Bronze Age Greece

Burial mounds, or tumuli, of the Bronze Age on mainland Greece have received a fair amount of scholarly attention in the past. Unfortunately, interpretations of the monuments are biased both due to the problematic nature of much of the evidence as well as to the profound impact of the different schools of archaeological thought. Archaeologists have generally focused on the visibility of tumulus mounds which unjustly trivializes the variety and complex developments of tumuli in Greece, and, in addition, isolated them in their discussion from other (burial) practices. In this paper, I explore the problems surrounding tumulus research and the focus of research in the past, which have led to continuously recurring lines of enquiry focusing on the rise and spread of the monuments and the meaning of their visibility. I propose to take a new approach that, while not disregarding the research that has been done, also takes into account the wide variety of practices underneath a tumulus and considers these practices within their local context in order to better understand the meaning of these monuments to the people of the Bronze Age.

In this contribution we summarise the archaeological data on mortuary practices in the regions of Messenia and Laconia from the late MH to the LH II period (ca. 1700-1400 BC). We argue that the differences and similarities in the traditions can best be understood in the context of a model of identity creation in the prehistoric Aegean that stresses the process of creation, rather than its (seemingly homogeneous) end result, often termed 'Mycenaeanisation'.

The comprehensive excavation at Nichoria in Messenia, Greece, as part of an extensive land survey carried out by the University of Minnesota Messenia Expedition (UMME), and the macro-, semimicro-, and micro-spatial analyses of the site were important to evidence the domestic context of the Mycenaean sites as well as to understand the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in Greece.

angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. Phil.) Wien, 2012 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 314 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Klassische Archäologie Betreuer: Ao.Univ.-Prof. Mag. Dr. Fritz Blakolmer Vorwort Eine Seminararbeit zum Thema "Das mykenische Megaron" gab den Anstoß zur intensivierten Auseinandersetzung um die Thematik "Megaron" in der archäologischen Forschung. Diesbezüglich entstanden auch erste Überlegungen um die Kontroversen der eindeutigen Definition des Begriffes "Megaron". Dank der Initiative von Dr. Fritz Blakolmer, diese Problematik innerhalb einer Diplomarbeit zu behandeln, wurde dieses Thema im Rahmen einer Diplomarbeit untersucht. Den Begriff "Megaron" als einen so integralen Bestandteil der ägäischen Forschung kritisch zu betrachten, stellte für mich persönlich einen wichtigen Entwicklungsschritt hinsichtlich des wissenschaftlichen Arbeitens dar, so etwa in Bezug auf den korrekten Umgang mit der Methodik, speziell aber in Bezug auf ein kritisches Hinterfragen bestehender Forschungsmeinungen. Diese Diplomarbeit kann als das schriftliche Resultat dieses persönlichen Entwicklungsprozesses verstanden werden. Dankenswerter Weise erhielt ich im Laufe der Arbeit zu diesem Thema von vielen Seiten Unterstützung in verschiedenster Form. Mein besonderer Dank gilt vorrangig meinem Betreuer, Herrn Dr. Fritz Blakolmer, der die Idee zu diesem Thema hatte und immer dann Klarheit brachte, wenn die Verwirrung zu groß war. Des Weiteren danke ich Herrn Dr. Jörg Weilhartner für seine spontane Hilfsbereitschaft bezüglich des Kapitels "Linear B" sowie für eine kritische Einschätzung und Übersetzung der Linear B-Inschriften auf der Tonplombe von Midea. Herrn Dr. Georg Ladstätter verdanke ich die Möglichkeit der Nutzung der ÖAI Bibliothek sowie -aufgrund von persönlichen Empfehlungsschreibenaller weiteren relevanten Bibliotheken in Athen. Außerdem sei ihm an dieser Stelle nochmals herzlich für seine Gastfreundschaft am ÖAI in Athen gedankt! Für Korrekturen der Arbeit danke ich ganz besonders Frau Mag. Lena Ratschl und Frau Dipl.-Ing. Julia Buchebner. Auch für konstruktive Kritik und Ratschläge von ihrer Seite bin ich ihnen sehr dankbar! Allen Freunden und Kollegen, die mich während meiner Studienzeit begleitet und unterstützt haben und hier nicht namentlich genannt sind, spreche ich hiermit meine tiefe Dankbarkeit aus. Letztlich verdanke ich meinen Eltern ihre grenzenlose Unterstützung in jeglicher Hinsicht, da es mir sonst nicht möglich gewesen wäre, dieses Studium in dieser Form umzusetzen.

