sustainability
Article
Conflict-Induced Shocks and Household Food Security in Nigeria
Opeyemi Olanrewaju and Bedru B. Balana *
International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Abuja 901101, Nigeria
* Correspondence:
[email protected]
Abstract: Conflicts such as the Boko Haram insurgency, herder–farmer conflicts, and armed banditry
attacks are major concerns affecting the livelihoods and food security of households in Nigeria.
In this paper, firstly, we reviewed and synthesized the nature, spatial extent, and implications of
conflicts on food security in Nigeria. Secondly, using survey data and econometric models, we
examined the effects of conflict-induced shocks, such as forced migration and fatality on household
food security indicators. Our review shows that the underlying causes for the majority of violent
conflicts in Nigeria are linked to competition for productive resources, economic inequality, and
ethnoreligious tensions. Review results also indicate spatial variations in the nature and severity
of violent conflicts in Nigeria. While the Boko Haram insurgency is prominent in the North-East,
the North-Central is mainly exposed to herder–farmer conflicts, and there is a high prevalence of
communal conflicts in the South-South region of the country. In terms of gender dimensions, women
are more vulnerable to conflicts and shoulder more social and economic burdens than men. From
our empirical analysis, we found that conflict-induced shocks such as forced migration, fatality,
abduction, and injury significantly exacerbate the severity of food insecurity and deteriorate the
dietary diversity of households. Conflicts also affect agricultural investment decisions with a negative
consequence on future agricultural productivity and food security. Based on the findings, the key
policy suggestions include the need for tailored interventions to resolve state or region-specific
conflicts, policy interventions on property/land rights and livestock management systems to address
herder–farmer conflicts, and targeted investments in building the resilience capacity of households.
Keywords: conflict-induced shocks; dietary diversity; food security; forced migration; North-East Nigeria
Citation: Olanrewaju, O.; Balana, B.B.
Conflict-Induced Shocks and
1. Introduction
Household Food Security in Nigeria.
Conflicts and general security threats, including herder–farmer conflicts, the Boko
Haram insurgency, armed banditry attacks, and kidnappings are major security concerns in
Nigeria affecting the livelihoods of households, agricultural investment, production activities, productivity, and food security. Recent studies show that conflicts and terrorist attacks
reduced the area cultivated, agricultural output and productivity, and investments [1–3].
Conflicts also reduced farmers’ cattle holdings by increasing cattle thefts and losses and
reducing purchased cattle [4]. For instance, the herder–farmer conflict resulted in intense
competition to land and led to clashes among herders and farmers in many parts of Nigeria [4,5]. Herder–farmer conflicts appear to be damning, deeply rooted, and widespread
in Nigeria. This is because the livelihoods of over 70 percent of the Nigerian population
depend on agriculture and thus there are growing conflicts over access to resources (land
and water) [6]. When such conflicts are not well-managed, they degenerate into violence
and destructive social clashes that disrupt economic activities, deteriorate livelihoods, and
worsen food insecurity [7].
Aside from the herder–farmer conflicts, the Boko Haram insurgency is another major
source of insecurity in Nigeria. According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event
Data Project (ACLED) [8] through the end of 2016, northeastern Nigeria, which is the
hotspot for Boko Haram insurgents, recorded over 30,000 deaths. A recent study on a
Sustainability 2023, 15, 5057.
https://doi.org/10.3390/su15065057
Academic Editor: Hossein Azadi
Received: 29 January 2023
Revised: 8 March 2023
Accepted: 10 March 2023
Published: 13 March 2023
Copyright: © 2023 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
Sustainability 2023, 15, 5057. https://doi.org/10.3390/su15065057
https://www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability
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sample of 1500 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Borno state in northeast Nigeria
revealed that 85 percent of the surveyed IDPs identified the Boko Haram insurgency to
have contributed to their food insecurity [9]. The insurgency contributes to food insecurity
through various pathways in food production, such as by deterring farmers to access
their farms and delaying critical farm operations [10,11]. In addition to the above two
major types of conflict, i.e., the herder–farmer conflict and Boko Haram insurgency, armed
banditry attacks and kidnappings have brought a new and evolving dimension to the
issue of general insecurity and conflicts in Nigeria. The frequency and spatial scale of
armed banditry attacks have been increasing over the past few years and hence they pose
devastating effects on the livelihoods and food security of households in Nigeria [12].
Based on the existing knowledge that violent conflict simultaneously impacts livelihoods and food security [1–3], this study aims to add empirical evidence on the relationship
between conflict-induced shocks and the severity of household food (in)security, using
Nigeria as a case study country. Nigeria is an interesting country for such a study because
of the protracted conflicts, such as herder–farmer conflicts and the Boko Haram insurgency,
that caused significant economic damage, losses of human lives, and food security of
households. While previous studies [13] analyze how overall conflict circumstances affect
efforts to combat food insecurity, the linkages between specific conflict-induced shocks
and household food security have not been examined, especially within the context of
violent conflict settings. Furthermore, evidence on the relationship between household
food (in)security and the direct effects of conflict-induced shocks such as forced migration,
fatality, loss of property, and injury, among others, as well as the role these factors play in
different routes to food insecurity has not been sufficiently examined. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine how conflict-induced shocks mediate different pathways
to food insecurity in conflict-affected areas. Such an understanding is highly critical for
developing evidence-based policy responses to mitigate its negative impacts and design
long-term recovery strategies.
