Unit-32 Case Study : Lucknow

UNIT 32 CASE STUDY: LUCKNOW* Structure 32.1 Introduction 32.2 The Origins and Growth of Lucknow 32.3 Political Prowess of the Nawabs and Begums of Awadh 32.3.1 32.3.2 32.3.3 32.3.4 Genealogy of the Nawabs Lucknow as an Administrative and Economic Center The Mughal, Nawabi and European Architectural Legacy Art and Cultural Efflorescence 32.4 Political Events and the City 32.4.1 Impact of the Annexation of Awadh (1856) and the Revolt of 1857 32.4.2 Changes in the Layout and Administration of Lucknow 32.4.3 The Colonial Built Heritage 32.5 The Decline in the Nawabi Patronage 32.6 Re-emergence of Lucknow in the Twentieth Century 32.7 Summary 32.8 Timeline 32.9 Exercises 32.10 References 32.1 INTRODUCTION Places embody a meaningful past, either ensconced in myths or steeped in a historical, social-political context. The primal culture associated with a place often augments the aura of a region and imparts uniqueness to its existence. Lucknow is no exception to the aforementioned axiom and the city draws its customary legacy from the affluent Shia Nawabs, who ruled it from 1775-1856 CE. As a provincial capital of Awadh (anglicized as Oudh by the British after its annexation), Lucknow epitomized the values of its prodigal rulers, who on the one hand were admired for ushering in the refined and unfailing courtesy of adabs (a way of greeting/salutation) and on the other were vilified for their whimsical propensities. The place may be associated with the legendary duality of a resplendent yet decadent culture of the aristocracy, but its inhabitants relate more often to its fabled pristine past. It is a region to reckon with since it did not lose its charm despite the profligacy of the Shia dynasty and the ignominious ouster and exile of its last Nawab Wajid Ali Shah to Matiaburj (in the suburbs of Calcutta). This Unit will take you through the tale of this city, which underwent remarkable changes in three centuries. It transformed from a pargana headquarter to the provincial capital of Awadh in 1775. After the British annexation in 1856, it became a major colonial centre. The revolt of 1857 and its aftermath shook the city in many ways and it underwent significant morphological changes to pacify the wrath of the colonial authentics. A major blow to its prestige came with its demotion to a provincial town when Oudh was absorbed in the North West Provinces in 1877. Finally, Lucknow was restored as the capital of the United Provinces in 1920.The region is significant from the perspective of varied changes it underwent in a short span of time. It witnessed the confluence of Mughal 88 * Dr. Rachna Mehra, Department of History, Ambedkar University, New Delhi. decline, the ascendance of the Nawabi supremacy and finally the dominance of a colonial rule. However, the imprint of a short-lived Awadhian culture remains pervasive and unsurpassed in the city even today. 32.2 Case Study: Lucknow THE ORIGINS AND GROWTH OF LUCKNOW Lucknow was a flourishing town in the sixteenth century, which lay between Gonda in South and Ayodhya in North. It shared proximity with vital centers of trade and pilgrimage like Varanasi, Allahabad and Gorakhpur (Graff,1997: 2). Lucknow etymologically derives its name from Lakshman, brother of Ram Chandra of Ayodhya and was known as Lakshmanpur, Lakhanpur or Lachmanpur (Oldenburg, 1984:6). The town’s most prominent landmark was a hillock named Lakshman Tila. According to another popular belief, when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded India, he brought with him Sheikhs and Pathans, some of whom settled in Lakshmanpur. A Hindu architect named Likhna designed a fort for them known as Likhna Kila, which probably later shortened to Lucknow (Hay,1939: 160). The initial settlements included two small hills on the southern bank of Gomti, occupied mainly by Brahmins and Kaysthas initially. (There is a significant omission in the ethnographic narrations of Lucknow regarding the menial and other important castes present in Lucknow during this period. The Gazetteer of Oudh and William Crook’s handbook on ‘Castes and Tribes of Oudh and North Western Provinces’ do not enumerate them specifically). The Kaysthas occupied the highest government offices under all three reigns as they served as ministers in the Mughal Empire, held political sway under the Nawabs and also played a key role in the administration of the British rule (Hasnain, 2015: 64). A Hindu shrine existed on one of the hills, which was later replaced by a mosque during Aurangzeb’s period. The Chawk or the main market place lay southwest of the mosque where a Muslim mystic Shah Mina’s tomb (who settled in 1450) served as a site for veneration and pilgrimage (Jones, 1985: 8). It was a walled city during the medieval times, though there is no record of the demolition of the same. In the eighteenth century, there was a decline in the Mughal courtly culture and in the population of major cities like Lahore, Agra and Delhi. It was an opportune moment for towns like Lucknow and Varanasi to grow and thrive during this period (Graff, 1997: 3). By this time, politically the Mughal Emperors began to lose hold over Shaikhzadas and the tussle for power intensified with the entry of a Shia nobleman Saadat Khan from Iran. 32.3 POLITICAL PROWESS OF THE NAWABS AND BEGUMS OF AWADH Awadh acquired its initial social and political distinction in the eighth century BCE as Kosala, one of the sixteen mahajanapadas of the later vedic period (Graff, 1997: 17). Lucknow was a significant region within the larger socio-political milieu of the suba of Awadh. During the reign of Delhi Sultanate and Mughals, Lucknow rose to prominence and served as an important administrative seat for the rulers (Graff, 1997:18). The Mughals deemed Lucknow to be a tenable link for eastward expansion as it was three hundred miles south-east of Delhi and six hundred miles north-east of Calcutta (Kolkata). Akbar incorporated the suba of Awadh into the Mughal Empire as one of the twelve constituent provinces and chose Lucknow to be the seat of the subadar in 1580. Shaikh Abdur Rahim, a nobleman from Bijnaur gained favour in the eyes of the emperor and became the subadar of the region (Sharar, 1975:37). 89 Early Modern Cities After the Sheikhzadas, the Shia Nawab, Saadat Khan from Iran entered Delhi and was influential among the court nobility. The Mughal Badshahs of Delhi and the later Nawabs of Awadh shared a tenuous relationship often signified by a struggle for supremacy of power in this region. Gradually the Nawabs gained at the expense of the declining Mughal Empire and the hereditary nawab-wazirs held reign for almost eight decades in the region(Oldenburg, 2007: 20). 32.3.1 Genealogy of the Nawabs Saadat Khan, a Shia1 believer and a Persian noble from Nishapur (Iran) arrived in India in 1707 CE when the centralised Mughal Empire was ebbing away under Emperor Aurangzeb. Khan also known as Burhan ul Mulk had suffered a declining fortune in his native land and therefore sought employment in the Delhi Court (Jones, 1985:1). The Mughal ruler appointed Khan as the faujdar (commandent) of Agra in 1719 and subsequently, he was promoted as the governor of Awadh in 1721. It was a difficult and challenging place where semi-independent feudal barons held judicial sway over the subjects through their private armies and civil establishments. Khan made an essential move of establishing his headquarters in the city, which firmly entrenched his base in the province. Table 1 : Genealogy of the Nawabs of Awadh (1722-1856) Saadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk Safdar Jung (nephew) Shuja-ud-Daula (son) Asaf-ud-Daula(son) Wazir Ali (son) Saadat Ali Khan (half-brother of Asafud-Daula) 1722-1739 Ghazi-ud-Din Haider (son) 1739-1754 Nasir-ud-Din Haider(son) 1754-1775 Mohd.Ali Shah (brother of Ghaziud-din Haider) 1775-1797 Amjad Ali Shah (son) 1797-1798 Wajid Ali Shah (son) 1798-1814 1814-1827 1827-1837 1837-1842 1842-1847 1847-1856 Source: Jones R., (ed.) (2003) Lucknow, City of Illusion, pp. 259-261. He laid the foundations of the Nawabi dynasty of Oudh in 1722 after choosing his nephew Safdar Jung as his deputy to the throne. Safdar Jung consolidated his position by becoming virtually independent from the Mughal Emperor’s influence and he established his own dynasty in the province. The relationship between ‘Nawabs’ or governors of Awadh and the Delhi court was redefined under the changed context. While the title of ‘Nawab’ meant deputy in Persian, (recognizing the supremacy of the Mughal emperors), the Awadh Nawabs followed the royal orders only when it suited them (Jones, 1985: 3). Safdar Jung’s son Shuja-udDaula succeeded him and the Mughal ruler recognised his hereditary right to the throne. The equation with the Mughals gradually changed in favour of the Nawabs as they asserted their rights over the remittance of revenue from Awadh. By 1761, Awadh became so prosperous and prominent that it could not escape the attention of the expanding East India Company. The battle of Buxar (1764) which 1 90 Shī‘ah literally means a partisan or follower. They believed that after the Holy Prophet, the religious authority was vested with his follower Ali (Trivedi, 2010: 42). resulted in the defeat of Shuja-ud-Daula fulfilled Company’s desires to milk the region. The Company benefited immensely from the treaty of Allahabad as it allowed them to carry out duty free trade throughout the empire. The Nawab was also fined Rupees fifty thousand as an indemnity to cover the war expense of the East India Company.Since the Nawab was unable to pay the indemnity, the begums of Awadh came to his rescue and emerged as his political counterpart. Case Study: Lucknow Two powerful women who reigned in Awadh were Nawab Begum and Bahu Begum. Aliya Sadr un Nisa, better known as Nawab Begum was the daughter of Saadat Khan and the wife of Safdar Jung (1739-54). Her son Shuja ud Daula (1754-75) was married to Amat uz Zehra (known as Bahu Begum), the daughter of a powerful Persian courtier at the Mughal court. These two women wielded considerable power in the court of Awadh. They were economically independent, hard working and expert in the court intrigues. They were wealthy as they had received dowries including jewels, personal valuables, horses, elephants, retainers, troops and enjoyed ownership of revenues from vast tracts of fertile lands. Both maintained their independent establishments and a bureaucracy of women, men and eunuchs and influenced the policy decisions regarding state matters (Kidwai, 2008:118-119). In 1764, when Shuja-ud-Daulah lost the battle of Buxar, Bahu and Nawab Begum helped him out of their own treasury to pay back the punitive charges imposed by the Company. When Shuja-ud-Daula died, Bahu Begum ensured the succession of her son Asaf-ud-Daula to the throne despite facing opposition from the Company. While the British considered the Nawab incompetent to rule, Asaf-ud-Daulah on the other hand did not want to become a plaything in the hands of either Company or his mother and grandmother. He shifted the capital from Faizabad to Lucknow in 1775 to escape the domination and interference of the two begums. It is indisputable that the Nawabs and the Begums played a key role in the politics of Awadh. However, once Asf-ud-Daula shifted the capital to Lucknow, the priorities shifted to developing Lucknow at par with other provincial capitals of eighteenth century. 