For a Better Life: Brazilians in London, 2010

For a better life: Brazilians in London, 2010 May 2011 Yara Evans, Tânia Tonhati, Gustavo Tentoni Dias, Maria das Graças Brightwell, Olivia Sheringham, Ana Souza, Cleverson Souza GEB (Braziian Migration to the UK Research Group) London 0 902238 73 6 ! " ( #$ % ) #$ * +,-- ! &' Introducing the GEB The GEB (Grupo de Estudo Sobre Brasileiros no Reino Unido,/Brazilian Migration to the UK Research Group) was setup in 2008 by researchers interested in studying in debating issues related to the Brazilian diaspora in the UK. One of its main objectives is to foster the dialogue and multidisciplinary exchange about the processes that affect the lives of Brazilian migrants and their different migration experiences. The GEB understands that such dialogue must be conducted between academics and researchers working on issues relating to Brazilian migration, organizations that work with Brazilian migrants, and, of course, the community itself, both in the UK and in other countries. With this aim, the GEB promotes and participates in discussions with representatives from a range of interest groups, including the UK Brazilian Network (Rede UK de Brasileiros), the European Network of Brazilians (Rede de Brasileiros e Brasileiras na Europa), and the annual ‘Brazilians in the World’ Conference (conferência Brasileiros no Mundo). As part of its general mission, the GEB disseminates research conducted about the Brazilian community in the UK. It holds monthly seminars where researchers and students present and discuss their research, as well as a more formal annual conference, which involves presentation and discussion among GEB members as well as academics and representatives of the UK’s Brazilian community. The GEB also encourages members to attend conferences, workshops and seminars and to disseminate their research in academic publications. In addition, the GEB has made its collection of publications about the Brazilian immigration in the UK and in other countries available online. The members of the GEB’s Executive Committee are: Dr Ana Souza: Convenor Goldsmiths, University of London, e-mail: [email protected] Ana graduated in Language Teaching and Translation (Portuguese/English) in Brazil and did her MA in English Language Teaching at Thames Valley University, London. She has taught EFL, ESOL and Portuguese and is a co-founder of ABRIR, the Brazilian Association for Educational Projects in the UK, which supports the teaching of Portuguese in the UK. She is also a co-founder of GEB and has been the convenor of the group since 2008. Ana's research is in the field of bilingualism, code-switching, community language schools, language and identity. Publications (2010) “O Papel da Família e de Organizações Civis no Ensino de Português para Crianças (Anglo) Brasileiras” in Travessia, 66: 55-64. (2010) “Migrant Languages in a Multi-Ethnic Scenario: Brazilian Portuguese in London” in Portuguese Studies, 26(1): 79-93. (2010) “Language choice and identity negotiations in a Brazilian Portuguese community school” in Lytra, V. & Martin, P. (eds) Sites of Multilingualism: Complementary Schools in Britain Today, London: Trentham, 97-107. (2008) “How Linguistic and Cultural Identities Are Affected by Migration” in Language Issues, London: NATECLA, 19(1): 36-42. (2007) “Language and Identity in a Community Language School” in Community Languages Bulletin, issue 20, London: CILT. 2 Maria das Graças Luiz Brightwell , Secretary Royal Holloway, University of London, e-mail: [email protected] Graça graduated in History and did her MA in Geography, both at the Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, in Brazil. She is currently doing a PhD at the Dept. of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London. She has been GEB's secretary since 2008 and assistant editor of the Journal of Wine Research since 2010. Graça has worked as a Portuguese and Spanish community interpreter for Lambeth, Southwark and Lewisham Health Authority from 1993 to 1998; as a translator; and also as a teacher of EFL and of Portuguese as a Foreign language. Graça’s research interests are in the fields of food, migration, Brazilian culinary culture, identity and belonging. Publications (2010) “Saboreando o Brasil em Londres: comida, imigração e identidade” in Travessia, 66: 21-31. (2008) “Dinda Zefa’s Brazilian beans”. Family life. The Guardian. London April, 26th. Available online http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2008/apr/26/familyandrelationships.family3 Last accessed on 15th January 2011. (2008) “Transformações na provisão alimentar no espaço rural. Um estudo de caso sobre famílias agricultoras em Praia Grande, Santa Catarina – Brasil” . X Colóquio Internacional de Geocrítica, Barcelona (co-authored with Clécio Azevedo da Silva). Available online www.ub.edu/geocrit/xcol/448.htm Last accessed on 15th January 2011. Dr Yara Evans, Treasurer Queen Mary, University of London, e-mail: [email protected] Yara holds a first degree in History (Brazil) and Geography (London). She obtained her PhD in Wales (UK), researching environmental conflicts in protected areas in Brazil. She has been based at the School of Geography at Queen Mary (University of London) since 2004, where she has participated in research projects examining immigrant communities in London. These include studies of the life and work experiences of low-paid migrants, their financial needs, and access to public services, with a particular interest in Brazilians. Publications Wills, J, Datta, K, Evans, Y, Herbert, J, May, J and McIlwaine, C (2010) Global Cities at Work: new migrant divisions of labour, London: Pluto Press. Evans, Y, Wills, J, Datta, K, Herbert, J, McIlwaine, C and May, J (2007) ‘‘Subcontracting by stealth’ in London’s hotels: impacts and implications for labour organising” in Just Labour: a Canadian journal of work and society, 10: 85-97. Evans, Y, Wills, J, Datta, K, Herbert, J, McIlwaine, C, May, J, Araújo, J O, França, A C, França, A P (2007) Brazilians in London: a report for the Strangers into Citizens Campaign, Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London. Olivia Sheringham, Events Officer Queen Mary, University of London, e-mail: [email protected] Olivia is a PhD student in the School of Geography