The remaining parts of the paper are organized as follows. Section 2 presents the
conceptual background that underpins the drivers and impacts of conflicts in Nigeria.
A brief overview of the relationship between conflict and food security is presented in
Section 3. The methodological part of the paper including the data (the 2018 FADAM-III
data and IFPRI’s 2021 phone survey data during COVID-19 in Nigeria) and econometric
estimation strategy are presented in Section 4. Section 5 presents the empirical findings,
and the Section 6 concludes the paper with some policy suggestions.
2. Conceptualizing Conflicts in Nigeria
2.1. Drivers and Impacts
The nature in which a conflict expresses itself depends on the drivers and processes
through which it originates and the groups involved in it. Figure 1 exhibits the conceptual
framework of the causes, drivers, and impacts of conflicts. Researchers present the drivers
and conflict–food security nexus in different ways. Ningxin [14], for example, emphasizes
historical, ideological/cultural, ethnic, and religious factors as the key drivers of conflicts.
On the other hand, Abdul [15] emphasizes competition over resources, inadequate information, psychological needs, and values as the key factors driving conflicts. Some conflicts
could be between the same resource user groups, while others could be between different
user groups. Prominent among the same resource user groups is the one between neighboring communities sharing a common grazing land. In the case of different user groups,
the most common is between farmers and herders over land [16]. Studies show that the
struggle over natural resources such as land is a primary source of violent conflicts among
communities in Nigeria [17–19]. The conflicting parties often see each other as trespassers
on their lands. For example, in the case of the herder–farmer conflict, the herders believe
they have the right to use the land and, therefore, dismiss the other party (usually farmers)
as mere trespassers on their land. On the other hand, many farmers consider herders as
strangers who are occupying their land [18].
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Figure 1. Conceptual framework of the drivers and impacts of conflict in Nigeria.
The herder–farmer conflict is further fueled by growing suspicion between the two
parties. The pastoralist herders travel hundreds of miles from the northern part of the
country with their cattle in search of grazing land. The herders believe that farmers often
steal their herds and as a result arm themselves with weapons to protect their territory and
livestock. On the other hand, in anticipation of attacks from herders, the farmers attempt to
deter the herders [20]. Historically, the competition for land led to tensions and remains
unabated over the years between both parties in Nigeria.
Manipulation of information has also been found to have contributed to conflicts in
societies. Often information can be distorted and, therefore, be either manipulative or
constructive. Given the critical role that information plays in society, when it is tampered
with, conflicts tend to arise. Information is often tampered with when people are being
fed lies and wrong information. This distorted information shape opinions and decisions
and could influence the nature, scope, and intensity of conflicts. Another factors fueling
conflicts are ethnic and religious differences, which could further be manipulated by ethnic
purveyors and politicians to leverage as tools for their economic and political goals [21].
As depicted in Figure 1, violent conflicts could lead to the destruction of livelihoods, severe
food insecurity, and welfare loss.
The conflicts in Nigeria exhibit features of geographical dimensions too. While most
parts of Nigeria experience conflicts in one or the other forms, the intensity and the
preponderant exposure to conflict vary across the various regions of the country. Of the
six geopolitical zones of Nigeria, the North-East (NE), North-Central (NC), and SouthSouth (SS) zones appear to be the most preponderant areas of conflict in the country. NE
Nigeria has witnessed several forms of conflicts of which the majority are traced to terrorist
attacks [22]. The NC region is mainly plagued with the farmer–herder crisis [12,23,24].
Some pockets of the NC region also experience attacks from Boko Haram insurgents. The
SS region is renowned for being Nigeria’s source of oil wealth and is widely regarded as
the fulcrum of Nigeria’s oil economy. The majority of the conflicts in the SS region are
attributed to communal violence, criminals, and non-organized attacks by individuals [22].
Many of the reasons for the violence in the SS region can be traced to the struggle among
local communities related to control over oil revenues derived from this resource-rich
territory. Consequently, nearly one-third of conflict-affected households in the SS region
have been displaced or experienced forced migration [22].
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Conflicts pose differential impacts on women and children. Studies affirm that regardless of the types and severity of conflicts, women and children are more vulnerable in the
face of conflicts than men [25,26]. The pre-existing unequal access to assets and resources between women and men contributes to the high vulnerability of women in conflict-exposed
communities [27]. Particularly, women bear the brunt of conflicts and insecurity as they are
forced to take more economic responsibilities in the demise of their husbands or working
male household members who become casualties of conflicts. The death of household
members of working age means that the households become female-headed, with limited opportunities to access resources for their livelihood due to sociocultural barriers to
women’s access to resources [28]. Women’s vulnerability could sustain for a longer period
if their means of livelihood are significantly affected by the conflicts, and they lack the
capacity to rebuild their livelihoods and well-being [29].
