ISSN 1011-484X • e-ISSN 2215-2563
Número 70(1) • Enero-junio 2023
Doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rgac.70-1.1
Páginas de la 35 a la 56
Recibido: 21/03/2022 • Aceptado: 17/06/2022
URL: www.revistas.una.ac.cr/index.php/geografica/
The Amazon and the art of income in the environmental crisis
La Amazonía y el arte del ingreso en la crisis ambiental
A Amazônia e a arte da renda na crise ambiental
Jodival Maurício da Costa1
Federal University of Amapá, Brazil
Edilene Lira da Silva2
University of São Paulo, Brazil
Abstract
Two objectives are integrated in this work. The first objective is to discuss the diffusion of values
regarding social-environmental responsibility in the current public sphere and how they confer
comparative advantages in obtaining differentiated income by companies. The second objective
is to apply this discussion to the Amazon by exemplifying the relationship that Natura company
develops with traditional Pan-Amazon communities, as well as the notion of sustainability and how
the Amazon can be a strategic region when it comes to environmental crises. The methodology
used was based on scientific articles, magazine publications directly linked to the environmental
balance of the companies and reports of the Natura company that were published in their website.
We concluded that the way to produce market singularities is increasingly due to the combination
of production and value diffusion in the public sphere, including the symbolic appropriation of the
strategic spaces of production.
Keywords: Amazon; Environmental crisis; Art of income; Environmental and market
1
2
Geographer. PhD in Environmental Science (University of São Paulo - USP). Professor at the Federal
University of Amapá. Posgraduate Program in Border Studies and the Posgraduate Program in Geography.
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4365-367X
Email:
[email protected].
Architect and urban planner. Master in Urban and Regional Planning. PhD student in Architecture and
Urbanism in the Posgraduate Program in Architecture and Urbanism at the University of São Paulo. Email:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3859-1371
[email protected].
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Resumen
Dos objetivos se integran en este trabajo. El primero es discutir la difusión de valores sobre responsabilidad socioambiental en la esfera pública actual y cómo estos confieren ventajas comparativas en
la obtención de ingresos diferenciados por parte de las empresas. El segundo es aplicar esta discusión
a la Amazonía ejemplificando la relación que la empresa Natura desarrolla con las comunidades tradicionales panamazónicas, así como la noción de sustentabilidad y cómo la Amazonía puede ser una
región estratégica frente a crisis ambientales. La metodología utilizada se basó en artículos científicos,
publicaciones en revistas directamente vinculadas al balance ambiental de las empresas e informes
de la empresa Natura que fueron publicados en su sitio web. Concluimos que la forma de producir
singularidades de mercado se debe cada vez más a la combinación de producción y difusión de valor
en la esfera pública, incluyendo la apropiación simbólica de los espacios estratégicos de producción.
Palabras clave: Amazonía; Crisis ambiental; Arte del ingreso; ambiental y de mercado
Resumo
Dois objetivos estão integrados neste trabalho. A primeira é discutir a difusão de valores sobre
responsabilidade socioambiental na esfera pública atual e como estes conferem vantagens comparativas na obtenção de receitas diferenciadas pelas empresas. A segunda é aplicar essa discussão à
Amazônia, exemplificando a relação que a empresa Natura desenvolve com as comunidades tradicionais da Pan-Amazônia, bem como a noção de sustentabilidade e como a Amazônia pode ser uma
região estratégica diante de crises ambientais. A metodologia utilizada foi baseada em artigos científicos, publicações em revistas diretamente ligados ao balanço ambiental das empresas e relatórios
da empresa Natura publicados em seu site. Concluímos que o modo de produzir singularidades de
mercado se deve cada vez mais à combinação de produção e difusão de valor na esfera pública,
incluindo a apropriação simbólica de espaços estratégicos de produção.
Palavras-chave: Amazônia; Arte de renda, meio ambiente e mercado; Crise ambiental.
Introduction
The art of income represents a mark of the capitalist mode of production. It is the differential that allows to extract income outside the considered
standard in historical period. For a long time, mainly from the second half
of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, the art
of income was represented by the extraction of monopolist income, which
implied control over a business branch or a specific commodity. In this work,
we defend the thesis that, although the art of income still resorts to price control strategies to obtain profit advantages, the period marked by the crisis of
reflexive modernity (Beck, 2011), second modernity (Giddens, 1991) or liquid
modernity (Bauman, 2001), very close versions presented by the three authors,
are distinguished by the fact that the art of income is sought by the insertion of
values cultivated in the public sphere of the productive process.
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This work has two objectives that are integrated. The first is to discuss the approximation of companies with values cultivated in the current
public sphere – environmental and social responsibilities –, and how they
can present comparative advantages in obtaining differentiated income.