at Queen Mary, University of London. She graduated in Modern Languages at Cambridge University in 2004 and did an MA in Latin American Studies at the Institute for the Study of the Americas. She has also worked as a research assistant on various projects relating to Latin America and migration, including a research project on Latin Americans in London, led by Dr Cathy McIlwaine and funded by the City Parrochial Foundation and Latin American Women’s 3 Rights Service. She is currently involved in a research project into the London Living Wage, led by Professor Jane Wills and funded by Trust for London. Publications (2010) “A Transnational Space? Transnational practices, place-based identity and the making of “home” among Brazilians in Gort, Ireland” in Portuguese Studies, 26(1): 60-78. (2010) “Creating Alternative Geographies: Religion, Transnationalism and Everyday life” in Geography Compass, 4 (11): 1678–1694. (2009) “Ethnic Identity and Integration among Brazilians in Gort, Ireland” in Irish Migration Studies in Latin America, 7(1): 93-104. Available online www.irlandeses.org/0903sheringham.htm Last accessed on 15th January 2011. Gustavo Dias, Publicity Officer Goldsmiths, University of London, e- mail: [email protected] Gustavo Dias graduated in Social Science at Sāo Paulo State University (UNESP/Brazil) and did his MA in Social Science at Federal University of Sāo Carlos (UFSCar/Brazil). He is currently doing a PhD in Sociology at Goldsmiths, University of London and has been a member of GEB since 2008. Gustavo's research is in the field of migration, ethnicity, Brazilian identity and Brazilian Social Thought. Publications (2009) “O process o de fixação do migrante brasileiro em Londres: a importância das práticas cotidianas na elaboração de sua identidade” in Ponto Urbe revista do núcleo de antropologia urbana da USP, Vol.4, Available online http://www.pontourbe.net/04/dias-pu-04.html Last accessed on 15th January 2011. (2010) “Casa de Brasileiros em Londres: Um estudo sobre a importância da casa para os imigrantes brasileiros” in Travessia, 66: 45-54. Tania Tonhati, Blog Manager, e- mail: [email protected] Tania graduated in Social Sciences in Brazil at the São Paulo State University (UNESP) and did her MA in Social Science at the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar). She works at Casa do Brasil em Londres, a charity which provides support to Brazilian migrants in the UK, and has been a member of GEB since 2009. Tania's research is in the field of migration and digital interactive media, transnational activities, and the impact of the Internet on the experience of migration. Publication (2010) ‘Introdução’ [Introduction] in Travessia, no 66, São Paulo - SP: Centro de Estudos Migratórios (CEM). Further details about the GEB and its work are available from: www.gold.ac.uk/clcl/geb and www.geblondon.wordpress.com Cover Photos by Yara Evans © 4 . . /0 # !" $ % & ' (" ) ! $ ( * + # ' + , & - " . & & # / * + 0 + 5 1((# % 1 . / # 1 / 1 / 2 3 1 / 2 4 1 $ % 1 ' + 1 + 2 4 1 1 , ! 1 , ! 2 4 1 # , ! 2 3 1 + 1 & % - 1 1 " 56 % ' " 56 2 4 - 1 )" - 1 " - " 7 2 4 1 1 $ 1 ' % 1 - 1 ( 1 # ( 2 ( * 8 1 + ( 2 - -! 1 & ( 2 3 / 2 # 2 3 + -! & % / 2 3 % / $ ' %9! " - " 56 1 %9! " - " 56 2 3 ; : ! & ( * 1 : ! 1 & " 0 7 2 % " 56 7 2 - / $ 2 " - 6 The research reported here was conducted by GEB with the purpose of gathering data to better understand the Brazilian experiences of living in London. The last few years have seen an increasing interest among scholars in issues relating to the Brazilian community in the UK, and particularly in London, where a large part of it is concentrated. Research by Brightwell (2010), Dias (2010), Frangella (2010) and Souza (2010) reflect this growing academic attention. Brazilians in London are one of the groups that make up the so-called ‘new immigration’ that has been pivotal to the emergence of the phenomenon of ‘superdiversity’ in the UK (Vertovec, 2007). Despite the impossibility of accurately ascertaining the size of the Brazilian community, Brazilian authorities estimate that between 150,000 and 300,000 Brazilians now live in the UK (MRE, 2009), thereby representing a sizeable community whose interaction with the host society deserves greater attention. Thus, through its research, the GEB seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the experiences of the different groups that comprise the Brazilian community in the UK. As far as is known, this constitutes only the second quantitative study of this community1 and, while it cannot be said to be wholly representative, the GEB believes that the results reflect the experiences of many Brazilians living in London. The research reported here was based on a questionnaire survey conducted between June and September 2010. The questionnaire was made available in two formats: printed and online. Copies of the printed version were distributed, along with boxes for the collection of completed questionnaires, to commercial establishments, churches, associations and institutions that serve the Brazilian community in London. These were located both in the central areas and in districts in boroughs where there are large concentrations are Brazilians living and working (for example, Willesden, Harlesden, and Seven Sisters). As a general rule, the printed questionnaire was completed directly by the respondent. However, one exception was the occasion when members of the GEB applied the questionnaire face-to-face to respondents, during the Brazilian Day, a cultural event that brought together thousands of Brazilians. The electronic version of the questionnaire was made available at a webpage accessible to adult Brazilians who live in London. The survey produced a total sample of 553 questionnaires, of which 294 were printed questionnaires (53%) and 259, online questionnaires (47%)2. Where appropriate, the survey data was analysed to identify significant differences3 between subgroups in the sample in relation to relevant variables (for instance, age and gender). 1 Evans et al (2007) carried out the first survey which produced a sample of 423 questionnaires. The software Bristol Online Surveys was used to design and make available the online version of the questionnaire. The link for access to the online version was circulated to various social network groups as well as discussion groups widely used by Brazilians in London. 