New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics

Spanish Socio-Historical Linguistics Advances in Historical Sociolinguistics (AHS) issn 2214-1057 Over the last three decades, historical sociolinguistics has developed into a mature and challenging field of study that focuses on language users and language use in the past. The social motivation of linguistic variation and change continues at the forefront of the historical sociolinguistic enquiry, but current research does not stop there. It extends from social and regional variation in language use to its various communicative contexts, registers and genres, and includes issues in language attitudes, policies and ideologies. One of the main stimuli for the field comes from new digitized resources and large text corpora, which enable the study of a much wider social coverage than before. Historical sociolinguists use variationist and dialectological research tools and techniques, perform pragmatic and social network analyses, and adopt innovative approaches from other disciplines. The series publishes monographs and thematic volumes, in English, on different languages and topics that contribute to our understanding of the relations between the individual, language and society in the past. For an overview of all books published in this series, please see benjamins.com/catalog/ahs Editors Marijke J. van der Wal Terttu Nevalainen Leiden University University of Helsinki Editorial Board Wendy Ayres-Bennett Merja Stenroos University of Cambridge University of Stavanger Martin Durrell Sali A. Tagliamonte University of Manchester University of Toronto Agnieszka Kiełkiewicz-Janowiak Ingrid Tieken-Boon van Ostade Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań Leiden University William A. Kretzschmar Jr. Donald N. Tuten University of Georgia, Athens GA Emory University, Atlanta GA Mieko Ogura Wim Vandenbussche Tsurumi University, Yokohama Vrije Universiteit Brussel Suzanne Romaine Anna Verschik University of Oxford Tallinn University Daniel Schreier University of Zurich Volume 12 Spanish Socio-Historical Linguistics. Isolation and contact Edited by Whitney Chappell and Bridget Drinka Spanish Socio-Historical Linguistics Isolation and contact Edited by Whitney Chappell Bridget Drinka University of Texas, San Antonio John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam / Philadelphia 8 TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984. doi 10.1075/ahs.12 Cataloging-in-Publication Data available from Library of Congress:  @@ () / @@ (-) isbn 978 90 272 0864 4 (Hb) isbn 978 90 272 5995 0 (e-book) © 2021 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Company · https://benjamins.com Table of contents New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics Bridget Drinka and Whitney Chappell 1 Section I. Socio-historical features in isolation and contact Complexification of the early modern Spanish address system: A role for koineization? Donald N. Tuten 17 Personal vs. personalized infinitives in Ibero-Romance: Historical origins and contact-induced change Lamar A. Graham 49 Language variation and change through an experimental lens: Contextual modulation in the use of the Progressive in three Spanish dialects Martín Fuchs and María M. Piñango 77 Adult language and dialect learning as simultaneous environmental triggers for language change in Spanish Israel Sanz-Sánchez and Fernando Tejedo-Herrero 103 Section II. Socio-historical varieties in isolation and contact Searching for the sociolinguistic history of Afro-Panamanian Congo speech John M. Lipski 141 A socio-historical perspective on the origin and evolution of two Afro-Andean vernaculars Sandro Sessarego 163 Vamos en Palma ‘we are going to Palma’: On the persistence (and demise) of a contact feature in the Spanish of Majorca Andrés Enrique-Arias 185 Anthroponymic perseverance of Spanish vestigial <x> Maryann Parada 205 Index of subjects 231 Index of varieties, languages, and language families 235 New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics Bridget Drinka and Whitney Chappell The University of Texas at San Antonio 1. Introduction This volume contributes to the growing field of research focused on the intersection of historical linguistics and sociolinguistics. Characterized under a dual designation – as socio-historical linguistics and as historical sociolinguistics – this innovative field of inquiry brings together research centered on the analysis of social motivations for change and on historical contexts for variation. Essential to this nexus of disciplines is a recognition that both historical linguistics and sociolinguistics share a commitment to empirical methods, a focus on the role of social motivation for change, and an ultimate aim to explain how and why language changes. Since the publication of the first monograph explicitly juxtaposing the two disciplines, Suzanne Romaine’s 1982 Socio-historical linguistics: Its status and methodology, the field has flourished, stimulated especially by the important early work of