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Journal of Medical Systems, Vol. 28, No. 4, August 2004 (
The Moving Target: A Geographic Index
of Relative Wellbeing
N
LY
Jochen Albrecht1,3 and Laxmi Ramasubramanian2
FR
E
A
D
IN
G
O
Geographic Information Systems (GIS) have been widely used by health planners and
professionals to map and describe disease occurrence, spread, and exposure. Increasingly, GIS is being used to measure accessibility to health services in order to better
manage scarce resources and to ensure equity and accountability. We argue that health
planners can use readily available census data to understand the demands and needs
of particular population by identifying key indicators that have a direct or indirect
impact on individual health and community well-being. We present an Index of Relative Wellbeing, a weighted basket of 10 key variables from the Census that can be used
to describe the health status of a particular census area. Health planners can use this
index within a GIS to conduct spatial and temporal analyses. Our research demonstrates that the spatial distribution of health inequalities can be carefully documented
and be directly used in the policymaking arena.
INTRODUCTION
O
O
KEY WORDS: census; community wellbeing; GIS surveillance; indicator.
FO
R
PR
Geographic Information Systems (GIS) is a set of tools and procedures that
collectively facilitate the analysis and modeling of spatially referenced data.(1) Ever
since Dr. John Snow used simple spatial analysis techniques to describe a correlation
between location of sources of drinking water and high incidences of cholera in
London,(2) spatial analysis has been invaluable in the investigation of health-related
phenomena.(3) GIS and spatial analysis have traditionally supported the work of
public health professionals by mapping the location and spread of disease occurrence
especially in identifying the pathways of disease diffusion.(4–6)
In recent years, public health professionals have used GIS extensively to measure
other health-related variables that are not directly linked to disease. For example,
researchers have used spatial analysis tools to investigate evidence of disparities in
1 Department
of Geography, 1151 LeFrak, University of Maryland at College Park, College Park, Mary
land 20742.
2 Department of Urban Planning and Policy, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.
3 To whom correspondence should be addressed at e-mail:
[email protected].
369
C 2004 Plenum Publishing Corporation
0148-5598/04/0800-0369/0
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access to health services(7,8) and inequities in public health spending and its impacts
on overall health of the population(9,10) and to highlight how factors such as race,
age, nutritional status, and socioeconomic status affect overall health and well-being.
Investigating health problems at a variety of spatial scales is essential to develop
appropriate health policy.(11,12)
Health is a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not
merely the absence of disease or infirmity.(13) Furthermore, citizens, state and local
governments, and international organizations like the World Health Organization
and the United Nations now acknowledge that health is socially embedded. This
shift in thinking brings into sharp focus the relationship between poverty and health,
and particularly the role that governments can play in improving the health status
of vulnerable populations. Although most health researchers and professionals acknowledge that socioeconomic status and poverty in particular, are critical determinants of health and help to identify disparities in health behaviors and outcomes,(14)
there is considerable disagreement about the inclusion of specific poverty measures
as part of a health indicator set. While health professionals often recommend inclusion of measures related to personal health behavior, access to services, social factors,
environmental factors, and occupational issues to develop a comprehensive assessment of health status,(15) there is a recognition that documenting these measures is
an expensive process that is difficult to conduct and almost impossible to repeat on a
regular basis. In these situations the periodicity and timeliness of data availability
are often compromised limiting their use for meaningful health decision making on
an on-going basis.
SCOPE OF PAPER
In this context, the authors propose the use of a set of standard indicators (based
on the national U.S. Census) that can provide a proxy measure of health and its relationship to socio-economic status. These indicators are organized into an index, the
Index of Relative Wellbeing (hereafter referred to as the Wellbeing Index), which
is a unique number from 0 to 9. The Wellbeing Index provides a reliable and easily recognizable measure of relative socio-economic status. The construction of the
Wellbeing Index (which is influenced by, and based on the New Zealand Index of
Relative Deprivation) is described in Section Three. This description identifies the
census variables included in the composition of the index and the methodologies
for weighting and computing the index. In Section Four, we describe the procedural
steps involved in the construction of the index using Census 2000 data for the city
of Los Angeles. This section also summarizes the analysis and discussion of the data
generated. In Section Five, spatial analyses and maps generated using the Wellbeing
Index are compared to maps created a more traditional measure of socioeconomic
status (number of persons living below the poverty level in the same area) to discuss the advantages and limitations in using the Wellbeing Index. Finally, Section
Six discusses the advantages of using GIS methodologies and small area statistics
to conduct health surveillance, specifically using American Community Survey data
and provides some directions for future research.