3 The results of statistical analysis are said to be ‘significant’ it they are unlikely to have occurred by chance. 2 7 !" More women (61%) than men (39%) took part in the survey and these results are replicated in terms of participation in both questionnaire formats. Thus, more women (59%) than men (41%) answered the printed version, and more women (63%) than men (37%) completed the online version. However, none of these differences were found to be statistically significant. With regard to the age distribution in the sample, as Figure 1 shows, over two thirds of the Brazilians surveyed were aged between 25 and 39. The mean age for the whole sample was 32.9 years, whilst the median4 was 32 years. 2 Age (2010) 50 or above 4.4 14.4 40 - 49 69 25 - 39 12.2 18 - 24 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 (%) The survey did not reveal any important differences in the age distribution between men and women. As can be seen in Figure 2, men were more highly represented in the 18-24 age group, although the difference in relation to the proportion of women in this group was relatively small. Similarly, women represented a majority of those aged 50 and above, but again this difference in relation to the proportion of men in this group was very small. There was virtually no difference between the proportions of men and women in the age groups 25-39 and 40-49. The average age for men was 32.5 years, and 33.2 years for women, whilst the median for both men and women was 32 years. As Figure 3 shows, there were no significant differences in the distribution of age groups according to questionnaire format. 4 The ‘median’ is a statistical measure that corresponds to the value that, in a sequential listing of figures, is found exactly in the middle. The median represents a more accurate measure of the data than the mean (average). 8 2 + Age by Gender (2010) 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 2 18-24 25-39 40-49 50 and above men 14.2 68.4 14.6 2.8 women 10.9 69.3 14.4 5.4 3 Age by Questionnaire Format (2010) 70 60 50 40 30 (% ) 20 10 0 printed electronic 18 - 24 25 - 39 40 - 49 50 and above 14.5 66.5 14.5 4.5 9.4 71.9 14.5 4.2 In terms of region or state of origin, the study revealed that participants had come from 20 out of the 27 states that make up the Brazilian politico-administrative system, thus highlighting the wide range of areas of emigration. However, as Map 1 shows, some states in the south and southeast regions contributed the highest proportion of migrants, São Paulo represented the leading emigration state with, the highest proportion of the Brazilians surveyed, nearly one third of the total sample (32.7%), coming from there. This proportion is more than double that of the states that represented the second and third highest proportions, respectively: Minas Gerais (13.6%) and 9 Paraná (13.3%). A further two other states had also contributed important proportions of the sample: Rio Grande do Sul (8.9%) e Rio de Janeiro (7.8%). Overall, these findings show the southeast region of Brazil to be the leading emigration region, accounting for over one-half (56%) of the Brazilians surveyed in London. This regional pattern is also replicated in terms of gender. Thus, about 55% of all women and 60% of all men had come from the southeast, while 24% of men and 28% of women had come from the southern region. &-4 # $ The survey results revealed that the majority of Brazilians had attained a high level of education in Brazil before leaving for London. Nearly three quarters (73%) had gone to university and of these, 53% had obtained an undergraduate degree, although 20% had not completed their university education. About one quarter (23.6%) of those sampled had attended secondary school with the large majority completing this level of education. Only a very small minority had attended primary school only (3.6%). There were no significant differences between the educational levels of Brazilian men and women. Nearly three quarters of the men had studied for a university degree, with 51% of these actually completing the degree, whilst 23% did not. Similarly, about 72% of the women had gone to university, with 55% obtaining the degree, and 17% failing to do so. 10 There were, however, significant differences in terms of educational achievement between those who completed the printed questionnaire, and those who filled in the online questionnaire. As Figure 4 shows, a higher proportion of the Brazilians who answered the online questionnaire had gone to university compared to those who answered the printed questionnaire (a difference of 27 percent). As to those who had attended secondary school, a higher proportion answered the printed questionnaire compared to those who completed the online questionnaire (a difference of 22 percent). 2 5 Education by Questionnaire Format (2010) 100 80 60 40 (%) 20 0 up to se cond grade up to first grade de gre e printe d 5.8 34 60.2 e le ctronic 1.2 11.6 87.2 The survey also revealed a highly diverse range of subjects studied at university amongst the Brazilians surveyed, who reported over 60 degree course titles, including Systems Analysis, Biomedicine, Foreign Trade, Industrial Design, Economics, Hotel Administration, IT, Literature, Medicine, Nutrition, Dentistry, Politics, Chemistry, International Relations, and Theatre. Figure 5 shows the course titles most frequently mentioned. 2 6 Degree (2010) 11 Pedagogy 12 Communication 14 Journalism 15 Psychology Languages 19 Law 29 Business Management 57 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 (N) 11 % &" ' The Brazilians surveyed gave a variety of reasons for spending a period of their lives in London The reasons given included: ‘to be with the family’, ‘the best place to live’, ‘to escape urban violence in Brazil’, ‘curiosity’, ‘culture and history’, ‘I married a British citizen’, ‘I already had friends here’, ‘no need for visa prior to entry’, ‘the quality of education services’, ‘good base from which to explore Europe’, and ‘because nothing works in Brazil and I can’t wait’. Figure 6 shows the reasons more commonly mentioned. 