The second objective is to apply this discussion regarding the Amazon,
from which we use as an example the relationship that the Natura cosmetics company develops with the traditional communities of the Pan-Amazonia, the notion of sustainability explored by the company and the Amazon
region itself as a strategic place in environmental crisis
We inform that this work does not address the legal framework of the
relationship between business and traditional communities, nor regarding
the use of Amazonian biodiversity. Our interest is exclusively in raising
questions about entrepreneurial behavior and capitalism itself in order to
adapt to the environmental crisis and to extract income as a characteristic
of our time, which we call the crisis period, since the crisis is no longer
cyclical and it becomes chronic, besides presenting itself in a plural form.
The art of income during the crisis period
We start from the conception that, in the current period, even with
greater vehicles of manifestation regarding the freedom of producers and
consumers of goods, which is made possible by the expansion of the mobility field of ideas, products, services and people, the market still allows
the extraction of privileged income.
At this point, the text highlights the discourses about culture, nature
and strategic regions – considered inseparably – in the Amazon as components of market reserve extraction, also used in this work as income
exclusivity, in scenarios of global competitiveness.
One of the marks of appreciation of local cultures today is how the process of globalization relates to certain localities and their symbolic content.
And, from this, how this relation produces income advantages in the association between culture and market, where the evidence of the first becomes
referential for a product, a value differential with impact on the consumers
choice. To better expose our idea of privileged income, we will introduce
monopoly income, precisely to establish a parameter of differentiation.
In general, it is considered that monopoly rents are shaped by the exclusive control that certain actors exert in the market, allowing to increase
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their income flow for a long time, and that is characterized by its crucial aspect of singularity and particularity, unique and irreversible. Harvey (2005)
argues about two situations in which such phenomenon is more recurrent.
The first corresponds to the frame in which a given actor has the control
of natural resources of a certain locality and thus can link the actions of
those who need to use such resources or use such locality to the interests
of their controller. Harvey gives the example of a vineyard that associates
the quality of the product with the region in which it is produced, referring
to the quality of the land for the cultivation of a specific grape, to lend a
singularity and particularity to the merchandise. In this situation, income
is a consequence of the monopoly price.
Yet a localized version of such extraction are the centralities. The
real estate market, for example, draws heavily on the artifice of amenities
such as green areas, ease of transportation – such as subway stations – to
obtain such advantages. In this sense, indirect cases of monopoly income
are constituted, since the land, the natural resource or the place of singular
quality are not traded, but the merchandise or service produced through its
use. In the first case, it is considered a situation of direct use, because one
takes advantage directly of the land or resource.
The notion of monopoly income carries, in Harvey (2005) sense,
two contradictions. The first concerns the fact that, while recognizing that
singularity and particularity are important factors in lending special qualities to a given product, the requirement for marketability implies that no
product can be so unique as to escape a monetary calculation as the main
means of allocating market. In this respect, the more tradable these items
are, the more they lose the ability to generate monopoly income. Thus, in
order for this type of income to materialize, it is necessary to find ways to
keep goods and values unique.
The second contradiction is related to neoliberalism, because it is argued that due to the great competition that was established in this model,
monopoly income could no longer materialize – because monopolies would
not be tolerated. In other words, what stands out most in this contradiction is
the prerogative that competition would nullify any form of monopoly, since
it would be the free competition to maintain the rules of the game.
Harvey (2005) argues, contrary to this maxim, that greater free market and formation of income exclusivity would be incompatible. Using the
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concepts of Karl Marx, the author writes that every form of competition
tends towards monopoly or oligopoly. Among other factors that add to this
situation is the fact that capitalism always cultivates some kind of market advantage with the potential to generate monopoly income. From this
point of view, it is argued that the market always tends to cultivate strategic
spaces of exclusivity or expansion of the reach of a product, conclaiming
its peculiar characteristics. The current period would not be an exclusivity
compared with the process of accumulation of the past, although it should
not be denied that the conditions of accumulation are very different, with
new strategies of companies and states.
That said, we infer that in some cases one can only play with some
advantages that a given historical period offers for the extraction of privileged income, not necessarily monopolistic, since the objective is not to
generate exclusivity, but only to impute values that increase the advantages
of the company in the marketing of a product. Here we discuss the impact
of major events on market behavior - with emphasis on the environmental
crisis - and the local developments of this great event, such as impacts on
the culture and regions directly or indirectly linked to it.