This doctoral dissertation presents a synthesis of research on streets and public courts in Crete during the Proto-and Neopalatial periods. Ten sites are considered: Knossos, Gournia, Malia, Mochlos, Myrtos-Pyrgos, Palaikastro, Petras, Pseira, Sissi and Zakros. In the first volume, we propose a definition of the different elements related to Minoan streets and courts, and present an exhaustive catalogue of the currently published remains. The second volume, the synthesis, is a thematic study of all aspects of Minoan street and court systems. Here materials and building techniques are first considered. Then a typology of the streets, courts and junctions is proposed. The next chapters consist of a study of the different equipments found in the streets and courts and an examination of the morphology and dimensions of these urban spaces. Next, traffic principles are analyzed, followed by a summary of the different functions of streets and courts. The appearance of these built public spaces is discussed in the larger context of the emergence of Minoan towns, before considering their continuation following the destructions at the end of the Neopalatial period. The last chapter contextualizes the role of streets and courts in Minoan society. More specifically, it considers the different clues revealed by these spaces for a more comprehensive understanding of social organization during the Proto-and Neopalatial periods.

Experimental archaeology is commonly employed in the research on textiles and textile production in prehistory, in order to explain the operational aspects of textile manufacturing and the functionality of textile tools, to investigate fabric wear and decomposition processes, and to reconstruct ancient textiles and costumes. ‘Experience textile archaeology’ is a term which describes tests and trials of experiential character performed by actors who are not skilled craftspeople in order to get them acquainted with textile production techniques through practice. Although the importance of experience archaeology as a pedagogical tool has already been acknowledged, the experience approach rarely generates analogies that could be further exploited in the academic discourse. However, in the author’s opinion, experiential tests and trials, if well scheduled, documented and conducted over a longer period of time, may also contribute to improving the knowledge of textile craft of societies of the past. The methodological principles henceforth suggested for experience activities have been introduced by the author and concern tests conducted with students of archaeology at the University of Warsaw.

The edited volume consists of the proceedings of an International Conference entitled ‘Explaining Change in Aegean Prehistory’, which was held in Groningen, the Netherlands on 16-17 October 2013. The aim of the conference was to explain processes of social and economic change from the Early Bronze Age III to the Late Bronze Age I period (ca. 2200 - 1600 BC) in the southern Aegean. The beginning of this period (the end of the EBA) witnesses a severe crisis which is followed by social regression (during the early phases of the MBA) and slow recovery and a precipitation of social change in the transition to the LBA. The focus is on the southern mainland, although we adopt a comparative approach and examine parallel (or divergent) processes in the surrounding islands and Crete.
The volume starts with an introduction by the editors, where we introduce the problem, the explanation of social change in Aegean prehistory, and outline the development of the debate in the last 40 years. We also provide an outline of the book and present the main themes addressed in the various papers. The introduction is followed by 10 papers presented at the conference. The first two (Gauss & Lindblom, Rutter) address the problems of periodization and the correlation of ceramic sequence (on which the traditional chronological sub-divisions are based) with the social developments taking place in this period, i.e. the successive cycles of crisis, recovery and growth. The next paper (Weiberg) offers a new and provocative interpretation of the causes and consequences of the severe crisis at the end of the EBA.  Three papers (Pullen, Wiersma, Voutsaki & Milka) examine different aspects of the evidence (pottery, architecture, funerary data) and different social practices (feasting, organization of space,  mortuary practices) in order to reconstruct and interpret social, economic and cultural changes during the period under discussion. The variety of  factors considered – demographic changes, reciprocal relations and sumptuary behaviour, household organization and kin structure, age and gender divisions, internal tensions, connectivity and mobility – attest to the liveliness of the debate.  The emphasis is not only on the wider processes, but also on the variety of responses by different communities and social groups and even different individuals. One paper (Gorogianni & Fitzsimons) adopt a comparative approach. They examines architectural changes in one highly interconnected harbor town in the Cyclades. The last paper (Bintliff) adopts a broader geographical view and examines changing settlement systems in the Aegean and on the Greek mainland. The volume is concluded by a response by J.F. Cherry