2.2. Hypotheses
Based on our conceptual depiction and understanding of existing research evidence,
we hypothesize two propositions to guide our investigation on the key drivers of conflict
on the one hand, and on the linkages between conflicts and household food security on the
other.
Hypothesis 1. Several factors such as ethnoreligious differences, power struggles or political
motivations, and growing economic inequality could trigger conflicts in Nigeria. However, by
synthesizing the existing evidence, we hypothesize that the struggle over natural resources such
as land is the primary source of violent conflict among communities in Nigeria. In other words,
competition for productive resources is the key driver for the majority of violent conflicts in Nigeria.
Hypothesis 2. We hypothesize that conflict-induced hocks such as forced migration, death of
household members, loss of property, injury, and the abduction of household members due to conflict
increase the likelihood of households falling into a more severe food insecurity situation.
3. Overview of the Effects of Conflicts on Food Security
Conflicts have dire consequences on the livelihoods and food security of vulnerable
households. They drastically reduce agricultural production and as a result have grave
implications for the food security of households, particularly the poor and vulnerable
ones [30,31]. Beyond limiting the production of food, conflicts also have the potential to
hamper food availability and supply [32]. Conflicts reinforce the vicious circle of extreme
poverty and exacerbate the food insecurity of vulnerable social groups (i.e., women and
children) and most marginalized groups [33]. The FAO and others [34] affirm that there is
a strong positive correlation between violent conflicts and food insecurity, as all nineteen
countries classified by the FAO as ‘protracted crisis’ conditions in 2017 were engaged in
violent conflicts. According to the Uppsala conflict data program [35], countries such as
South Sudan, Somalia, and Yemen that are exposed to significant violent conflicts also
experience a high risk of famine. Conflict-ridden regions are home to over 60 percent of the
world’s hungry population [36]. Furthermore, low- and middle-income countries affected
by conflicts have an average prevalence of undernourishment between 1.4 and 4.4 percent
higher than conflict-free nations in the same income bracket [36].
Generally, depending on the intensity and scope, violent conflicts take diverse forms
and have varying implications for food security. At the national scale, they have the
tendency to affect all four aspects of food security—availability, access, utilization, and
stability—whereas at the local level, such as in northeastern Nigeria, they may have a
relatively larger impact on the availability and access to food than food utilization [37]. Food
security is typically shown to be impacted by communal conflicts by lowering agricultural
output and household income. Additionally, it tends to restrict people’s access to the food
supply chain and availability [38]. The relationships between food insecurity and violent
conflict are also characterized by a high degree of intricacy and contextualization, often
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coinciding with multi-layered crises. For instance, violent conflicts are also a major cause of
forced displacement, in addition to food shortages and starvation [39], which weakens food
security in both the communities of origin (where labor may be in short supply and rural
markets collapse) and the host communities (which may face pre-existing strong pressure
on limited arable land). For example, the disruption and spiking food prices caused by the
Russia–Ukraine conflict negatively affected the food security of countries such as Nigeria,
which depends largely on imported grain (e.g., only 1 percent of the wheat consumed in
Nigeria comes from domestic production). The war in Syria has forced more than 6 million
people to flee their homes, which led to the refugee and food security crisis [40]. Globally,
there were 11.6 million refugees in protracted conflicts in 2016 and 13.4 million in 2017 [41].
Of these, 6.5 million have been displaced for more than a decade [42].
Conflicts can lead to the destruction of farmland, livestock damage, crop theft, destabilize food markets [43], limit household diet diversity [44], and impair food security [39,45].
Conflicts indirectly affect food insecurity through several mechanisms, including interfering with agricultural production [46] and influencing farmers’ investment choices [47].
Furthermore, households afflicted by violence frequently also experience non-conflict
shocks, which undermines the link between conflict and food insecurity, such as economic
instability [48]. To mitigate the dire impacts of conflicts on food security, households may
adopt various negative coping strategies, such as eating less nutritious food with more
calories or having a less varied diet. For instance, using cross-sectional data, Dabalen and
Paul [49] evaluated the impact of conflict on dietary diversity in Côte d’Ivoire and found
that households with individuals who live in the most severely affected conflict zones have
decreased dietary diversity. Another study [13] examined the effects of the Boko Haram
insurgency on food insecurity conditions using panel survey data from Nigeria and found
that the insurgency decreased the availability of production input and income, increased
the number of days households had to rely on less preferred foods, restricted the variety of
foods eaten and the portion sizes consumed, and decreased dietary diversity, as measured
by the food consumption score. Such negative coping strategies of households adopted in
conflict-affected settings have been established in various other studies [28,39,46,47].
Conflict is one of the major drivers of displacement and forced migration, ultimately
leading to severe food insecurity [50]. The World Food Program report [50] shows a strong
connection between conflict, forced migration, and food insecurity. According to the Report,
the number of refugees per 1000 people increased by 0.4 percent in 2017 for every year of
conflict and by 1.9 percent for every percentage rise in food insecurity [50]. According to
the FAO [51], when conflicts worsen food and nutrition security, there is a greater chance
that the conflict would intensify and last longer.