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THE INDEX OF RELATIVE WELLBEING
Conceptual Basis
Evidence from the United States and other OECD countries suggests that
here is a strong correlation between socio-economic status and health status of a
community.(16,17) Supported by the literature,(18) we propose that socioeconomic status is established through a complex process, where individuals are able to access
material gains (income) because they have access to certain forms of cultural capital
bestowed by education, familial and social networks, individual creativity and access
to opportunity.
The socioeconomic characteristics of a neighborhood or community play a significant role in establishing an individual’s status. For example, low-income individuals
living in a relatively affluent neighborhood may find opportunities they would not
otherwise have. They are likely to have access to material and cultural resources
and are relatively better off than low-income individuals who live in a resourcepoor neighborhood. From a social capital perspective,(19–21) these opportunities are
“bridging capital” (connections that occur between individuals with dissimilar backgrounds). Other researchers(22) have argued that even informal or “weak ties” among
diverse individuals provide many opportunities for social networking and consequent
access to new ideas, relationships, and opportunities. While internal social cohesion
or “bonding capital” among members of a group that have shared norms and values is positive and central to creating a sense of community identity, the sometimes
exclusionary nature of social cohesion can create marginalization and disempowerment. This is particularly true in neighborhoods and communities, where there is a
great reliance on a traditional geographic or spatial sense of community. Therefore,
we propose that the aggregated characteristics of the individuals in a neighborhood
or community (area-based measures) become important in understanding how disparities in socioeconomic status of an area influence and impact individual health
behaviors and outcomes.
We propose that the use of a set of indicators gathered from data that is collected
regularly and reliably for other purposes (such as the Census) can be used to create an
index that integrates a range of socioeconomic variables to develop a proxy measure
of public health status of a population.
Simple mapping and analysis of demographic variables such as race, ethnicity,
or age and correlations with a single measure of poverty (number of persons living
below a particular income threshold) results in an area-based measure that provides
only minimal understanding of socioeconomic need. However, the introduction of
race and ethnicity often results in simplistic maps and spatial analyses that show that
people of color are worse off than their white counterparts. Health advocates and
indeed the individuals who live in “low-income” communities are intimately familiar with this observation. They hardly need a GIS-generated map to tell the story.
Since many of our larger cities are highly segregated, race/ethnicity based analyses
mask and overwhelm other variables that could potentially demonstrate the heterogeneity within segregated neighborhoods. Another limit of race/ethnicity based
analyses is the propensity of inadvertent stigmatization through the assignment of
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causal relationships between variables used in the analysis. Finally, race/ethnicity
based analyses, while extremely useful for disease prevention and targeted health
care provision, are not useful to describe and ameliorate the day to day sociospatial opportunities and constraints experienced by individuals. We believe that these
opportunities or constraints have a direct or indirect bearing on their health status.
Index Design and Selection of Variables
In designing a comprehensive census-based measure of socioeconomic status,
we excluded demographic variables (age, sex, race, and ethnicity) and focused on
variables that are likely to provide an insight into material and social status of the
population. Whereas demographic variables are usually immutable, variables associated with well-being are changeable, providing intervention opportunities.
Our choices of variables are pertinent to determining individual and group
socioeconomic status: income/poverty (two variables), disability, home ownership,
overcrowding, educational attainment, parental status, transportation, and communication. A detailed description of the variables is provided in Table I. The variables
provide an understanding of both material and social well being. Three of these variables (poverty, educational attainment, and disability) are considered to be indicators
of health determinants and outcomes according to the Institute of Medicine’s Leading Health Indicators for Healthy People 2010 Report.(14) Except for disability, all
other variables are included in the more established New Zealand Index of Relative
Deprivation (NZDep) created in New Zealand as early as 1991.(23)
Data Sources
In the United States census, the data required to compute the Index is available in
the Census Long Form (STF3), a sample data set based on questionnaires distributed
to one in six households across the nation. Although it is a sample, it represents the
most comprehensive data available to the public and can be analyzed at a variety of
spatial scales. We elected to analyze the data at the scale of census block group since
this type of analysis ought to be conducted at the neighborhood level and a block
Table I. Census (SF3) Variables Used to Build the Wellbeing Index In Order of Their Weight
Rank
Variable
SF3 #
Weight (%)
1
People with any form of income support, incl.
(a) social security, (b) supplemental security, and
(c) public assistance income
People with any form of disability
People not living in own home
People living in homes with too few bedrooms
People over 18 without high school qualification
People in single parent households
People in households below poverty level
People in households without car
People unemployed (official 1999 figure)
People in households without phone
P62
P63
P64
P41
H15
H20
P37
P17
P89
H44
P43
H43
17.37
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
16.04
15.58
13.39
13.20
7.81
7.37
6.36
1.52
1.36
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group is the smallest areal unit for which data for our variables are publicly available.
