A Mari Note: Ikrub-El and Related Matters

A MARI AND NOTE: RELATED MATTERS ICHIRO The the purpose eight further of this note variant our spellings understanding IKRUB-EL NAKATA is twofold: of the divine of the nature to make name three observations Ikrub-El(1) of the divine and figures, regarding to attempt Ikrub-El to and Itur-Mer. I The lished and divine Mari texts. its variants Kibri-Dagan, name Ikrub-El is spelled If we consider are mentioned governor dIk-ru-ub-El dIk-ru-ub-Il dIk-ru-ub-AN of Terqa, in eight the fact come such from that one different ways in the so far pub- all the letters and a high amount the in which same of variants source, Ikrub-El namely is astounding.(2) ARM(T) II 8[4], 87 . ARM(T) II 89 , 90, III 10, 12, 29, 31, 34, 37, 39, 40, 41, 77, 78, 80, 81, XIII 108, 109, 115, 118, 125. ARM(T) II 86 , [93] (dI[k-ru]-ub-<AN>), III 13, 30, 44, 4[9], 50, 60, 61, XIII 132. ARM(T) XIII 112. ARM(T) XIII 11[3] . ARM(T) III 17, 32, 52, 64, XIII 117, 119, 130, 1[35]. dYa-ak-ru-ub-Il ARM(T) III 33, [4]5, 7[3],(3) 79, XIII 121, [1]31. dYa-ak-ru-ub-AN ARM(T) II 8[8], III [4] 2 . Cf. dYa-ak-ru-ub-ANtil-la-ti (ARM VII 107:2'). Three observations can be made of these variants. (1) Il and El are only alternate forms of the same divine element. Since e and i do not necessarily seem to be distinct phonemes in the Mari texts, as observed by A. Finet,(4) I. dIk-ru-be-El dIk-ru-be-AN dYa-ak-ru-ub-El J. Gelb(5) and H.B. Huffmon,(6) this comes as no surprise to us. (2) The Sumerogram AN (or DINGIR) stands, at least in these variants, for El/Il. This has already been noted by M. Noth and Huffmon, for exam15 ple.(7) This does not of course allow us to say that the Sumerogram AN always stands for El/Il in the personal names. In fact cases have been collected where AN stands for i-li or i-la.(8) But there is a high probability that AN generally stands for El/Il. As Huffmon correctly notes,(9) AN and phonetically written El/Il appear mostly in the final position and so does ila in half of the cases.(10) Thus, while there is great probability for AN to stand for El/Il in the final position, there is relatively little probability that AN stands for ili (or even ila) which stands mostly in the initial position. So far we have treated El/Il as a divine name. The question whether El/Il is in fact a proper name of a specific deity, or whether it is the absolute or the predicate state of ilum, a common noun, was much resolved in favor of the former when the Ugaritic mythological texts were discovered.(11) A recent treatment of the same question by J. J. M. Roberts was, so to speak, a coupde grace. Following are his arguments. (1) In the verbal-sentence names such as Islul-Il or Istup-il (sic) the element il functions as the subject and thus should be in the status rectus, not the absolute or predicate state. Therefore it cannot be merely the general word "god", or it would have the case ending and mimation of the nominative form, Islul-ilum. (2) The occurrence of it in a nominal sentence name with a stative as the other element of the name is also hard to explain on any other analysis than that il is a proper divine name serving as the subject of the nominal sentence. (3) Finally, the occurrence of il as the nomenrectumin the genitive-construction name Puzur-Il offers conclusive proof that it must be taken as a proper divine name, since ilum in such a position would be declined in the genitive case with mimation, Puzur-ilim.(12) E. Sollberger(13) and J. Bottero(14) see some possibility that ilum may also be a proper name of a specific deity in the light of de-lumwhich appears already in the Fara texts.(15) Sollberger further notes that de-lum is possibly identical with the later West Semitic El.