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2021, Indian Law Review
https://doi.org/10.1080/24730580.2021.1996077…
5 pages
1 file
The Indian Feminist Judgements Project (IFJP) is a collaboration between feminist scholars, practitioners, and activists, drawn from law and other disciplines, who are using a feminist lens to write alternative opinions to existing judgements. The aim of this project is to critically examine judicial archives using feminist tools. The project aspires to be a blueprint for alternative feminist futures of juridical practices and critical lawyering. This special issue of the Indian Law Review presents a set of six rewritten judgements and accompanying commentaries that were prepared as part of the IFJP. IFJP is inspired by similar efforts in other jurisdictions. The precursor to the present trend of feminist rewriting of judgements is the setting up of the Women's Court of Canada in 2004. 1 This was a collaborative project by Canadian feminist scholars, activists and lawyers who rewrote Canadian Supreme Court decisions on section 15, the equality clause in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom. The goal of this "shadow judgment" project was to explore what substantive equality could look like in judicial expression. The Canadian experiment was repeated in the UK, Australia, the USA, New Zealand, Ireland and Northern Ireland. 2 Taking a leaf from its sister projects, IFJP imagines the possibilities of collaboratively writing alternative feminist judgements for landmark Indian cases across a broad range of legal issues such as substantive equality, sexual autonomy and consent, employment discrimination, religious freedom, legal pluralism, and law's relation to indigeneity, disability, and caste, among others. Feminist scholarship in India has extensively explored how legal rules and their application by the courts continue to remain sites of embedded patriarchy. 3 IFJP builds upon this literature by translating the vast body of feminist legal theory into practice by rewriting the CONTACT Aparna Chandra
The Supreme Court of India released the Handbook on Combating Gender Stereotypes in late 2023. This paper traces the genealogy of this document to feminist jurisprudence, epistemologies and the social movements for gender justice. While the handbook reflects a crucial moment in its own right, its efficacy is contingent on a fractured and hierarchical judicial order, where patriarchal discourse is common in lower court deliberations and legal pedagogy is averse towards "non-law" courses. One wonders if it can make a real change in undoing the "familial" and "gendered" interpretations of judicial discourse. The authors would like to thank Sruti Basu and Sharanya Chowdhury for their research assistance.
Journal of International Women's Studies , 2016
This paper examines the critique of what has been termed as “governance feminism” and analyses its conceptual utility with reference to the legal reform process undertaken in India in the aftermath of the Delhi anti-rape demonstrations of late 2012-early 2013. Governance feminism refers to the process by which feminists influence institutional decisions and policy, and critiques of governance feminism focus on its tendency to maintain an equivalence between womanhood and victimhood, and its blindness to unintended consequences of feminist legal reform. This paper will reflect on the critiques that have been made of governance feminist interaction with the state, and examine their exportability to the Indian context, with reference to Indian feminist engagement with the Justice Verma Committee (JVC) that was set up to make recommendations to the criminal law. I will go on to argue that the critiques that have been made of governance feminist intervention in the West have limited exportability to the Indian context. The insights of the governance feminist critique remain invaluable, and the methodological emphasis that it places on unintended consequences are of relevance to Indian feminists who (like any feminist movement) do not operate as a monolithic movement, but are constantly negotiating unstable political categories and identities. However, this paper will pay attention to the fact that where the Indian feminist movement was self-critical in its recommendations for legal reform, they were largely unsuccessful in having them reflected in the Ordinance and Act later passed. In the light of this, it will argue that while the governance feminist critique tends to espouse taking a break from feminism to account for other justice projects, the Indian feminist’s experience suggests that feminists may be better off taking a break from the state.
Woman" is a troublesome term, in feminism and in law(Richard Rorty,1989)".The category is neither consistently nor coherently constituted in linguistic, historical, or legal contexts. Yet the framework through which women have sought and gained improvements in their legal, economic, and social status depends upon the ascription of meaning to the term. The role of constitutions in ensuring gender justice is being recognized in modern times. It is most appropriate that the supreme law of the land should meaningfully address the woman question and respond to the challenges by stimulating the whole legal system towards a greater concern for, and protection of women. During each time period drastic changes and revolution has happened in the field of feminist jurisprudence in India.Each strain of feminist jurisprudence evaluates and criticizes the law by examining the relationship between gender, sexuality, power, individual rights, and the judicial system, as a whole the paper focuses on each of the time period giving critical evaluation to the changing facet of Feminist Jurisprudence and it's locus in Indian Laws.