32.3.2 Lucknow as an Administrative and Economic Center After Asaf-ud-Daula transferred the capital from Faizabad to Lucknow (1775), it became the centre for doing business, building treasury, judicial courts and prisons. The palace complex became the focus of diplomatic, governmental, judicial, financial, and military functions. There were different buildings within the complex allocated for specific work. The palace also housed domestic servants, royal coachmen, personal bodyguards, people in charge of royal tents and hunting equipments, artists and skilled craftsmen needed for the royal upkeep (Jones, 1985: 13-14). The efflorescence of the rich courtly culture of Lucknow in the eighteenth century can be gauged from its vibrant commercial engagements then and the quaint architectural heritage, which is ubiquitous in the city even today. The famed court was the fulcrum around which the urban life revolved. The Nawabs constructed large palace gardens, major mosques, gateways, imambaras and the chowks. The affluent Nawabs along with their privileged entourage exhibited feudal tendencies and basked in the lap of luxury. The administrative and the military elite were concentrated in and around the royal quarter, including the Machhi Bhawan fort (a medieval fort partially demolished in 1857 and was reduced to ruins by 1890). The nobility built their own residential palaces, which were dotted with mohallas, mosques and bazaars. Lucknow served as a nerve centre for grain trade in Oudh and the court city drew its revenue mainly from the countryside. The administrative retinue depended on agriculture 91 Early Modern Cities for its economic sustenance. The Sanskrit word ‘gunj’ was in currency to denote a grain market, though several gunjes expanded into retail centers for a variety of goods.The word gunj also signified either name of streets, quarters or new centres of grain trade that later grew into towns. In Lucknow, the name or the title of the founder usually prefixed to the word gunj designated the well-known markets such as Hazratgunj, Nawabgunj, Wazirgunj and Victoriagunj (Oldenburg, 1984:13). The feudal ruling apparatus of the city was largely dependent on the countryside for revenue.However, one cannot deny the possibility of commercial gains to certain classes who produced lavish goods and services for the elites. Workshops of artisans, craftsmen, jewellers, bankers and tradesman sprang up to supply the needs of the court and Lucknow became the hub of luxury industries in northern India. The upper class spent an estimated crore of rupees (one million pound sterling) on an ostentatious lifestyle in contrast to the modest artisans who despite constituting two thirds of the population survived on a subsistence wage (Oldenburg, 1984:12). The merchants, traders and artisans who serviced the royal household or nobility lived in close proximity to the latter’s residence.The flourishing state of trade and industries in Lucknow is also attributed to the ‘cautious policy followed by the rulers of Awadh’ especially Nawab Shuja ud Daula and Saadat Ali Khan. They created high tariff trade barriers to resist the commercial penetration of East India Company (Trivedi, 2014: 402). The Chowk (literally the square or the main bazaar for luxury goods) was a nodal point for commercial exchange. It was the oldest and continuously inhabited area of Lucknow and the principal street from the medieval period (Jones, 2006:193). The Chowk lay between Gol Darwaza and Akbari Darwaza and there were many shops in this stretch between the two Gateways. For example the cluster of jewellery shops were popularly known as Sarrafa. Mandi or wholesale market was associated with bulky articles of low value, such as timber, grass, coal, vegetables (Subzi Mandi),food grains (ghalla mandi) etc. It was a trading place for any commodity and initially two mandis existed – one in Daliganj and another in Saadatganj. The Katra designated a bazaar that sold small cheap goods. It sometimes also signified the quarter or suburb dominated by artisans specialising in a particular trade. The artisans engaged in different trades and crafts often formed caste guilds and emerged as distinct local groups. This was reflected in the areas inhabited by them and the streets and the quarters were known after the popular guilds like Rastogi Tola or a Kashmiri Mohalla (Oldenburg, 1984:14). The Bazaar apart from signifying a generic term for market also indicated the extent of trade and exchange relations with foreign countries. The Kandahari and Chini Bazaar in Lucknow came into existence as one-time trade centres of Afghan and China respectively. During Asaf-ud-Daula’s rule (1775), the city exported sugar, indigo, cloth to England and Afghanistan. It was a centre for commerce with a bullion market and gained reputation for copper work, which was one of its biggest industries. The makers of silver, goldwares, lace and perfumers thrived under the nawabs. By 1831, seventeen lithographic press were present in Lucknow, which provided employment to people. The older profession like money lending continued to thrive under the shroffs (moneylenders). The coins from the mint had the name of the Nawabs embossed on them replacing the names of erstwhile rulers. The staple industries like tobacco manufacturing, sugar refining, spinning and weaving continued as well (Jones, 1985:1314). 92 The decorative arts were industrialised in Lucknow. The obsession of the elite class with embellished clothes led to the demand for embroidered cloth. Innumerable workshops sprang up in the city and the suburbs to cater to this need. Lucknow grew in to a centre of production for chikan work, zardozi, kamdani, shawl embroidery, brocade, lace work and metallic art. Many skilful artists were employed based on their ingenuity and workmanship (Trivedi 2010:32). Case Study: Lucknow The stylish taste of Awadh rulers, their fixation with adornment and benevolent patronage to the skilled artists continued even in the commissioning of buildings in Lucknow. The Residency, Palaces, &c. of Lucknow,” as they looked just before the Rebellion; a Weekly Dispatch Supplement map, Jan. 24, 1858, by Edward Weller, with original hand coloring. Published in 1880, London W. H. Allen & Co. Waterloo Place. Source:http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00maplinks/colonial/wellermaps/ lucknow1857/lucknow1857.html 32.3.3 The Mughal, Nawabi and European Architectural Legacy Lucknow is a city built by immigrants who enriched its architectural heritage by constructing religious (Imambaras2 and Karbalas3) and secular (palatial palaces, splendid gardens, educational, institutional) buildings. The city has many monuments and remnants of buildings belonging to pre-nawabi, Nawabi and Colonial period, which were raised in no apparent order. The pre nawabi Lucknow was a curious mix of different kinds of structures like tombs from the Mughal era and a house cum warehouse known as Farangi Mahal or Frankish (White/European) Quarter.4Among the Mughal Emperors, Akbar built several mohallas or neighborhoods south of the Chowk, the main bazaar of the city. He gave special treatment to the brahmans of the regions and facilitated the establishment of Mohallas such as Vajpayee Tola, Katari Tola and Sondhi Tola near the Chowk (Hasnain, 2015: 97). Jahangir built an ornate Akbari gate south of the Chowk and the Mirza market that was destroyed after the mutiny (Oldenburg, 1984:7). During the reign of Aurangzeb, 2 3 4 A Shia religio-cultural centre. A Shia cemetry where tazias are symbolically buried every year. In 1647, the East India Company had hired the house to station its employees who would deal in derebauds, a kind of muslin cloth made in Hasanganj in Lucknow. Later due to want of assistance and lack of transport from Lucknow to other places, the British decided to move out. 93 Early Modern Cities Lucknow became a notable Sunni Theological center. He ordered the transfer of the confiscated property called ‘Firangi Mahal’ that belonged to a wealthy French trader to Mullah Nizam ud Din Sehalvi who founded the Sunni Theological School. The seminary was in a complex of four buildings and it produced several scholars who played a key role in twentieth century politics of Lucknow (Oldenburg, 1984:7). The Mughals made a limited contribution to buildings in Lucknow as they focused more on planning Delhi and Agra. The Nawabs of Awadh played a key role in creating a distinct style that was different from the Mughal architecture. They developed the residential and commercial areas of Lucknow on a priority basis (Graff, 1997:3). The foremost among them was Saadat Khan, who on entering Lucknow built palaces and gardens in