(16) Objections are raised to this by Roberts on the following grounds. First, it is very rare for a genuine Akkadian divine name to have a case ending and mimation. Second, formally distinct el/il and ilum probably correspond to a difference in usage. Third, ilum is used fairly consistently in the later period as a generic term for god.(17) Roberts' objections are justifiable, but in the early stage of the process of 16 ORIENT A MARI NOTE: IKRUB-EL AND RELATED MATTERS an appellative ilum becoming a divine name, ilum might have been considered as a divine name, as is indicated by de-lumin a Fara text. Furthermore, a perfect parallel to de-lum can be found in Amu(m) (written: dA-mV[-Vm]) appearing in more than twenty different personal names from Mari.(18) (3) ikrub-form and yakrub-form here must represent the same verbal form of karabu(m). In other words ikrub-and yakrub-forms are simply alternate ways of representing one and the same verbal form of this compound divine name in cuneiform scripts. This immediately cautions us, when we consider yapr Vs-form in personal names as a criterion to distinguish Amorite names from Akkadian names.(19) Huffmon notes alternate spellings Ikrub-El//Yakrub-El and IturMer//Yatur-Mer(20) (and Idamaras//Yadamaras) and says that these are examples of ya-and e/i-exchange well attested in the Mari texts. He also notes that these spelling variants may be evidence of Amorite influence on the writing of the names.(21) We certainly do not expect to find yaprVs-form in places where there is no Amorite or West Semitic influence. However, a personal name in yaprVs-form does not necessarily guarantee that the personal name in question is Amorite. This is particularly true with such names as Yaqbi-Addu (RA 65, p. 43, A iii 38), Yarib-Addu (ARM IX 291 iv 45'),(22) Yasniq-El (RA 65, p. 48, A vii 65, p. 53, xi 12) and Yatur-Narum (RA 65, p. 48, A vii 72) whose verbal elements are Akkadian.(23) II The appearances of Ikrub-El and its variants are limited to the greeting formula in Kibri-Dagan's letters, which goes as follows: Dagan u Ikrub-El (or its variant) salmu Terqa u halsum salim Dagan and Ikrub-El are well; Terqa with its district is well.(24) The only other appearance of the divine name is in a personal name (dYa-ak-ruub-AN-til-la-ti) mentioned in an administrative text (ARM VII 107: 2'). He is totally unknown outside the Mari texts. The formation of this divine name, namely *Ipr Vs-DN, is extremely rare in the Mesopotamian divine onomastics; Itur-Mer is probably the only other example of the kind.(25) Iksudum, mentioned in a Mari text(26) and probably in the AN=Anum,(27) may be a shortened form of *Iksud-DN, as suggested by Edzard as one of the two possibiliVol. XI 1975 17 ties(28) and by Huffmon,(29) but this cannot be said with certainty. Ikrub-El and Itur-Mer can best be treated together in an attempt to understand the nature of these deities. Such a treatment is justified not only by the fact that they share the same name formation but also by two other common features. First, both Ikrub-El and Itur-Mer occupy the most important position in Terqa and Mari respectively after Dagan. Dagan is the supreme deity of the middle Euphrates region and the patron deity of the Mari Empire, and its sphere of influence is not localized to any one city, although Terqa is considered to be, at least, one of Dagan's major cult centers.(30) Ikrub-El and Itur-Mer are , then, most likely to have been the city deity of Terqa and that of Mari respectively. (31) Second, Itur-Mer is called "the king of Mari (dI-tur-Me-er LUGAL Marikt)" (ARM X 63:16 and probably in X 66:18 and 72:11-12). We believe that Ikrub-El was also known to be "the king of Terqa." In a Ur III Mari text recently published by M. Lambert(32) dLUGAL Ter-qa is mentioned along with dLUGAL ma-ti and ten other named deities.