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European Conference on Cyber Warfare and Security
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Hybrid threats range from cyber-attacks on critical systems to disruption of critical services (such as energy and financial services), influencing public confidence, and polarization within society. Awareness, resilience, and response to threats are central to countering hybrid threats. Hybrid warfare is not a new phenomenon, it has existed throughout the history of warfare, however, hybrid threat and hybrid warfare were re-defined as the western concept, as discussed in this paper, in 2014. Securing vital functions of society, i.e., managing overall security includes preparing for threats, and managing and recovering from disruptions and emergencies. Energy policy, which relies on cross-border energy transmission infrastructures (e.g., Russian gas line imports to Europe), can be a tool to influence foreign policy (Geo-economics). Trolls and cyber weapons can be used to impact information and elections, and their activity are based on supranational Information Technology (IT) infra...
Hybrid Warfare: Security and Asymmetric Conflict in International Relations, 2021
The unifying purpose of this volume has been to address the array of security challenges arising in the contemporary volatile security environment, characterized above all by an increasingly blurred distinction between war and peace. In this inherently complex and increasingly ambiguous environment, the concepts of hybrid threats and hybrid warfare, henceforth HT&HW, are helpful in both structuring an understanding of the nature of the threats we are facing and the strategy and modus of potential adversaries. Thus, the volume has pursued a comprehensive view of the threats as well as the existing tools and means to counter them. This focus puts the spotlight on the nature of the threats and adversaries and the challenges they pose to Western democracies. However, it fundamentally boils down to the question of the capacity in Western-style democracies and Western security institutions to confront HT&HW, by comprehending the particular vulnerabilities in their societies and addressing them, as well as devising responses to hostile measures by external actors. The particular vulnerabilities and limitations, as well as advantages of Western democracies, call for particular approaches in this environment. Open societies built on the normative foundations of the rule of law, human rights and democracy, necessarily protective of the freedoms of speech, association and the press, need to devise solutions that not only preserve these fundamental freedoms but also draw on their particular strengths. As has been demonstrated in previous chapters, this work is well underway, in the form of numerous entities tasked with analysing and addressing the problem. 264 Against the backdrop of the existing overload of overlapping concepts coined or reintroduced to capture the nature of the contemporary security environment, and the controversy surrounding their use, the volume has refrained from attempts to invent new labels or engage at length with the conceptual debate. Instead, we have settled for the use of HT&HW as unifying themes for the volume in an attempt to move the discussion away from how phenomena are supposed to be termed to how they can be understood and addressed. As demonstrated by the range of contributions, there is undoubtedly much to be said on this topic. In this light, a particular contribution of the volume is the unified effort of academic scholars and practitioners, from different fields, to provide a common perspective on HT&HW, based on experiences from a wide set of empirical contexts. For this purpose, the volume was structured into three parts, each providing a distinct perspective on HT&HW. This was intended not only to allow scholars and practitioners, as well as thematically and area-focused authors, equal chance to present their perspectives in their own right. The aim was also to create synergy effects between the different areas of expertise. The first part gathered perspectives of key Western collective security actors represented by the two international organizations with primary responsibility for upholding the Western security community, NATO and the EU, as well as the single largest and most influential security actor, the United States. With a common point of departure in Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea, all three actors have faced a necessary reevaluation of their conceptualizations of adversaries, threats and countermeasures. Indeed, the key challenge posed by the events in 2014 was the ambiguity and obscurity of events taking place on the ground, raising serious questions regarding if, when and how to respond to similar attacks against NATO or EU members, below the threshold of actual armed attack. Both NATO and the EU have since devised a series of detection and response mechanisms focused on providing early warning and attribution of aggressive actions, as well as deterrence and retaliation. The reactions can be summarized as a common realization of previously unidentified weaknesses in Western societies and joint efforts to close these gaps. Given the composite nature of the threats at hand, the responses need to be organized according to the same principles, integrating