In the 1970s, Foucault (2008) argued that the advent of neoliberalism produced changes in the social framework ordering from the
exercise of power over the population. He emphasizes that classical liberalism was anchored in a market strategy that sought a free space in an
already given political society, whose ordering began to gain range with
the implantation of governmentality of the eighteenth century. But “the
problem of neoliberalism is, on the contrary, how the global exercise of
political power can be regulated on the basis of the principles of a market
economy” (Foucault, 2008, p. 181).
Therefore, we observe that the challenge of neoliberalism is another:
it is to act in a process of regulation in a period of constant crisis, which
implies to the market itself a greater need of skills and strategies so that
the conception of a product or merchandise can have a time longer than
the period of stability. And in this respect, globalization produces spaces of
action in what can be considered as a monopoly in the context of classical
liberalism and, perhaps, until the first half of the twentieth century, when
it undergoes transformation in the context of neoliberalism to continue
offering commercial advantage.
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The current period deals with two types of crisis which, although
inseparable, can be differentiated. The crisis that appears periodically in
some country or region of the globe and which, due to the systemic nature
of financial relations today, reverberates in the global space, with greater
or lesser impacts. The other is of civilizational nature, more specifically of
modern court civilization, considered the environmental crisis. In the last
three decades, through the strategy of incorporating this environmental
crisis, capitalism finds new bases of accumulation by the symbolic use of
environment, nature and its associations regarding goods, in an exercise of
extraction of privileged income.
The price of a commodity is associated with the values it carries, which
establishes itself in the relation between production and the public sphere.
Marx (2009) points out that income is relative, that is, there is no ready register, because for such a record to have a practical value it is necessary for it
to remain in the conditions of the present society, not subject to the changes
of the different historical periods. In this sense, one of the ways to continue generating market reserve, even in the current scenario of globalization,
is to seek what new values capitalism can incorporate to continue generating a type of imbalance between the same or similar products, which can
guarantee competitive advantages. It is, as Lefebvre (2002) argues, the very
survival of capitalism, which always takes a chameleonic form to introduce
new value arrangements and guarantee high rates of profit. Our understanding points out that the competitive factor, as well as the “progress” brought
by globalization in the field of transportation and communication, directly interfere in the past forms of obtaining monopoly income - especially
those derived from location advantages, due to privileges in the circulation
of products, but did not eliminate the mechanisms that allow the insertion of
income privileges in the competition system.
Nevertheless, Marx (2009) argument, regarding the contextualization of
both capitalism and its mechanisms of accumulation, is valid so we can think
of new forms of obtaining privileged income that materialize in the current
period. In this sense, this privileged income should not be sought exclusively
in cases in which economic actors have a market exclusivity, that is, a sale
reserve of their products because of the singularities it possesses with factors
such as quality of a soil, as in the case of the monopoly income obtained by a
wine-producing region such as Bordeaux, France (Harvey, 2005).
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A situation in which the mechanism of income obtaining still develops is through the valuation of the culture, the environment and the strategic regions. The current environmental crisis, for example, reverberates in
traditional cultures to lend differentiated value to the product, gaining singularity and particularity in a space-time marked by the market’s capacity
to deal with this crisis. Cultural practices, which carry a status that is consistent with this crisis period, gain a privileged social license which, from
the 1990s onwards, have achieved greater effect as an ideal type of consumption and consumers and, therefore, as an ideal type of merchandise.
This meets the neoliberal economic maxim that it is necessary to intervene in the market conditions and not in its mechanism. In other words,
it is a matter of maintaining the genesis of capitalism, but also transfiguring according to the conditions of the period. In this sense, Foucault (2008)
argues that one of the fundamental actions of modernity, among which, in
terms of commodity, can best be observed in the neoliberalism period - the
so-called ordering actions - is not to act directly on market mechanisms,
acting on prices for example, but it is about acting in the frame - in the population. From this, acting in the population means acquiring knowledge
of the population content to produce adherence between the interests of
the public, the State and the producers of goods. We add, in this case, the
interests of accumulation.
In this new scenario, the income privilege is not a dictatorship of prices, but a position of market advantage because of the associative value of
cultural, environmental and regional products. In this sense, this form of
income should not be thought of on the same basis as traditional monopoly
or oligopoly, but as a privileged materialization of income, a form of market
reserve acquired by a broader semantic field about the marketed product. In
this context, we highlight three points that constitute the privileges in the
extraction of income in the current period: a) the reference to a collective
symbolic capital associated with the traditional Amazonian population; b)
the power of symbolic capital embodied in the product from an environmentally sustainable basis; and, c) the link to a strategic location for the current
global interests, such as the Amazon to combat climate change.