2 7 Purpose in London (2010) 'settle for good' 19.2 study work work and study 32.4 (%) 17.7 27.1 Figure 6 shows the four main reasons for coming to London were derived from the range of reasons given. The largest proportion (nearly one third) of the sample came to London with the aim of studying. Over one quarter had come to London to both work and study, corresponding to the second highest contingent in the sample. Just under a quarter of those surveyed indicated that they had come to London to work only, but about 20% had actually come to London to settle permanently. As Figure 7 shows, the reasons Brazilians gave for coming to London revealed variations according to the questionnaire format used, although they were not statistically significant. It can be seen that that highest proportions of those who answered the printed questionnaire indicated that they had come to London to ‘work and study’, as well as ‘to study’. In contrast, the highest proportions of those who answered the online questionnaire had come to London ‘to study’ and ‘to settle permanently’. 12 2 9 Purpose in London by Questionnaire Format (2010) 35 30 25 20 (%) 15 10 5 0 w ork and study w ork and study study settle perm anentlly printed 28.2 21.4 31.3 16.3 electronic 25.9 13.5 33.6 22.8 Equally, there were no statistically significant differences between men and women with regard to their motives for coming to London. Figure 8 shows that a higher proportion of women reported coming to London ‘to study’ and ‘to work’. The highest proportion of men reported that they had come to London ‘to work’ and ‘to settle permanently’. 2 8 Purpose in London by Gender (2010) 35 30 25 20 (%) 15 10 5 0 study work work and study "settle for good" men 29.5 16.6 29.5 21.7 women 34.2 18.5 25.6 17.6 13 ( ! Immigration laws in the UK have changed in the last few years, with to the intention of tightening control over the movement of nationals from countries outside the European Union (Wills et al, 2010). This legislation reflects a growing concern within both British society and government about the role of migrants in the local economy and local society, particularly in relation to competition for access to the labour market, as well as access to a variety of state benefits and public services. Thus, foreigners have increasingly been faced with a wide variety of visa options which are required for entry to the UK and these, in turn, give rise to a wide variety of immigration statuses. Nevertheless, only a small proportion of these visa requirements apply to Brazilians, as shown in Table 1 (below). ! • • " % % % ! " • • • $ & " " ! ! # # ! " ! & " • & " " ! " ( " " ' ( ! ! • " !! ! ! "( ! " ! • " • • • .//01 " ' ' " • ) *+ , " - " ! " * ' " ! " ! ' & • % 2 2' * ! " " ' !" ! • " ' ! ' • • ! " " ! !! ! ( ! ' • • " ! • ' ! ( ' ! ' ' " $ ''2 * 2 !! 2 2 *% / /3 ./ ' * " &2 14 Figure 9 illustrates the different types of visa obtained or passport held by the Brazilians surveyed at the time of their entry into the UK. 2 : Immigration Status on Entering the UK european passaport 27% student 25% resident/ spouse of resident 5% work permit 4% visitor 39% As Figure 9 shows, the largest proportion of the Brazilians surveyed (39%)5 reported receiving `the Visitor visa at the time of their entry to the UK. The second largest contingent (27%) reported holding a European passport, while one quarter of those surveyed entered the country on a student visa. Only 5% of the sample held residence visa, whilst the smallest proportion of the whole sample (4%), reported holding a work permit on entering the country. The comparison between the Brazilians who completed the printed questionnaire and those who filled in the online questionnaire revealed some important differences as to the immigration status at the time of entry to the UK. As can be seen in Figure 10, about 42% of those who answered the printed questionnaire held the visitor visa, followed by 29% of those who were European citizens. By contrast, a majority of those who answered the online questionnaire were issued a visitor visa (36%) on entering the country, followed by those who were issued a student visa (29%). 5 There is some discrepancy in the data relating to the reasons Brazilians gave for coming to the UK and the visa they obtained on entry into the UK. While 32.4% of the sample reported coming to London to study, only about 25% reported holding a student visa on entering the country. Such discrepancy is due, in part, to the various changes in immigration laws that have taken place in recent years. For instance, in the past it was still possible for people to obtain a student visa once in the UK and after having held and staying in the country on a visitor visa. 15 2 -, Immigration Status on Entry to the UK by Questionnaire Format work permit resident/spouse of resident printed european passport electronic student visitor 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 (% ) 1 11 shows the visas and documents held by Brazilians at the time of their participation in the survey. 2 -- Immigration Status (2010) resident/ spouse of resident 17% work permit 2.9% visa expired 28.9% visitor (tourist) 2.5% european passaport 43.9% student 4.7% In Figure 11, it can be seen that the highest proportion of those sampled (43.9%) reported holding a European passport. Amongst the countries mentioned as having granted citizenship to Brazilians, Italy was by far the most mentioned country (138 cases). Portugal was the second 16 country most mentioned (46 cases). Other countries mentioned were the United Kingdom (17 cases), Spain (10 cases), Germany (9 cases), France (3 cases) and Austria (2 cases). Figure 11 also shows that around 17% of the Brazilians sampled reported being a resident, or the spouse of a resident in the UK at the time of their participation in the survey. The countries most frequently mentioned as having awarded citizenship to spouses were Italy (28 cases), Portugal (21 cases), and the United Kingdom (15 cases). Other countries also mentioned were Poland (6 cases), Ireland (4 cases), Germany, Spain and Slovakia (2 cases each), and Sweden, Romania, France and Belgium (1 case each). Moreover, Figure 11 shows that only 5% of the sample reported holding a student visa at the time of their participation in the study, whilst even lower proportions reported holding a work permit (2.9%), or a visitor visa (2.5%). Some 