societal sectors as well as states. Another important takeaway from these chapters is the importance of knowing your adversary. Whereas identifying and attributing threats produces reactive responses, proactively addressing existing vulnerabilities in order to build resilience requires awareness not only of what an adversary does but also why. In this regard, it becomes pertinent to view the world through the adversary’s eyes in order to identify strategic objectives and ways to achieve them as well as the adversary’s vulnerabilities. The validity of this perspective becomes particularly salient in the second part focused on the tools and means employed to conduct and counter-hybrid warfare. Indeed, the analyses of the approaches of major actors associated with HT&HW in a Western perspective, Russia and China, reveal that the conceptual overstretch accompanying these labels, considered a problem in the Western debate, instead functions as an asset in the strategic thinking of these challengers to the Western security order. In Russia, gibridnaya voina, with its inherent assumption that most of the West’s international activity aims to undermine Russia one way or another, functions as a rhetorical 265device for identifying domestic or external threats and interpreting these as parts of the West’s concerted offensive against Russia. In Chinese writings on the topic, the range of methods associated with HT&HW amount to a comprehensive, cross-domain spectrum denoting perceptions on threat, response and operationalization of hybrid warfare. These increasingly fluctuating borders between the different means associated with HT&HW are apparent in the analyses of information, cyber, intelligence capabilities and the military – indeed, it is questionable to what extent binary divisions into military/non-military or kinetic/non-kinetic means make sense in the current security environment. All the more so since binary thinking regarding the threat risks reproducing itself into the response, thus counteracting the proactive, comprehensive societal approaches deemed necessary to counter HT&HW. This point is further va lidated by the contributions in the third section, presenting case studies of the United States, Taiwan, the Baltic States, Ukraine, Iran and Catalonia – demonstrating how the tools and means of HT&HW have been put to use and countered in a diverse set of empirical contexts. The problem of defending against adversaries and hostile actions that – very consciously – operate in the grey zone, below the threshold of actual war, is a recurring theme in these studies. And even if deterrent capabilities in the sense of military force may be very strong, as in the case of the United States, divided responsibilities between civilian agencies and the military, based on perhaps outdated understandings of war and peace, place limitations on the ability to respond. The contrast could not be more apparent when compared to China’s policies against Taiwan, which amount to a concerted, sophisticated and strategic combination of means, which nevertheless does not (presently) include the active use of military force. The point that strategies involving HT&HW are enacted out of a perceived necessity to challenge Western military supremacy by other means is underscored by the example of Iran, which has, due to the perceived existential threat posed by the United States, devised a strategy of guerrilla warfare, in large part performed by proxy forces and in areas outside Iran’s territory. In Spain, a concerted Russian information campaign aiming to fuel and broaden national divisions over the Catalonian referendum is a clear example of how actors employing HT&HW seek out and attack vulnerabilities in target countries that are nevertheless pre-existing and do not emerge primarily as an effect of external influence or aggression. Finally, the case studies also include (at least partially) successful examples of countermeasures against hybrid warfare. In the Baltics, the relatively low level of Russian hybrid activity is attributed partially to the low priority given to the Baltic States in Russian foreign policy, but also to a largely successful deterrence strategy combining military means and broad deterrence by denial below the threshold of an armed attack. Ukraine has, in the midst of an armed but covert attack against the country, proved capable of combining a conventional military response with a sustained informational campaign that has, despite the severe losses incurred, served to expose Russia as the aggressor and consolidated domestic cohesion as well as international support for the country. The result is a comprehensive view of what may be termed ‘hybridity’ that, rather than a static picture of actions and responses, provides a cross-sectional and cross-temporal understanding of the interaction between actors, threats, responses and results. Hybridity is a suitable label, having been used in the social sciences ‘to 266designate processes in which discrete social practices or structures, that existed in separate ways, combine to generate new structures, objects, and practices in which the preceding elements mix’.[1] Modelled below, the Hybridity Blizzard Model provides a picture of how ongoing or potential adversarial hybrid measures and responses to these dynamically impact long-term societal vulnerabilities and resilience.