Some consumers feel satisfied when consuming products that carry
the status of “environmentally correct” and “socially responsible”. There
are many groups engaged in the discourse of this type of merchandise
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- with emphasis on NGOs, consumer associations, artists, etc. We consider
these attitudes to be a two-way street: if, on the one hand, they draw attention to the importance of the environmental issue, the need to change
consumption habits and the origin of what is consumed, on the other, they
act as a device for formation of a type of consumer pattern, which also simultaneously works in the formation of an ideal type of product - a capital
discursive item in the extraction of privileged income.
Without entering directly into the debate on the strategy for accumulation, or of the intentionality of such discourse in the appropriation
of the environmental crisis by capitalism, a necessary debate brought by
Leff (2006) and Porto-Gonçalves (2006), among others, here we focus on
the result that the environmental crises produces in product trade when
associated to social clamor issues and the repercussions as a basis for differentiated income accumulation. The current period plays with two forces
that have an impact on society - the historical social exclusion, fiercer in
capitalism and which, in the last three decades, has become one of the
flagships in corporate discourse along with the second, the “recent” environmental crisis.
In this process, state action remains important as an enabler of new
strategies, mainly because the state itself, through environmental policy
legislation, orders from a strategy on the environment, while it also prints
a way of thinking the environment and nature, an environmental governmentality (Moura, 2017). By establishing legal means to act, according to
such environmental norms, state action privileges ways of thinking and
being in the environment and on production behaviors. This action, more
than serving a general interest, is immersed in the state’s own strategy of
control, as is the case in Brazil, for example. Given this, we don’t consider
that the state, in legally ordering the environmental issue, is telling people
how they should behave towards the environment, except in matters where
the law is applied directly. Considering the production of value in the public sphere, state action contributes to the ordering of behaviors because it
finds adherence to the public clamor for “taking good care” of the environment – and it produces meaning in the public sphere.
The environmental crisis has opened a new market path of action
that does not appear directly as a comparative advantage, but begins to
make a difference between consumers who, whether due to environmental
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preservation or a concern for health, adhere to the so-called “sustainable
consumption”. Green business, which is not an issue of free enterprise, is
not confined to the individual or to an institution, but rather to a scale of
the totality-world in which individuals, institutions, or places are incorporated, to a greater or lesser extent.
Thus, as an order that produces effects of action, we do not necessarily have an economic government, but a government of society. What
should constitute the entity who orders in this case is not the exchange of
goods, nor the mechanism of competition, but a kind of ordering process
that produces a symbolic field and its re-appropriation in the scale of individuals, institutions and ideal type to be achieved (Foucault, 2008). It is
also an economic order of society, centered not on the forces of production,
but mainly on a semiotics of the relations of production. The Natura cosmetics company (Nature & Co.), in its annual report for 2017, describes a
new type of consumer, which we understand to be the result of the greater
force of the environmental crisis in the public sphere:
The brands of Natura & Co, through their trajectory and ambition, connect
with a new profile of consumers: the aspirational consumers, defined basically by the taste for purchases linked to responsible consumption and
brands with social and environmental concern. For them, knowing the benefits of products and services is not enough. They want to know everything
that companies do - and how they do it. According to a study conducted
in 2016 by GlobeScan and BBMG, with 22,000 people in 22 countries,
aspirational consumers represent about 40% of the global market and are
relevant not only for their considerable number, but also for balancing high
frequency of shopping, sustainability and social values in their consumption patterns. In addition, they seek to create their own look, in terms of
fashion and style, and are able to influence cultural norms and other social
groups. The survey heard people with ages from 18-54, divided between
millennials (born between 1982 and 1998) and Generation X (born between 1962 and 1981). In emerging countries, such as China, India and
South Korea, aspirations represent half of the population - in Brazil, the
group represents 42% of the market. Another trend pointed out is that in
developed nations there are more aspirational consumers between Generation X (34% vs. 26% millennials in the UK, for example). In Brazil,
55% of aspirational consumers belong to the generation of millennials. Immersed in a crisis scenario and uncertainty, where capitalism is questioned
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in the face of inequality and the damage to the ecosystem that it can cause,
brands need to show that they are a further force for positive transformation. Natura, Aesop and The Body Shop have, since their origin, the
genuine desire to offer their consumers products and services capable of
transforming people, relationships and the planet. Now, together at Natura
& Co, they will join forces to strengthen ties and expand opportunities with
aspirants (Natura & Co., 2017, p. 33).
Modernity carries this structure based on the population frame. The
very history of accumulation in this period is related to the ordering of social relations. Thus we return to the claim that what is at issue is the very
survival of capitalism itself, and proactive firms have already absorbed this
crisis period as a strategy of accumulation. And in this respect, its structuring transformations must be thought of within this process of adequation and, even, incorporation of contradictions as a mechanism of survival,
maintaining the genesis of guaranteeing profit. This suggests that the strategies of association between entrepreneurial proactivity as a consequence
of the environmental crisis find a response in a portion of society, a differentiation of consumption.