Nevalainen (Nevalainen & Raumolin-Brunberg 1996), Jahr (Jahr 1999), and by early advocates of socio-historical approaches to language contact (Thomason & Kaufman 1988), social network theory (Milroy & Milroy 1985), and geolinguistic analysis (Trudgill 1983). Since those early days, numerous innovative methodologies have emerged for carrying out corpus analysis, data mining, textual analysis, dialect mapping, and other types of research. The important collection of Hernández-Campoy and Conde-Silvestre (2012) represents a state-of-the-art compendium for recent advances in the field, pointing to an increased focus on quantitative measures, a heavier concentration on pragmatic variables, and a greater interest in historical dialectology, socio-demographics, and the diffusion of innovations. Recent volumes in the Advances in Historical Sociolinguistics series – those edited, for example, by Säily et al. (2017), Nevalainen et al. (2018), and Hickey (2019) – expand upon these issues, focusing on such topics as innovative constructions propagated by social media, the role of prescriptive forces on the vernacular, and the examination of data gleaned from the letters of immigrants and emigrants. https://doi.org/10.1075/ahs.12.c01dri © 2021 John Benjamins Publishing Company 2 Bridget Drinka and Whitney Chappell What the present volume aims to contribute to this trajectory of inquiry is a new schematization of socio-historical tenets and methods and a new set of answers to persistent questions drawn from both disciplines. In response to pressing questions such as “how did this phenomenon arise?” or “why did it arise at this particular point in space and time?,” we suggest that an answer cannot be given without reference to the socio-cultural context and, more specifically, to the interconnected factors of socio-cultural isolation and contact. Hence, we seek a refocusing of the two disciplines onto this intersectional, interstitial region with special emphasis on the Spanish-speaking world. 2. Previous research on isolation and contact Isolation as a sociodemographic factor has been studied much less extensively than contact has, but its role is significant, especially as it interacts with numerous other factors. The concept of isolation has been of interest to researchers since the nineteenth century, when a number of early studies of Sprachinseln (‘speech islands’) were produced (Leck 1884; Gehre 1886; Hauffen 1895). Isolated communities in regions like the Alps have continued to attract scholarly attention ever since. Gaeta (2020: 205), for example, notes that the Walser German varieties located in northern Italy, at the southwestern edge of the German dialectal continuum, show extreme conservatism, and, yet, have developed a number of noteworthy innovations due to extensive contact with Romance languages. (See also dal Negro 2004 for additional discussion.) Geographical isolation naturally occurs on islands, several of which have been studied in some detail. Both Martha’s Vineyard (Labov 1963) and Ocracoke (Wolfram, Hazen & Schilling-Estes 1999) were isolated from mainland trends until ferries and bridges made it possible for tourists and new residents to access the islands. These island communities have thus emerged from their isolation, and can be viewed as “post-insular” (Wolfram & Schilling-Estes 1998: 119). Not only does isolation operate with regard to geographic separation, but it also functions on a social level: enclave communities can arise at the periphery of social space, just as they do at geographical peripheries. Minority groups may undergo social separation or segregation, reflecting asymmetrical social hierarchies. Labov (2010) has demonstrated, for example, that the differences between African American dialects and other varieties have been widening, signaling an increase in social separation. This social isolation has, at the same time, engendered a reinforcement of local identity and covert prestige among speakers of African American Vernacular English (Lippi-Green 1997; Labov 2010). Social separation and later contact is also evident in the “crossing” by Anglo youth in London as they acquire Caribbean linguistic features (Rampton 1995). New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics Isolation plays a significant role in the formation of diasporic communities, new communities, and koines. Schreier (2017: 356), following Esman (1996: 316), defines a diaspora as “a minority ethnic group of migrant origin that maintains sentimental or material links with its land of origin because of social exclusion, internal cohesion, or geopolitical factors.” He identifies a “diasporic consciousness” shared by the community as it exists in space with others while not assimilating with them. The formation of new dialects likewise entails the separation of speakers from a point of origin, and an eventual renegotiation of identity. Trudgill (1986: 107) recognizes a key role for koineization in this formation of new towns and colonies; Tuten (2003: 83) likewise points to the role