(33) He is also mentioned in a pantheon text(34) from Mari datable to either the Ur III period or the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period.(35) Dossin identified dLUGAL Ter-qa in this text with Dagan,(36) but this is impossible, now that Dagan and dLUGAL Ter-qa are mentioned in the same text, namely the one published by M. Lambert. We propose to identify dLUGAL Ter-qa with Ikrub-El in view of its position as the patron deity of the city of Terqa, as has been suggested above. If this identification is correct, it would follow that both deities shared a common epithet, (d)LUGAL (+city name), which is usually used with city deities.(37) To return to the question about the nature of Ikrub-El, two alternative suggestions have been advanced by W.L. Moran, namely Ikrub-El is "either an apotheosized tribal hero or a form of El, so called ("El blessed") perhaps because the god was represented in a gesture of blessing."(38) As for the nature of IturMer, Edzard and Huffmon have proposed that it is a local Erscheinungsform of a Mesopotamian weather-god Mer (Sargonic period)/Wer (Ur III period).(38) However, in view of the common features the two deities possess, the same line of cogitation should be applied to both, whatever it may be. In other words , if Ikrub-El is a deified hero, there is no reason why Itur-Mer cannot be another such example; if Itur-Mer is an Erscheinungsformof Mer, Ikrub-El can also be an Erscheinungsformof El. 18 ORIENT A MARI NOTE: IKRUB-EL AND RELATED MATTERS Of these two lines of cogitation, the first that regards the deities as deified heroes is much to be preferred. The reason is obvious: *Ipr Vs-DN is a well-established personal name formation in the Akkadian onomastics.(40) Besides, Ikrub-El (written: Ik-ru-ub-AN) is attested as a personal name in Old Akkadian texts along with Ikrub-Ea (written: Ik-ru-ub-E-a).(41) *Itur-DN as a personal name formation is no stranger to us either. Gelb has collected Itur-El (written: I-tur-AN) and Itur-Sin (I-tur-dEN. ZU) in his MAD 3, p. 293. In the Mari texts we find Itur-Addu (I-tur- dIM, ARM VIII 24:5), Itur-Ea (I-tar-E-a, ARM IX 256:6), Yatur-Narum (Ya-tur-Na-rum!, RA 65, p. 48, A vii 72), Itur-N[I]NGAL (I-tur-N[I]N. GAL, ARM IX 283 ii 9).(42) Thus, it makes more sense to consider our Ikrub-El and Itur-Mer to have once been names of heroes who were to be deified after their death. Deification of heroes and kings is known in ancient Mesopotamia. Lugal-banda and Gilgames, kings of the First Dynasty of Uruk, for example, are mentioned already in the Fara God List.(43) Further, the deification of the kings of Akkad, Ur III, Isin, Larsa, Esnunna, Der, and Malgium during and/ or after their lifetimes and the cult of some of these deified kings are well attestted.(44) tory More pertinent to our case, God List AN=Anum(45) however, in which is the following four deified section kings and of the explana- officials are men- tioned. 18 dLum-ma/su 19 dHa-ta-ni-i[s]/[s] u min gidim4 e-kur-ra-ke4 20 dEn-lil-la-z[i]/nu-banda e-kur-ra-[ke]4 21 dUr-dEn-zu-na/nimgir es-bar-ra-[ke]4(46) The divine Lumma and the divine Hatanis are explained as the spirits (GIDIM4=etemmum) of Ekurra.(47) The divine Enlilazi is explained as a steward of Ekurra and Ur-Zuenna as a herald of Esbarra.(48) It is presumed that the last two are also etemmum, though this is not explicitly said. The explanation of the deified kings Lumma and Hatanis as etmmum is suggestive, because anyone can, at least, theoretically become divine, when he becomes etmmum,that is, when he is dead. In fact, etemmumis occasionally treated as something equal to ilum, a god, in the Akkadian sources.