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2017
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4 pages
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WE founded the Association for Adorno Studies in December of 2011 with the aim of providing a forum for scholarly research treating Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno as a thinker of deep contemporary relevance, indeed, importance. Our contention was, and continues to be, that the theoretical rigor and interdisciplinary scope that characterizes Adorno's output makes his work an essential resource for formulating a critical understanding of and plausible response to late capitalism and the broadly neo-liberal framework that currently dominates the globe.
Adorno seems to set out to do the impossible. He criticises the whole of the modern social world, including its forms of rationality and thinking, but he does not seem to have an identifiable addressee for his theory, someone or some group who could be the agent for change. Famously, he and Horkheimer described their own work as a „message in a bottle‟. Moreover, it is neither clear what Adorno‟s standards of critique are, nor how he could underwrite them. Hence, his critical project seems to undermine itself: by subjecting everything to critique, he seems to leave himself without a vantage point from which his critique could be justified or acted upon. In this chapter, I will argue that the bulk of these objections can be met.
Adorno is often portrayed as a philosopher unengaged with political problems, who at best was sympathetic but failed to engage with the vital political struggles of his time. Though immediately concerned with the horrors of World War II and totalitarianism, Adorno's political philosophy demonstrates a deeper concern with the metaphysical underpinning of such atrocities than standard liberal critiques of fascism. In order to begin to understand his philosophical perspective, we must first understand Adorno's critical engagement with Hegel. In doing so, we can understand his critique of Hegel, epitomised within Negative Dialectics but developed much earlier within his career, as part of a wholesale reformulation of the standard theory-action dynamic which the Left has established for itself. Adorno's critique allows us to better understand philosophy's historical role and the prism within which contemporary actors are situated, particularly with the radical political developments of the 2010s.
Adorno Conference - CALL FOR PAPERS, 2019
Against the widespread view that Adorno remains stuck in an antiquated way of approaching ideology as expression of social totality, the present article tries to recuperate Adorno's dialectical legacy in the context of contemporary neoliberalism. One central point made by Adorno-though usually missed by interpreters-is that ideology operates according to the Hegelian " negation of negation ". We believe that this basic insight can be applied not only to liberal capitalism (19 th century) and monopoly capitalism (20 th century), but also to neoliberalism, thus shedding a new light even on contemporary phenomena like fake news or the proliferation of dystopian political scenarios as in the case of Trump or Brexit campaigns. From one of the main sources of inspiration for 1968 German student protests, Adorno, the critical philosopher, quickly turned into a " reactionary " , an " elitist " who obstinately resisted the enthusiasm for a radical political revolution. 1 Ironically enough, there was a similar reaction * Ciprian Bogdan is a PhD Lecturer with the Department of International Relations and German Studies, Faculty of European Studies at Babes-Bolyai University. Contact: [email protected] 1 Though he was sensitive to certain issues raised by the students, Adorno refused to join them because of the visceral attitude demanding immediate action against capitalism without realizing that such an approach was perfectly compatible with the abstract, mediated character of the system they so harshly criticized. As we know, there are also two highly embarrassing moments in this story: the first one in which Adorno called the police
2009
This essay examines the nexus of politics and ethics in Theodor W. Adorno’s thought. First, the essay takes issue with emphatic ethical readings of Adorno that overlook both the societal reach and the inherent limitations to his politics. These limitations arise from his neglecting questions of collective agency and societal normativity. Then, the essay shows that such neglect creates problems for Adorno’s moral philosophy. It concludes by suggesting that to do justice to the insights in Adorno’s thought a democratic politics of global transformation is required.