Importance to Field
This volume is of interest to scholars specializing in the Aegean Bronze Age, as well as scholars researching social and material change.
The Middle Bronze Age (MBA) societies in the Greek mainland have long been considered as simple, static and homogeneous, and it has long been thought that social and economic differences emerge towards the later MBA. However, recent research, presented at the Mesohelladika conference, suggests that the MBA witnesses important changes and divergent developments which are still imperfectly understood. However, our interpretation of these changes is based mostly on mortuary data. Therefore, in this volume, other spheres of life receive a systematic treatment, including houses and settlement organization, changes in material culture and shifting patterns of interaction in correlation with social change.
Any discussion of the MBA has to start with a serious reconsideration of social conditions during the unstable EB III period. This period of crisis, depopulation, material poverty and increased regionalism is usually set against the preceding EBA II period, which was characterized by population growth, differentiation, prosperity and increased interaction. As a result, the EBA III period has received little scholarly attention. In this volume, various papers discuss the EBA III material culture and communities in more detail, and compare these developments to what happens during the MBA.
While research in the last 30 years has rightly criticized monocausal diffusionist interpretations, we have not been able to come up with alternative explanations combining environmental factors, internal developments and shifting networks of mobility and interaction. Considerations of social change raise questions of periodization; indeed, one of the aims of the volume is to discuss whether the traditional chronological sub-divisions based on the ceramic sequence can adequately describe periods of change and increased regionalism.

The role of fishing in the Aegean LBA has until now been addressed with respect to its peripheral character within food-producing activities, as it is commonly accepted that affluent LBA societies were strictly oriented towards surplus strategies. A growing body of zooarchaeological data adds new evidence to the available poor record, hitherto based on Linear B texts and artistic representations. The potential and limitations of these research tools are presented in this paper, and an overview of old and new data is attempted, with the aim of re-addressing the role of fishing activities during this period. What stems from this study is the need to reassess the expected vs. contradictory evidence between different records, especially in the light of variable social contexts..

Greece of the Bronze Age is synonymous with the mythologised heroes and virtues of Homeric epic. The historicity of the Homeric heroes is an academic quest for another paper, however whether the heroes of Homeric epic lived or did not exist, there is no denying their influence and legacy on Mycenaean society and culture. Indeed, Homer himself tells us that he is composing his works in a time of lesser men; 1 whereby people of Bronze Age Mycenae could thus seek inspiration from these superior men to live more virtuous lives. Of particular interest is the extent to which Mycenaean religious and funerary customs parallel that of religious and funerary customs evident in The Iliad. From excavations of tombs and graves throughout the Argolid, it has been possible to identify that, although specific heroes and events of The Iliad may or may not have existed or occurred, they held particular influence over historical Mycenaean religious and funerary customs. 2 Thus, this paper is concerned with surveying and synthesising evidence from archaeological and artistic sources in order to reveal the nature of religious and funerary practices of Bronze Age Mycenae. Through comparison with written evidence from the Linear B tablets of Pylos as well as Homeric texts, this paper shall also discuss the extent to which the archaeological and artistic record reflects an already established social and cultural convention.

The Linear B writing system, used to write the Mycenaean Greek language in Late Bronze Age Crete and mainland Greece (c.1400-1200 BCE), is almost exclusively attested on clay documents into which signs were incised with a stylus. The main exception to this is the group of up to c.200 inscriptions painted onto pottery vessels before firing, produced at various locations on Crete but found at sites on both Crete and the mainland: these vessels, which are almost all coarse-ware stirrup jars (so-called because of the shape formed by their handles and false neck) used for transporting liquids such as oil or wine, are known as the inscribed stirrup jars (ISJs). The function for which these inscriptions (which usually consist only of personal and/or place names) were produced has been the subject of considerable debate, with some scholars suggesting that they marked out jars being sent as gifts from one palace to another,1 and others regarding them as forming part of the Cretan administrative system, with their occurrences on the mainland being due to secondary re-use in trade.2 Since the publication of Anna Sacconi's 1974 Corpus delle iscrizioni vascolari in lineare B (Rome), henceforth the Corpus, there have been many more finds of ISJs, published in a wide variety of articles and archaeological reports: the collection of 48 of these inscriptions in this supplement to the Corpus (henceforth the Supplement) is therefore very welcome in providing much easier access to the majority of post-1974 finds. The volume's introduction summarises the finds of inscriptions included in the Corpus and the Supplement, with full references to their previous publications, as well as providing a useful list of reports of discoveries of ISJs which remain unpublished and therefore could not be included in the Supplement. The Corpus includes inscriptions from three sites on Crete (Chania, Knossos, Mamelouko) and six on the Greek mainland (Eleusis, Kreusis, Mycenae, Orchomenos, Thebes, Tiryns); this Supplement adds finds from three new sites on Crete (Armenoi, Malia, Prinias) and three on the mainland (Dimini/Iolkos, Midea and perhaps Gla), as well as further finds from sites included in the Corpus (Mycenae, Tiryns, Thebes, Knossos, and Chania, which has provided over half of the ISJs included in the Supplement). Two notable omissions are one inscription from Chania, KH Z 45, which, although it is included in the previous publication of the Chania ISJs,3 does not appear in the Supplement, and two further ISJs from Malia, MA Z 3 and 4, which are published in Driessen et al. 2015 (op. cit. note 1; listed as still forthcoming in the Supplement, p.14). Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2018.10.41