(49) kima ilam u etemmi tagammiluma la ahalliqu epus Act in such a way as to propitiate the god(50) and the spirits of the dead, Vol. XI 1975 19 so that I perish not. (BIN 4 96:19) ina ilani u ana etemmi eqlqti u bitati la ilaqqa (And he swore) by the gods and the spirits of the dead he would not take away the fields and the houses. (JEN 476:6) In Etana Epic etemmi appears in parallel to ilani. ilani ukabbit etemmi aplah I honored the gods and revered the spirits of the dead. (Babiloniaca 12, pl. 3:36) It is against this background that the nature of these divine figures, IkrubEl and Itur-Mer should be understood. They were originally heroes of one type or another, but after their death they became etemmumand centers of the ancestor cult(51) in their respective locations and, finally, became guardian spirits, each of its own location. NOTES (1) (2) 20 Of the eight different spellings of the divine name, Ikrub-El is used for the sake of convenience. This does not, however, imply any judgement on the correct spelling or the original pronunciation. Besides the abbreviations explained in the paper the following abbreviations are used. AfO Archiv fur Orientforschung. AOS American Oriental Series. ARM(T) Ardhives royales de Mari (=TCL 22ff.). ARMT is a parallel series with transcription and translation under the same title. AS Assyriological Studies. BIN Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J.B. Nies. CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the University of Chicago. CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum. HThR Harvard Theological Review. JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies. JEN Joint Expedition with the Iraq Museum at Nuzi. LSS Leipziger Semitistische Studien. MAD Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary. MVAeG Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Agyptischen Gesellschaft. OLZ Orientalische Literaturzeitung. Or Orientalia. R H. Rawlinson, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, London, 1861-1909. RA Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archeologie Orientale. RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie. TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources. WdM H.W. Haussig, Worterbuch der Mythologie, Bd. I. WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie undverwandte Gebiete bzw. VorderasiatischeArchaologie. Many of the variants listed below are also collected in A. Finet, ARMT XV, p. 161 and ORIENT A MARI NOTE: IKRUB-EL AND RELATED MATTERS M. Noth, "Mari und Israel," Geschichte und Altes Testament (A. Alt zum siebzigsten Geburtstag), Beitrage zur historischen Theologie16 (1953) (hereafter, "Mari und Israel"), p. 134. Some of the variants are partially reconstructed by the editors of the pertinent ARMT volumes (ARMT III and XIII, 102-38 by J.-R. Kupper and ARMT II by C.F. Jean). Here we simply follow their reconstructions. However, the fact that there are eight different variants of the divine name is based on the fully preserved variants. Some of the variants may indicate the employment of more than one scribe by Kibri-Dagan in his correspondence with Zimri-Lim, but this cannot be substantiated at this point. (3) Spelled without the divine determinative. (4) Finet, L'Accadien des Lettres de Mari, AcademieRoyale de Belgique, Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques, Memoires, LI/1, Bruxelles, 1956 (hereafter ALM), Paragr. 