Thus, the growing difficulties of achieving food security in violent conflict-affected
settings described in the preceding paragraphs suggest a positive relationship between
conflicts and an increase in the severity of food insecurity [52–54].
4. Materials and Methods
In this section, we present the econometric methods implemented for the analysis of
the effects of conflict-induced shocks on food security measures using the data from the
2018 Fadama-III survey and phone survey data collected by IFPRI in 2021.
4.1. Data and Measurement of Variables
This paper employs data from the World Bank-funded project Fadama III, Phase II,
which was implemented in the conflict-affected North-East Nigeria states of Borno, Yobe,
Adamawa, Taraba, Bauchi, and Gombe. The World Bank Fadama III Additional-Financing
dataset was collected in 2018 by IFPRI as part of the World Bank-funded project (Fadama
III-Additional Financing (AF II) Phase II) that was implemented in North-East Nigeria
(NE). The project was supporting the recovery of the agricultural sector in the NE and
responding to urgent food and livelihood needs of farming households affected by conflicts.
The region suffers huge economic damages and losses of human life owing to persistent
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violent conflicts. The North-East states are renowned for their large agricultural potential.
However, the region has suffered from prolonged conflicts that led the region to significant
setbacks in terms of economic and social development. To assess the effects of conflicts on
household food security, we extract variables from the Fadama III Phase-II dataset. Table 1
provides descriptions and summary statistics of variables used in the empirical analysis.
While the survey sampled a total of 1800 households, we used a sample of 1658 households
with complete data across the six states of the North-East region. The survey data span
information across violent conflicts, migration, socioeconomic conditions, credit access,
and humanitarian support received, among others (Table 1). In addition to the Fadama-III
data, we also used the data IFPRI collected in 2021 via a phone interview from a sample
(n = 1031) of households in four states of Nigeria during the COVID-19 pandemic.
We employed the eight standard experience-based food insecurity experience indicators for measuring food security [55]. Indicators such as these have been widely employed
in the investigation of food insecurity [56–58]. Out of the eight standard experience-based
food insecurity questions, we concentrated on three indicators that reveal households’ most
severe food insecurity experiences over a four-week period prior to the survey date.
1.
2.
3.
‘Was there a time when your household ran out of food because of a lack of money or
other resources? (yes/no)’
‘Was there a time when you or others in your household were hungry but did not eat
because of a lack of money or other resources? (yes/no)’
‘Was there a time when you or others in your household went without eating for a
whole day because of a lack of money or other resources? (yes/no)’
For the dietary diversity indicator, following Swindale et al. [59], we created a household dietary diversity score (HDDS) utilizing the “yes/no” responses to the 12 food groups
that were consumed by a household over a specified reference period. The HDDS was
created by summing horizontally a binary response, “yes = 1” if the household ingested any
food from the particular food group during the reference period, and “no = 0” otherwise.
As a result, the HDDS has a minimum value of zero and a maximum value of twelve.
Table 1. Descriptions/measurements of the variables used in the models (n = 1658).
Variables
Descriptions
Mean 1
Dependent variables (food (in)security measures)
Household dietary diversity score
(HDDS)
Run out of food
Hungry but did not eat
Without eating for a whole day
Food consumption scores across the 12
food groups (continuous)
Households ‘run out of food’ within the
last 4 weeks prior to the survey (yes = 1,
no = 0)
Households that any member ‘went to
sleep at night hungry’ in the last 4 weeks
prior to the survey (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households that any of its household
members ‘went a whole day and night
without food’ in the last 4 weeks prior to
the survey (yes = 1, no = 0)
6.671
0.343
0.327
0.218
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Table 1. Cont.
Variables
Descriptions
Mean 1
Explanatory variables
Displaced
Abducted
Trauma
Fatality
Loss of property
Injured
Migrated because of insecurity
Received humanitarian assistance
Received credit
Access to extension services
Loss of market infrastructure due to
conflicts
Own agricultural processing equipment
Age of household head
Education level of household
Access to market information
Household involvement in non-farm
activities
Households that any member of its
household was displaced because of
violent conflicts 2 (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households that any member of its
household was abducted owing to
violent conflicts (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households who reported any member
of its household abducted owing to
violent conflicts (yes = 1, otherwise = 0)
Households where any member of its
household was killed owing to violent
conflicts (yes = 1, otherwise = 0)
Households who lost their properties
owing to violent conflicts (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households that any member of its
household was injured owing to violent
conflicts (yes = 1, otherwise = 0)
Households who migrated owing to
violent conflicts (yes = 1, no = 0).
Households who received any form of
humanitarian assistance (yes = 1, no = 0)
Household who received credit (yes = 1,
no = 0)
Household who accessed extension
services (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households who reported destruction to
their community market owing to
conflicts (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households who own any agricultural
processing equipment (yes = 1, no = 0)
Age of household head in years (in years)
If the household head is educated up to
secondary school level (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households who have access to market
information (yes = 1, no = 0)
Households that are involved in
non-farm activities for livelihood (yes = 1,
no = 0)
0.297
0.0718
0.2159
0.1470
0.522
0.242
0.432
0.481
0.0759
0.0633
0.276
0.033
48.039
0.646
0.113
Source: Authors’ compilation from the Fadama-III survey (2018). Note: 1 means of dummy variables are
percentages of ‘yes’ responses. 2 Violent conflicts considered here include Boko Haram, armed conflicts, and tribal
conflicts.