The product that is “social and environmentally correct” cultivates
a loyal type of consumer, while it is not an exclusivity of them, since it is
available in the market. But it is neither the state nor the market, which
tells people directly what they should consume or how they should proceed; this is done only in a general sense, by the production of meaning
in the public sphere. The institutional apparatus, through social ordering,
produces this type of mechanism. However, see previous comment, who
generates that is the mechanics of power. According to the interventions
that are requested to make in each period, by the conditions that the period
presents regarding the emergency of these changes, the institutional frame
produces new devices of organization of the society, which includes new
planning in the model of market relations.
The Amazon triad and the art of income
We argue that the art of income is still a strategy of advantages in
the present period of capitalism, and actors do so by traditional means,
as well as new tactics in dealing with values directly related to a planetary interest. To this end, companies use, with greater recurrence, two
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means. The first is to link production directly to strategic values, such as
environmental and social responsibility; the second is the insertion of this
productive responsibility in the public sphere, through the dissemination
of information in the sustainability reports. The investment in advertisements, which includes improving the dissemination of environmental and
social information in the reports, made available to clients and the general
public, it means informing the public sphere of a way to be consistent what
the current period needs.
This creates an image for the actors who make up their productive
chains, for the public sphere in general and for the company itself, since it
is about producing a culture that identifies it. By the marketing hand, tool
that grows in this informational period, companies expose their business
policies and their positioning in the world – it is their invisible hand. There
is a tendency that companies that achieve greater success among the public - counting on the acceptance of their products and the profit they can
accumulate - will be those that cultivate socio-environmental values. To
some extent, this is already a reality.
Even though this work is not a case study, we chose to use the example
of the Natura cosmetics company, because it is one of the most active companies in the Amazon for the purpose of incorporating monetary value into
the product through the association of production with social and environmental responsibility with the Amazon and the planet. It is not our purpose
to discuss the company’s conduct before the traditional communities, nor
if its environmental conduct constitutes legitimate environmental concerns.
Nor is it our purpose to make an analysis of the factors that provided the
growth of the company. We reserve the right to use it exclusively as an example of cultivating the art of income through the discourse of environmental and socially correct and business ethics, associated with its production.
We assume that, through the current competition, these values within the
corporate brand confer advantages because of the echo that these issues have
acquired in the public sphere. In the face of environmental problems and the
valuation of work, the idea of some kind of positive singularity in the face of
these dilemmas has an impact on the mercantile system.
Natura currently operates in nine countries - Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil,
Chile, Colombia, the United States, France, Mexico and Peru - and has more
than 1.7 million consultants in Latin America. Considering the incorporation
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of the Australian Aesop in 2013 and the British network The Body Shop in
September 2017, the three companies started to compose NATURA & Co
from February 2018, ensuring presence in 72 countries, with more than 3,200
thousand physical stores (Natura & Co., 2017). Through the campaigns published in the media and in the annual reports published by Natura, we see a
company that has as a brand an image of socio-environmental responsibility of
its production (Natura & Co, 2017; Natura & Co., 2018; Natura & Co., 2019;
Natura & Co., 2020). Among the values published as their beliefs are the union
between people as a way of building a more solidary society, business ethics,
sustainable development and social responsibility. In the presentation of the
2017 annual report, the first published after the merger of The Body Shop and
Aesop with Natura, the highlights in the presentation are:
Natura, Aesop and The Body Shop are pioneering companies, committed
to the generation of positive economic, social and environmental impact,
moved by similar values from the beginning. While we are complementary in our market strengths, channels and product categories, we share the
same fundamentals in our business behavior. Our portfolios have products
of natural origin, we value traceability and sustainability in obtaining ingredients, and thereby preserving biodiversity, fair trade with suppliers,
eliminating animal testing, measuring production impacts (which includes
neutralization and the pursuit of reducing carbon emissions) and support
for education (Natura & Co., 2017, p. 4).
In the case of activities in the Amazon, the company’s strategy has a
direct production dimension, since it is a matter of producing from regional
biodiversity raw materials along with partnerships with Amazonian communities; it is also a symbolic dimension, since it explores in its production
values such as the preservation of the Amazon, use of standing forest, reduction of carbon emissions, work ethics regarding regional communities, etc.