Lakshman Kila, which he renamed as Macchi Bhawan, (the palace of fish) (Hay,1939: 3). The origin of Machhi Bhawan is contentious. While some attribute it to Saadat Khan, Sharar (1860-1926), an important historian belonging to the period of the last Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, attributes it to Shaikh Rahim. He suggests that either Shaikh Abdur Rahim was awarded the title of Mahi Maratib5 or the twenty-six arches in one portion of the court had two fishes engraved on each arch making fifty-two, which led to the corruption of Machhi Bavan (52) to Macchi Bhavan (fort). Another belief is that an Ahir named Lakhna was the architect who designed the fort and the town Lucknow was named after him (Sharar, 1975:37). It might hold some grain of truth because Saadat Khan on entering Lucknow had established his headquarters in the old Macchi Bhawan displacing the Sheikhzadas from the fort and it became the seat of the rulers of Awadh. This implies that Lakshman Kila later renamed as Machhi Bhawan was a medieval fort, which suffered irreparable damages in the mutiny period and was completely ruined by 1890. Machchi Bhawan Wash drawing by Henry Salt in 1803 of the the Fort of Machhi Bhawan, built on the Lakshman Tila mound, and the Mosque of Aurangzeb, with grass cutters by the roadside. Salt painted this view in the time of Nawab Saadat Ali (1798-1814). British Library (sketch 1803) Courtesy: http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/other/019wdz000001299u00000000. html 5 94 Persian Mahi is fish and Arabic Maratib is Honour. The Mughals conferred the title ‘Honour of the fish’ as a mark of distinction on individuals of the highest order. Machhi Bhawan was destroyed during mutiny (Sharar, 1975:240). Case Study: Lucknow Felice Beato (1858) photograph of the Machchi Bhawan in the post mutiny period. Source: Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection http://web.archive.org/web/20060114100252/http://www.brown.edu/Facilities/University_Library/ collections/askb/beato/Beato4.jpg Shuja-ud-Daula built a five storeyed pavilion Panch Mahalla within the Machchi Bhavan. Safdar Jung enlarged this Panch Mahalla or the main palace building situated inside the walls of Machhi Bhawan (Gordon, 2006:31). The Nawabs also built other grandiose palaces like Daualat Khana (by Asaf-ud-Daula in 1789), Moti Mahal (Nasirud-din-Haider), Chattar Manzil (early nineteenth century), Qaiserbagh (Wajid Ali Shah 1848-52). The last two palaces reflect a general shift in both style and function. Unlike the heavy fortresses which were designed for defense purpose, these were ‘lighter, more accessible and a place for entertainment and pleasurable pursuits’ (Gordon, 2006:31). The palace fortress, Machhi Bhawan soon afterwards lost its charm as the later Nawabs moved into more enticing palladian villas. By the mid nineteenth century, Lucknow had many villa type houses, called Kothi for the European and Indian elite. For the Nawabs, architecture was an outward expression of their newly attained independence marked by severing of the ties from the Mughal court. The Nawabs also entertained foreigners who became their close friends and influenced them in building houses, which replicated the taste of the rich and powerful in Europe (Das, 2006:168).Asaf-ud-Daula employed a French architect Antoine Louis Polier to build the Asafi Kothi in 1789, which was the centre-piece of the New Daulat Khana Complex. Saadat Khan commissioned the building of hunting cum resting lodge called Dilkusha (pleasing to heart) in 1805. Later this place also served the purpose of celebrating ceremonies, religious festivals and hosting distinguished guests. Gore Ousley entrusted with the task of building it, made it like a prototype of a country house in Northumberland (Das, 2006:180). The kothis patterned after European villas served as country houses, which created a ‘hybrid’ of ‘neo classical nawabi’ mansion in Lucknow city (Das, 2006:180). 95 Early Modern Cities Dilkusha (Kothi) Palace Photo by Felice Beato(1858) https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Dilkusha6.jpg Dilkusha Palace Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008) Apart from palaces, the Nawabs also built thoroughfare. Saadat Khan commissioned various ganjes (market streets) on both sides of the chowk, a feature common to most north Indian towns. A typical ganj was an enclosure of masonry or earth or simple wooden planks in which housing and stalls were built. The stalls served as a caravanserai to sell necessities to travelers, their steeds and beasts of burden. The landowners (mostly 96 nawabs and ministers) let-out ganjes to families and to shopkeepers and the latter often built small houses at their own expense. Case Study: Lucknow WhileVeena Oldenburg is of the opinion that gunj like Hazratgunj signified market place (mentioned in 32.3.2), other scholars like Jones and Neeta Das believe that Hazratganj was a famous main road of the new city (Das, 2006:171). Saadat Ali Khan conceived the making of Hazrat Ganj in 1810 A.D. but it was Nasir ud- din Haider,who laid its foundation in 1842 A.D. This market street remains indispensable for Lucknavites even today as they frequent the place for strolling, eating and shopping there. During the colonial period, it catered primarily to the British and elite customers and exotic food items like wines, cakes, pastries, canned food were available at Hazratganj (Hasnain, 2015: 99). In common parlance today ‘ganjing’ has come to signify romantic walks, leisurely strolls and carefree window shopping in Lucknow culminating in a visit to some coffee house or a restaurant. If Hazratganj was known as the market for the elite, Aminabad developed as its counterpart and was known as the market for middle class and commoners (built by Amirudduala, prime minister of Amjad Ali Shah 184247) (Hasnain, 2015:110). Mostly ganjes symbolised either a market place or an important street around which markets developed and thrived. Some ganjes were also named after their owners or signified occupation of the workers. Saadat Khan founded the Saadat Ganj, Loha Ganj denoted the iron worker’s area and Gola Ganj was meant for stocking arsenal. Over a period, many of the ganjes either suffered encroachment or were demolished (Jones, 1985, 9-11). The lanes and the by lanes of Lucknow are known as Gali or Koocha. The Nawabs built the routes and pathways in a manner that one could traverse one mohalla to another and cover the entire city without touching the main road. The lanes where a specific occupational group resided were named after the practitioners of that vocation like the Kanghiwali Gali (abode of comb makers). The lane where the elite or respectable people lived was called Koocha and it was considered distinct from a gali. For example Koocha Meer Anees (named after an Urdu Poet who resided there), Koocha Shah Chara (named after a Sufi Saint who lived there) etc. (Hasnain, 2015: 99) The Nawabs of Awadh modified the urban morphology of Lucknow by building many Mohallas in the city. Asaf ud Daula who shifted the capital from Faizabad to Lucknow in 1775 AD was nostalgic of the former capital of Awadh. He named many mohallas in Lucknow after the names of mohallas in Faizabad like Fateh Ganj, Rakab Ganj etc. Saadat Ali Khan established mohallas like Maqbool Ganj, Rastogi Tola (guild), Daliganj and Saadat Ganj. Nawab Naseeruddin Haider established Ganesh Ganj etc. Several Mohallas were named after the profession followed by its inhabitants such as Batashey Wali Gali, Dorwali Gali, Phool Wali Gali, Baan Wali Gali. By the 20th century many of the mohallas and lanes remained only in namesake as either some of these professions declined or people from outside migrated and settled in these areas. There were some mohallas named after Hindu women such as Bagh Padain, Rani Katra etc. Since the Nawabs wanted to promote harmony between the Muslim and Hindu communities, their quarters were established close to each other. For instance Ram Nagar was established with Husainabad, Katra Abutarab Khan with Raja Bazaar, Husain Ganj with Phool Ganj etc. (Hasnain, 2015: 94). Later on, since Shias were dominant among the Muslims, a number of mohallas in ‘Old Lucknow’ were almost entirely populated by them like Kazmain, Angoori Bagh, Muftiganj etc. (Hasnain, 2015: 72-73). While opulence, oriental splendour and Awadhi culture exemplified Lucknow’s built heritage, the Nawabs also commissioned the building of Imambaras that had an exclusive 97 Early Modern Cities Shia stamp on it. Although the design for the palaces and country houses were mostly inspired from European architecture, the religious buildings had its roots in Persian style of art and architecture confirming the Nawab’s credentials as upholders of the Shia faith. The rulers representing a minority sect of Islam decided to make Lucknow the centre of the Shia faith in northern India. The Imambaras acquired the finest form here and it became the focal point of celebrating the important ritual of mourning during Muharram (Jones, 2006:16). There was a proliferation of public and private Imambaras where Taziyas6 were displayed and Zarihs were housed (Peter Chelkowski, 2006:105). Therefore, the majestic religious structures often seem to tower the other public buildings in Lucknow. Asaf-ud-Daula built the famous Bara or Asafi Imambara (1784-91). The Nawab who had the reputation of being a philanthropic ruler, built this imposing edifice during a terrible famine, as a relief measure to provide income and livelihood to his starving subjects (Jones, 2006:7). Therefore, it became widely known ‘Jisse na de maula, usse de Asaf-ud-Daula” (Who from heaven nought receiveth, to him Asaf-ud-Daula giveth) (Oldenburg, 1984:16) To which the Nawab quipped, “Jisse na de maula, usse kya de Asaf-ud-Daula” (Asaf-ud-daula’s altruism is dependent on God who is the ultimate provider). Bara Imambara Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008) 6 98 Taziya developed in the mid eighteenth century from the fusion of ambulatory and stationary rites