29% of the Brazilians reported that their visa had expired. Figure 12 summarises the findings about immigration status on entry to the UK along with immigration status at the time of the participation in the survey to illustrate the changes Brazilians experience in their immigration status over time. Indeed, these changes are themselves dictated by the conditions attached to each type of visa. 2 -+ Change in Immigration Status (2010) 50.0 40.0 30.0 (% ) 20.0 10.0 .0 entry study period (2010) visitor (tourist) 39.2 2.5 student 25.1 4.7 passaporte europeu 27.1 43.9 resident/resident's spouse 4.9 17 work permit 3.6 2.9 expired visa .0 29 As can be seen in Figure 12, 39% of those surveyed reported obtaining a visitor visa on entry to the UK, whilst the proportion of those declaring to hold this visa at the time of their participation in the survey was only 2.5%. Similarly, 25% reported holding a student visa on entering the country, although at the time of the survey, only 4.7 % claimed to hold that type of visa. But whilst 27% of those sampled stated they held a European passport on entering the UK, 43.9% reported holding this document at the time of their participation in the survey. Equally, whilst the proportion of those reporting to hold a resident visa at the time of entry into the UK was only 5%, the proportion of those reporting to hold this visa at the time of the survey was 17%. In general terms, it can be said that these changes reflect a search by Brazilians for alternative ways to 17 prolong their stay in the UK under less restrictive conditions such as those enabled by holding a European passport. The survey also revealed that many Brazilians had already been living in London for a number of years. At the time of the survey, over one third (37%) of those sampled had been in London for more than five years, and over a quarter (28%) had been living in the capital for between two and five years. Hence, nearly two thirds of Brazilians had been living in London for more than two years. Nearly one fifth (19.6%), had arrived in the capital in the last twelve months, and the remaining 15.3% had been living there for between one and two years. Some statistically significant differences were observed between groups in the sample in terms of length of stay in London and the questionnaire format used. As is shown in Figure 13, a much higher proportion of those who had arrived in London in the last twelve months filled in the printed questionnaire than completed the online version (a 14 % difference). Among those who had been in London for more than five years, however, a much higher proportion filled in the online questionnaire than answered the printed version (a 19 % difference). 2 -3 Length of Stay by Questionnaire Format (2010) 50 40 30 20 10 0 up t one year 1-2 years 2-5 years > 5 years printed 26.1 16.7 29 28.2 electronic 12.2 13.7 27.1 47 Although not so statistically significant, some gender differences were also observed in terms of the length of their stay in London, as shown in Figure 14. The data shows that more men than women had arrived in London in the last twelve months, though this is the only category where men predominated. The data also shows that the highest proportions, of men and women alike had already been living in London for more than five years, thus indicating a tendency to stay for the longer term. 18 Figure 14 Length of Time in London/UK by Gender (2010) 50 40 30 20 (%) 10 0 up to one year between 1 - 2 years between 2-5 years over 5 years men 25 13.2 27.4 34.4 women 16 16.7 28.5 38.8 ) & * About 86% of the Brazilians surveyed were engaged in paid activities in London. In the majority of cases, those surveyed reported to be working in only one paid activity. The 12% who reported not to be working were housewives, students or unemployed and unemployed people who were seeking work. The remainder declined to answer. As was seen earlier, many Brazilians come to London with the intention of working.6 According to Evans et al (2007), emigration from Brazil is commonly driven by the prospect of better earnings abroad, where the aim is to work in order to save and invest in products or services in Brazil. Figure 15 shows the various sectors of paid activities in which the Brazilians surveyed were working in 2010. As can be seen, hotel/catering (22%) and business/administration (21%) employed the highest proportions of the whole sample. These are followed by cleaning (17%), consumer services (14%), and retail (8%) and education (8%). The smallest proportions were working in transport/security (2.9%), construction (2%) and health (2%). The data thus shows that the Brazilians surveyed make up a very diverse working population in terms of economic activities. 6 Nearly half of the sample reported coming to London with the intention of working, this being the sole intention for 17.7% of those surveyed, and one of the explicit intentions for 27.1% of the sample. It can thus be surmised that the intention of working was implicit for the 19.2% who came to London with the aim of settling permanently. Thus, the summation of these different items means that nearly two thirds of those surveyed (64%) came to London with the intention of working, implicitly or explicitly. 19 2 -6 Economic Activity: sectoral spread (2010) health construction transport/security other education retail consumer services cleaning business/administration hotel/catering 0 5 10 15 20 25 (% ) The division of labour according to gender shows the dominance of women in various sectors, due to the fact that women are also a majority in the sample. Figure 16 shows the division of economic activities according to gender. 