Haberstroh 1 John Haberstroh CLSC 490 Dr. Scotton Fall 2013 Disaster Averted: Studying the Survival of Athens during the Late Bronze Age The end of the Bronze Age in Greece is characterized by the collapse of the Mycenaean palatial system. Various causes are attributed to the end of the Bronze Age. 1 Ecological factors are very likely to be a contributing reason in this region known for its earthquakes and famines, but are not the main cause. The most likely cause is the movements of peoples in the 13 th century BC. 2 These migrations themselves may have been caused by ecological factors. 3 Nonetheless, the population movements brought dramatic changes to the Mycenaean civilization. All

This research is a preliminary study
investigating diachronic diet change at two sites
during the Bronze Age (BA) and Iron Age (IA) in
East Lokris, Greece. The examination of microscopic
dental surface features, created by the chewing of
food, known as dental micro wear analysis (DMA),
has shown promise in addressing questions
concerning subsistence change among extinct and
extant species. The Greek BA and IA are some of the
most studied periods in western history, yet little
DMA research focusing on this time period has been
published. The sites of Mitrou and Tragana Agia
Triada are used because together they span the
transition from BA to IA. Mitrou is a small island in
the bay of Atalanti. Survey and excavation on the
island has shown that the occupation extend from the
Neolithic period to the Classic Period. Excavations
have recovered 75 burials ranging in age from the
Early Helladic to the Protogeometric periods.
Tragana Agia Triada consists of nine Late Helladic
Mycenaean chamber tombs located 3 km southwest
of Mitrou. Due to the geographic and temporal
proximity of the sites it is believed that they are
associated. Selected adult second molars from both
sites were replicated and imaged using a scanning
electron microscope. Micro wear 4.0, software
developed for DMA, was used to quantify the micro
wear features. Changes in dental micro wear feature
frequencies and orientation may indicate dietary
shifts. Results from the micro wear analysis will be
compared to the oral health and archaeological data
to assess temporal and demographic differences.

Programme of the conference Boiotia and the Outside World taking place at the University of Fribourg (Switzerland) on 7, 8 and 9 June 2017. Please register by the end of May (free registration, but compulsory).

Traditionally Boiotian studies focus on the region itself and the Boiotian Confederacy, and for the first time both a research project and a conference aim to explore the relations Boiotia entertained with various foreign entities. The conference is meant as an interdisciplinary enterprise, with papers pertaining to themes in History, Epigraphy and Archaeology, covering a period between the Bronze Age and the Late Roman period.
Topics include, among others, relations with neighbouring regions, borders, religion and sanctuaries, mythology, influence on local production of artefacts, as well as political and economic relations. One of the main appeals of the conference is that several papers focus on current and unpublished research, since the majority of delegates are involved in or lead major surveys, excavations, and epigraphic projects. 

