates that the persistence of the ‘peasant problem’ and its possible solutions may suggest alternative paths to a modernity not defined solely by the criterion of market efficiency.’ Patricia M. Thornton, University of Oxford

在马来西亚的历史进程中，陈平一直是充满神秘感的人物。他于1940年成为马来亚共党（马共）正式党员，并在抗日时期因党中央领导层出现真空而被马共总书记莱特委派为抗日军及抗日同盟代表，负责接应联军136部队。此后不久，陈平就被委任成为霹雳州党书记，成为马共的高层领导之一。1947年，当莱特被怀疑是间谍而卷款遁逃后，时年23岁的陈平正式被推选为马共总书记。在陈平的领导下，马共从1948年6月和英国军方及后来的马来（西）亚政府进行了长达41年的武装斗争，对马来（西）亚的政治发展影响极深。自1987年起，马共和泰国军方开始进行了多次的和平谈判。1989年12月2日，陈平在泰国南部的合艾市代表马共同泰国和马来西亚政府签署“合艾和平协议”。和解后，陈平屡次曾就回实兆远祭拜父母并和家人团聚的心愿，向马来西亚政府提出了回国申请，最终还是被驳回。

Depuis quelques années, le PTB – le PVDA en Flandre – défraie la chronique politique et médiatique.  Le Parti du travail est parvenu à s’imposer comme un interlocuteur,  désormais régulier, de la presse audiovisuelle et écrite, et a  décroché des résultats d’estime aux élections fédérales de 2010  et aux scrutins communal et provincial de 2012. Paradoxalement  pourtant, le PTB – parti marxiste-léniniste et maoïste né dans les  années 1960 – est tout sauf un nouveau parti.
C’est à la suite d’une grave crise interne, après les élections de mai  2003, que le PTB décide d’adopter une toute nouvelle stratégie  de communication. Il s’agit désormais d’occulter les éléments qui  « fâchent » – son identité marxiste-léniniste, sa proximité avec  certains régimes, son projet révolutionnaire, sa piètre considération envers la démocratie représentative – et de ne présenter aux citoyens et aux médias que la « face lumineuse » du parti. 
Fruit d’un long travail de recherche enrichi par les interviews de nouveaux et d’anciens militants, cet ouvrage présente l’histoire du PTB et de son réseau d’organisations, le contexte qui a présidé à sa naissance, et propose une analyse spécifique de ce parti dans la période contemporaine.

This work aims at interpreting and discussing the writing of the Chinese Marxist cultural critic and political activist Qu Qiubai (1899-1935). Although written in Shanghai during the early nineteen thirties and dealing with culture and politics within a specific spatio-temporal moment, the texts also deal with questions involving cultural modernity in its universality.
Popular urban culture, national language invention, translation and modernity, the ideographic writing system, but also the cultural “europeanization” (欧化) and the broad question of the political identity of the Chinese nation constitute the dominant themes of the articles.
Qu gives a socio-political dimension to all these cultural issues as he takes class struggle, ideology and power relations into consideration. He is a cultural Marxist insofar as he considers such matters without reducing them to a powerless superstructure.
Qu Qiubai’s writing witnesses the singularity of the moment when the nation-building process, although already started by then and later reinforced by Mao Zedong, was not constituted, standardized and represented as a homogenous cultural and linguistic national space yet.
Qu Qiubai critically theorizes the cultural and political becoming of a dispersed and heterogeneous collective subject through the effects of capitalist economic integration. He does not, however, reduce the future of this collective subject to the unity of the “people” or the “nation”.
In this work, we will try to show how Qu Qiubai, through his critique of the concept of “national language” and his questioning of the homogeneity of the linguistic identity of China, tends to unveil an unstable and fragile imaginary of this country and its so-called majority ethnic group, the Han.
Qu Qiubai’s concept of “putonghua” helps us to overcome the vision of a standardized and unified “common language” and echoes the bakhtinian ideas of dialogisme and Deleuze/Guattari’s concepts of a minor language.
Being the first leftist intellectual to sharply criticize the May fourth culture and literature as non-popular and “europeanized”, Qu Qiubai wrote extensively on the diverse forms of popular urban culture in nineteen twenties’ China, criticizing the ideological contents of popular culture, but also witnessing the lack of common language and culture between revolutionary intellectuals and the less educated urban population.
He paid particular attention to the genres, styles and languages of the popular forms, suggesting to transform and reinvent them as a way to create a revolutionary and modern popular culture. While Gramsci theorized “cultural hegemony” in Italy, Qu Qiubai called, at the same time, for the grasp of “cultural leadership” in China.
The methodological approach of this study is inspired by postcolonial theories insofar as we try to overcome the objectifying orientalist approach of China and to enact Qu Qiubai’s ideas and theories in the present, avoiding the restrictive “Chinese studies” and considering them being in the same category as cultural critics like, among others, Gramsci and Adorno.
Being both a product and a critique of a capitalist modernity, which has also been an in-depht acculturation for China, Qu Qiubai’s writings contest any possibility to invoke a “Chinese” or “Oriental” intellectual tradition considered in its exteriority and difference with the West. If Qu Qiubai can be defined as a Chinese theoretician, we read him, above all, as a modern cultural critic.