5j-1. (5) Gelb, "La Lingua degli Amoriti," Atti della Accademianazionale dei lincei, Series 8, Rendiconti classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, Vol. 12 (1957), 2.1.2. (6) Huffmon, Amorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts, Baltimore, 1965 (hereafter APNM), p. 162. (7) Noth, "Mari und Israel," p. 134 and Huffmon, APNM, p. 163-65. (8) Noth, "Mari und Israel," p. 135; G. Dossin, "L'inscription de fondation de Iahdun-Lim, roi de Mari," Syria 32 (1955), p. 25 (i 35); Finet, "Iawi-Ila, roi de Talhayum," Syria 41 (1964), pp. 118-19. (9) Huffmon, APNM, p. 162. (10) Following are our calculations based on the pertinent personal names collected from the thus far published Mari texts (M. Birot, ARMT XIV which arrived too late is not included in these calculations.). AN appears in the final position in more than 82% of the personal names containing AN, and so does El/Il in more than 97% of El/Il-containing personal names. ili appears in the initial position in more than 73% of the personal names containing ili, and so does ila in half of the ila-containing personal names. (11) Various opinions expressed on this question are summarized in M. Pope, El in the Ugaritic Texts, Leiden, 1955, pp. 1-6. (12) J.J.M. Roberts, The Earliest Semitic Pantheon, Baltimore and London, 1972 (hereafter ESP), pp. 31-32. (13) (14) (15) (16) (17) (18) (19) E. Sollberger, "Selected Texts from American Collections," JCS 10 (1956), p. 16. Sollberger states, "I think that 'Ilum' is a more appropriate rendering than 'God' or 'a/the god'." Cf. also Sollberger, TCS I, p. 115. J. Bottero, "Les divinites semitiques anciennes en Mesopotamie," S. Moscati (general ed.), Le Antiche Divinita Semitiche, Studi Semitici 1, Roma, 1958, pp. 35, 51-52. A. Deimel, Die Inschriften vonFara II, Schultexteaus Fara, WVDOG 43, Leipzig, 1923, 5 obv. v 6 (=rev. v 3). Sollberger, JCS 10 (1956), p. 16. Reberts, ESP, p. 122. Cf. the author's unpublished dissertation, Deities in the Mari Texts: complete inventoryof all the information on the deitiesfound in the published Old Babylonian cuneiformtextsfrom Mari and analytical and comparativeevaluation thereof with regard to the officialand popular pantheons of Mari, Columbia University, New York, 1974, pp. 50-52. For example, C.J. Gadd states, "Despite the extraordinary limitation of a material confined to a mere set of names, with no other literature, it is beyond doubt that a real difference was found between the language of these newcomers and those both of the Semitic-speaking Babylonians and of previous western immigrants. The clearest indication is the verbal form of the third person which began with ia-, whereas Akkadian used the form beginning with i-" (The Cambrodge Ancient History (Rev. ed.) (hereafter CAH2), Vol. I, Ch. XXII, Fasc. 28, Cambridge, 1965, pp. 34-35. Cf. also Huffmon, APNM, pp. 13-14. Vol. XI 1975 21 (20) (21) (22) (23) (24) (25) (26) (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) 22 Isma-Addu (ARM V, 15:1)//Yasmah-Addu may also be added here. Huffmon, APNM, p. 76. Cf., however, Huffmon, APNM, p. 260, who also sees a possibility to compare the verbal form with an Arabic root *r'p, "to be compassionate." yarib- appears with Dagan (ARM VIII 90:17 and passim), Ea (ARM VIII 72:5' and passim), El (ARM VII 178:10) and Erra (ARM VIII 58:4' and 74:5). M. Dietrich and O. Loretz warn us against seeing any direct correspondence between the phonetic system of the Amorite language and the graphic representation thereof in the cuneiform scripts in their review article of Huffmon, APNM (OLZ 61 [1966], p. 238). This distinction is important whenever we deal with the so called peripheral Akkadian language. W.L. Moran translates, "Dagan and Ikrub-El are safe and sound," and takes the sentence as referring to the cultic statues in the sactuaries. See Moran in J.B. Pritchard (ed.), The Ancient Near East: Supplementary Texts and Pictures Relating to the Old Testament, Princeton, 1969 (hereafter