that isolation plays in the formation of unique local koines in these new towns, frontiers, and colonies. Tuten (2003: 54), following Trudgill (1986), describes what occurs when speakers of various dialectal backgrounds move into new territories and establish new social networks and norms: In a koineizing social situation […] all the speakers become innovators vis-à-vis speakers of other dialects. As a result, the number of relative innovations peaks at the same time that the strength of norm enforcement mechanisms (social networks) declines to a minimum. It is thus the combined effect of isolation and contact which fosters the relaxation of old norms and the establishment of new ones, especially through micro-level processes like accommodation and their macro-level outcomes, such as focusing, leveling, and simplification. Scholarly interest in language contact as a motivation for change has been more plentiful than that focusing on isolation, with work on this topic expanding substantially in recent years. Among the earliest models representing contact as significant were those of Johannes Schmidt (1872), which established the Wellentheorie ‘Wave Theory,’ and Hugo Schuchardt (1883, 1884), which helped initiate the study of pidgins and creoles. Other important works followed: Sandfeld’s (1930) in-depth analysis of language contact in the Balkans, the work of the Italian Neolinguisti (e.g., Bartoli 1925) on the geographical distribution of innovations, and Boas’s (1938) studies of areal spread across linguistic boundaries among Native American languages, among others. Yet it was not until 1953 that a systematic, comprehensive study of language contact appeared, with the publication of Uriel Weinreich’s groundbreaking Languages in contact. Weinreich insisted that a complete explanation for the effects of contact will not be obtained without a consideration of extra-linguistic factors – a well-accepted claim by today’s standards, but controversial at the time. Trudgill (1983) went on to adopt the methodology of demographers and geographers to track the spread of innovations across the map, proposing, for example, the “Gravity Model” to account for the diffusion of uvular /r/ from 3 4 Bridget Drinka and Whitney Chappell Paris to other large urban centers but not to intervening territory. Expanding on these insights, Labov (2003, 2010) constructed the similar “Cascade Model,” which provides insight, for example, into the diffusion of the Northern Cities Vowel Shift down the I-55 corridor from Chicago to St. Louis. It was the publication of Thomason and Kaufman’s (1988) Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics that launched the recent increase in number and quality of studies on language contact. Among the most important contributions of their book are the demonstration that social factors play an essential role in explaining change and that anything can be borrowed, given sufficient social motivation. The authors recognize two types of contact – contact with language maintenance (“borrowing”) and contact with language shift (“substratum interference”) (Thomason and Kaufman 1988: 37–42). They go on to establish a five-point scale of contact intensity, from casual contact with lexical borrowing alone (Category 1) to profound structural influence, including radical changes to the typological structure or morphosyntactic order of constituents (Category 5). Building on this foundation, researchers on language contact have taken several new tacks in recent years: areal linguistics has moved in the direction of quantitative, empirical methodology, and now includes analysis of trends on a world-wide scale (Dahl 1985, 1995, 2008; Nichols 1992; Cysouw 2011); new integrative approaches have been proposed, such as the replication model of Heine and Kuteva (2005), which incorporates insights from grammaticalization with those from contact studies; and new models have been formulated, such as the “Stratified Convergence Zone” (Drinka 2017), which positions innovations on a three-dimensional map representing space and time. Within the Spanish-speaking world, social isolation and contact play a crucial role in myriad linguistic phenomena, as all native Spanish speakers outside of the Iberian Peninsula “…are the linguistic heirs of the Spanish language diaspora that began in 1492 – with the expulsion of Spanish-speaking (Sephardic) Jews, and with the arrival of the Spanish language in the Americas” (Lipski 2010: 550). According to Lipski (2010), the Spanish spoken by over 400 million native speakers today includes Spanish as an official or co-official national language, as contact varieties across borders or due to historical colonization, and as the language of immigrants in new social contexts. In addition to the incomplete data with which all historical linguists must work, the sheer breadth of such disparate international circumstances involving isolation and contact in Hispanic contexts makes any attempt at carrying out a comprehensive socio-historical linguistic exploration a daunting