Speakers include Prof. Vassilis Aravantinos, Prof. Margherita Bonanno Aravantinos, Dr. Emma Aston, Prof. Hans Beck, Dr. Philip Bes, Prof. John Bintliff, Dr Bryan Burns, Dr Alexandra Charami, Dr Sylvian Fachard, Dr Samuel Gartland, Paul Grigsby, Dr Yannis Kalliontzis, Prof. Denis Knoepfler, Prof. Christel Müller, Dr Isabelle Pernin, Prof. Albert Schachter, Dr Sebastian Scharff, and Roy van Wijk​.

nov. 1988, eerste jaargang nr. 2 prijs losse nrs. fl 12,95 / bfr 240 TMA is een onafhankelijk tijdschrift dat aandacht besteedt aan het actuele archeolo gische onderzoek, in het bijzonder dat van Nederland en België in de Mediterrane wereld. Het overnemen van artikelen is toegestaan onder bronvermelding. Bijdragen van lezers zijn welkom en kunnen al dan niet verkort . door de redactie worden gepubliceerd. Deze uitgave kwam tot stand met steun van SOOO, de Stichting ter Ondersteuning van Oudheidkundig Onderzoek. abonnementen TMA verschijnt twee keer per jaar. Opgave kan schriftelijk of door storting van fl. 25, of bfr. 450 op girorekening 5859344. Studenten betalen fl. 22,50 of bfr. 410 (onder vermelding van studienummer). De abon nementen lopen van 1 januari tot 31 decem ber en worden automatisch verlengd, tenzij een maand van tevoren is opgezegd. redactie en administratieadres Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie Postbus 7030 9701 JA Groningen redactie .

Pottery made in Greece during the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1600-1100 BC), has been found widely distributed in the central Mediterranean. Within the general distribution pattern, three periods can be distinguished, coinciding with Late Helladic I-II (LH I-LH II); LH IIIA-LH IIIB and LH IIIB-LH IIIC respectively. In this article, the role of Mycenaean pottery in the indigenous material culture is investigated. During the first period, a wide range of Aegean wares and pot shapes occur in the central Mediterranean. According to their contexts, the imported nature appears to have been important for the social role of these vessels. This indicates that they constituted symbolic references to overseas relationships. In the second period, a much narrower range of Mycenaean wares are present, which are to a large extent concentrated at a few central places. The distribution of these vessels appears to have been controlled and they played a role in social and cultural competitions between sites. Mycenaean pottery dating to the third period covers a wide range of pot shapes. Vessel types that can be related to consumption of food and drink are usually concentrated in structures indicative of a certain status and wealth. This shows that not so much their imported nature, but their function was of consequence for their use and appreciation. It is probably for this reason that by this time substantial quantities of Mycenaean pottery were produced locally in the central Mediterranean.

Περίληψη Oι ζωοαρχαιολόγοι επικρίνονται συχνά ότι εστιάζουν περισσότερο σε ζητήµατα που αφορούν την οικονοµία, την κτηνοτροφία και τη ζωική διαχείριση, και λιγότερο σε ζητήµατα που αφορούν τόσο την κατανάλωση της τροφής όσο και την οικονοµική, πολιτιστική και κοινωνική της διάσταση. Αυτο είναι εν µέρει αλήθεια, καθώς κάποια απο τα σηµαντικότερα πρόβληµατα που περιορίζουν τη δυνατότητα του ζωοαρχαιολόγου να εξάγει τέτοιου είδους συµπεράσµατα εντοπίζονται στα µικρά µεγέθη ζωοαρχαιολογικών συνόλων αλλά και στις ταφονοµικές " παρεµβάσεις " που αυτά έχουν δεχθεί πρίν, κατά τη διάρκεια και µετά την απόθεση τους. Το µεγάλο µέγεθος του ζωοαρχαιολογικού υλικού απο την θέση Κρυοπήγαδο Αλιάκµονα Βοΐου έδωσε τη δυνατότητα για µια εµπεριστατωµένη µελέτη που αφορά την οικονοµία, την κτηνοτροφία και την διαχείριση του ζωικού κεφαλαίου της περιοχής κατά την Εποχή του Χαλκού. Παράλληλα, η πολύ καλή διατήρηση των ζωικών οστών σε συνδυασµό µε τις συστηµατικές µεθόδους ανασκαφής και τη ξεκάθαρη εικόνα οικιστικών και µή καταλοίπων (ορύγµατα-κατοικίες, απορριµατικοί λάκκοι), επέτρεψε µια " κατά-χώραν " ανάλυση (spatial analysis) των δεδοµένων. Η ανάλυση αυτή αποκάλυψε µια σειρά απο ενδιαφέρουσες διαφοροποιήσεις ως προς τις πρακτικές κατανάλωσης και απόθεσης των ζωικών οστών ανάλογα µε το είδος, το ανατοµικό µέρος, την ηλικία, και τη µέθοδο τεµαχισµού, γεγονός ιδιαίτερα σηµαντικό καθώς συµβάλλει στην κατανόηση µοτίβων αρχαίας (Εποχής του Χαλκού) ανθρώπινης συµπεριφοράς.