“Today communism is burning in the fire of its own failure, and your work is to add some fuel to that fire,” according to Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar. “This dangerous theory has committed many atrocities against society, and it will continue to do so until it is finished in name as well as in theory. Although communism is dead in theory, it continues to exist in name. As this theory is extremely detrimental to human existence, you should ensure that it is eradicated in name as well as soon as possible.”  P. R. Sarkar, (1921-1990), was a spiritual guru who proposed the spiritually-based socio-economic theory PROUT (Progressive Utilization Theory) and who founded the socio-spiritual movement Ananda Marga (“the Path of Bliss”).  –  Richard Gauthier, Department of Chemistry and Physics, Santa Rosa Junior College, Santa Rosa, California, USA, May 15, 2021.

Yiching Wu's The Cultural Revolution at the Margins traces the emergence and suppression of a radical critique of state socialism during the Cultural Revolution, a critique that moved beyond the margins of Maoist political thought. While many of the key groups and individuals that Wu focuses on—for example, Yu Luoke (遇罗克 1942-1970), Shengwulian (省无联), and the Li Yizhe group (李一哲)—have received significant attention, Wu argues against teleological liberal interpretations of their work and situates them within a larger political narrative linking the socialist and postsocialist periods. In this narrative, the reform period finds its origins in the strategy of containment that the state developed to suppress these radical tendencies. By placing the Cultural Revolution at the center of PRC history, therefore, this book has important implications far beyond simply adding complexity to the story of the Cultural Revolution.

1950年代，马来亚共产党（马共）逐渐往北撤离以化解英国殖民地政府军的军事打压。1955年，马共和以东姑阿都拉曼为代表的“华玲会谈”失败以后，马共便选择在马泰边区建立根据地。虽然这样做会使到国内的民运及群众逐渐疏离马共。1960年以后，马来西亚国内的局势骤变，加上当局的强力打压，留守国内的民运分子和边区的马共失去了联系。为了继续反殖斗争，马来亚民族解放阵线（解阵）于1968年11月25日成立并成功和马共取得联系，成为了马共的地下组织。解阵的出现，适时提供了马共最基本的补给。马共在1960年代以后的武装斗争得以延续至1989年，解阵可说是扮演着极其重要的角色，这一点值得我们进一步去深究。
Abstract
The Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) gradually withdrew to the north in the 1950’s as a strategy to overcome the British Military Administration of Malaya suppression. In 1955, after the “Baling Talks” held between the CPM and the Malayan Government headed by Tunku Abdul Rahman failed, the CPM opted for building bases in the Thai-Malaysian border, even though such a move would cut off its contact with the Ming Yun and the masses. After 1960, the political situation in Malaysia changed dramatically. This change coupled with the relentless suppression of the government, the underground organisations lost contact with the CPM. To carry on their anti-colonialism struggle, the establishment of the Malayan National Liberation Front (MNLF) on 25 November 1968 and its successful link up with the CPM as the CPM underground organisation had timely provided the CPM the basic and significant supply line, the strength of CPM expanded rapidly, although after 1960 the CPM had reestablished its contact with some people in Malaysia. Consequently, the armed struggle of CPM since 1960’s could sustain up to 1989. It can be said that the MNLF contributed and played a very important and tremendous role. It is the point which is worth the researchers carrying out further study.

I begin this paper by offering a brief definition of the concept of Maoist discourse, as it is this which has been either demonized or simply denied in much Western (and Chinese) historiography  of the socialist and post-socialist or post-Mao period. Drawing on Foucault, Gao Mobo and others I argue that there are three fundamental aspects of Maoist discourse: one, the non-discursive apparatuses of Maoist governance beyond liberal, state-phobic notions of an all-powerful despotic state; two, the self-understanding of Mao era subjects; and thirdly, the knowledge, ‘statements’ or content that Maoist discourse offered. Put another way, to restore the complexity of the Mao era we need to deal with its own self-understanding: what it did and what it said, or what it said it did. We should allow this to mediate our retrospective production of knowledge about this most radical of eras.