task. An examination of the vast diversity of linguistic phenomena in the Spanish-speaking world has been partially undertaken by dialectologists (e.g., Zamora Vicente, 1967) and by linguists focusing on general patterns of socially-conditioned linguistic variation in Hispanic contexts (e.g., Lipski, 1994; Penny, 2000), but a comprehensive New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics study of the history of Spanish from a socio-historical perspective has not yet been produced. Given the immense diversity of the Spanish-speaking world, much socio-historical linguistic work on the topic has focused on a particular variety (e.g., Media Lengua in Ecuador [Muysken 1988], Judeo-Spanish [Penny 1992; Harris 1994], Isleño Spanish [Lipski 1990]), related varieties and geographic zones (e.g., AfroHispanic language [Lipski 2005, 2020; Sessarego 2015, 2019], Spanish in the United States [Silva-Corvalán 1994; Lipski 2008], Spanish in contact with Amerindian languages [Granda 1995; Escobar 2012]), or particular phenomena (e.g., clitic pronouns in intense contact situations [Klee 1990], Spanish phonetics and phonology in contact [Rao 2020]). In their important contribution to socio-historical linguistics, Tuten and Tejedo Herrera (2011) contend that interdisciplinary approaches involving historical linguistics, sociology of language, interactional sociolinguistics, and variationist sociolinguistics coupled with advances in quantitative analysis have enabled a deeper understanding of some of the predominant sociolinguistic forces behind historical changes to the Spanish language, including dialect mixing and standardization. Given these interdisciplinary advances, we believe the time is right to bring together innovative scholars investigating specific varieties, regions, and phenomena in the Spanish-speaking world to create a cohesive collection of the most cutting-edge work in socio-historical linguistics across the wide Spanish diaspora. 3. Motivations for the present volume The present volume took its launch from a special panel organized by the co-editors for the 23rd International Conference on Historical Linguistics in San Antonio, Texas, in 2017. The panel, entitled “Spanish Socio-historical linguistics: Isolation and Contact,” drew together some of the world’s most respected researchers on Spanish historical, socio-historical, and contact linguistics. Because of its expansive diatopic distribution, the Spanish language serves as a fascinating laboratory for scholars interested in language variation and change within and across societies, and this session sought to examine the crucial role that contact and isolation have played in the development of Spanish varieties worldwide. The event featured presentations by Marcela Flores, María Ángeles Gallego García, Chantal Melis, María Irene Moyna, Malte Rosemeyer, Sandro Sessarego, Álvaro Octavio de Toledo y Huerta, and Rena Torres Cacoullos, who also delivered a plenary lecture for the conference entitled “Contact-induced grammatical change – Far from a foregone conclusion.” This panel, situated within the most important international conference on historical linguistics in the world, brought prominence to the special position of Spanish and helped establish Spanish historical linguistics as one 5 6 Bridget Drinka and Whitney Chappell of the major focal points of the event. Covering a wide range of interconnected topics, the panelists explored issues such as the impact of socio-historical factors on structural patterns, for example, the expression of subject pronouns in Spanish and Portuguese wh-interrogatives and the accusative/dative opposition in Spanish from a historical perspective. Other papers highlighted the role of particular sociolinguistic factors on the development of the varieties of Spanish, including the linguistic consequences of slavery in the Americas, the evolution of Romance varieties in Al-Andalus, and the importance of child language acquisition in Latin American Spanish variation and change. Alongside these more specific topics, panelists investigated other issues with broader theoretical applications, such as the role of dialectology in historical syntax and the reconceptualization of convergence based on synchronic and diachronic evidence. Not only did the panel serve as an important nexus for recent work on Spanish socio-historical linguistics, but it also played another significant role: it constituted the centerpiece of the “Tricententennial Panels” of ICHL23, entitled collectively “Las lenguas de San Antonio a 300 años: Reconstructing the linguistic roots of a multicultural city.” This multifaceted exploration of the linguistic diversity of San Antonio was designated as an official Tricentennial event. Along with the three other panels (African American language, Texas German, and endangered languages), this event became a central focus of the conference. Given the crucial role of Spanish to the history and social ecology of Texas, a panel examining Spanish as a world language through a socio-historical