Soils are key to ecosystems and human societies, and their critical importance requires a better understanding of how they evolve through time. However, identifying the role of natural climate change versus human activity (e.g. agriculture) on soil evolution is difficult. Here we show that for most of the past 12,300 years soil erosion and development were impacted differently by natural climate variability, as recorded by sediments deposited in Lake Dojran (Macedonia/Greece): short-lived (< 1,000 years) climatic shifts had no effect on soil development but impacted soil erosion. This decoupling disappeared between 3,500 and 3,100 years ago, when the sedimentary record suggests an unprecedented erosion event associated with the development of agriculture in the region. Our results show unambiguously how differently soils evolved under natural climate variability (between 12,300 and 3,500 years ago) and later in response to intensifying human impact. The transition from natural to anthropogenic landscape started just before, or at, the onset of the Greek 'Dark Ages' (~3,200 cal yr BP). This could represent the earliest recorded sign of a negative feedback between civilization and environmental impact, where the development of agriculture impacted soil resources, which in turn resulted in a slowdown of civilization expansion. Soil systems are key components of a broad range of ecosystems. Their development via chemical weathering and mineral dissolution consumes carbon dioxide, and thus plays a substantial role in regulating the carbon cycle and Earth's climate 1–3. Erosion plays a major role in chemical weathering, because it exposes unweathered minerals and thus promotes mineral dissolution and soil development. However, accelerated erosion due to deforestation or agricultural practices may inhibit this development, consequently limiting our soil resources in the future 4. Our understanding of the evolution of soil systems is underpinned by our ability to ascertain how soil erosion and development respond to climatic variability and human activity. It is well known that soil erosion can respond rapidly to changes in rainfall and vegetation cover (anthropogenic or not) 5. However, much less is known about the variability of soil development over time 6–14. In this study, we investigated the relative impact of climate variability and human activity on soil systems during the Late Glacial and Holocene in southeastern Europe. To achieve this, we used uranium and lithium isotopes in lacustrine sedimentary deposits as proxies for soil erosion and development, respectively. During chemical weathering, 234 U is preferentially lost from minerals compared to 238 U, as a result of recoil and preferential leaching 15. This depletion continues over time since the onset of weathering (weathering age; 16), resulting in decreasing δ 234 U values (δ 234 U = (λ 234 .N 234 /λ 238 .N 238 − 1) × 1000; unit: parts per thousand, ‰. λ and N are the decay constant (in yr −1) and number of atoms for each isotope, respectively; and subscripts 234 and 238 refer to 234 U and 238 U, respectively). In a weathering profile, δ 234 U values are expected to decrease with decreasing depth as the weathering age increases (see Supplementary Material for more details). Consequently, if erosion on hillslopes is shallow (e.g. sheet wash), sediments should exhibit negative δ 234 U. Conversely, if deeper erosion (gully, bank,

This paper attempts to answer a question that has preoccupied archaeologists since the modern discovery of Late Bronze Age Greece: why did the Mycenaeans begin to cremate their dead after the collapse of the palace system around 1190BCE?  Traditional explanations for this phenomenon focus on tracing the origins of this practice in neighbouring cultures – usually Anatolia or South Italy – and frequently interpret cremation in terms of the expression of wealth and status.

In this paper, which uses the cemetery at Perati in east Attica as its case study, I will present evidence which argues that post-palatial cremation practices did not originate in neighbouring cultures, but had their roots in the everyday burial practices of pre-collapse Greece.  Instead of viewing inhumation and cremation as opposites, I will demonstrate that the transformation from known individual to anonymous ancestor, which was achieved through post-palatial cremation processes, in fact replicated many aspects of the inhumation practices of Mycenaeans before the collapse.  The key to this approach is a detailed analysis of the more curious aspects of the cremations at Perati, and the rejection of the theory that all cremations represent the expression of status.