1999
The cover notes erroneously suggest that this is the first English assessment of Adorno's life and work. Even leaving aside the more specialised works on Adorno, this claim neglects several excellent introductions, most notably those of Rose (1978), Jay (1984) and Jarvis (1998). Since the first two of these are listed in the author's bibliography, I think we can point the finger at overzealous marketing by the publisher. Compared with these authors Brunkhorst is pitched at a level of accessibility between Jay and the more complicated Rose and Jarvis. Brunkhorst focuses on a few selected themes, and his book is perhaps not as well rounded as some of the other introductions. But he makes up for this by providing more than Rose or Jay on Adorno's relation to his philosophical contemporaries (especially Heidegger) and to recent continental critical theory, without becoming as dense as Jarvis's sustained philosophical study. Published as part of a series on Political Philosophy Now, Brunkhorst's book actually places more emphasis on philosophical aesthetics than on politics, perhaps inevitably, given Adorno's scanty contribution to political theory per se. But Brunkhorst cleverly turns this round by emphasising that, for Adorno, in their very alienation from practical politics, experimental forms of art and philosophy make an important political intervention by preserving forms of freedom which have vanished from actual political life. Brunkhorst focuses on Adorno's central dialectic of identity and nonidentity. The closed-in identity of the modern subject is reactively constructed through its fascinated horror at anything non-identical to it, at otherness and difference. So are the totalising systems of thought and closed societies with which that subject is entwined. What is feared and envied is projectively terrorised and forced to conform to the dominant order, by either conceptual or actual violence. Genocide is the ultimate expression of this twisted logic of exclusion: the other is not merely rejected, but exterminated. Brunkhorst examines the connection between Adorno's theory of freedom and his experience of exile from and return to Germany, steering a course between biography and intellectual history. Adorno's privileged upbringing and hothouse education as a musician and philosopher with the Scho¨nberg school in Vienna and the Horkheimer circle in Frankfurt is covered, as are
Adorno Studies, 2016
Our introduction to the first issue of Adorno Studies.
Journal of the History of Economic Thought
Adorno was not an economist. The 'economy' for him was never interesting solely for the internal logic of its operation. But he was one of the major thinkers of the past century, who, as Dirk Braunstein shows in this book, kept returning to economic themes throughout his eventful intellectual life. This review is not the place to discuss the uneasy relations between the 'critical theory'-initiated by Adorno and Max Horkheimer-and economics. With very few notable exceptions, these relations were, and remain, those of mutual ignorance. The reasons for this ignorance are partly illuminated by Braunstein's book, but still need more specific scrutiny. The 'critique of political economy' refers to a critical analysis of capitalism as a social and epistemic form. The book is a meticulous, amazingly documented, and detailed historical reconstruction of Adorno's contributions to this general endeavor. Why was 'the economic' so important for Adorno? Central for critical theory was the Marxian idea of commodification, the emergence of an autonomous realm of the quantitative, the measurable, the alienated and alienating of 'exchange value' that dominates human beings in capitalism-in the society of 'universal quantification' (268). This external domination maintained by the exchange of equivalents is what interested Adorno most. In light of this, he interpreted psychoanalysis and existentialist ethics (chapter 3), explored the culture industry (chapter 4), attempted to rethink class analysis and the philosophy of history (chapter 6), as well as the very concept of exchange (chapter 7). The formal equivalence of exchange that becomes ubiquitous under capitalism, as 'the rational form of mythical ever-samness' (cit. on p. 336), masks inequality of domination as both its foundation and outcome. In this theory of society 'ruled by equivalence [...] to do justice to the individual is only possible by negating individuality' (p. 172). Adorno adopted 'the epistemological assumption that one [can] grasp reality […] only by means of the material of society. The task of theory is to configure this material so that objectivity itself can speak.' (36) This reconfiguration is, for Adorno, the key to social change. But domination-including the intellectual one-becomes overwhelming-to the point that society and its ideology coincide (pp. 156-157) and no position outside of society, no perspective of a neutral observer seems actually viable (192-193). This makes the whole idea of social science questionable. In fact, for Adorno, (positivist) science itself was under suspicion as part of the overarching system of reification, equivalence, and productivity (213), accepting the reality instead of imagining the alternatives to it. Adorno's methodological debate with Popper revolving around these issues (but not covered in the book) was, in fact, a crucial episode in the history of German social science. Small wonder Adorno did not adopt a subjective theory of value (see a short comment on p. 170 and the discussion of Adorno's attitude to Max Weber on p. 241). He
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