lens made an essential contribution to the conference and to the field. In response to the success of the panel, and recognizing the timeliness of the topic, we decided to expand upon the project: we issued a call for papers inspired by the original panel, requesting contributions focused on the crucial role the seemingly antithetical phenomena of contact and isolation as determining factors in the history of Spanish worldwide. Each submission underwent a rigorous peer-review process, and the best papers were selected for inclusion in the present volume. The co-editors wish to gratefully acknowledge the contribution of the external reviewers, whose scholarly generosity ensured the highest-quality final product: Bert Cornillie, Juliana de la Mora, Manuel Delicado Cantero, Manuel Díaz-Campos, Stephen Fafulas, Víctor Fernández-Mallat, Kimberly Geeslin, Melvin González-Rivera, Devin Grammon, Patricia Gubitosi, Silke Jansen, Matthew Kanwit, John Lipski, Jim Michnowicz, Francisco Moreno Fernández, Álvaro Octavio de Toledo y Huerta, Danae M. Pérez, Malte Rosemeyer, Israel Sanz-Sánchez, Armin Schwegler, Scott Schwenter, Sandro Sessarego, Naomi Shin, Sarah Sinnot, Eeva Sippola, Fernando Tejedo-Herrero, and André Zampaulo. This project would not have been possible without their time, effort, and expertise. New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics 4. Chapters within the volume Following this brief introduction, the full volume consists of eight chapters divided into two sections. The first section, “Socio-historical features in isolation and contact,” highlights linguistic phenomena that intersect with socio-historical factors. The second section, “Socio-historical varieties in isolation and contact,” primarily focuses on specific varieties’ relationship with their socio-historical context. Together, the contributions in this volume shed light on the unique social situations in the Spanish-speaking world that have resulted in disparate linguistic outcomes over time. Each contribution is briefly summarized below. In the first contribution to Section I, called “Complexification of the early modern Spanish address system: A role for koineization?,” Donald Tuten examines the role of socio-cultural factors alongside koineization in the development of the highly complex address system of Castilian. Tuten tracks the rapid rise of vuestra merced, especially in 16th-century Peninsular urban centers and the Spanish colonies, where considerable demographic and social mobility existed and where status anxiety fueled a “hyper-salience” of address forms. While socio-cultural factors, then, clearly played a key role in the initial stages of the complexification of the pronominal system, Tuten also sees a significant role for koineization, especially with regard to the rapidity of the actuation of the change: the fast pace of the grammaticalization of these forms in the urban centers of Seville and Madrid and in the colonial communities occurred with little resistance. And, as he insists, it is this rapid grammaticalization of the forms that led to the complexification of the system of address. Tuten thus concludes that koineization had a role to play in the development, but it can best be viewed as a heuristic rather than a predictive device to be used alongside the analysis of socio-demographic and socio-cultural factors. Next, in “Personal vs. personalized infinitives in Ibero-Romance: Historical origins and contact-induced change,” Lamar A. Graham explores the presence of overt subjects with infinitives across several Romance languages. In Portuguese and Galician, on the one hand, inflectional morphology appears on infinitives with overt subjects, e.g. nós dizermos ‘us to speak,’ commonly referred to as personal infinitives. In Castilian and Asturian, on the other hand, overt subjects developed alongside infinitives with no morphological agreement, e.g. nosotros decir ‘us to speak,’ a structure Graham calls the “personalized infinitive.” After exploring the uses and distributions of these forms, Graham argues that koineization and language contact have served as catalysts for the evolution of these different forms across Romance languages. In the following chapter, “Language variation and change through an experimental lens: Contextual modulation in the use of the Progressive in three Spanish dialects,” Martín Fuchs and María Mercedes Piñango explore the use of the Simple 7 8 Bridget Drinka and Whitney Chappell Present vs. the Present Progressive in three varieties of Spanish: Mexican Altiplano, Rioplatense, and Castilian. They find that speakers’ choice of marker is constrained by their assessment of what is Common Ground between themselves and their addressees and that speakers tend to use the Present Progressive to establish perspective alignment with listeners. The researchers hypothesize that the Present Progressive is preferred, overall, for expressing event-in-progress and as a more expressive marker demanding fewer computational resources because it requires less contextual