If this interpretation of the cremations at Perati is correct, then it is no longer necessary to explain this practice in terms of diffusion, emulation, or cultural transmission.  It also raises the question of the nature and importance of the collapse as a watershed in Mycenaean culture.  If cremations are treated as evidence for continuity in Mycenaean culture, rather than as evidence for change, then perhaps the collapse of the palace system should not be treated as the moment at which one culture ended and another began, but simply as an episode in a story with a much longer timeframe.

Αν και η υπόθεση της ύπαρξης ενός ιερού στη θέση Φίλια στο νομό Καρδίτσας ανάγεται στο 1926ι, η «επίσημη» ανακάλυψη του πανθεσσαλικού ιερού της Αθηνάς Ιτωνίας στη Φίλια χρονολογείται στο 1962, όταν ο Δ. Θεοχάρης πραγματοποίησε τις πρώτες ανασκαφές2• Ήδη αυτές οι ανασκαφές αποτέλεσαν αντίδραση στις λαθρανασκαφές, οι οποίες είχαν γνωρίσει μεγάλη αύξηση εκείνα τα χρόνια, πιο συγκεκριμένα από το 19603• Αυτό το φαινόμενο μάλλον εξηγεί και το γεγονός ότι τα ίδια ακριβώς χρόνια κυκλοφόρησαν στην αγορά τέχνης ομάδες ευρημάτων, τα οποία μοιάζουν πολύ με τα χαρακτηριστικά ευρήματα από τη Φίλια4• Παράλληλα με τις πρώτες ανασκαφές παραδόθηκαν και από ιδιώτες πολλά ευρήματα με προέλευση τη Φίλια. Σήμερα όλα αυτά τα ευρήματα, δηλαδή αυτά που προέρχονται από επίσημες ανασκαφές και αυτά που οφείλονται σε παραδόσεις ιδιωτών, βρίσκονται στο Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Βόλου. Και τα δύο αντικείμενα που παρουσιάζουμε στο παρόν άρθρο προέρχονται από παράδοση του ιδίου ιδιώτη, του Σ. Σοφού, και εισήλθαν στο Μουσείο Βόλου στις 28 Νοεμβρίου 1964 με αρ. ευρ. 5627. Η παράδοση του Σ. Σοφού * Το παρόν άρθρο είναι το αποτέλεσμα μιας μελέτης μερικών από τα πολλά χάλκινα ευρήματα από τη Φίλια. Θέλω να ευχαριστήσω θερμά τους συναδέλφους που μου επιτρέψανε την αυτοψία των ευρημάτων στα Μουσεία Βόλου και Οξφόρδης, πιο συγκεκριμένα τους Β. Αδρύμη-Σισμάνη (Προϊσταμένη, Ι Γ' ΕΠΚΑ, Βόλος), Μπ. Ιντζεσίλογλου (ΙΓ' ΕΠΚΑ, Βόλος), Β. Ροντήρη (ΙΓ' ΕΠΚΑ, Βόλος) και Μ. Vickers (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford). Θέλω να ευχαριστήσω επίσης την V. Di NapoH (Ελβετική Αρχαιολογική Σχολή στην Ελλάδα) για τη διόρθωση του ελληνικού κειμένου. ι. Ν. Γιαννόπουλος, ΑΕ 1925/26, 119 κ.ε., 203 κ.ε., για την ιστορία της έρευνας βλ. . 4. Π.χ. μια ομάδα μικρών χάλκινων αντικειμένων η οποία αγοράστηκε το 1963 από τη Ny Carlsberg Glypthothek της Κοπεγχάγης, βλ. johansen 1982. Christiansen 1992. Αυτά τα αντικείμενα αγοράστηκαν με προέλευση < < Βάσσαι» Πελοποννήσου, προέλευση που όμως δεν ταιριάζει με την ανάλυση των αντικειμένων. Ίσως η αληθινή προέλευση «Φίλια>> μετατράπηκε κάποια στιγμή σε «Φιγαλία», είτε για να κρυφθεί η αληθινή προέλευση είτε για να αυξάνεται η τιμή τους με μια πιο <<γνωστή» προέλευση. ·Αλλ η μία ομάδα βρίσκεται στο Ashmolean Museum της Οξφόρδης (AR 21, 1974-75, 35 αρ. 47) και μία τρίτη ομάδα σε ιδιωτική συλλογή στο Houston (ΗΠΑ): Hoffmann 1971.