ANET3), p. 623, n. 11. This greeting formula appears in more than fifty letters from Kibri-Dagan and is invariably the same in all its occurrences except the spelling of the divine name Ikrub-El. As for the appearances of Itur-Mer in the Mari texts, see ARM(T) II 13: 25-30; III 19: 10-17; VII 263 i 6-7; VIII 1:28, 3:16, 6:10', 85:tr. lat. 3'-4'; IX 176:5; X 4:31-34, 10: 5-23, 51:4-6, 63:16; XIII 26:10, 101:3-5; Melanges syriens offerts a M. Rene Dussaud, Bibliotheque archeologiqueet historique 30, II, p. 993; St. Mar. (see n. 31), pp. 41-50. He is mentioned at least in two different personal names from Mari, I-din-dI-tur-Me-er (ARMT XIII 1 iii 49, 96:12) and A-na-dI-tur-Me-er-t[a?-ak?-la?-ku?] (ARM VII 197:5). ARMT XIII 111:6 (with Lagamal). CT 24, 16:21; 28:75. Cf. Huffmon, "Yahweh and Mari," H. Goedicke (ed.), Near Eastern Studies in Honor of W.F. Albright, Baltimore, 1971 (hereafter "Yahweh..."), p. 288. D.O. Edzard, "Pantheon und Kult in Mari," J.-R. Kupper (ed.), La civilisation de Mari, XVe Rencontre AssyriologiqueInternationale (1966), Compterendu, 1967 (hereafter CRRAI 15), p. 63, n. 2. Huffmon, "Yahweh...," p. 288. In the Old Babylonian period Dagan's cult was also known in Mari (St. Mar., p. 43), Tuttul (XIII 22:6, cf, dgn ttlh in Ugaritica V, p. 564), Subatum (ARM X 143:13-18), Isin (Sollberger and Kupper, Inscriptions royales sumerienneset akkadiennes, Litteratures anciennes du Proche-Orient 3, Paris, 1971 [hereafter IRSA], IVA13a) and even Ur (IRSA, IVB5b). As for Ikrub-El see, for example, Kupper, "Un gouvernement provincial dans le royaume de Mari," RA 41 (1947), p. 153. With regard to Itur-Mer, this view has been already expressed in C.F. Jean, "Les noms propres de personnes dans lettres de Mari," A. Parrot (ed.), Studia Mariana, Leiden, 1950 (hereafter St. Mar.), p. 85; M. Birot, ARMT IX, p. 349; Moran, "New Evidence from Mari on the History of Prophecy," Biblica 50 (1969), p. 41; J.F. Ross, "Prophecy in Hamath, Israel, and Mari," HThR. 63 (1971), p. 21. M. Lambert, "Textes de Mari-dix-huitieme campagne-1969," Syria 47 (1970), pp. 249-250 (Texte 3). Namely, Istar, Annunitum, Dagan, (dLUGAL ma-ti), Ninhursag, (dLUGAL Ter-qa), Samas, dNIN-A-a ("Lady Aya"), Enki, Ninbar, dE-EZEN-x, N[er]ga[l]. This text is very similar in nature to a pantheon text published by Dossin in RA 61 (1967), pp. 98-100 (see the following note). Dossin, "Un 'Pantheon' d'Ur III a Mari," RA 61 (1967), pp. 98-100. A few other pantheon texts are known beside the one published by Lambert in Syria 47: Dossin, "Le pantheon de Mari," St. Mar., pp. 51-61 and J. Nougayrol, Ugaritica V, texte 18, pp. 42-64. Dossin, RA 61 (1967), p. 99 dates the text to the Ur III period, but Edzard, CRRAI 15, ORIENT A MARI (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) NOTE: IKRUB-EL AND RELATED MATTERS p. 57 thinks that the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period is also possible. Dossin, RA 61 (1967), p. 101. Cf. P. T. Paffrath, O. F. M., Zur Gotterlehre in den altbabylonischenKonigsinschriften, Studien zur Geschichte undKultur des Altertums, VI, 5/6, Paderborn, 1913, pp. 35-37. However, the use of the divine epithet LUGAL=sarru (m) and the significance of the divine names and/ or divine cognomens of the type dLUGAL (sar)+geographical name are not entirely without problems. In a later text Lagamal and Malik are also explained as LUGAL sa Ma-riki (II R, pl. 60, no. 1=E. Ebeling, Tod und Leben nach den Vorstellungender Babylonien, I, Berlin u nd Leipzig, 1931, p. 12, I 15, 20. Cf. F. R. Kraus, "Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden," JCS 3 (1949), pp. 67-68. Moran, ANET3, pp. 623-24, n. 1. Edzard, WdM, p. 136; Huffmon, APNM, p. 271. As for Mer/Wer see Gelb, MAD 3, p. 80. This name formation is common in the so called Danknamen (J. J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namengebung, MVAeG 44, Leipzig, [1939], paragr. 