followed in Iran. An artist recreates Husain’s tombs in various shapes and sizes. They are carried during months of mourning, displayed in Imambaras and buried in local karbala (Shia cemetry). It symbolises ritual bier carrying Husain’s body. The participation in the procession with the Taziya is a pilgrimage to Husain’s tomb and a re-enactment of his funeral. Zarih is a ritual cenotaph that is re-used with new decorations every year. Case Study: Lucknow Bara Imambara facade Photo by Muhammad Mahdi Karim Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f0/Bara_Imambara_Lucknow.jpg Kifayat-ullah, the chief architect of the Imambara belonged to Delhi. The Imambara became a place of pilgrimage for Shias where the mourning rituals of the martyred Hasan and Husain at Karbala (Kar=pain and bala=trial) were commemorated every year (Jones, 2008:98). The western gateway of the great forecourt of the monument has the ornamental Rumi Darwaza (Constantinople Gate, supposedly named after a similar gateway in Istanbul). The Bara Imambara is entirely made of brick covered with stucco. The masons used recovered lime or shells from dried up lakes to produce stucco that shone as beautifully as the marble tombs of the Mughals (Peter Chelkowski, 2006:110). Rumi Darwaza Photo by Felice Beato (1858) Source:http://www.getty.edu/art/collection/objects/104613/felice-beato-henry-hering-rumidarwaza-and-the-imambara-british-1858-1862/?dz=0.5000,0.4125,0.68 99 Early Modern Cities It is interesting to note that the Nawabs had multifarious interests in making different kinds of buildings and other structures. They built lavish gardens like Alam Bagh (Garden of the World by Wajid Ali in 1850), Sikandar bagh (Wajid Ali), Qadam Rasul (horticulture garden), iron bridge (Saadat Khan 1810), a press Matba-e Sultani (by Nasir ud din Haider, which published books and dictionary). Nawab Haider built the taronvali kothi or observatory (1832-40), which housed very large telescopes and other astronomical instruments (Sharar, 1975:56). Colonel Wilcox supervised and maintained it. Many Europeans worked for the Nawabs and Lucknow became a cosmopolitan home for them as well. European traders, planters, manufacturers, technicians and mercenary soldiers felt at ease in Lucknow. Shuja ud Daula engaged the services of Antoine-Louise Henri Polier, the East India Company’s chief Engineer at Fort William, Calcutta to look after civil works and to improve the defenses of the city. The Nawab also organized his army on the European model and established workshops for the preparation of war material. He had about two hundred French and other Europeans enlisted in his service. The French influence in the Awadh court diminished significantly after his death with the only exception of Claude Martin, the Frenchman who combined the functions of trader, military adventurer, architect and rose to eminence in the court circle. Jones has categorised the Europeans who lived in Lucknow into four groups. The first category was of the military men, who were part of the East India Company’s battalions stationed in and around Lucknow as a peacekeeping force. Secondly, there were civilian officials of the Company, which included the Resident, his assistant, the Residency surgeon, chaplain, writers and other staff. Thirdly, there were Europeans who worked for the Nawabs in various capacities and lastly there were people who were not in Company service or freelancers like artists, traders, soldiers, indigo planters and shopkeepers. While the military officials and the company servants were posted officially and did not come to Lucknow of their own volition, it is the last two categories of people who settled in the city owing to personal efforts and initiative (Jones, 1997:17). La Martiniere College Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008) 100 Among all Europeans, the most influential foreigner in Lucknow was Major General Claude Martin (1735-1800), a French man who initially was a soldier in the East India Company in 1760. After 1775, he worked as a superintendent in the arsenal of Asafud-Daula. He became a rich and influential man in Lucknow as he enjoyed patronage from both ends. He bought, sold and rented houses in Lucknow.He turned the Hayat Baksh Kothi as an arsenal that was later sold to Saadat Ali Khan (Hay, 1939:27). He built a town house for himself at a wooded site called ‘Lakh-e-pera’(a lakh of trees, later renamed as Farhat Baksh) in 1781. He planned a country house named as ‘Constantia’in 1796 and it is the largest European funerary monument in India.Martin is commemorated in the building Constantia, the central portion of La Martiniere college where he was buried well below the ground level (the substantial additions were made to the building from1840-44) (David, 2006:221). Case Study: Lucknow The bonhomie between the Europeans and the Nawabs can be seen in other contexts too where Lucknow became a potpourri of different cultures. 32.3.4 Art and Cultural Efflorescence The rulers of Awadh were undoubtedly great patrons of art and culture. The Nawabi culture of Lucknow represented the ‘fruition of ganga-jamuni tehzib’ where Persian aesthetics intermingled with Indian cultural values (Madhu Trivedi, 2010:xi).The culture of Awadh was oriented towards Persia but from the time of Shuja-ud-Daula, the European influence also becomes visible. Thus, the Nawabs assimilated the Persian, European and indigenous influences to form the Awadhian culture in Lucknow. The Nawabs had a penchant for overseas artifacts and had a huge collection of the same. Some even incorporated European mannerisms in their day-to-day lifestyle. Saadat Ali Khan, a popular ruler was well versed in the social etiquettes of English culture. He could not speak but understood and wrote English Language correctly. He was also fond of wearing English clothes. His European guests were treated to banquets in rooms decorated with English furniture, looking glasses and cut glass vases. Among the later rulers, Ghazi ul Din Haider was the first Indian ruler to adopt European courtly dresses and crown for formal occasions. His Anglo-Indian queen was fondly known as Wilayati begum (Madhu Trivedi, 2014:402-4). The Nawabs were not merely anglophiles but promoted various art forms of music, dance, poetry and public entertainment competitions like kite flying, cock fights, quail fights etc. It is under their patronage that artists, poets, writers, musicians, painters and courtesans flourished in this period. Kathak, a dance form, gained tremendous popularity during the reign of Wajid Ali Shah, the last nawab who was a skilled musician, dancer and a poet. He established Pari Khana or fairy house for the training of young courtesans under the guidance of accomplished, musicians, dancers and instrumentalists (Trivedi 2010:28-29). He developed rahas, wherein he combined kathak and ras (theatre, dance and music) (Trivedi 2010:113). He composed many classical genres of music like thumri and improvised ghazals. He also took interest in theatre as he staged the play Radha Kanhaiyya ka Qissa in the Qaiser bagh complex in Rahas Manzil. He himself wrote and produced the play, which is reputed to be the first Urdu play. Lucknow in a short span of time became the markaz or centre of Urdu language. With the Mughal decline in Delhi, poets, artisans and craftsmen sought refuge here since it offered both patronage and appreciation (Graff, 1997:5). The Urdu language thrived after the migration of poets like Muhammad Taqi Mir (1722-1810) and Muhammad Rafi Sauda (1713-1780) from Delhi to this city. Mushairas or open competitions amongUrdu poets enthralled the audience and became a source of public entertainment. 101 Early Modern Cities Urdu also developed and branched out in many other forms and styles. Prominent singers like Ghulam Rasul and Miyan Jani popularized qawwali and khayal in Lucknow. In the Shia kingdom, the marsiyas or the poems commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Husain were improvised and they became sustained narratives of substantial length on a particular hero or event (Naim, 1997:166-169). Rekhti as a genre of Urdu poetry developed exclusively under the Nawabs of Lucknow. Rekhti, the feminine of Rekhta, refers to poetry written mostly by men but given the voice of women. Though associated with three important Rekhta poets-Rangin (17551835), Jurrat (1748-1810) and Insha (1756-1835), Rekhti was also written by many others including women and became a popular style of poetry. Since it was explicit in content and represented erotic love poetry genre, the erudite literary tradition branded Rekhti as vulgar and distanced themselves from it. However, this failed to discourage poets who transgressed notions of gender by donning feminine attire during public trials. Rangin, the founder of the language openly admitted that his source of inspiration was the language of the courtesans in whose company he spent considerable time. The Chapti Namahs had a strong kotha linkage but much of the Rekhti also depicted the mundane lives of the zenana (Kidwai, p.120). Urdu gained preeminence among the courtesans or tawaifs, who were considered purveyors of elaborate etiquette in Lucknow. The tawaif is an open-ended term, which generically signified a broad spectrum of professional female performers, ranging from wealthy courtesans in the harem of the Nawab to destitute prostitutes in the bazaars on the fringes of the city (McNeil, 2009:47). They were proficient in music, dance and poetry. During the nawabi rule, it was a pleasure and a privilege for a man to be seen in the company of the courtesan (Trivedi, 2010:26). The young sons of gentry were sent to the kothas or salons of the best-known tawaifs for lessons in etiquette, mannerism and to appreciate Urdu poetry (Oldenburg, 1984:136). The courtesans practiced their profession under the patronage of the Nawabs of Awadh. They lived in Chowk Bazaar and their apartments were centers for musical and cultural soirees. A courtesan was usually a part of the household established under a chief courtesan called chaudhrayan (almost like a matriarch), who had gained fame through her beauty, musical and dancing abilities. A kind or a wealthy patron usually supported her household including her entourage of singers, dancers and musicians. She would mentor young girls often related to her who eventually became courtesans. Every reputable house competed with the other in maintaining a group of skilled musicians connected to famous lineages or gharanas of performers. Thereby every kotha achieved a distinction of its own by presenting beautifully decked up women who entertained the clients with delectable food, lively music and dance (Oldenburg, 1984:136). Even though prostitution was an ‘unlawful trade’, yet the evidence from colonial records reveal that the tawaifs were rich and the largest taxpayer under the British rule (Oldenburg, 1984:165). However, later the British were wary of them as they provided financial and logistical aid to the rebels during the revolt of 1857. The British hit back by ransacking their establishment, confiscating their valuables, urban and agricultural properties and other business ventures. (The denigration of their status under the colonial period is given in detail in Section 32.5) In order to understand the link between historical events and the social-cultural changes of Lucknow, we turn our attention to the revolt of 1857. 