There is an international debate over the term " hybrid threats ". The first position is that the hybrid threat necessary requires military actions, and the second one claims that it should be understood as combination of several means, tools and strategies. The best way to understand it is to use combination of approaches – material and cognitive
Defence strategy-how to be better prepared to counter hybrid warfare? Policy Paper, author: Nikolay Slavkov " In the future, we should anticipate seeing more hybrid wars where conventional warfare, irregular warfare, asymmetric warfare, and information warfare all blend together, creating a very complex and challenging situation to the combatants; therefore it will require military forces to possess hybrid capabilities, which might help deal with hybrid threats. " ― Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono This policy paper is addressed to the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union and aims to explore the possible options for strengthening the European defence against hybrid warfare. According to the last May's Report i of the Helsinki-based European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats, "although the concept of hybrid threats is maturing, there are still multiple and different meanings of the term that complicate a consensus understanding of the problem." Regarding the definition of 'hybrid warfare' two diametrical opposite points must be taken into account. Some experts ii are questioning the need for this term, since the warfare – from ancient to modern times – has always been complex and can hardly be subsumed into a single adjective. They are arguing that in practice, any threat can be hybrid as long as it is not limited to a single form and dimension of warfare. When any threat or use of force is defined as hybrid, the term loses its value and causes confusion instead of clarifying the " reality " of modern warfare. Others iii , however, see this concept as very innovative and greatly describing the modern warfare, which involves the synchronised use of military and non-military means against specific vulnerabilities to create effects against its opponent. Whether or not we use the term 'hybrid' for describing this modern warfare, the problem the European defence faces remains the same: European countries are vulnerable to this complex and multidimensional warfare, which lies in the middle ground between conventional and unconventional means of war and which involves state and non-state actors. All available diplomatic, military, intelligence and economic resources must be applied in a coordinated manner in the so called "comprehensive approach". The goal of this policy paper is to provide and analyse suggestions on how the European defence could be enhanced in order to better counteract hybrid threats. The paper focuses on three main fields-military mobility of conventional units, cybersecurity, and online disinformation. The document concludes with pointing out the most concrete and attainable proposals – recommendations relating to the above mentioned fields.
Warfare remains a chameleon. Grey has become the new colour of war. Twenty-first century Europe exists in a dynamic strategic environment. Violent aggressions from state-and non-state actors along a broad spectrum of conventional and unconventional lines of operation include diplomatic, information, military and economic instruments of power. Three characteristics stand out: • The decision of the war/conflict is searched for primarily at a non-military centre of gravity. • Operating against specific vulnerabilities of the opponent in the shadow of interfaces is challenging traditional lines of order and responsibilities. • Through combination of different concepts, methods and means " new " forms of warfare and fighting evolve. As hybrid threats aim to exploit the seams of our economies, societies and networks, situational awareness, crisis management, resilience, military responsiveness and agility need to be enhanced. To better absorb whatever strikes us nations and organizations such as the European Union and NATO need to combine their knowledge, training and education capacities and improve their resilience readiness.
2021
Björn Palmertz, senior analyst focusing on strategic communication and influence operations at the Center for Asymmetric Threat Studies (CATS), Swedish Defence University. To fully comprehend and counter hybrid threats and hybrid warfare (HT&HW) is a complex task, but also a very important one. In this paper we will outline a schematic model for how to comprehend hybrid threats and hybrid warfare: the "Hybridity Blizzard Model". The model comes in three versions, of which the first presents a simplified picture of the dynamics of and between HT&HW, as well as responses and countermeasures. The second version adds a temporal dimension to this relationship, demonstrating how short term actions and responses relate to long-term vulnerabilities and resilience. The third version, in contrast, aims to provide a more accurate picture of the complex real-world situation. The aim of the model is to enable not only a better understanding of the dynamics themselves but also how to identify, comprehend and act against HT&HW. The simplified Hybridity Blizzard Model outlines a schematic model of the dynamics of the interrelated relationship between defender and attacker in the short term as well as long term perspective, and how the different time and actor dimensions interact. The model depicts these interactive and temporal relationships as an ecosystem, which we believe is a good 13 This paper is adopted from the authors conclusion of a volume on Hybrid Warfare: Weissmann, Mikael,
Journal on Baltic Security, 2019
This article first traces the origin of hybrid warfare and the label game surrounding the concept, asking whether it is merely old wine in a new bottle, and if so, whether it is still a useful concept. It is found that while being old wine in new bottles, it is still a good wine well worth drinking. While there is not much new in the concept itself, it is a useful tool to think about past wars, today's wars and the wars of the future. Thereafter, this paper analyses how hybrid warfare and hybrid threats are to be understood in the context of peace, conflict and war. It is shown how hybrid warfare and threats fit into our traditional understanding of conflict dynamics.