4.2. Empirical Models
4.2.1. Probit Model
For the three binary experience-based food insecurity indicators (‘run out of food’
‘hungry but did not eat’, and ‘without eating whole day’), we used a basic binary outcome
probit model in Equation (1) to predict the likelihood of a household experiencing the severe
food insecurity situations [60,61]. Suppose that the outcome variable, i.e., the probability
that the household experience a given food insecurity indicator, denoted by y, takes one of
two values:
1 if a household experienced f ood insecurity
y=
0 if a household did not experience f ood insecurity
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Following Greene [62] and assuming a normal distribution of the error term in the
mode and given a vector of explanatory variables denoted by x, the probability that y = 1,
i.e., the conditional probit probability (P) takes the form in Equation (1).
P(y = 1/x) = F(x’β) + u
(1)
where y = 1 if a household experienced ‘run out of food’, ‘hungry but did not eat’, or
‘without eating whole day’, and zero otherwise, F(.) is a cumulative parametric function,
β stands for coefficients, and u stands for a normally distributed random error term.
Following Greene [62], we estimate the marginal effects of explanatory variables as the
effect of a unit change of the specific variable xi on the conditional probability P(Y = 1| xi ),
given that all other variables are constant, as in Equation (2) (see [60]).
∂P(y = 1| xi )∂xi = ∂E y xi )/∂xi = ϕ x ′ β β i
(2)
4.2.2. Negative Binomial (NB) Model
The HDDS exhibits the features of count data. Thus, we employ the negative binomial
(NB) model following [60]. The probability of the dependent variable Y takes the value of
y, i.e., Pr(Y = y) can be specified using the Poisson model, as in (Equation (3)):
Pr(Y = y) =
e −u µ−y
y!
(3)
where Y is the dependent variable that takes the value of y, i.e., Pr(Y = y); µ > 0 with
exponential mean parametrization as µ = exp( xi′ β); y = 1, 2, . . . ,12 representing the
HDDS values, and x ′ is the set of independent covariates, as specified in Table 1. To relax
this restrictive property of the Poisson model (the equality of mean and variance (i.e.,
E(Y ) = Var (Y ) = µ)), we adopt the less restrictive quadratic variance negative binomial
model that accommodates overdispersion [60] using the ‘nbreg’ Stata command.
5. Results and Discussion
5.1. Descriptive Summary of Key Food Security Indicators
Table 2 reports summary statistics on mean differences for the four food security
indicator variables used in the econometric models. The results show that the average
HDDS of households who have migrated due to violent conflicts within the last ten years is
5.88 against 7.32 for those who did not migrate, and the difference is statistically significant
at a 1 percent level.
Table 2. Mean differences in food security indicators (by conflict-induced migration status).
Variables (n = 1658)
Household dietary diversity
score (HDDS)
Run out of food
Hungry but did not eat
Without eating whole day
Pooled
Mean
HH Migrated Due to
Conflicts
(Mean1)
HH Did Not Migrate
(Mean2)
Difference
(Mean1–Mean2)
6.671
5.818
7.319
1.501 ***
0.343
0.218
0.327
0.444
0.312
0.425
0.266
0.147
0.252
−0.178 ***
−0.166 ***
−0.174 ***
Source: Authors’ compilation from the Fadama-III survey (2018). Note: HH = household. *** p < 0.01,
Statistically significant differences are also observed in all three experienced-based
measures of food insecurity. Our results show that about 26.6 percent of households who
did not migrate due to conflicts reported their household experienced ‘run out of food’ in the
last 4 weeks prior to the survey compared to 44 percent of households who migrated due
to conflicts. In terms of the ‘hungry but did not eat’ indicator, we also found a statistically
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significant difference between the two household groups, 31 percent for migrated vs.
15 percent for households that did not migrate.
Comparing the two household groups in the most severe food insecurity indicator,
‘without eating the whole day’, about 43 percent of households that experienced conflictinduced migration have experienced that members of their households ‘went the whole
day without eating’ anything compared to 25 percent for households that did not face
conflict-induced migration.
5.2. The Effects of Conflicts on Food Security Amid COVID-19
Climate change-related shocks and the COVID-19 crisis might have likely exacerbated
the incidence of conflicts and subsequently affected the livelihoods and food security
of households in Nigeria. Based on the responses to conflict-related questions in the
phone interview conducted in July 2021 [63] in the four Nigerian states surveyed (Kebbi,
Benue, Delta, and Ebonyi), on average nearly 50 percent of survey households experienced
insecurity threats in the 12 months prior to the interview. Comparable results to ours in
the northern states of Nigeria were reported by [64]. It should be noted, however, that the
conflicts and insecurity in northern Nigeria have existed for over a decade before COVID-19;
thus, we are cautious not to directly associate the rise in conflicts/insecurity threats with the
pandemic. However, 73 percent of survey respondents indicated that the insecurity threats
had increased over the last 12 months compared to the situation the year before COVID-19.