In this aspect, we believe that there is a triad that currently has more relevance in the evaluation that other companies and consumers tend to make
when it comes to a company with relevant activities in the Amazon: a) the
Amazon as a strategic location in the environmental crisis, it is a matter of
evaluating how the company behaves in relation to one of the most evident
problems in the world – deforestation – and how it contributes to the generation of income from forest products that do not come from deforestation;
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b) the valuation of culture of local communities, through the partnerships to
generate income and the discourse of their valorization; c) the discourse of
environmentally correct practice, with the insertion of values listed by organizations such as the United Nations (UN) as objectives and challenges for
sustainable development. Natura is the company that, since the 2000s, has
entered the region and started to adopt this discourse by making a strong appeal to the business developed with regional communities in its information
channels, such as the annual report.
In 2011, Natura established a partnership with the Banco do Brasil
Foundation and launched the Amazon Program, part of one of the company’s missions in a document entitled “Vision of Sustainability 2050” (Natura & Co., 2019). The program, which until 2018 had already made direct
investments in 4.300 families, 146 million reais invested in the purchase of
raw material from biodiversity in 2017, and handled a capital of 1.2 billion
reais, covers the territory of Pan-Amazon: Brazil, Bolivia, Peru, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Suriname and the Guianas (Natura & Co., 2018,
p. 2). The Program has three pillars, all in adherence to sectors currently
valued in the dimension of development and social and environmental responsibility, being: 1 - science, technology and innovation; 2 - productive
chains of socio-biodiversity; and 3 - institutional strengthening.
The first pillar of the Amazon Program brings together scientific production initiatives that value the richness of the region, which corresponds to the
coordination of a research network focused on the construction of knowledge
on biodiversity, sustainable management and agriculture and eco-design of
the International Amazon. The center of this pillar is the Amazon Innovation
Center (Nina), located in Benevides, a municipality in the metropolitan region
of Belém. It has several partners such as: The Federal University of Amazonas
(UFAM), the National Institute of Amazon Researches (INPA), the State of
Amazonas Research Foundation (FAPEAM) and the Brazilian Agricultural
Research Corporation (Embrapa) (Natura & Co., 2018).
The second part of the Program deals with the structuring, improvement and expansion of productive chains known as sustainable – mainly
those working with non-timber forest products – with capacity building,
productive efficiency and technology inputs. The Ecoparque, an industrial park also located in the municipality of Benevides and inaugurated in
2014, is the primordial element of this pillar (Natura & Co., 2018).
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Institutional strengthening, the third pillar of the Program, addresses the
“empowerment” of local institutions and the establishment of partnerships for
the development of a standing forest economy. The main themes are: forest
education, entrepreneurship promotion, digital inclusion, among others.
Although created by Natura, currently this program has countless partners such as national and international companies, research institutions
and non-governmental organizations. Since the beginning of the Amazon
Program, we have worked with 25 native species and contributed to the
conservation of more than 257 thousand hectares of standing forest. By the
end of 2017, we had already exceeded by 22% the goal of generating R$ 1
billion in turnover between 2010 and 2020 in the region. The accumulated
value reached more than R$ 1.2 billion (Natura & Co., 2017, p. 44).
Natura’s main trademark in the Amazon is the Natura Ekos line (Natura & Co., 2018), which inaugurates the company’s entry in the region
and stands as a reference that “best materializes the purpose of promoting
a lively forest economy. Launched in 2000, this line involves research on
the benefits generated by Brazilian biodiversity and presents the function
of each bioactive, promoting a real connection of those who use it with
nature” (Natura & Co., 2018, p. 4).
Beyond environmental altruism and pro-activism, these initiatives
express the relationship between the search for a type of market and consumers that appeared with the impact of the environmental crisis on capitalism. In part, we can infer that it is a fold over the model of a crisis
caused by it, in the direction of the idea of reflective modernity pointed
out by Beck (2011). The performance of companies in the Amazonian region with this socioenvironmental bias is a strategy to achieve competitive
advantage in this phase of globalization, in which the quality of a product
incorporates other values besides its performance in the function for which
it was produced. Thus, because of the importance of the Amazon in this
scenario, both in Brazil and abroad, the market already considers the conditions under which the products from which they are made are produced.
So, if we can consider such importance today, what about prospects
for future markets? The tendency for the demands of environmental conditions to become an increasingly significant point in choosing which product to buy in the future is growing. And in this case, Natura has cultivated
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as much as possible the social and environmental responsibility discourse
of its actions in the region, not only for the products that came from it, but
as a brand of the company throughout the production chain. At this point,
it is also worth mentioning:
a) the discourse on ethics at work and social responsibility with
regional communities. In the Amazon, the company begins its activities
through a partnership with the traditional River Sustainable Development
Reserve in the state of Amapá, a State Conservation Unit created by Law
392 of December 11, 1997. (Governo do Estado do Amapá, 1997)
Natura’s relationship with the traditional communities of the
Pan-Amazon region is given by the Amazon Program, in the pillar regarding productive chains of socio-biodiversity, as already mentioned. In 2017,
the company ended the year with a total of 34 communities supplying
forest inputs, two times more than in 2016. In all, 4.296 families were
involved. One of these communities is the Chico Mendes Extractive Reserve, in Acre, from where the patauá is collected, a palm whose fruit
provides input to the Natura Ekos line. The main states of the Brazilian
Amazon where Natura maintains cooperation with traditional communities are Acre, Amazonas, Pará, Rondônia and Amapá. According to Natura
& Co. (2017), the payments made to the communities is according to the
parameters of the policy of sharing of benefits (Natura & Co., 2017, p. 43),
as can be seen in the Table 1 below.