2 -7 Sectoral Distribution of Economic Activity by Gender (2010) 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 n y n g g es rit io in tio rin ic u a n ct e v r c a t t u r e e a tr is /s se cl /c in ns el er on t o m i t c d ho ta um /a or ns ss p o e c n ns si tra bu il ta re n io at c u ed r he t o th al he women men 20 As Figure 16 shows, women were more highly represented in the sectors of cleaning (77%), consumer services (72%), health (67%), education (69%), and in retail (64%). Only men were working in construction (100%), and men were also more highly represented in transport/security (85%), as well as being a majority in hotel/catering (54%). Any analysis of economic activities carried out by migrants must take into account the fact that limited knowledge of the host society’s language, along with the restrictions imposed by immigration laws impact upon the opportunities for insertion in the local labour market. This explains, in part, the fact that although many immigrants attain a high level of education in their home countries, they often only manage to take low-paid, low-skilled entry jobs in the host country (see Wills et al, 2010). As noted previously, the survey revealed a diverse range of economic activities in which Brazilians were engaged. The data also revealed that some of these activities are likely to require a good knowledge of English as well as some experience in the local labour market. This can be surmised, for instance, from some of the job titles mentioned: ‘lab technician’, ‘university lecturer’, ‘corporate events assistant’, ‘system analyst’, ‘engineer’, ‘researcher’, ‘architect’, ‘administrative assistant’, ‘auditor’, ‘financial analyst’, ‘secretary’, ‘manager’, ‘bank services’, ‘operations manager’, ‘marketing manager’, and ‘market research manager’. It is thus possible to speculate that the longer the stay in the country, the more likely that a person may progress in the labour market. The data in Table 2 below indicate that this may be the case, for instance, of Brazilians who were working in retail, education, business/administration, and also health, where the proportion of employees increases with the length of stay in London. By contrast, the pattern in cleaning, construction, transport/security and hotel/catering is more erratic, with great variability in the proportion of employees as the length of stay in London increases. 7 2 - </ 2 " = & &> " @ < 5! ) ) 7 8 0 % - =?> @ A' $ $$ $ ! B B +# # ' # $ B ) ;" 8 " '$ '' + # +# +$ &# @' & #' $ && + $$ $ ' ' $' #' & 7 =?> ' & # With regard to the weekly working hours, the data showed that over two thirds (67%) of the Brazilians surveyed were working full-time, or the equivalent of over 30 hours per week.7 The 7 The definition of ‘full-time’ used here is the same as that used in the Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (ASHE), which is conducted each year by the National Office of Statistics (further information in www.statistics.gov.uk/statBase/product.asp?vlnk=13101). 21 remaining one third of the sample was working part-time, or the equivalent of part-time hours. The mean value for weekly hours of work for the whole sample was 35.6 hours. The survey revealed statistically significant differences between men and women in terms of weekly hours of work. About 80% of the men were working full-time, as opposed to 58% of the women. Also, only 20% of men worked part-time hours, in contrast to 42% of the women. The difference is highlighted by the mean value of weekly working hours. Whilst men were working on average 40.3 hours per week (median of 40 hours), women were working an average of 32.4 hours per week (median of 35 hours). The analysis of earnings revealed the dominance of wage rates higher than both the NMW8 and the Living Wage.9 Figure 17 shows the different wage bands used to classify the wage rates reported by the Brazilians surveyed in 2010. 2 -9 Wages (2010) no answer 13.6% < NMW 4.5% NMW 5.2% NMW - LW 20.8% > LW 42.1% Figure 17 shows that a majority of those surveyed (42%) earned wage rates above the Living Wage, and that the second highest proportion of those sampled (21%) earned wage rates above the NMW and below the LW. It can also be seen that only 5.2% of the Brazilians surveyed reported earning the NMW and that 4.5% were also earning below the NMW (which is in breach of the legislation). The average hourly rate for the whole sample was £11.06 per hour, with median of £9.00. Both values are higher than LW rate that applied at the time of the study (£7.85/hour). 8 The National Minimum Wage is compulsory, being designated as an hourly rate which is increased in October each year by the UK government. At the time of the survey, the NMW was £5.80 per hour. 9 The Living Wage is defined as the wage necessary to provide a minimally decent standard of living for a family of four (a couple and two children). Its rate is increased in May each year by the Office of the Mayor of London, being voluntary so that it is up to employers to decide whether they will pay it or not. The LW stood at £7.85 per hour at the time of the survey (further information available from www.livingwage.org.uk/campaign.html). 22 The distribution of wage bands by weekly hours of work is shown in Figure 18. It can be seen that just under two thirds of those who were working full-time, and just under one half of those working part-time, were earning wage rates above the LW. The data also shows that over one third of those working part-time and a little over one quarter of those working full-time earned wage rates that were higher than the NMW but lower than the LW. Hence, the majority of Brazilians in the survey were earning wage rates above the NWM. Yet, it is worth noting that the NWM is considered by many to be inadequate to meet the basic needs of those living in London given the high cost of living in the capital, and particularly the costs of housing and transport. According to analysts at the GLA (Greater London Authority), the NMW falls below the ‘poverty threshold wage’ (PTW), being therefore a wage rate that allows for survival only (GLA, 2010). The survey of Brazilians shows that 70% of those sampled were earning wage rates above the PTW, and that a sizeable 30% were earning either this rate or below it. 2 -8 Wages by Weekly Hours of Work (2010) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 <NMW NMW NMW- LW >LW <NMW NMW NMW- LW >LW part-time 5.6 12.8 34.4 47.2 full-time 7.2 4 26.3 62.5 Although most of the Brazilians in the sample were earning wage rates well above the NMW, the survey results reveal a certain discrepancy in relation to the wage rates received by workers in London as a whole. According to data published by the GLA (2010), about 90% of those working full-time in London earned wage rates above the LW. By contrast, only 62% of the Brazilians surveyed who were working full-time earned wage rates higher than the LW. Equally, whilst 60% of part-time workers in London earned wages above the LW, only 47% of Brazilians working part-time earned wages higher than the LW (GLA, 2010). Evidently, such findings reflect the dynamics of the local labour market, where different activities and occupations attract different wage rates which are, themselves, influenced by factors such as knowledge of the English language, qualifications, experience and career progression, for example. Figure 19 illustrates the distribution of wages by economic activities. 