102 32.4 POLITICAL EVENTS AND THE CITY Case Study: Lucknow Some political events have repercussions, which linger and prevail beyond the immediate aftermath. The consequences of such events can be gauged from their place in the collective memory of the people living in the city. The annexation of Awadh and more importantly the revolt of 1857 qualify to become the formidable events in the memory of the citizens of Lucknow. The social and urban life of the city changed dramatically post the occurrence of these events. 32.4.1 Impact of the Annexation of Awadh (1856) and the Revolt of 1857 Oudh was the most coveted province from the time of the Mughal era and Lucknow as its capital gained the privilege of possessing the richest hinterland. In the eighteenth century the British, while using Oudh as a buffer against the northwest, steadily eroded its territories and revenues. As Oudh shrank in size, the powers of the British resident grew in the court and he demanded equal if not more respect than the king did. Moreover, the East India Company undermined the ability of the ruler by creating a competing power structure. Lord Dalhousie the Governor General of India (1848-52) alluded to Oudh as the luscious “cherry that will drop into our mouth one day” especially if the British continued, “shaking the tree to help it down”. As expected, on 13 February 1856, the British annexed Oudh on the pretext of maladministration (Oldenburg,1984:9). Secunderbagh, Lucknow Source: Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection: Photographic views of Lucknow taken after the Indian Mutiny;http://web.archive.org/web/20071222051622/http://www.brown.edu/Facilities/ University_Library/collections/askb/beato/beato.html;https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/2/26/Image-Secundra_Bagh_after_Indian_Mutiny_higher_res.jpg 103 Early Modern Cities However more than the annexation of Awadh, it was the mutiny of 1857, which became a deciding factor for the British to revamp the city in a daunting manner. The encounter with disease, dirt and death were etched in the minds of the colonial officials and survivors. Hence, they took due cognizance of it while attempting to plan the city after the violent insurrection was over (Oldenburg,1984:26). The sepoy discontent, which was simmering in Barrackpore in March 1857, broke out as a full-fledged mutiny at Meerut on 11 May 1857. Later it spread like a wild fire to northern India and Lucknow was engulfed by the revolt on 30 May 1857. Initially, the 7th Regiment of the Oudh Irregular infantry refused to accept the cartridges for their rifles. By the end of May, the soldiers led the uprising in the city and participated in the burning of property and attacking the European Bungalows. The rebels besieged Lucknow for almost 140 days. The epicenter of the revolt in Awadh was Lucknow, but the sepoys received solidarity from peasants and taluqdars of the nearby regions as well. These classes fought on behalf of the deposed Nawab, reacting sharply to the British annexation of Oudh, new settlement policies, alienation of land rights, over assessment of revenues, loss of older ties of protection and patronage. 32.4.2 Changes in the Layout and Administration of Lucknow Veena Oldenburg has looked into the governance and planning of Lucknow in the aftermath of the mutiny of 1857. According to her, the colonial focus strategically shifted from interference in the native social customs to reconfiguring the urban spaces. The three imperatives that dominated the policy in the urban context were safety, sanitation and loyalty (Oldenburg, 1984:xv). Henceforth the reconstruction of Lucknow and the reconsolidation of British power happened in a systematic and intrusive manner to preempt any form of future dissension against the authority. In fact, Act X of 1858, which remained in force for two years made the inhabitants of cities, towns and villages culpable to pay fine or face punishment if they were found guilty of fomenting trouble (Oldenburg, 1984: 59). The Nawabi capital was seen as a dangerous city, which had narrow alleys that had facilitated the sinister rebellion and made defence impossible. The dense city with labyrinthine rows of residential and commercial buildings, mosques and temples had served the cause of the rebels. Therefore, it was necessary to modify the form of the city to prevent any misadventure in future (Oldenburg,1984:27-28). In such a scenario, the appointment of a military personnel to reshape the city does not come as a surprise. Colonel Robert Napier of the Bengal Engineers with a proven record of military and engineering feat in difficult terrains seemed a befitting candidate to plan Lucknow. He had the experience of building roads in Darjeeling, designing the cantonment in Ambala etc. Moreover, his selection also served the possibility of vindicating and reinstating the authority of colonial power, still convalescing from the consequences of the revolt. He proved his mettle by producing ‘Memorandum on the Military Occupation of the city of Lucknow’ on 26 March 1858. Thus, in a rather short span of time, a blueprint for making the city invincible emerged (Oldenburg,1984:3031). 104 The Napier plan proposed to establish several military posts in prominent buildings including Machchi Bhawan fort. All the constructions around these posts were to be cleared. The roads had to be broadened to make the movement of troops swifter and easier. Scores of houses were razed, garden enclosures defaced, cemetery and mosques levelled to realise this plan. The old meandering alleys, which functionally served the purpose of allowing people to mingle, exchange pleasantries, buy things from itinerant hawkers soon disappeared. For Lucknavites the ‘frenetic construction work was an extension of the battle they had just lost’ (Oldenburg,1984:35). The plan apart from justifying strategic necessity was a punitive measure directed specifically against the Muslim community for their participation in the revolt. Case Study: Lucknow The British in one sweep of Act, which was reminiscent of defiling Delhi’s Jama Masjid in the same period, occupied the Asafi Imambara and Jami Masjid. The Asafi or Bara Imambara was not only a place of worship but also contained the tomb of the Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula. The British regimental barracks deliberately reviled the holy place by eating pork, drinking alcohol and trampling the sacred hall with their boots. The seizure of many other mosques in Lucknow ensured that spaces to congregate, pray and socialize were unavailable to the people. Thus, the implementation of Napier Plan in the city hastily converted the Muslim holy places into temporary barracks widening the Shia-Sunni and Hindu-Muslim divide. The vision of a safe city also meant that a vast sum of revenue had to be collected to provide expeditiously for the civic services. Hence, a strong, centralized civil government came into existence to tackle the chaos and provide an orderly rule (Oldenburg, 1984:64). The Municipal Committee specifically looked into the civic affairs. The committee with native participants or Indian collaborators became the arena of enforcing colonial reforms and they formulated bylaws to regulate the city life. The inclusion of elite or prominent men in the city as members of committee did not mean that their opinion mattered on urban reforms but it was done to ensure that they endorsed the levying of local taxes. The Special Act XVIII of 1864 for Lucknow city legalized the constitution of the Committee (Oldenburg, 1984:79). The aim of the tax collection was to provide a salubrious city. The Sanitary Report of Lucknow 1868-69 suggested that the butchers, workers in tanneries and distillery were to be relocated to the outskirts of the city. The plan to resettle these workers and build a new colony for them never materialised. The citizens had no prior experience of direct taxation under the Nawabs. Earlier, the funds for the city came from the state coffers, which were replenished from the countryside (Oldenburg, 1984:145). The process of estimating and collecting taxes implied that the everyday life of individuals now came under official surveillance. The mohalla panchayats were roped in to assist the trade headman to assess the individual income of residents. Thus, civic planning became the weapon in the armoury of the military bureaucrats to reorder the city. This was an essential step to restore the confidence of the new ruling dispensation in a mutiny battered city. It was on the pretext of implementing legislations related to improving the civic services that the colonial rulers now subjugated the inhabitants. This power structure