As shown in Table 3, the agricultural activities of over one-third of the households surveyed
were extremely or moderately severely affected by conflicts/insecurity. These reduce uses
of yield-enhancing agricultural inputs leading to low agricultural output and could lead to
increased severity of food insecurity.
Table 3. Effects of insecurity threats on agricultural activities.
Questions:
How Severely Has the Presence
of Insecurity Threats Affected
Your Household’s: [ . . . . . . .]
1. . . . access to agricultural input
markets?
2. . . . access to market to sell
agricultural produce?
3. . . . . normal farm operations
(planting, ploughing, weeding,
harvesting)?
4. . . . . farm investments (e.g.,
expand cultivated area; more
livestock)?
Respondent’s Subjective Assessment of Severity of Conflicts/Insecurity on Major
Agricultural Activities and Markets (%)
Extremely
Severe [1]
Moderately
Severe [2]
[1] + [2]
Slightly
Severe [3]
Not at All
[4]
18.33
17.26
36
20.83
43.57
16.79
16.31
33
21.07
45.83
19.17
16.07
35
21.43
43.33
18.93
15.12
34
21.10
44.76
Source: Authors’ compilation from the phone survey data (July 2021).
5.3. Conflicts and Household Dietary Diversity Scores (HDDS)
Table 4 reports the estimates from the negative binomial (NB) model along with the
marginal effects of the covariates. The regression coefficients, as reported in Table 3, are
statistically significant at the 1 percent level (Wald Chi2 (16) test statistic, p = 0.000). Thus,
the overall fit of the model is good. Eight of the sixteen regressors in the NB model are
statistically significant at the 1, 5, or 10 percent levels. The four key violent conflict-induced
factors we considered in the HDDS estimation include displacement, abduction, and loss
of property owing to conflicts. We found that the HDDS as a household’s food security
measure is highly susceptible to conflicts and conflict-induced migration. A unit decrease in
conflict-induced migration is more likely to increase household dietary diversity by about
12 percent. A 2017 World Food Program report similarly noted that the greatest refugee
outflows are from countries that are experiencing armed conflicts and food insecurity [50].
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George [13] also noted that violent conflicts trigger forced migration and displacement of
people, and as a result present a potential channel for disrupting household welfare.
Table 4. The effects of conflict-induced migration on household dietary diversity score (HDDS).
Variables
Migrated due to
conflicts
Displaced
Abducted
Loss of property
Received humanitarian
assistance
Received credit
Access to extension
Market infrastructure
loss due to conflicts
Own agricultural
processing equipment
Age of household head
Education level of HH
Access to market
information
HH involvement in
non-farm activities
Coefficients
Robust Std. Error
(Coef.)
Marginal Effects †
Std. Error (Marginal
Effects)
−0.1888 ***
0.024
−1.22 ***
0.153
0.0338
−0.128 ***
−0.110 ***
0.024
0.044
0.028
0.223
−0.796 ***
−0.722 ***
0.161
0.258
0.184
−0.003
0.021
−0.025
0.138
−0.0173
−0.084
0.033
0.054
−0.112
−0.531
0.215
0.332
0.248 ***
0.023
1.726 ***
0.169
−0.119 *
0.066
−0.740 *
0.386
0.002 **
−0.001
0.001
0.022
0.0133 **
−0.006
0.006
0.145
0.046 *
0.024
0.299 *
0.156
−0.0544 *
0.0308 *
−0.348
0.1939
Source: Authors’ compilation from the Fadama-III survey (2018). Note: HH = household. *** p < 0.01, ** p < 0.05,
* p < 0.1. Note: † marginal effects (dy/dx) are evaluated at the sample values and then averaged.
Regarding other direct impacts of conflicts considered in the study, the abduction
of household members negatively and significantly affects household food security. One
plausible pathway for this could be when abducted household members include working
household members that contribute significantly to household livelihoods. Similarly,
households that have suffered property loss owing to security threats are also found to
be susceptible to food insecurity, as our estimates show a significant negative relationship
with household dietary diversity scores.
In addition to conflict-induced factors, we also considered several covariates in the
estimation (Table 4). For instance, access to market information increased with household
food security (at the 1 percent level) with an estimated marginal effect of 30 percent,
underscoring the important role market information plays in improving household security,
especially in times of violent conflicts when neighborhood market may be susceptible
to a vicious cycle of violent attacks. Our finding is consistent with recent findings that
demonstrated that households which are located closer to market centers are likely to
be more food secure [65]. On the hand, our results show that households that received
humanitarian support were not statistically different from those that did not receive support,
implying that humanitarian assistance may be not sufficient to lift households out of food
insecurity situations. This finding is consistent with Balana et al. [58], who showed that
the safety net interventions during the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria did not provide
statistically significant effects in improving household food security outcomes.