Executive Summary The Hybrid War embodies a number of conflicts that occurred in the last two decades. The central hypothesis is that the relationship between security and technology has accelerated the transition from traditional kinds of conflict to contemporary hybrid warfare. The variables that I use as keywords throughout this (threat, media, actors, and Technology) will verify the veracity of this hypothesis. They are: A. the forces at work: They are the first element of distinction. It is conventional actors (states) and non-conventional actors (terrorists, secessionist forces). In Hybrid War, the conventional actors in the field only send forces with a high degree of specialisation (elite bodies created ad hoc for specific missions). This is demonstrated by the case of Unit 8200 IDF (Israeli Defense Force); B. the means used; C. the threat is the third variable. There is much research about Hybrid War because the forces are totally different than the traditional protagonists of the conflict. Through the example of the War on Terrorism (GWOT) is called "Network-centric warfare" because no conventional force field is a "network" (network) groups, financiers and military forces; D. technology is the fourth variable. The data show that, together with technological progress, the war industry has caused the shift from traditional conflict to the hybrid. In particular, the focus on the war industry technology has introduced the "cyberspace" and therefore the "cyberwarfare". you must refer to the Liberal School, whose authors have studied, since the first half of the nineties of the last century, the relationship between economic interdependence, security, and technology to place the "War Hybrid" in the discipline of International Relations. Given the above assumptions, there are three real examples, which fall under the "hybrid" conflicts category, to analyse: the case of Stuxnet, to highlight the relationship between Hybrid War and war information (or cyber warfare), the case of Ukraine as a hybrid conflict in toto and finally the case of Venezuela as an example of the relationship between Hybrid War and Diplomacy. Taken together, the three cases want to explain the dynamics of the new conflicts that fall under the category of War Hybrid. In conclusion, I identify two trends: - General trend: the relationship between security and technology revealed that the conflicts will become increasingly complex and, with them, the responses of States increasingly rely on technology and the subsequent specialization of the armed forces. - Trend about the European Union: Although the idea of a European army (and therefore of the European special forces) have not yet taken hold, the European Commission launched a minimum level of CPI (Critical Infrastructure Protection) and Resilience that Member States should respect. I consider these measures as the only advancement concerning the EU response Hybrid War.
2018
The world we are dealing with today has made security issues one of the most important matters in the modern world and world of the future. Due to the evolution of thinking about safety, but also because of the often common perception of these problems, these issues have not always been properly interpreted. Today, the security environment is heteronomous in relation to the surroundings, time and actors at the international security scene. In this respect, particular attention needs to be paid to security threats and their perception by political scene entities. Dynamic changes that have taken place in the world mean that knowledge of the modern security environment will quickly become outdated. The aim of the article is to present contemporary threats bearing the hallmarks of hybridity, affecting international security, as well as state security. It attempts to explain what hybridity is and how to define hybrid actions, phases of hybrid actions and the impact of hybrid actions on PEMSII areas. The first part of the article presents the contemporary dimension of safety and the characteristics of hybrid actions. It seeks to formulate a new analytical approach to armed conflicts in the context of contemporary security challenges, including their asymmetry, cultural divisions and side effects of globalisation. The second part of the article presents the areas and phases of hybrid actions, the implications of understanding hybrid challenges, opportunities and threats resulting from the changes taking place in the global security environment.
European Studies: The Review of European Law, Economics and Politics, 2021
This article proposes a model which addresses the issue of hybrid threats in four stages including 1) the analysis and identification of hybrid threats, 2) the designation and selection of tools, 3) building-up resilience and capacities and 4) assessment and evaluation. The article might be considered as an initial contribution to the debate about the build-up of the security architecture at the state level and may provide some inspiration for policy-makers and academia engaged in international security issues. The emphasis is put on "soft" domains of security, especially in relation to the cognitive-emotional element of the hybrid environment which is in the times of Covid-19 and the new Russian hybrid type of warfare becoming increasing significant.
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