What this concept allows us to do is to see that the shift to the post-Mao era has not simply revealed the truth – the so-called awful truth – about the radical years.  What has happened has been a shift in the framework or discourse that people inevitably rely on to make sense of themselves and their world.  This shift arises from de-Maoification in China and the shift to what can be described as an essentially liberal-humanist if not “Dengist” discourse.  The new discourse can be read as liberalism’s vengeance after its suppression during the radical eras.  It strives to depoliticize Chinese and global politics by explaining away the irrevocably antagonistic nature (the friend/enemy criterion) of Chinese politics from the late 1920s through the 1970s.

Ces dernières années, les percées électorales et politiques de partis comme Syriza en Grèce, Podemos en Espagne ou encore Die Linke en Allemagne ont braqué les projecteurs sur le paysage de la gauche radicale en Europe. Ou plutôt des gauches radicales : des projets et des formations aux ambitions et aux profils très divers coexistent en effet dans ce spectre politique désormais très diversifié.

Il n’en a pourtant pas toujours été ainsi. Dans le dernier quart du XIXe siècle, la gauche radicale s’incarne pour l’essentiel dans la famille socialiste naissante ou dans le syndicalisme révolutionnaire. Après la première guerre mondiale et, surtout, après la révolution soviétique d’octobre 1917, la rupture dans le mouvement socialiste donne naissance au mouvement communiste, dont l’homogénéité politique est forte jusqu’au vingtième congrès du parti communiste soviétique et aux révélations du célèbre « rapport Khrouchtchev » (1956). Peu à peu, une certaine diversité s’installe dans les rangs communistes. Avant que cette famille politique en pleine mutation n’entame une descente aux enfers dans les années soixante-dix et quatre-vingt tandis que les sociétés européennes se transforment en profondeur.

Mais, alors qu’en novembre 1989, la chute du mur de Berlin avait semblé marquer la fin des espoirs révolutionnaires, des mouvements inattendus se produisent à la gauche de la gauche au cours des premières décennies du XXIe siècle, en parallèle avec la montée en puissance de la droite radicale et populiste.

Pour saisir l’ensemble de ces dynamiques, Pascal Delwit brosse une fresque impressionnante de l’histoire et des comportements des partis de la gauche radicale des débuts de l’industrialisation à nos jours. Il propose un schéma interprétatif des bouleversements de cette famille politique qui se répartit aujourd’hui en trois courants principaux.

Chinese prose poetry today is engaged with a series of questions that are fundamental to the modern Chinese language: What is prose? What is it good for? How should it look and sound? Millions of Chinese readers encounter prose poetry every year, both in the most official of state-sponsored magazines and in the unorthodox, experimental work of the avant-garde. Recite and Refuse makes the answers to our questions about prose legible by translating, surveying, and interpreting prose poems, and by studying the people, politics, and contexts that surround the writing of prose poetry.

Author Nick Admussen argues that unlike most genres, Chinese prose poems lack a distinct size or shape. Their similarity to other prose is the result of a distinct process in which a prose form is recited with some kind of meaningful difference—an imitation that refuses to fully resemble its source. This makes prose poetry a protean, ever-changing group of works, channeling the language of science, journalism, Communist Party politics, advertisements, and much more. The poems look vastly different as products, but are made with a similar process. Focusing on the composition process allows Admussen to rewrite the standard history of prose poetry, finding its origins not in 1918 but in the obedient socialist prose poetry of the 1950s.

Recite and Refuse places the work of state-sponsored writers in mutual relationship to prose poems by unorthodox and avant-garde poets, from cadre writers like Ke Lan and Guo Feng to the border-crossing intellectual and poet Liu Zaifu to experimental artists such as Ouyang Jianghe and Xi Chuan. The volume features never-before seen English translations that range from the representative to the exceptional, culminating with Ouyang Jianghe’s masterpiece “Hanging Coffin.” Reading across the spectrum enables us to see the way that artists interact with each other, how they compete and cooperate, and how their interactions, as well as their creations, continuously reinvent both poetry and prose.

In this article the thesis is submitted that there is something fundamentally wrong with Western Sinology, or 'Chinakunde', or 'Zhongguoxue' (as distinct from 'Hanxue', which is a kind of old-fashioned philology aggrandised with quasi- if not pseudo-philosophy). 'China experts' either pretend to be knowledgeable about everything related to China, in which case they cannot be taken seriously, or - eventually - admit not to be scientific all-rounders with respect to the country, in which case they cannot be called China experts. The author, who graduated in Sinology from Leyden University and in economics from Erasmus University Rotterdam, not only believes that the study of China has to be taken to a higher level (a belief, he expects, no tenured professor of Chinese Studies/History will share); he also explains how this long overdue task could be accomplished. The study of China should be neither mile-wide-but-inch-deep nor mile-deep-but-inch-wide; it should (and could!) be mile-wide-and-mile-deep. The heyday of Sinology is yet to come.

