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2018
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RACISM AND IMMIGRATION Although we often imagine the United States as a refuge for immigrants, from the 1840s to the present day, nativist and anti-immigrant ideologies have resulted in laws intended to limit immigration or increase deportations. Many of these laws were blatantly racist as well as directed at keeping the poor out of the United States. Such laws and their enforcement can be understood as a continuation of the embedding of white supremacy into law, whether it be the removal and massacre of first nation people or the enslavement of African Americans. The federal government’s first naturalization law in 1790, regarding who could become a U.S. citizen, limited citizenship to whites. White supremacy often served the elite and middle-class, who gained land, labor, and markets, while ensuring that poor and working-class whites would receive enough of the privileges of whiteness that they would not become allies with non-whites. Until the 1880s, for the most part, individual...
Liberalism and the Limits of Inclusion: Race and Immigration Law in the Americas, 1850-2000 The relationship between classical political liberalism and racism poses distinct puzzles for different schools of scholarship. On the one hand, conventional accounts maintain that racism has been an aberration in politically liberal regimes. In the ªeld of international migration, prominent analysts have argued that politically liberal regimes are inherently incompatible with legal discrimination based on race. Yet an examination of immigration and nationality laws throughout the Americas from 1850 to 2000 suggests that racial discrimination has been more common in liberal than in illiberal countries of immigration. Indeed, authoritarian regimes in countries like Cuba, Brazil, and Mexico reversed their discriminatory laws and pioneered the de-racialization of immigration and nationality as much as a generation before the United States and Canada. These empirical ªndings puzzle scholars who assume (1) the progressive extension of rights from white, land-owning men to their working-class subordinates, other ethnic groups, and women, and (2) the status of the United States and Canada as exemplars of liberalism.
OAH Magazine of History, 2007
Ad Americam
In debates on American immigration law, it is possible to encounter the argument that there were no laws restricting newcomers’ flow into America till the end of the 19th century. An inaccurate understanding of American immigration policy sometimes leads to the opinion that prior to the beginning of the federal immigration power, there was no immigration policy at all in America. This article describes regulations enacted by the colonies and the states, as well as activities taken by them, to control the influx of newcomers. They tried to encourage immigrants to come to America while simultaneously controlling who was coming. The idea of successful control over immigrants coming to the North American continent was rooted in restrictive laws determining who was admissible. Paupers, criminals and those with contagious diseases were undesirable. Colonial and state authorities tried to stop their influx or, at least, to lessen the danger they posed. The main goal of the presented articl...
The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 2010
Most scholars argue that the global triumph of liberal norms within the last 150 years ended discriminatory immigration policy. Yet, the United States was a leader in the spread of policy restrictions aimed at Asian migrants during the early twentieth century, and authoritarian Latin American regimes removed racial discrimination from their immigration laws a generation before the United States and Canada did. By the same token, critical theorists claim that racism has not diminished, but most states have removed their discriminatory laws, thus allowing significant ethnic transformation within their borders. An analysis of the immigration policies of the twenty-two major countries of the Americas since 1850 reveals that liberal states have been discriminatory precisely because of their liberalism and elucidates the diffusion of international legal norms of racial exclusion and inclusion.
In the last two centuries immigration policy and regulation has broadly changed in the US. Official decision making always reacted late for changes in immigration but approaches were quite different in the greater periods. During the late 18th century and the first half of the 19th century immigration was composed mostly British and later Irish origins thus conflicts derived only from economic reasons. Since the middle of that century Japanese and Chinese immigrants began to arrive to the US and a new era of exclusion acts started with it. In the 1880s Eastern and Southern European immigrants took over the role of those immigrants who were point of discrimination until its final solution: 1921 and 1924 the two acts of quotas. During the decades after the Second World War agriculture suffered of labor shortages in the US thus a need for a kind of labor force 'import' emerged altering immigration and policy reactions. South American migration started to emerge leading to the barbed wires built on the southern border in the 1980s. The Emigration Act of 1990 greatly changed migration policy with its different visas and with the green card program since 1995. Today's immigration policy can be characterized as egalitarian and its main component is family reunification.
This article discusses the long-neglected early period (1790Á1906) of American naturalization. The article maintains that lax naturalization procedures dominated this period because of a conscious social effort to facilitate territorial expansion and because an unconscious schema of automatic naturalization of rural immigrants guaranteed that newcomers would invariably become loyal and productive citizens. This naturalization regime was questioned in the midnineteenth century and ultimately abandoned in the early twentieth century amidst the closing of the American frontier and a massive influx of labor migrants who were not only urban and industrial, but also showed more interest in work than in citizenship. As a result, the naturalization process became centralized and the federal government adopted a new naturalization schema that emphasized civic education and an expectation that ''enlightened'' immigrants would assimilate into American society.
Critical Race and Whiteness Studies ejournal, 2013
citizens of European origin were encouraged to identify as Anglo-Saxon and white-and to engage in political organisations to preserve a presumed Anglo-Saxon superiority. By analysing a range of historical sources, this article highlights one of the blind spots in the application of whiteness studies to North American history: the existent visibility of whiteness in certain periods and its significance for the wider theoretical framework of critical race studies. By applying a Foucauldian framework, we see that assumed crises of hegemonic positions do not repress discourse about their characteristics but foster discussions about their central features and meanings to eventually re-inscribe their hegemony. It is argued that in this particular period, discourses on the crisis of whiteness incited subjects to address their own and others' racial identity and eventually led to the normalisation of Anglo-Saxonness as the 'full' white identity in North America.
Immigrants & Minorities, 2014
often receives accolades for pushing the USA towards a more liberal stance on race and immigration, even if his administration remained aloof from civil rights or immigration reforms. This article questions that contention. Roosevelt, who presided over the period of the lowest immigration in the twentieth century, relied upon the break in immigration imposed by the 1924 Act (and the Depression) to consolidate a national culture based on 'Nordic' symbols, effectively carrying through the 'Americanization' initiated during World War I without coercion. While there is evidence of Roosevelt's liberal disposition towards those originating from Europe whose numbers were savagely restricted by the 1924 Immigration Act, and while Roosevelt was anxious to maintain cordial relations with Asian nations, he fully supported the Act's debarment of Asians from American citizenship. Moreover, he did so for strictly racial reasons.
This paper surveys the history of nativism in the United States from the late nineteenth century to the present. It compares a recent surge in nativism with earlier periods, particularly the decades leading up to the 1920s, when nativism directed against southern and eastern European, Asian, and Mexican migrants led to comprehensive legislative restrictions on immigration. It is based primarily on a review of historical literature, as well as contemporary immigration scholarship. Major findings include the following: -- There are many similarities between the nativism of the 1870-1930 period and today, particularly the focus on the purported inability of specific immigrant groups to assimilate, the misconception that they may therefore be dangerous to the native-born population, and fear that immigration threatens American workers. Mexican migrants in particular have been consistent targets of nativism, immigration restrictions, and deportations. -- There are also key differences between these two eras, most apparently in the targets of nativism, which today are undocumented and Muslim immigrants, and in President Trump’s consistent, highly public, and widely disseminated appeals to nativist sentiment. -- Historical studies of nativism suggest that nativism does not disappear completely, but rather subsides. Furthermore, immigrants themselves can and do adopt nativist attitudes, as well as their descendants. -- Politicians, government officials, civic leaders, scholars and journalists must do more to reach sectors of society that feel most threatened by immigration. -- While eradicating nativism may be impossible, a focus on avoiding or overturning nativist immigration legislation may prove more successful.
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