23 2 -: Wages by Sectoral Spread of Economic Activity (2010) 50 40 30 20 10 ot he r he al th er vi ce s n er s co n si n bu (%) su m in i es s/ ad m ed u ca tio st ra tio n il re ta g ho n/ rta t io te l /c at er in se cu r it y uc tio st r tra ns po co n cl ea ni ng n 0 <NMW NMW NMW-LW >LW Figure 19 shows that most of those who reported earning the LW worked in the business/administration. However, the highest proportions of those earning wage rates in the other three bands (below the NWM, NMW-LW and above the LW) were employed in the hotel/catering sector. A high proportion of Brazilians who reported earning the NMW as well as wage rates between the NMW and the LW were employed in the cleaning sector. No statistically significant differences were found between men and women in relation to earnings. As Figure 20 demonstrates, a slightly higher proportion of men (60%) earned the wages above the LW than did the women (56%). But more women (29.5%) than men (27.4%) earned wage rates between the NMW and the LW. On average, men were earning £11.77 per hour (median of £9.23/hour), whilst the women earned on average £10.54 per hour (median of £8.72/hour). Similarly, in terms of the PTW, there were no important differences between men and women. Thus, 71% of the men surveyed and 68% of the women surveyed earned wages above the PTW, whilst 29% of the men and 32% of the women earned wages below the PTW. 24 2 +, Wages by Gender (2010) > LW NMW - LW women men NMW < NMW (%) 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 + As Evans et al (2007) noted, the lack of precise figures about the size of the Brazilian community in London and the UK makes it difficult to estimate the numbers living in different boroughs of Metropolitan London. Nevertheless, some districts and boroughs are known for having higher concentrations of Brazilians living there, such as the borough of Brent, in the northwest, the district of Bayswater, in the central area, and the district of Stockwell, in the south. The findings show that Brazilians are, in fact, dispersed across London. Map 2 illustrates the borough of residence of those surveyed. As can be seen, the boroughs that make up Inner London host the main concentrations: Westminster, Camden, Islington, Hackney, Tower Hamlets, Southwark, Lewisham, Lambeth, Wandsworth, Hammersmith and Fulham, and Kensington and Chelsea. In terms of type of accommodation, the large majority of Brazilians (86%) reported to live in rented accommodation. Only a minority (12%) were homeowners or were living with homeowners, of which less than 1% had paid off their mortgage. Regarding household structure, just over one half (52%) reported to live with family, spouse or partner, thus configuring a family unit. Some 41% of the sample shared accommodation with friends or acquaintances, hence constituting ‘no-family’ households. Sharing accommodation represents a strategy to cut down on living costs (e.g. rent and utility bills) and, according to Evans et al (2007), such friends and acquaintances are usually themselves Brazilians. 25 & +; <% ! ( Many of the Brazilians who took part in the survey reported facing problems in their everyday lives in London. Just over two fifths (61%) reported at least one major problem, although many reported two or more. The largest proportion (19%) indicated that language was their main problem. The second main difficulty reported by many related to visa issues, which in turn relates to immigration status and the limitations this imposes on the ability to work and earn money. , - " The results of the survey revealed a variety of possibilities about expectations of length of stay in London. Figure 21 illustrates the categories used to group the various options. As can be seen, nearly one third of those sampled (the largest proportion) stated that they were uncertain as to how long they would remain in the UK. However, among those who offered an estimate of the length of time they intended to stay on, 18% intended to remain between one and five years, while 17% intended to stay on for only one more year. Approximately 9% intended to remain for over five years, while 9.5% intended to settle permanently. 26 2 +- Expected Length of Stay in the UK (2010) no answer forever indefinite > 5 anos 1-5 years up to one year 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 There were important gender differences in relation to participants’ intended length of stay in the country, as can be seen in Figure 22. 2 ++ Expected Length of Stay in the UK by Gender (2010) 45 40 35 30 25 (% ) 20 15 10 men women 5 0 up to one year 1-5 years > 5 anos indefinite forever 27 As Figure 22 shows, women (41%) more than men (33%) were unable to estimate the length of time they expected to remain in the UK. Equally, more women (13%) than men (8%) indicated that they intended to remain in the UK forever. But more men (22%) than women (19%) intended to remain for another year. Also, many more men (27%) than women (17%) intended to remain between one and five years. . The 2010 survey of Brazilians in London revealed that most Brazilians had attained a high level of education in Brazil, thus configuring a middle class profile. Although 20 out of the 27 Brazilian states were represented in the sample, the survey revealed the importance of the state of São Paulo as an area of emigration, which was the state of origin of over one third of all the Brazilians who took part in the study. The states of Minas Gerais and Paraná also accounted for sizeable proportions of those surveyed. With the figures combined, these states reveal the importance of southeast and the south regions of the country as areas of emigration. In the large majority of cases, the move to London was motivated by the search for