information. The Simple Present, on the other hand, is hypothesized to be generally constrained to situations where the addressee shares perceptual access to the event. Using a real-time comprehension experimental model, the researchers find that, as predicted, subjects take longer to read passages using the Simple Present when shared perceptual access is not specified. They also find variability among the varieties, with Mexican Altiplano more advanced in the diachronic shift of the Progressive to the Imperfective. In the final contribution to Section I, “Adult language and dialect learning as simultaneous environmental triggers for language change,” Israel Sanz-Sánchez and Fernando Tejedo-Herrero examine two changes in the history of Spanish, the simplification of medieval sibilants in Early Colonial Spanish (ECS), and the reconfiguration of the 3rd person clitic system in Medieval Southern Iberian Castilian (MSIC). Their findings point to the gradational, not discrete, relationship of language and dialect, and to the fact that both are similarly affected by linguistic, cognitive, and social factors. The authors explore how the two sociolinguistic ecologies produced different results: with regard to the ECS sibilants, a series of several sibilants was reduced to one, resulting in a simplification of the system, due especially to pervasive contact both in Spain and in the colonies. With regard to the MSIC clitics, on the other hand, a more complex result came about, as case-based contrasts were maintained. The lack of group-enforcing norms resulted in variability, but loose-knit social networks and other social factors in growing urban centers like Seville led eventually to the acceptance of a western-influenced case-based system. The second section begins with John Lipski’s chapter, called “Searching for the sociolinguistic history of Afro-Panamanian Congo speech.” In it, he traces the linguistic history of Congo speech along Panama’s Caribbean coast, which, according to oral history, was created in order to obscure captive and maroon Africans’ speech from their colonial masters. This special language lives on in a series of folkloric practices performed during the Carnival season, and this chapter analyzes both this contemporary variation alongside diachronic developments to paint a more holistic picture of Congo speech’s origin and development over time. Lipski uncovers a complex picture that is not in keeping with the explanation preserved in the oral tradition, that the dialect was only a cryptolect used to hide meaning from Spanish colonists. Rather, Lipski outlines a different scenario, namely that Congo New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics speech once had greater communicative value and mutual intelligibility among its speakers than in contemporary Panama, but its use rapidly declined due to social, demographic, and infrastructure changes. Next, Sandro Sessarego’s chapter, “A sociohistorical perspective on the origin and evolution of two Afro-Andean vernaculars,” sheds light on the socio-historical background that gave rise to Choteño Spanish, spoken in Ecuador, and Yungueño Spanish, spoken in Bolivia. Both varieties exhibit unique linguistic features, which Sessarego claims are likely the result of advanced second-language acquisition processes. Contrary to previous views that a Spanish creole formed in the colonial Andes, Sessarego outlines the numerous socio-demographic factors that make a (de)creolization phase unlikely in these regions. In “Vamos en Palma ‘we are going to Palma’: On the persistence (and demise) of a contact feature in the Spanish of Majorca,” Andrés Enrique-Arias explores the Spanish produced by Catalan-dominant bilinguals in Majorca both diachronically and synchronically to determine the likely origin and development of the preposition en to convey movement. Enrique-Arias contends that Majorcan Catalan speakers’ less complete exposure to Spanish led to the emergence of the feature, which was then recycled within the community for over three centuries, given its relative isolation from monolingual Spanish speakers. However, the island’s increased contact with normative varieties of monolingual Spanish has led to the disappearance of this contact feature among more urban, younger speakers. The final contribution comes from Maryann Parada. In “Anthroponymic perseverance of Spanish vestigial <x>,” she examines the distribution of the archaic spelling <x> to represent [x], vs. the spelling <j>, preferred in Peninsular Spanish. The use of <x> turns out to be localized especially to Mexico and to other locales with ties to Mexico, such as the southwestern United States. Parada surveys the distribution of the given name Ximena, as well as several surnames such as Ximénez and Mexía. She finds that the use of the archaic letter in personal names has taken on social significance in Mexico due partly to its connection with indigenous names, such as Xochitl and Xitlali, but also due to its acquisition of special meaning as an emblem of collective and individual identity, especially Mexican identity. Spanish surnames with <x>, particularly Ximénez and Mexía, are also localized primarily in Mexico. The author suggests that this higher frequency in surnames may have strengthened the feature in the Mexican public’s consciousness, which could also have contributed to the rise of frequency in the name Ximena. 