5.4. Conflicts and Household Food Insecurity Experiences
Results from the probit model for the three experience-based food insecurity indicators are presented in Table 5. Here, our dependent variables of interest were the households’ ‘yes/no’ responses to the three food insecurity experience questions, as described in
Section 2: (1) whether there has been a time the household ‘ran out of food’ because of a lack
of money or other resources (yes/no); (2) whether there has been a time any household
member was ‘hungry but did not eat’ because of a lack of money or other resources (yes/no);
Sustainability 2023, 15, 5057
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and (3) whether there has been a time any household member ‘went without eating for a
whole day’ because of a lack of money or other resources (yes/no).
Table 5. Probit model results for food insecurity indicators.
Ran Out of Food
Without Eating for the Whole
Day
Hungry but Did Not Eat
Variables
Coefficient
Marginal
Effects †
Coefficient
Marginal
Effects †
Coefficient
Marginal
Effects †
Migrated due
to conflicts
0.349 ***
(0.071)
−0.049
(0.084)
−0.018
(0.134)
0.253 ***
(0.093)
0.619 ***
(0.104)
−0.114
(0.083)
0.195 **
(0.090)
−0.339 ***
(0.069)
0.227 *
(0.125)
0.039
(0.139)
−0.3761 ***
(0.086)
0.1264 ***
(0.0255)
−0.0179
(0.0306)
−0.0068
(0.0487)
0.0919 ***
(0.0339)
0.2243 ***
(0.0376)
−0.0413
(0.0303)
0.0708 **
(0.0327)
−0.1230 ***
(0.0249)
0.0825 *
(0.0454)
0.0142
(0.0506)
0.1361 ***
(0.0312)
0.3916 ***
(0.0772)
−0.2889 ***
(0.0912)
−0.0577
(0.1403)
0.1259
(0.1020)
0.3751 ***
(0.1073)
0.21625 **
(0.0916)
0.2821 ***
(0.0968)
−0.1961 ***
(0.0753)
0.1469
(0.1325)
0.0343
(0.1568)
0.4315 ***
(0.0960)
0.1069 ***
(0.0210)
−0.0788 ***
(0.0250)
−0.0157
(0.03830)
0.0344
(0.0279)
0.1024 ***
(0.0293)
0.0590 **
(0.0250)
0.0770 ***
(0.0263)
−0.0535 ***
(0.0206)
0.0401
(0.0362)
0.0093
(0.0428)
−0.1178 ***
(0.0260)
0.3358 ***
(0.0715)
0.06281
(0.0843)
0.02505
(0.1323)
0.2611 ***
(0.0936)
0.5619 ***
(0.1040)
−0.0516
(0.0841)
0.1064
(0.0901)
−0.3186 ***
(0.0697)
0.2419 *
(0.1270)
0.2349 *
(0.1404)
−0.4020 ***
(0.0870)
0.118 ***
(0.025)
0.022
(0.029)
0.008
(0.046)
0.0924 ***
(0.033)
0.199 ***
(0.036)
0.033
(0.029)
0.037
(0.031)
−0.1128 ***
(0.024)
0.085 *
(0.045)
0.083 *
(0.049)
−0.142 ***
(0.0307)
−0.274
(0.193)
−0.0992
(0.0698)
−0.9976 ***
(0.2870)
−0.2724 ***
(0.0776)
−0.4871 **
(0.2169)
−0.172
(0.076)
−0.0013
(0.0028)
−0.3217 ***
(0.069)
−0.0004
(0.0010)
−0.1165 ***
(0.025)
−0.0024
(0.0031)
−0.2024 ***
(0.0764)
−0.0006
(0.0008)
−0.0552 ***
(0.0209)
−0.0031
(0.0028)
−0.2733 ***
(0.0701)
−0.001
(0.001)
−0.096 ***
(0.024)
−0.018
(0.072)
−0.0065
(0.0263)
−0.1943 **
(0.0774)
−0.0530 **
(0.0211)
0.0110
(0.0733)
0.0038
(0.025)
0.400 ***
(0.102)
0.145 ***
(0.036)
0.257 **
(0.112)
0.070 **
(0.031)
0.401 ***
(0.104)
0.142 ***
(0.036)
Displaced
Abducted
Trauma
Fatality
Loss of
property
Injured
Received
assistance
Received credit
Access to
extension
Infrastructure
loss
Own
processing
equipment
Age of HH
Education HH
Access to
market
information
HH involving
non-farm
activities
Constant
−0.249
(0.163)
−0.661
(0.179)
−0.301
(0.164)
Source: Authors’ compilation from the Fadama-III survey (2018). Note: numbers in parentheses are standard
errors. *** p < 0.01, ** p < 0.05, * p < 0.1. Note: † marginal effects (dy/dx) are evaluated at the sample values and
then averaged. HH = Household.
The estimated coefficients from the probit model and their marginal effects reported
in Table 5 show that conflict-induced migration was associated with increased severity of
household food insecurity measured in all three indicators. Other direct effects of conflicts
that were associated with the three food insecurity indicators were household members
being traumatized, killed (fatality), loss of property, and injury. We observed from our
marginal estimates that trauma due to conflict increases the likelihood of a household
experiencing ‘ran out of food’ and ‘hungry but did not’ over the period under consideration.