In this paper I will present a feminist alternative to the Supreme Court of India’s judgment in the case of Sakshi v. Union of India AIR 2004 SC 3566. The purpose of this exercise inspired by the Feminist Judgments Project in the UK and elsewhere, is to implement feminist theory in judicial practice and to provide an alternative to the supposedly ‘universal’ voice of judicial authority. In 1997 Sakshi, a sexual violence intervention and victim support organisation, through a writ petition asked the Supreme Court of India to broaden the definition of rape by judicial re-interpretation to include all kinds of penetrative sexual violence against women. The petition argued that the narrow definition of rape as only vaginal-penile violates the fundamental rights of women who endure ‘other’ kinds of non-consensual sexual penetration. After a long deliberation, in 2004 the petition was dismissed by the Court. I have chosen to write an alternative to this particular judgment because its inadequacies affect women’s lives profoundly in relation to sexual violence and rape.
2022
Much is being written about feminist lawyering in the West, but what is the purpose of feminist lawyering in the patriarchal context in third-world nations? While reflecting on case laws and activism in India, this essay argues that feminist lawyering in a profoundly hierarchical society is a much broader concept than that of traditional lawyering where a lawyer works not to `win the case' but aims at the larger goals of eliminating inequalities, eradicating oppression, challenging sexist stereotypes, abolishing fascism and addressing conditions that perpetuate domination. In a society, where citizenship rights are denied to specific groups based on social parameters such as gender, race, caste, class or religion, feminist lawyering in such a context has to be understood broadly as a practice that supports those on the margins while holding the state accountable. It is about questioning the androcentric norms within and outside the courtrooms, asking the law, courts and society to be sensitive about gender concerns and to recognize and enforce the
2021
Feminists’ efforts in the last decade have led to the passing of much legislation including the laws on: abortion, rape, maternity benefits, equal remuneration, sexual harassment, domestic violence. In context of India, laws prohibiting sati, child marriage, dowry, right to property and other have been passed. Despite these legislations, socio-economic status of women has shown little improvement resulting from a gap between women’s formal legal rights and their continuing substantive inequality. The assumption working here is that either law is an instrument of change or that of oppression Keywords⸻ Law, Gender, Woman, Feminism, Criminal Law
Verfassung und Recht in Übersee, 2023
The figure of the judge looms large in legal theories of the common law world, with Ronald Dworkin's 'Hercules' being perhaps the best-known example. 1 Formal, 2 positive, 3 realist, 4 process-oriented, 5 or critical 6-theories of law that share divergent and even opposing views on the nature of law and the legal system are nonetheless concerned with what the judge does, how, why, and with what consequences, in thinking about the law and legal methods. So also, in thinking about the nature of law, and its application to concrete cases, law students and scholars often embody the perspective of a hypothetical ideal judge A.
Feminist legal theory manifests through writing and speaking about 'law' and 'women,' in an effort to promote and improve understanding about justice. Feminist legal theory is a set of ideas, an activity engaged in by thinkers in and outside academia, and an intellectual and political movement. Developments in feminist legal theory emerged through engagement with problems rooted in inequalities, experienced by individuals and communities, at the hands of people, corporations, or the state. This article draws out key areas of tension within the field of feminist legal theory, focusing on English-language feminist legal theory and spanning the field of national jurisdictions and international human rights.
The paper talks about feminist jurisprudence in the modern world. The focus is mostly on laws that help the situation of women in India.
Journal of Indian Law and Society, 2018
Lotika Sarkar, who passed away on 23rd February 2013, was a Professor of Law at Delhi University from 1951 till 1983, in addition to being a founding member of the Centre for Women’s Development Studies, New Delhi and the Indian Association of Women’s Studies. She was a member of the Committee on the Status of Women (Government of India) that produced the historic Towards Equality report in 1974. She is probably best known and remembered as one of the four signatories to the Open Letter written to the Chief Justice of India, in protest against the Mathura judgment in 1979. It is only fitting to dedicate this Special Issue on the Law Commission of India to Lotika’s memory, for it seeks to build upon and continue her inquiry into the Commission’s work on women’s equality, that she undertook twenty-five years ago.
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