9 10 Bridget Drinka and Whitney Chappell 5. The intersectionality of isolation and contact Although the aforementioned chapters discuss a range of linguistic phenomena across several continents and centuries, they are unified by their focus on two potential socio-historical motivations for linguistic change which seem to represent polar opposites: the influence of isolation and the effect of contact. Several contributors focus squarely on the role of isolation: Andrés Enrique-Arias, for example, examines the structural effect of the centuries-long separation of Majorcan Catalan from Spanish. Similarly, Sandro Sessarego points to the special sociodemographics of colonial Andean Spanish, especially this region’s non-participation in the large plantation economy, as explanatory of the linguistic outcome in Choteño and Yungueño Spanish. Other authors explore the role of contact on linguistic outcomes in the Spanish-speaking world: Israel Sanz-Sánchez and Fernando Tejedo-Herrero, for example, find the simplification of the sibilant system in Early Colonial Spanish as due largely to contact among Spanish varieties, both on the Peninsula and in the colonies. Martin Fuchs and María Mercedes Piñango likewise account for the variability they document as due potentially to contact among speakers who brought a wide range of peninsular dialects to the colonies. In each of these papers, and throughout the volume, what emerges is a recognition of the pervasive interaction of socio-historical factors in linguistic variation and change. While isolation and contact can be viewed as major motivators of change, they seldom act alone and should not be viewed simplistically as occupying opposite ends of a continuum. Rather, these factors must be seen as participating in a larger ensemble of interactive factors. The above-mentioned features of Majorcan Catalan studied by Enrique-Arias, for example, developed in relative isolation but were adopted into the Spanish of bilingual speakers through contact; more recently, their diminished use among urbanized youth reflects further contact with normative Spanish. The Afro-Spanish ethnolects described by Sessarego and John Lipski all originated in the context of isolation, but followed different trajectories due to varying socio-historical pressures, the former undergoing contact-induced changes not unlike those found in other enclaves of Spanish, such as the Judeo-Spanish of Istanbul, the latter persisting in small, isolated communities but gaining stature as the ritualized performance language of Carnival. Given the inherent intersectionality of isolation, contact, and other motivating forces in historical sociolinguistics, related factors that inform the leitmotif of the volume are discussed as well, including the pervasive effects of koineization, the influence of social networks, and the role of identity-building. Donald Tuten, for example, constructs a nuanced chronologization of the development of the complex address system in Spanish, documenting the earlier role of social mobility in shaping the pronouns of address in cities and colonial outposts, but also the eventual New perspectives on Spanish socio-historical linguistics effects of rapid grammaticalization as koineization and the resultant complexification emerged. Lamar A. Graham also sees a major role for koineization alongside contact in the special development of personal and personalized infinitives in the Romance languages. Similarly, Sanz-Sánchez and Tejedo-Herrero find a lack of group-enforcing norms to be responsible for the variability of the clitic system in Medieval Southern Iberian Castilian, but they note that a growth of urban social networks, along with other factors, led to the final outcome. Parada likewise recognizes the role of contact in the retention of the archaic <x> spelling for names such as Ximena and Ximénez in Mexico and the southwestern United States but accounts for the adoption as due more pointedly to the forces of identity-building, in part as reminiscent of local indigenous orthographies but also as emblematic of shared Mexican consciousness. The papers collected in this volume, then, contribute not only to the field of Spanish socio-historical linguistics and to the study of particular factors like isolation and contact as instrumental in fostering linguistic change, but they also demonstrate the need for multicausational explanations for change in determining the diachronic trajectory of a language. The broad geographic and sociocultural scope of the Spanish language allows for an extensive comparison of these socio-historical dimensions. 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