b) The sustainability discourse, explored by the company on three
fronts: valuing the culture of traditional communities, local development
with the “standing forest” and the preservation of Amazonian biodiversity.
For Natura, these three fronts are considered the pillars of the company’s
sustainability policy on the Amazon.
c) The Amazon itself, which is on the global agenda and international public opinion as strategic for the planet’s environmental interests, has
become the main investment locus for Natura’s business. In the business
sector, the company stands out as the one who most explores the use of
non-timber forest products, fundamental for the maintenance of the forest, since it generates income for local communities, with emphasis on
investment in research and innovation applied to inputs available in the
Amazonian biodiversity. Since 80% of Natura’s product inputs come from
the Amazon region, one of the strengths of the company’s annual report,
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which is developed following the standards of the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), is the business maintained in the region.
d) In 2018, Natura was elected by Corporate Knights, a company
specialized in financial information (as well as media and research), which
explores the relationship between business and social and ecological benefits, the 14th most sustainable company in the world, rising six positions
in compared to 2017. The ranking is based on the public disclosure of
the company’s data, whose higher importance is for positive contributions
regarding carbon emission, energy consumption, garbage production and
air quality (Staff, 2018). Natura had the greatest positive impact on the
business developed in the Amazon.
Table 1. Business relationship between Natura and traditional
communities in the Pan-Amazon region - 2015 to 2017
Relationship type
GRI 203-2. Communities and families benefited in the Pan-Amazon
GRI 203-2. Communities and families benefited
Communities with which Natura relates
Families benefited in the community
GRI 203-2. Resources allocated per family (R$ thousands)
Direct features
Supply
GRI 203-1. Investments in communities (R$ thousands)
Supply
Sharing of benefits
Support for local development projects and infrastructure
Image usage
Capacity Building
Technical Services
Carbon Credits
Study
Total allocated in communities
2015
1.529
2016
2.119
2017
4.294
30
2.251
33
2.841
34
5.296
2
1
3,1
2,0
3,2
2,9
2.837
2.411
443
14
245
139
490
6.579
5.771
3.070
669
36
77
255
245
10.123
9.213
6.075
763
5
70
337
1.478
0
17.942
Source: Natura & Co., 2017.
The company also meets the academic discussions on the development and conservation of the Amazon. The company’s main motto, “forest
standing and not on the ground”, has long been problematized by researchers such as Becker, Costa & Costa (2009), academic references concerning
the region. This discourse values the idea of conservation of the Amazonian biodiversity, and through the Natura Ekos website the company
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provides not only its direct actions of sustainable development, but also
makes use of the image of the traditional people (Natura & Co., 2014; Natura & Co., 2017; Natura & Co., 2019).
This strengthens the information conveyed in the annual reports
(2014, 2017) that the progress that the company has experienced in the
last decades, especially since the beginning of this century, is due to the
policy of dealing with communities where it operates, as well as the sustainable development of its production in the Amazon, with the traditional
knowledge and environmental conservation of one of the most strategic regions in this environmental crisis period. Both the Amazon region and the
Amazonian communities have a symbolic load of great impact on market
relations, precisely because they have achieved prominence in the public
sphere in the environmental theme.
The Amazon and the art of income from production of value in
the public sphere
On the Corporate Knights’ post regarding the “green report” (Staff,
2018), Forbes Brasil Magazine highlights how sustainability, considered in
several areas of the productive sector, is capable of “putting a company on a
unique level” (Strauss, 2018). Also, on the report, the first place in the ranking
– the French Dassault Systèmes – of the software industry for the engineering
sector, focuses on: the innovation in digital technologies for the development
of renewable energy; the direct incentive for sustainable mobility; the commitment to the creation of smarter cities and a strong female representation in
the civil service area. (Staff, 2018). According to Corporate Knights itself, the
gender issue was what made the company at the top of the list (Staff, 2018).