This article examines the phenomenon of Cambodian intellectual curiosity about China through the social experiences of Phouk Chhay, a prominent leftist activistcritic and Pol Pot's one-time secretary. Amid Phnom Penh's urban radical culture, Phouk transformed from rural student to Communist guerrilla. He associated with Communists, formed pro-China student associations, and through his networks, went on trips that left lasting impressions. This study draws from issues of the Cambodian-Chinese newspaper Mianhua ribao (Sino-Khmer Daily) and several forced confessions to tell a story of becoming that examines community and network in charting the course of 'China-curiosity' as intertwined with Phouk's life trajectory. Bae mit mien chumhar padevoat, mit, thvoe avey ka kaet dae (If you have a revolutionary position, comrade, you can do anything) Communist Party of Kampuchea slogan

This essay discusses Minqi Li’s 2016 book on China. Li’s study examines China’s transition to capitalism since the late 1970s, and class-struggles during and after that transition. By linking this transition with the crisis of the capitalist world economy in the second half of the 1970s, Li provides a solid analysis of China’s transformation as the main provider of a ‘spatial fix’ to world capitalism since the early 1980s. The analysis of the forthcoming end of the China-centred spatial fix and the resulting intensification of the crisis tendencies of world capitalism is an important contribution of Li’s study. This essay also points to several shortcomings of the book, among which the absence of deeper reflection on the problems of the theory of ‘socialism in one country’, an uncritical reading of the Maoist legacy, and failure to distinguish socialism from the rejection of neoliberalism appear the most important ones.

An article published in an on going biographical history monthly- Biography Literature magazine （傳記文學）from Taiwan,which rewritten from a chapter of my master thesis,about the incidents and diplomactic crisis that envoy of Republican China（北洋政府）to French，Tcheng-Loh  was facing during his early years in France.

Resumen: Desde 1949 militantes de las izquierdas latinoamericanas emprendieron el viaje hacia la experiencia China. En diversos relatos de viaje, las y los latinoamericanos anotan el surgimiento y funcionamiento de la reforma agraria y la comuna popular, tensando su visión asociada al progreso y la industrialización, algo muy común a mediados del siglo, con el surgimiento de una experiencia colectiva y comunitaria que reinventaba la tradición. El artículo sostiene, entonces, que es la comuna popular la que abre algunas grietas en un discurso osificado por la idea del progreso, permitiendo, de manera conflictiva, pensar otras formas de construcción del socialismo.

Konstantin Tertitski (first author)
作者 / 郭杰、白安娜原著，李隨安、陳進盛譯，許雪姬、鍾淑敏主編 類別 / 臺灣史譯著
臺灣共產主義運動與共產國際（1924-1932）研究‧檔案

http://www.ith.sinica.edu.tw/publish_look.php?l=e&no=New&id=114&page=2&ps=20&print=print&print=print

Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica, 2010
ISBN / 9789860238259

Original Title: Тайваньское коммунистическое движение и Коминтерн (1924-1932 гг.) Исследование. Документы

English Title: The Taiwanese Communist Movement and the Comintern (1924–1932): Study. Documents

內容介紹
共產國際成立於1919年3月，從1920年代到1930年代曾訓練來自世界各國的共產黨員，對東方世界造成極大的影響，臺灣共產黨就在其影響下，於1928年成立。本書分成兩部分，前半部為作者研究臺灣共產黨之成果，後半部為收藏於俄羅斯國立社會政治史檔案館內之相關文件。咸信此書的出版，對日治時期臺灣左翼運動史提供了新的視野。

The critical situation of China's peasants today is the consequence of a long transition process from an agrarian to an industrial society. Owing to the enormous dynamics of China's cities, peasants came to be invented as the backward of the population and the countryside as an area that required modernization and reconstruction. Two approaches were developed: one stressing technological innovation and the other social revolution. After taking power, the Chinese Communist Party devised a strategy that integrated both approaches; at the same time, agriculture was subordinated to urban industrialization. From the late 1970s onwards, the new leadership unleashed the productive forces of the agrarian population, yet proved unable to bridge the urban-rural divide. Degrarianization, however, was not a linear process, but was marked by ruptures and contradictions.

“Today communism is burning in the fire of its own failure, and your work is to add some fuel to that fire,” according to Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar. “This dangerous theory has committed many atrocities against society, and it will continue to do so until it is finished in name as well as in theory. Although communism is dead in theory, it continues to exist in name. As this theory is extremely detrimental to human existence, you should ensure that it is eradicated in name as well as soon as possible.”  P. R. Sarkar, (1921-1990), was a spiritual guru who proposed the spiritually-based socio-economic theory PROUT (Progressive Utilization Theory) and who founded the socio-spiritual movement Ananda Marga (“the Path of Bliss”).  –  Richard Gauthier, Department of Chemistry and Physics, Santa Rosa Junior College, Santa Rosa, California, USA, May 15, 2021.