was buttressed with the collusion of allies who were loyal to the Raj (Oldenburg, 1984:182). In fact, those who had helped the rebels during the revolt were penalised (with the confiscation of their properties) and those who had sided with the British were rewarded for their assistance. With the exit of the Oudh court, the Muslims felt more vulnerable to the policies of the new rulers. On the other hand, the commercial elite composed of Jain bankers, Hindu Bania groups thrived in their money lending business. The Shiite nobles ruined in status became permanently indebted to the usurers of the city. The court lost its sheen and the schism between the Shia and Sunnis widened as the latter sought employment under the British rulers. In the post-rebellion period when the political equation between the British and taluqdars became favourable, Kaiserbagh, a palace complex became a resting place for the new urban elite. The Kaiserbagh ‘had been built by the last king of Oudh, Wajid Ali Shah to house his ever growing harem, and it is ironic that the British, who set out consciously to 105 Early Modern Cities “woo” the taluqdars, offered them these zanana suites as their first physical urban base’ (Oldenburg, 1984:221). The taluqdars opened Canning College in 1864 as a monument of their loyalty to the British (Oldenburg, 1984:239). Thus, the new colonial rule meted out a preferential treatment to those who were unconditionally loyal to their regime. The Colonial rulers razed, rebuilt and planned the city in a way that left an indelible mark on it. The colonial buildings validate the powerful presence of the British governance and the relics are a reminder of that era. 32.4.3 The Colonial Built Heritage The colonial rulers built Lucknow largely following the same principle, which they applied to other towns and cities in India. The three main areas of British occupancy (where officers, army personnel and attendants lived) in Lucknow were the Residency, Cantonment and Civil lines. The British before inhabiting the place mapped out the main routes and the areas within the city. In the late eighteenth century, the East India Company’s historian Robet Orme collected the maps of Lucknow, which indicated the route between different cities. The earliest maps used by the officials depicted the direction they gave to their palanquin bearers on the stages of their journey. In 1767, Thomas Daniell drew a detailed map of mohallas as distinct areas, separated by paths, radiating out from the Macchi Bhavan. After the revolt, the maps were made to survey the region more closely. In December 1857, Lt Col. William Moorsom drew a precise map for military uses. Later on, the Revenue Surveyor, Lt.Col. D.C.Vanrenen’s map (1858) distinctly brought out Napier’s drastic changes in town planning (Jones, 2006:19-21). While mapping the city gave a broad idea of the morphology of Lucknow, the colonial rulers also added their touch to the landscape by building new residence and offices for their entourage. The Residency - the walls riddled with the cannon holes during the time of Mutiny is preserved till date. Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008) 106 The Residency developed in a piecemeal fashion in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. A natural hill was chosen as a dwelling site since it was considered healthier than marshy low-lying grounds. The Residency, which initially consisted of only three bungalows, later became a self-sufficient unit with a treasury, banquet hall, guard’s room, school, post office, printing press, stable, slaughterhouse etc. The British might have commissioned the building but the Nawabs paid the expenditure to build, maintain and furnish the houses. It was a utilitarian building, which was battered during the sixmonth long siege in 1857. The British preserved the ruins to commemorate it as a monument displaying the courage of its officers (Jones, 2006:194-8). Case Study: Lucknow The pattern of colonial urbanisation in Lucknow before the revolt is evident in the building of a quiet and distant Residency, but in its aftermath, the focus shifted entirely to prioritising military and strategic needs. The British, who had been isolated in the Residency during revolt, now ensured that the cantonment, railways and police station flanked the civil lines and the three formed a well-linked unit. The development of Cantonment or the permanent Military Station in Lucknow began after it became the capital of Awadh (1775). In 1801, the Nawab had to disband his forces and pay a million pound sterling for the upkeep of British troops. He reluctantly granted them land in Murian village, north to the river Gomti in 1806 to build a Cantonment. After the revolt, the Cantonment spread its outposts to the city by converting buildings, harems, palaces, mosques into armed camps. About three-fourth of the PWD budget was spent on Military works. The escalating costs were passed on to public in the form of new taxes designed for urban areas. The European officers in the Cantonment lived in a typical bungalow (with garden, servant quarters, compounds) and the native troops lived at some distance, in self-constructed thatched houses. The Cantonment included Church, cemeteries, racecourse, clubhouse etc. It created a ‘European cosmos’ serving the officers social and recreational needs (Oldenburg, 1984:48-52). In 1875, the Cantonment population was 23,154 people including 4000 Europeans. It was one thirteenth of the population of the Lucknow City but the European population never exceeded 2 percent of its population. This was an anomalous situation because despite receiving the municipal subsidy, the Cantonment was outside its limits and had no reciprocal obligation (Oldenburg, 1984:54-55). The Civil Station was the residential area for the European non-military community comprising of civil servants, traders, shopkeepers etc. The nuzul lands (belonging to the royal family) were at the disposal of the British and they could easily acquire real estate forcibly or at a very low price for building purposes. The civil lines had a clock tower, shopping arcade, theatre and service club. The United Service Club in the Chhattar Manzil Palace was a place designated for social gatherings. Thus, it is apt to believe that Lucknow’s ‘social life matched its political importance as a regional capital and a regimental headquarter’ (Oldenburg, 1984:244). In the early nineteenth century, Lucknow stood apart in terms of size and affluence after the three colonial port cities of Madras, Calcutta and Bombay (Oldenburg, 1984:3-4). However, after the deposition of the last Nawab, the city underwent social upheaval and demographic changes. 32.5 THE DECLINE IN THE NAWABI PATRONAGE In 1800, it was estimated that about 3,00,000 people lived in Lucknow. After the ouster of the last Nawab Wajid Ali Shah (1856), the colonial administrators carried out a census in 1872. It estimated the inhabitants in the city to around 2,84,779 and by 1901 the population further came down to 2,56,000 (Jones, 1985:12; Oldenburg,1984:19).The city witnessed not just demographic changes but also suffered socio-cultural decline that affected the livelihood of many people. The dethroned Nawab 107 Early Modern Cities took a sizeable number of royal elite (including artists, poets) to Matiya Burj (suburb of Calcutta) and supported them from his monthly pension. His entourage included thousand people, thirty-seven wives and several courtiers. Abdul Halim Sharar, the celebrated writer whose family joined the court of the ex-king in 1862 lived there for ten years (1869-79). He claims that Matiaburj grew into a flourishing township, complete with fine palaces, bazaars, imambaras and mosques and re-created the social life of Lucknow: From the time of king’s arrival in Calcutta, a second Lucknow had risen in its neighbourhood…there was the same bustle and activity, the same language, the same style of poetry, conversation and wit,...the same aristocrats, noble and common people… (Sharar,1975:74). Sharar was a noted essayist, novelist and historian who grew up in Matiaburj before returning to Lucknow to study in Farangi Mahal. He chronicled the cultural heyday of Lucknow by recounting the contribution of Nawabs to the capital of Awadh. His account is interesting as it gives detail of every-day life in Lucknow and the topophilia associated with the place, which compelled the last Nawab to quintessentially replicate it in Matiaburj(Oldenburg,1984:203-204). The Waning Culture of the Courtesans The Nawab of Awadh not only patronised the courtesans but also promoted musical gharanas and encouraged the refinement of dance forms. The kothas (literally top floor) prospered owing to the extravagant patronage from the royal households. However, the British with their ‘Victorian notions of propriety and masculinity’ labelled them as effete, licentious and hedonist and considered their relationship with courtesans as an indicator of their decadence (S Kidwai, 2008:118). While the Nawabs believed that the courtesans were a ‘cultural asset’, the colonizers treated them condescendingly. They were despised as prostitutes who were required to gratify the physical needs of the soldiers (Oldenburg, 1984:136). The kothas or salons were reduced to merely chaklakhana (brothel) and nishatkhana (night house and clubs) where men had neither taste for their Urdu speeches or their dance performance. This had an unfavorable impact on their artistic creativity, which declined subsequently. Earlier the tawaifs were in a position to make a choice on whom to bestow sexual favours but now they were associated with only flesh trade. The kothas became synonymous with their promiscuous activities where they entertained clients. (Kidwai, 2008: 122). The colonial government was very skeptical of them and introduced laws to regulate their interaction with the soldiers. The European garrisons, around whose health the urban planning of Lucknow revolved were considered susceptible to communicable diseases (Oldenburg, 1984:25). The venereal disease linked with the local prostitutes was a matter of concern. The provisions given in Britain’s Contagious Diseases Act, found its resonance in the Act XXII of 1864 in India. In all the cantonments, both soldiers and prostitutes were treated and quarantined in specially isolated hospitals called Lock Hospitals (Oldenburg, 1984:132). The registration and medical inspection of the prostitutes became mandatory in Lucknow. Among the 956 registered women, around 100 were handpicked and relocated to the regimental bazaars to serve the soldiers exclusively. These women routinely underwent the humiliating experience of examination of their bodies and inspection of their rooms (Oldenburg, 1984:140). 