17, 23 and 24). Gelb, MAD 3, p. 150. Cf. also Itur-Asdu in ARMT XIV 81:20, 27 (?) and RA 66, p. 115, A. 2830:3, A. 826:3, A. 2801:3. Deimel, WVDOG 43, Tafel 1, vii 14, xiii (r. iii) 25; Tafel 5, obv.? i 6, rev.? v 6. (I troubled Professor Yoshikawa for these references.). The Fara God List is dated to the Early Dynastic Period III (cf. W. W. Hallo [and W. K. Simpson], The Ancient Near East: A History, New York, 1971, p. 48 and W. G. Lambert, "Gotterlisten," RLA III, pp. 473-74). The following kings are known to have allowed their names to be written with the divine determinative in their royal inscriptions. (See the inscriptions of these kings translated in Sollberger and Kupper, IRSA.) Akkad: Naram-Sin, Sar-kali-sarri; Ur III: Sulgi, AmarZuenna, Su-Sin; Isin: Isbi-Erra, Su-ilisu, Iddin-Dagan, Isme-Dagan, Lipit-Istar, UrNinurta, Bur-Sin, Lipit-Enlil, Zambia, Iter-pisa, Ur-du-kuga, Damiq-ilisu; Larsa: SumuEl, Rim-Sin; Esnunna: Ipiq-Adad, Naram-Sin; Dadusa; Der: Nidnusa; Malgium: Takililisu, Ipiq-Istar. For the cult of the deceased kings see H. Hirsch, "Die Inschriften der Konige von Agade," AfO 20 (1963), p. 5 (Sargon), p. 13 (Rimus), p. 16 (Man-istusu), and p. 24 (Naram-Sin) and Deimel, "Die Listen uber den Ahnenkult aus der Zeit Lugalandas u nd Urukaginas," Or 2 (1920), pp. 32-51. The practice of placing the divine determinative in front of a royal name began with Naram-Sin of Akkad, but this might have reflected not only religious but also political changes of circumstances. See, for example, Gadd, CAH2, Vol. I, Ch. 19, Fasc. 17, pp. 26-27, Vol. I, Ch. 22, Fasc. 28, pp. 26-27; Edzard, WdW, pp. 21, 133-35; Bottero, Fischer Weltgeschichte2, Die altorientalischen Reiche I, Frankfurt am Mein und Hamburg, 1965, pp. 109-110. Cf, also H. Frankfort Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Societyand Nature, Chicago and London, 1948, pp. 224-226, 297; Th. Jacobsen, The Sumerian Kinglist, AS 11, Chicago, 1939 (hereafter SKL), pp. 98-99; "Early Political Development in Mesopotamia," Toward the Image of Tammuz and Other Essays on MesopotamianHistory and Culture (=ZA 52 [1957], pp. 91-140), Cambridge, 1970, p. 395, n. 108; Hallo, Early MesopotamianRoyal Titles, AOS 43 (1957), pp. 56-65. (45) (46) CT 24, pl. 6: 18-21. These four deified kings and officials are listed already in the de Genouillac God List (RA 20 [1923], p. 98, ii 4-7). See also Jacobsen, SKL, pp. 98-99. (47) For these kings see, for example, Hallo (and Simpson), The Ancient Near East: A History, pp. 50-53. Cf. B. Landsberger, Der kultische Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrier, LSS VI, 1/2, Leipzig, 1915, p. 28, n. 13. (48) (49) The following three passages are quoted from CAD E, p. 397b. Vol. XI 1975 23 (50) (51) ilum here is to be considered as a protective deity or a divine being of that order. We recall a famous oracle of Dagan of Terqa reported in a letter from Kibri-Dagan (ARM III, 40: 13-18). ilum is puran[ni] hummut ana sar[rim] supurma kispi ana etem[mim] sa Yahdun-L[im] likrubu The god (Dagan) sent me, (saying:) "Write to the king hurriedly that they may give mortuary offerings to the spirit of Yahdun-L[im]!" For the ancestor cult in the ancient Mesopotamia, see J.J. Finkelstein, "The Geneology of the Hammurapi Dynasty," JCS 20 (1966), pp. 95-118 and M. Bayliss, "The Cult of Dead Kin in Assyria and Babylonia," Iraq 35 (1973), pp. 115-25. After my MS was submitted for printing, Professor Mamoru Yoshikawa kindly drew my attention to de-lum, the Emesal form of the Sumerian dalim, in a Emesal-vocabury list (MSL IV, p. 4). 24 ORIENT