better opportunities for working and studying. Many had arrived on a visitor visa which bans the holder from taking up paid employment, but many also entered the country on student visas, whilst others held a European passport, with Italy being the country that most awarded a European passport. The immigration status of many Brazilians changed over time, reflecting the efforts of some to overcome the limits and restrictions imposed by certain types of visa, which circumscribe their ability to prolong the stay in order to meet their original aims. Obtaining a European passport, for instance, can be considered a strategy towards this goal. Some two thirds of Brazilians had already been living in London for at least two years, but a majority had already been living here over five years. Thus, only a minority were newcomers. Many could not estimate the length of time they intended to remain in London, but many had plans to stay on for a definite period of time, whilst others intended to settle permanently. The vast majority of Brazilians were working in London, taking up a wide range of paid activities, from the most elementary to those requiring higher qualifications, and within several economic sectors. Reflecting their high number in the sample, women were more highly represented in a number of sectors, such as cleaning, consumer services, health, and education, whilst men represented the majority in construction and security/transport. However, men and women were equally represented in the hotel/catering sector. In terms of earnings, the large majority of Brazilians were earning wage rates above the Living Wage, which is also higher than the NMW. Even so, there was a discrepancy in relation to the wage rates earned by workers in London as a whole, so that a higher proportion of Londoners earned rates above the LW than the Brazilians surveyed, both those working full-time, as well as those working part-time hours. The survey also revealed that, in terms of residential patterns, Brazilians are dispersed throughout London, although there are important concentrations in Inner London. The large majority were living in rented accommodation. As to household structure, just over one half of all Brazilians were living in family households, whilst two fifths lived in no-family households, which reflects part of a strategy to cut down on living costs. Many Brazilians reported facing at least one major difficulty in their daily lives in London, the lack of knowledge of the English language and visa issues being the most commonly cited problems. 28 The survey conducted by the GEB has thus allowed for the delineation of a profile of the groups that made up the Brazilian community in 2010. The survey has also enabled a glimpse at the different migrant experiences, pointing to the need for more research into the factors that affect them. Thus, for example, a better understanding is needed of the ways in which education and social class in Brazil may influence migrants’ initial performance in the labour market in London, as well as understanding how such performance changes over time, and the role of immigration status in this process. Similarly, further research is needed into the role of education and social class in Brazil in the use of electronic media (e.g. electronic mail, the internet, and social networks), both in the daily life in London, and in maintaining ties with Brazil. The GEB hopes that an in-depth investigation of this and other issues will contribute to the creation of policies (public and private, both by the Brazilian government and the British government) that envisage promoting the well-being of the Brazilian community in the UK. It is in this spirit that the GEB will continue its work of researching the lives of Brazilians in the UK. / * The GEB wishes to thank all the Brazilian organisations, churches and commercial establishments that allowed us to gather the data in their premises or facilitated our research in other ways. We are particularly grateful to the Brazilian Consulate in London, to Casa do Brasil in London, and also Sabor Bem Brasil and Intertransfer. We are also grateful to the Brazilian media in London - in particular Brazilian News, Real and Leros - for their dissemination of the research, which enabled a wider reach to potential participants from the Brazilian community. Many thanks also to Laila Graaf for helping out with the application of the questionnaires during the Brazilian Day. Our thanks also go to Maria Ignez de Assis Moura, for her help with the statistical analysis, and Esmeralda Machado, for proof-reading. Finally, the GEB wishes to thank all the Brazilians who participated in the survey, and for giving us the opportunity to gain an insight into their experiences of living in London. 0 Brightwell, G (2010) ‘Saboreando o Brasil em Londres: comida, imigração e identidade’, Travessia, (66): 21-32. Dias, G (2010) ‘Casa de Brasileiros em Londres: a importância da casa para os imigrantes brasileiros’, Travessia (66) V6: 45-54. Evans, Y Wills, J, Datta, K, Herbert, J, McIlwaine, C, May, J, Araújo, J O, França , A C, França, A P (2007) Brasileiros em Londres: relatório para a campanha De Estrangeiros a Cidadãos, London: Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London. Frangella, S O (2010) ’O Made in Brasil em Londres: migração e os bens culturais’ , Travessia (66): 33-44. GLA (2010) A Fairer London: the 2010 Living Wage in London, Greater London Authority, London. 29 MRE (2009) Brasileiros no Mundo, Subsecretaria Geral da comunidades brasileiras no exterior, 2ª edição, available from www.brasileirosnomundo.mre.gov.br/ptbr/estimativas_populacionais_das_comunidades.xml, acessed in 12/10/2010. ONS (2010) Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings Statistical Bulletin, Office for National Statistics, available from www.statistics.gov.uk/pdfdir/ashe1210.pdf; accessed in 28/01/2011. Souza, A B (2010) ‘O papel da família e de organizações civis no ensino de português para crianças brasileiras. Travessia, (66): 55-64. Vertovec, S (2007)‘Superdiversity and its implications’, Ethnic and Racial Studies. 30: (6); 1024 – 1054. Wills, J, Datta, K, Evans, Y, Herbert, J, May, J, McIlwaine, C (2010) Global Cities at Work: new migrant divisions of labour: London, Pluto Press. 30