108 Even though the courtesans were associated with the feminisation and emasculation of males in general and the Nawabs in particular, yet they played a key role in upholding the vitality of Awadh’s culture and in contributing to the court politics. Many courtesans aided the rebels during the time of the revolt. Some even refused to give sexual favors to the British soldiers. When Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, was exiled to Calcutta, he left behind many wives. Among them Begum Hazrat Mahal, a tawaif, took a bold stance against the British in the revolt of 1857. Hazrat Mahal, had been sold to talent scouts for Wajid Ali Shah’s harem, the Pari Khana (Fairy House). The Pari Khana had an elaborate hierarchy. Entrants came as attendants and were proclaimed as paris once they learnt to sing and dance. If they became concubines, they attained the statues of begums and if they bore the Nawab a child, they were given the highest title of ‘Mahal’. Mahak Pari (fragrant fairy) thus became Hazrat Mahal when she reached the top rung of the hierarchy (Kidwai, 2008: 123). Case Study: Lucknow After the Nawab’s ouster, she remained in Lucknow and proclaimed herself the representative of the Awadh dynasty. Hazrat Mahal defied purdah and took direct control of public affairs by proclaiming her twelve-year-old son Bajris Qadar, the successor to the throne in August 1857 (Roy, 2007:1722). She rallied the support against the enemy, participated in planning strategies and fortified Lucknow. Her aide Uma Devi (a dalit virangana or heroic woman) supported and fought with her to regain control over Awadh (Gupta, 2007:1741). When Lucknow was seiged by the British, Mahal took refuge in Nepal and refused to accept the pension offered by Queen Victoria. In her state of exile, she countered, Queen Victoria’s proclamation as Empress of India with one of her own decree, which was affixed with a royal seal. She did not compromise on her status and dignity and died in Nepal in 1874 (Kidwai, 2008:123). By 1860s, the British had succeeded in suppressing the rebellion and in eliminating their foes. The form of the city had changed drastically. The old city was considered populous and decaying while the new city comprising of cantonment and civil lines was thriving and bustling with activity. The schism between the old and the new city made the integration implausible (Oldenburg, 1984:264). By this time, The British began to promote Allahabad, the Hindi speaking heartland of India over the proverbial Urdu speaking city of Lucknow. Allahabad gained primacy as the capital of Oudh for strategic reasons as it seemed easily defensible and had direct links with Calcutta. The British reasoned that in order to govern Awadh more frugally, it should be merged with the neighbouring North West provinces. Thus, two provinces of Oudh and North West were amalgamated into a single state of the United Provinces in 1877, with Allahabad as its capital. Lucknow was demoted to a provincial town and it languished for a while until Harcourt Butler restored it as the capital of United Provinces in 1920 (Oldenburg, 2007:27). While the urban planning of Lucknow under the British rule seemed inevitable, it did receive backlash on more than one occasion.A notable urban planner, Patrick Geddes was its strongest critic and questioned the government for developing the city in a flawed manner. 32.6 RE-EMERGENCE OF LUCKNOW IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY Patrick Geddes a Scottish biologist, sociologist, geographer and an urban town planner visited India in early twentieth century. It was an opportune moment for him as the British engaged many foreign experts to grapple with the urban squalor that plagued the cities and towns in the colonial period (Partho Dutta, 2012:1-2). He travelled extensively and wrote a series of town planning reports on around 40 cities and towns in India. In 1916, Geddes wrote a detailed report appraising Lucknow’s urban morphology. He was appalled at the demolition of large parts of the ‘historic core’ of the Indian cities and ‘appreciated the varied urban and civic traditions of pre modern India’ (Partho 109 Early Modern Cities Dutta, 2012:4). By this time, Lucknow had become a layered city within a short period. For instance, the Machhi Bhawan, which somehow survived the Napier plan, was demolished in 1891 and by1912, Samuel Swinton Jacob built King George and Queen Mary’s hospital and College on the same site. (Gordon, 2006:37). This indicated a remarkable urban change within a short period. Geddes was displeased with the obdurate laws, which restricted the layout and façades of houses and shops. The balconies that people used for airy extensions of rooms were prohibited. He pointed out that the British uniform and regular-shaped structures had replaced the ‘sporadic, self expressive, ornate balconies and other structures produced by native artisans (Oldenburg, 1984:120). His exasperation was evident from what he wrote: At various points I have made suggestions in details; but rarely have I had any serious criticism to make. The only one, in fact which I need to mention, is to deprecate, in at least one section, a profusion unnecessary of roads and lanes to houses. The principle of planning is not to put roads round the houses but the houses round the roads and to keep this clearly in view is a main secret of economic planning…similarly bye-laws (sic)were made for houses and not houses for Bye-laws (sic)… (Geddes, 1916:32) Patrick Geddes thoroughly disapproved the broad roads built by Napier. He considered them ‘out of place in the antique city and even as unbeautiful as they are destructive and costly’ (Geddes, 1916:21). He criticized the ‘wide and monotonous’ boulevards in the city which were incompatible with the customary buildings. On the contrary, he suggested the narrowing of the Victoria Street and quipped that a boulevard of that width seemed ‘exceptional and unnecessary even in Paris’(Geddes, 1916:6). He advised that the roads should be re-built in a way that restored the splendor of the old city and the street should become a place for social and commercial transactions (Oldenburg, 1984, p.42). Geddes was one of the first people to observe that the Indian towns were ‘organic’ in form or rooted in a specific historical and regional context (Narayani Gupta, 2011). He was supportive of indigenous artisans and admired them for their building elegant structures in Lucknow. He appreciated the ‘skill and beauty of old craftsmanship’, which suited the dwelling forms of the city. He suggested that the local artisans should be allowed to practice their unique expertise even in the changed political scenario (Geddes, 1916:37). It is a pity that his advice went unheeded and his ideas were dismissed as utopian and lacking pragmatic sensibility. Nevertheless, his critique as an urban planner remains thought provoking and relevant. In the twentieth century, apart from the Municipal Board who looked after the urban affairs of Lucknow, a large number of civil servants ‘untrained in town planning’, with ‘little knowledge or experience’, were given authority to revamp the city (Jopling, 1923:28). After the passage of 1919 Act, a body of Town Improvement Trust emerged in Lucknow, and its members suggested schemes to decongest the city, provide markets, sites for factories and industries, etc. (Jopling, 1923:29). The stage was set to make Lucknow a vibrant city again. By this time, the political fortunes of Lucknow revived and it began to regain its lost significance. As the national movement gained momentum in the United Provinces (UP), Allahabad became the hotbed of politics for the rising middle class. It was also the headquarters for the United Province Congress organization and a number of leading nationalist newspapers were printed in Allahabad .Governor Harcourt Butler (191822) played a crucial role in focusing attention on the development of Lucknow and mooted the idea of making it the capital of United Provinces. Lucknow was favoured 110 over Allahabad now as the Taluqdars were ready to support the British government in return for guarding their landed interests. In 1921, Butler called Allahabad the ‘intellectual’ capital and Lucknow the ‘social’ capital of the province. Thus, the stage was set to make Lucknow the provincial capital as it became the residence of governor, housed the chamber of the Legislative Council, and was the headquarters of All India Muslim League (Joshi:242-244). The Sunni ulema of the Firangi Mahal also came to limelight after they participated in the Khilafat movement. Thereafter, Lucknow gained national recognition and preeminence as a political, educational and administrative hub in north India. 