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2010, Himalaya the Journal of the Association For Nepal and Himalayan Studies
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3 pages
1 file
2016
This lecture traces some of the ways in which Nepal has been imagined, starting over 1500 years ago when the name referred to the Kathmandu Valley ruled by the Licchavi dynasty. That spatialised hierarchical conception (‘Nepal mandala’) is contrasted with later ideas of Nepal as interface, empire, nation-state, and multicultural federal republic. At each stage, Nepal has been imagined as made up of different kinds of people. In the modern period formal and official categorisations have become increasingly egalitarian and, recently, even explicitly antihierarchical. Since 1990, ethnic identities have been massively transformed and politicised. Entirely new ‘macro categories’ have come into existence. However, the old order has not simply disappeared, but remains ‘back stage’, reworked; it can be discerned in informal but still powerful hierarchies of language and national belonging.
2018
This paper is an English version of the author’s farewell lecture held on the 20th of July, 2016, in the old lecture hall (“Alte Aula”) of Heidelberg University. It has been translated from the printed German text ‘Nepal in der Welt’ which appeared in 2017. A survey of Nepal and Nepal studies from precolonial times until present, the lecture sheds light on quite a range of topics and raises issues that are relevant for area studies just as well as for many other academic disciplines. Axel Michaels’ main concern in all this is to discuss ways of understanding the ‘other’. Simultaneously, true to the format of a farewell lecture, the paper contains some retrospection on Michaels’ involments, scholarly and otherwise, with Nepal.
2017
Many peoples and institutions have unconditionally helped me in research and writing this dissertation. David Holmberg, my committee chair, has been a remarkable mentor and teacher, who not only showed me the way to Cornell but also taught me to think differently about culture. I learned anthropology not only from his classes but also through informal conversations with him over 15 years now. Had he not shown me the way to Cornell I would have ended up elsewhere nor would I have had a valuable perspective to look into societies, including my own. The intellectual product I have at hand here has been possible only because of David's unconditional support and academic guardianship. I shall remain forever grateful to my committee chair, David Holmberg, for all the support he has given me both on and off campus in Ithaca and Nepal. I feel proud and fortunate to be his student and thankful to him for accepting me as his student. My committee member, Kathryn S. March, has been so remarkably helpful both academically as well as in helping me navigate through difficulties with Cornell's bureaucracy as an international student. I learned so much about the conceptual and theoretical differences and similarities between non-Hindu adivasis and Hindu caste cultures in Nepal from her class on Peoples and Cultures in the Himalayas. I would also like to recognise Kathryn for all her support, guidance, and care not only for me but also for my spouse Hema, and my boys, Mukum and Muksam. My committee member, Magnus Fiskesjö, has been a great help in relation to choosing my research topic. During my first semester at Cornell, I took his class on Asian Minorities in which his discussions and readings on the Wa people from the viii borderlands between Burma and China were greatly helpful for me as I looked into Limbu society. Limbu lifeways and customs seem similar to the Wa in many respects. At the Department of Anthropology at Cornell, informal meetings and conversations with Terence Turner were serendipitously helpful in whetting my anthropologically blunt intellectual edge then. To me, Terry's concept of synchronic pluralism is a theoretical capsule that is useful in dealing with the problems facing multi-cultural societies like Nepal. His phrasing of Marx and anthropology together, by "anthropologizing Marx and [the] marxification of anthropology" during his talk on "Indigenous Peoples' Movement and Marxism" in Kathmandu in May 2012, was profoundly helpful in conceptualizing my research. Terry is no more with us now but the anthropological theoretical capsules he has left behind are so useful and perfect for interpreting indigenous peoples movements in particular, and societies in general. I am really grateful to the late Professor Terence Turner for providing me with a uniquely different understanding of anthropology, which helped me to look towards a different horizon. Jane Fajans was the Director of Graduate Studies in the Department when I came to Cornell. It would not have been easy for me in starting graduate school at Cornell without her support and guidance. In my first semester, the proseminar class with Steve Sangren was intellectually stimulating as well as enlightening. I am thankful to Steve not only for that class but also for thoughtful conversations, focusing mainly on politics. I am also grateful to Audra Simpson for her class on the Anthropology of Colonialism. The class mainly discussed native Americans, and The First Nations' historical and political issues in the face of European colonization. Her class really helped me to think through the adivasi Limbu situation in Nepal. ix My travel between Ithaca and Nepal for my research was supported by the Mario Einaudi Center for International Studies and the Graduate School at Cornell. The Department of Anthropology's emergency fund also provided invaluable financial support. I am grateful to these organizations for financially supporting me. While doing my field research in Nepal, many individuals and organizations were generous and helpful. I worked with DB Angbung, a promising student of anthropology but also a scholar in Limbu mundhum, literature and writing as well as a full time activist in the Limbuwan movement. Without his support, this work would not have gotten into this form. Conversations with the leaders of the Federal Limbuwan State Council including Kumar Lingden, Khagendra Makhim, and Surya Makhim were extremely helpful in knowing the history of the Limbuwan based political parties and their movements in Nepal. I am thankful to DB Angbung for all his support. I am grateful to Kirat Yakthung Chumlung's Arjun Limbu, Yograj Wanem and Lila Singak for their time and help for me. I am also thankful to the
Studies in Nepali History and Society (SINHAS), 2020
The sheer diversity and lively activity of Nepal geographies makes them difficult to ignore. From the continuous uplift of mountains and itinerant migration of river channels, to the feats of engineering on display in terraced fields and remarkable histories of migration and trade across mountain passes and floodplains, Nepal is a place where the “environment”—produced through intertwined social and biophysical processes—rarely recedes as passive “context.” Home to uniquely diverse and rapidly transforming bio-physical systems, geopolitical encounters and indigenous relations of knowledge and practice, Nepal has long offered a wealth of opportunities to advance nuanced geographical understandings of the co-production of socio-natural relations and affords rich grounds for transformative politics and intersectional modes of resistance.
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Globalization, altering role of WTO, expanding markets in Asia and Latin America, the emergence of prosperous middle class with heavy inluence of satellite television and the rise of consumerism has introduced a new transnational class structure. From a theoretical perspective, although deteriorisation is fundamental to understanding globalization, any piece of land can never be completely overcome without winning the heart and mind of the local people. In a context of global-local interface, deteriorisation must unavoidably be escorted by the process of relocalization of the cultures and rtaditions of backward world. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hjsa.v4i0.4673 Himalayan Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol.IV (2010) 160-176
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