Similarly, households that lost any member of their household to conflict were more
susceptible to experiencing all three food insecurity indicators.
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Unlike the case where receiving humanitarian assistance was statistically insignificant in improving the dietary diversity of households, the association between the three
food insecurity measures and humanitarian support was negatively related to implying
that households that received humanitarian support were better off in terms of the food
insecurity experienced the households faced. The implication is that while humanitarian
support might not have impacted the dietary diversity of households, it might have, on the
other hand, provided short-term succor to ensure households have food to eat at the barest
minimum.
6. Conclusions and Policy Suggestions
This paper provides two key aspects of conflicts and food security in Nigeria. First,
we reviewed the nature and spatial extent of conflicts and general insecurity threats, the
drivers, and the implications of conflicts on livelihoods, agricultural production, and food
security. We found that the underlying causes for the majority of violent conflicts were
competition or access to productive resources, economic inequality, and ethnoreligious
tensions. In terms of the types of conflicts, herder–farmer conflicts, Boko Haram insurgency,
armed banditry attacks, and communal conflicts are the most widely reported types of
conflicts in Nigeria. Our review results further show a spatial variability in the nature and
severity of violent conflicts in Nigeria. While Boko Haram insurgency is more prominent
in the North-East (spilling to North-West, too), the North-Central is mainly exposed to
herder–farmer conflicts, with communal conflicts mostly prominent in the South-South
region of the country.
The empirical findings in the paper contribute to the literature on food security effects
of conflict-induced shocks in several ways. Firstly, using indicators of experienced-based
food insecurity and household dietary diversity indicators, our paper contributes to relevant literature by providing evidence on several pathways through which conflicts affect
household food insecurity, which complements existing country-specific evidence. Secondly, we used an additional data set obtained by a rapid interview of households via
phone during the COVID-19 major health crisis to explore the confounding implications
of conflicts on food security during exogenous external crises, such as COVID-19. We
found that conflict-induced shocks significantly reduce household dietary diversity and
exacerbate the severity of food insecurity.
Based on the review and empirical findings, we forward the following key policy
considerations. (1) The types, causes, and motivations of conflicts appear to differ across
states and regions in Nigeria. Therefore, state-level, or region-specific approaches and
policy interventions are recommended in addressing triggers of conflicts and their attendant impacts. (2) Given the prevalence of herder–farmer conflicts and the resource use
competition as a major driver and the huge collateral impacts that come with it, we suggest policy interventions on property rights and the promotion of an alternative livestock
production/management system, such as the practice of cattle ranching. (3) Mitigating
conflict-induced shocks, such as forced migrations and fatality, may have significant implications for enhancing household food security in Nigeria. Generally, policies and programs
need to be developed to mitigate the direct impact of conflict-induced shocks on households, as they create long-term imbalances that often affect household welfare, including
food security.
Finally, we would like to highlight key gaps in conflict research in Nigeria. Most data
and available literature often focus on the Boko Haram insurgency, which is the prominent
conflict in the North-East, spilling into the North-West, with less attention to other forms
of conflicts in Nigeria. Similarly, many studies focus more on the direct effects of conflicts
on human life and short-term economic effects and not so much on issues such as gender
implications, resilience capacity, forced migration/displaced people, coping strategies, and
long-term developmental effects. Future research should aim to unlock various types of
conflicts and how they operate at the micro, meso, and macro levels to better understand
the nature and pathways to impact food security and the welfare of households.
Sustainability 2023, 15, 5057
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Finally, we would like to highlight some limitations of the present paper and areas
of future research to strengthen the knowledge base on the impact of conflicts on various
livelihoods and food security outcomes. First, the results reported in the study are based
on a literature survey and basic analytical methods. So, we do not claim the findings as
rigorous impact evaluations; instead, the results should be interpreted as the statistical
associations between conflict-induced shocks and food security. Secondly, the study is
based on limited available data. The World Bank Fadama III (AF-II) data cover only six
states out of the thirty-six states of Nigeria. Thus, the study is limited in geographical
coverage. Future research could explore the impacts of conflicts on several livelihoods
and food security indicators with more comprehensive datasets and rigorous analytical
approaches.
Author Contributions: Both O.O. and B.B.B. contributed to conceptualization, methodology, formal
analysis, writing—original draft, and writing—review and editing. All authors have read and agreed
to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding: The research output presented here was supported by the Feed the Future Nigeria Agricultural Policy Activity (NAPA) which is funded by the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID).
Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: The data used in this study are widely available since it is part of
available databases in the public domain. Please see the data section of the paper regarding specific
details for data sources.
Acknowledgments: We would like to thank the IFPRI-Nigeria research staff for the helpful comments
and suggestions provided when the draft paper was presented at the staff seminar held in Abuja.
We would also like to express our thanks to three anonymous reviewers whose comments and
suggestions helped significantly improve the paper. Finally, our heart appreciation goes to Clare
Clingain for her kind assistance in English language editorial support within a day of our request.
Any remaining errors are our own.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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