The commitment of these companies, which includes Natura, to produce adherence to production relations with values cultivated in the public
sphere, indicates that the issue is systemic, not restricted to the individual
views of some entrepreneurs, because it identifies a market that increasingly incorporates its own crises as comparative advantages. The growth of
companies and international organizations engaged in the development of
an international standard for the dissemination of information on business
performance, such as the GRI, aims at shortening the distance between
the company and the public. The standardization of disclosure presents an
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ideal type of company, at least in the public sphere, in addition to producing a credible seal on the reports.
In a world marked by fierce competition, producing distinct marks
and accumulation of symbolic capital is an ongoing search; what changes
are the ways of use. Natura can - and has thus proceeded - claim singularity
and particularity of its products, for the treatment it has given to the use of
the intellectual heritage of the traditional Amazonian communities - valuing of these communities - and environmental conservation.
Another relevant factor in the relationship between the market and
the environmental crisis is product certification, which acts as a quality
certificate in the production and consumption relationship of the certified
product. To certify is: a) a means of ordering market relations, because
it attributes to the product a quality that is not only the result of its production, but of a set of external rules and norms, to which the productive
process is adequate; b) a way of inserting the values cultivated in the public sphere in the productive process, whose benefit to the company is the
alignment of the product to a productive chain and a consumer market.
The environmental rules and norms of standardized certification direct an
ordering in production and consumption.
Thereby, we do not defend the thesis that people consume certain
goods because it is certified. Consumers are not mere receptacles of goods,
non-thinking and manipulated. People consume products because they
identify some utility for themselves, from the most basic to the most superfluous, but always a convergence of interests. The success of some companies among people engaged in environmental and social causes should not
always be explained by domination and alienation, but also by this commodity-consumer adherence, which has much to do with the production of
meaning in the public sphere. These companies experience a “social and
environmental license” from their consumers.
Therefore, the importance of cultural and environmental value is not
only in the product, but also in the people. It is not only about producing
“social and environmentally-friendly” products, but also the development
of social ordering devices that cultivate these values. In this aspect, culture and the environment become, at great strides, increasingly significant
values in social relations. The discursive effects that are at stake are varied
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and have importance in the meaning that that specific product can obtain
and guarantee in some type of income exclusivity.
Capitalism, precisely because it is not to be reduced to the economic
sphere, will always seek to develop social ordering mechanisms that allow
the creation of ways to guarantee, in a complex relationship, competition
and the generation of singularities and particularities that lead to income.
And in this case, our arguments that the association with traditional communities and the discourse of environmental conservation can generate
comparative advantages for companies, lie in the importance that these
items have been occupying in public relations. Regarding the environmental conservation issue, because of the importance that the traditional Amazonian communities have, used here as an example of the art of income,
is due, in this arrangement, in part to the type of relationship they cultivate
with nature. The same can be applied to the Amazon region as a strategic
region in the environmental crisis.
If currently this relationship between income and socio-environmental values, cultivated in the public sphere, is still exclusive to some companies, which generates competitive advantages, the tendency is that this
current exclusivity becomes the norm of tomorrow, in order to produce
exclusions to those who do not adapt to it.
Conclusions
Regarding the use of traditional communities as added value to the
Natura products, there is a production of symbolic resources because the
Amazonian cultural form, conveyed in the company’s products, especially
the Natura Ekos line, does not exist for these communities - it is an invention for the social imaginary. Local communities exist for themselves in
their simplicity - or complexity - but as a symbolic representation in the
public sphere, they can only exist for others. However, this does not invalidate the positive impact that partnerships produce for these communities,
since there is income generation and an adherence to their interests, as well
as transferring to them the decision on what is best for themselves.
On the use of the idea of nature, conveyed in the annual reports and
the publicity pieces, we also infer that there is no representation of nature
itself, but only the appropriation and representation of an idea of nature
produced in the public sphere. What we conclude is that there is a new
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aspect of the idea of nature produced in modernity. This new aspect, which
maintains the Cartesian principles of nature, at the same time produces
environmental adaptations, which positively impact local environmental
problems, such as the promotion of the use of the standing Amazon rainforest and not the deforestation activity.
The tendency is that large companies will increasingly seek to produce with environmental and social adaptations. We use environmental
and social adaptation rather than environmentally correct because we consider the former to be a more appropriate expression of the process, since
this is in fact the case: an adaptation to the environmental problems and to
the norms and environmental claims cultivated in the public sphere.
Finally, in the current context of crisis, capitalism finds in factors such
as environment, society and strategic places of differentiation, an imminent
tendency. Something different in this new way of producing uniqueness and
particularity of products is that these qualities are found not only in the resource that the actor holds as some form of property, but in the junction
between production and symbolic appropriation, both symbolism of loci
spaces of production and of those produced in the public sphere.
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