32.7 Case Study: Lucknow SUMMARY The Shia Nawabs ofAwadh shared an extraordinary relationship with the city of Lucknow, which witnessed the flowering of a specific aesthetic style, literary elegance and an inimitable lucknavi tehzeeb or protocol that became synonymous with their reign. The rule exemplified an assimilation of Persian, European and indigenous influences that resulted in a cosmopolitan and hybrid ‘Awadhian’ culture. The British coveted the opulent and resourceful province of Awadh for many strategic reasons. Lucknow as its provincial capital by default inherited the splendour of the famed court and became the focus of colonial interest. The rebellion of 1857 marked an important turning point in the political history of British in India and in the life of this city. In the aftermath of the revolt, the colonial rulers strengthened their hold over the capital ofAwadh by shifting focus from social reform to reconfiguring the urban spaces. The new governance pattern camouflaged the social and economic control ingrained in it. The military and civilian officers who reconstructed Lucknow penetrated the city more efficiently than before. The inhabitants became accustomed to paying taxes to experience the benefits planned for the city. Many of the administrative features built therein became a permanent feature of organising civic affairs, which continue to hold its sway over Lucknow and other cities even today. Although the British annexed Awadh on the pretext of maladministration, yet they failed to take into cognizance the political stability, architectural magnificence and cultural refinement achieved under the Nawabs in the eight decades prior to their takeover. It will be presumptuous to believe that the Awadhian rulers were merely cultural conduits devoid of any political sensibilities. The fact remains that the city did not lose its charm despite the exile of the last Nawab and its demotion to a provincial town in 1877. Moreover, the ‘Awadhian’ cultural legacy has outlived different political regimes and is implicitly present in the urban life of Lucknow even today. 32.8 TIMELINE 1722-1856 Reign of Shia Nawabs in Awadh 1722-39 Saadat Khan begins to treat Awadh as its family fief 1764 Shuja-ud-Daula loses to East India Company in the Battle of Buxar 1775 Asaf-ud-Daula moves the capital of Oudh from Faizabad (Ayodhaya) to Lucknow 1801 The building of British Residency begins in the outskirts of Lucknow 111 Early Modern Cities 1819 Nawab Ghaziuddin Hyder declared Oudh an independent state 13 Feb 1856 Annexation of Awadh and Nawab Wajid Ali Shah exiled to Matiaburj 30 May 1857 Sepoy Mutiny breaks out in Lucknow 1 July 1857 Rebels sieged the Residency 22 March1858 Lucknow recovered by British 1877 Oudh amalgamated with the North West Provinces and Allahabad is made its capital. Lucknow demoted to the status of a provincial town 1920 Lucknow becomes the Capital of United Provinces 32.9 EXERCISES 1) Explain the political and cultural contribution of the Nawabs and Begums of Awadh to the city of Lucknow. 2) The revolt of 1857 significantly transformed the urban life of the city. Comment. 3) Elaborate on the role of the courtesans in stimulating a specific urban culture of Lucknow. 4) What do monuments signify? Is there any power dimension associated with them? 5) Discuss the unique aspects of art and architecture belonging to different political regimes in Lucknow. 6) How did colonial planning of the city differ from the interventions made by the Nawabs in the preceding period? 32.10 REFERENCES Alam, Muzaffar, (1986)The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India, Awadh and the Punjab 1707-1748 (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Casci, Simonetta, (7-13 Sep 2012) ‘Lucknow Nawabs: Architecture and Identity’, Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), Vol.37, No.36, pp.3711-3714. Chelkowski, Peter, (2006) ‘Monumental Grief, The Bara Imambara’ in R L Jones (ed.),Lucknow City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel), pp.101-134. Das, Neeta, (2006) ‘The Country Houses of Lucknow’ in R L Jones (ed.),Lucknow City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel) pp.167-192. David, Nina, (2006) ‘La Martiniere An Enlightened Vision’, in R L Jones (ed.),Lucknow City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel) pp.221-247. Dutta, Partho, (2012) ‘Patrick Geddes and the Metropolis’, NMML Occasional Paper, History and Society, New Series, 5. Gordon, Sophie, (2006) ‘The Royal Palaces’, in R L Jones (ed.),Lucknow City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel), pp.31-88. 112 Hay, Sidney, (1939, reprinted in 2001) Historic Lucknow (Delhi: Asian Educational Services). Case Study: Lucknow Geddes, Patrick,(1916) Town Planning in Lucknow: A Report to the Municipal Council (Lucknow: Murray London Printing Press). Graff, Violet, (ed.) (1997) Lucknow Memories of a City (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Hasnain Nadeem, (2016) The Other Lucknow: An Ethnographic Portrait of a City of Undying Memories and Nostalgia, (Delhi:Vani Prakashan). Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (1985) A Fatal Frienship, The Nawabs, the British and the City of Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (1992) A Very Ingenious Man, Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (2000) Engaging Scoundrels, True Tales of Old Lucknow (USA:Oxford University Press). Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (ed.) (2003) Lucknow Then and Now (Mumbai: Marg Publications). Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (ed.) (2006) Lucknow City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel). Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (ed.) (2008) The Great Uprising in India, 1857-58 (Delhi: Viva Books). Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (2014) The Last King in India, Wajid ‘Ali Shah, 18221887(London: Hurst & Company). Joshi Kusum Pant, (1990), ‘The Choice of a Capital: Lucknow under the British’ in Indu Banga (ed.) The City in Indian History, (Delhi: Manohar), pp.237-246. Jopling, Millais Lindsay, (Jan 1923) ‘Town Planning in Lucknow’, The Town Planning Review, Vol.10, No.1, pp.25-36. Khan, K.U., (1998) Monuments of Nawabs of Oudh(Delhi: Reliance Publishing House). Kidwai, Saleem, (2008) ‘Of Begums and Tawaifs: The Women of Awadh’ in Mary John (ed.), Women’s Studies in India; A Reader (Delhi: Penguin), pp.118-123. Markel, Stephen, Tushara Bindu Gude, (ed.) (2010)India’s Fabled City: the Art of Courtly Lucknow (New York: Los Angeles County Museum of Art). Misra, Amaresh, (1998) Lucknow: Fire of Grace (Delhi: Harper Collins). Mukherjee, Rudrangshu, (1984) Awadh in Revolt 1857-58, A Study of Popular Resistance (Delhi: Permanent Black). Oldenburg, Veena Talwar, (1984) The Making of Colonial Lucknow 1856-1877 (New Jersey: Princeton University Press). Oldenburg, Veena Talwar, (ed.) (2007) Shaam-e-Awadh (Delhi: Penguin). Santha, K.S., (1980) Begums of Awadh (Varanasi: Bharati Prakashan). 113 Early Modern Cities Sharar, Abdul Halim, (1975) (translated and edited by E.S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain) Lucknow, the Last Phase of an Oriental Culture(London: Paul Elek Books). Sharma, Yogesh and Pius Malekandathil, (ed.) (2014) Cities in Medieval India(Delhi: Primus Books). Singh, Malvika, (2011) Lucknow A City Between Cultures (Delhi: Academic Foundation). Taqui, Roshan, (2001) Lucknow 1857, The Two Wars of Lucknow: The Dusk of an Era, (Lucknow: The New Royal Book Company). Trivedi, Madhu, (2010)The Making of Awadh Culture (Delhi: Primus Books). Suggested Readings Dutta, Nonica, (Feb 2, 2001) ‘Fleeting Impressions: A Girl’s College in Lucknow’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol 36, No.4, pp.279-81. Fonia R.S., (2013) Monuments of Lucknow, (Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India). Frietag Sandra, (2014) ‘A Visual History of three Lucknows’, South Asia: Journal of South Asia Studies, 37:3, pp.431-453. Gordon, Sophie, (2006) ‘A City of Mourning: The Representation of Lucknow, India in Nineteenth-Century Photography’, History of Photography, 30:1, pp.80-91. Gupta, Charu, (May 12-18, 2007)‘Dalit Viranganas and Reinvention of 1857’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 42, No.19, pp.1739-45. Gupta, Narayani, (July 3, 2011) ‘They Made a Difference – “Of Papiya Ghosh and Patrick Geddes”, Mainstream Vol XLIX, No.31. Hasan, Mushirul, (2 March 1996) ‘Traditional Rites and Contested Meanings: Sectarian strife in Colonial Lucknow’, Economic and Political Weekly, pp. 543-550. Manuel, Peter, (Autumn1986) ‘The Evolutionof Modern Thumri’, Ethnomusicology, Vol.30, No.3, pp.470-90. McNeil, Adrian, (April, 2009) ‘Tawaif, Military Musicians and Shia Ideology in PreRebellion’ Lucknow, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 32:1, pp.46-62. Mehta, Vinod, (2011) Lucknow Boy A Memoir (Delhi: Penguin). Nagar, Amritlal, (2011) Hum e fida Lucknow (Delhi: Rajpal and Sons). Naim, C M and Carla Petievich,(1997) ‘Urdu in Lucknow and Lucknow in Urdu’, in Violet Graff(ed.) Lucknow Memories of a City (Delhi: Oxford University Press), pp.165-180. Oldenburg, Veena,(Summer 1990) ‘Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow, India’, Feminist Studies, Volume6, No.2, pp.259-287. Robinson, Francis, (2001)The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, (Delhi: Permanent Black). Roy, Kaushik, (May 12-18, 2007) ‘The Beginning of People’s War in India’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 42, No.19 pp.1720-28. 114 Singh, A.K. and S.S.A. Jafri, (2011)‘Lucknow: From Tradition to Modernity’, History and Sociology of South Asia, Sage, 5(2), 143-164. Case Study: Lucknow Singh, Lata, (May 12-18, 2007) ‘Visibilising the ‘Other’ in History: Courtesans and the Revolt of 1857’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 42, No.19 pp.1677-80. Stark, Ulrike, (2011) ‘Associational Culture and Civic Engagement in Colonial Lucknow: The Jalsh-e Tahzib’, Indian Economic and Social Historical Review, 48, 1, pp.133. Tankha, Akshaya and Rahab Allana, (Summer 2007) ‘Photographs of the aftermath, 1857’, India International Centre Quarterly, Vol.34, No.1, pp.8-24. Welter, Volker, (1999) ‘Arcades for Lucknow: Patrick Geddes, Charles Rennie Mackintosh and the Reconstruction of the City’, Architectural History, Volume 42, pp.316-332. Things to do Watch Shatranj Ke Khiladi (1977) movie by Satyajit Ray (based on the story written by Munshi Premchand in 1924). Umrao Jan (1981) movie by Muzaffar Ali (based on novel Umrao Jan Ada by Mirza Hadi Ruswa published in 1899). Embroidery of Lucknow: A documentary by NDTV on Youtube. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7G_OTbjULq0). 115