The population size of a census block group varies in our case fairly evenly between
0 and 999 people.
Choice of Variables
While the variable definitions are provided in Table I, the rationale for using
these variables is discussed in this section. Each variable is computed as a percentage
based on data from the summary tape file 3 (STF3) data file.(24)
Income Support
Individuals receiving some kind of income support (social security, supplemental security income, public assistance) from a governmental agency are vulnerable.
Typically, their incomes are stretched to the point where any sudden changes in the
surrounding social and physical environment (however miniscule) can potentially
have an adverse impact on their well being.
Disability
Approximately 20% of the American population (approximately 30% of our
sample study area, Los Angeles) is affected by some of form of physical, cognitive/developmental, or emotional disability that limits their opportunities for employment. Health care provision needs and other service costs (transport, nutrition,
job training, counseling) increase when there is a need to serve disabled populations.
Homeownership
Homeownership is an indicator of individual financial and economic stability. In
addition, homeownership creates opportunities for individuals to build social support
networks through participation in a variety of community development activities.
Homeownership has a positive correlation with overall wellbeing.(25)
Overcrowding
From a public health perspective, overcrowding facilitates the spread of infectious diseases and creates unhealthy and untenable living conditions. High housing
costs, accessibility factors (related to accessibility to services, educational institutions,
care providers), and economic constraints can cause overcrowding.(26,27)
Educational Attainment
In a knowledge driven society, socioeconomic status is positively correlated with
higher education. The absence of a high school diploma effectively shuts out many
individuals from holding a meaningful job. With the decline of the manufacturing
sector, traditional working class jobs that did not rely on education are fast disappearing, to be replaced by service sector jobs that often require specialized training
and certifications (e.g., health care, personal care) beyond a high school diploma.(28)
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Parental Status
Single parent status often imposes economic hardships. Children living in single
parent households may be more vulnerable. Retraining single parents to join the
workforce requires job training and access to other social services such as child
care. Social stigma attached to single parent status and the demands of parenting
often limit opportunities for informal social networking and active involvement in
community-building activities.
Poverty Status
The relationship between poverty and ill-health is well-documented. Individuals living in households with incomes that are below the federal poverty level are
disadvantaged because their nutritional, educational, and emotional needs are often
adversely affected. Material deprivation contributes to social deprivation, collectively resulting in poor health outcomes.(29)
Vehicle Ownership
The spatial settlement patterns of most American cities and communities suggest
that there is a spatial mismatch between where the jobs are located and where the
people who seek those jobs actually live. There are several research studies that show
that low-income workers living in and around central cities are unable to access the
service sector jobs that are available in suburban communities. While employers,
the government, and nongovernmental organizations are working to address this
problem, in practical terms, individuals who have access to a car are more likely to
find steady employment than those without.(30)
Unemployment
The official unemployment figure records individuals who are in the work force
but have been unsuccessful in finding employment. Unemployment has practical and
emotional health-related consequences. Unemployed individuals are more likely to
neglect their own immediate health care needs and the needs of their family created
pressing and urgent problems later on. In addition, unemployed individuals are likely
to have physiological and emotional problems. They may adopt risky health behaviors
that are sometimes triggered by stress.
Telephone at Home
Telephone penetration in the United States in very high, almost 98% in most
regions of the country. However, access to a telephone at home sharply declines
in low-income communities. Telephones enhance communication networks. Individuals accessing job leads, government services, or merely seeking to gather public
information have to rely on the telephone. In future years, access to the Internet
at home and cell phone usage may become more meaningful indicators to measure
connectivity.(31)
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Computing the Index
The Wellbeing Index is a relative measure of material and social characteristics
that collectively confer socioeconomic status and opportunity. We started with computing percentage counts of each variable across for all 2560 census block groups that
comprise the city of Los Angeles. We then used Principal Components Analysis (a
data reduction technique for multivariate data) to establish linear correlations between successive combinations of variables to progressively account for variations
in the data.
The Relative Index of Wellbeing is the first Principal Component applied to
each of the ten variables that results in an absolute score of wellbeing. All scores are
then grouped into deciles, allowing for a relative measure that allows comparisons
across the study area. The result is an ordinal scale or score from 1 to 10. A score of 1
represents the score for areas of greatest sense of wellbeing (least deprivation) and a
score of 10 represents the score for areas with the lowest sense of wellbeing (highest
deprivation). Ten percent of all census tracts in a particular region (study area) fall
within one of the decile groups. For example, if a census tract receives a score of 1,
it means that it is in the most privileged 10% of areas in the region.
Advantages
There are three main advantages in using the Wellbeing Index:
First, the Index is simple to use. The scales from 1 to 10 mask the complexity of the
underlying construction. The data can be represented graphically and can convey
the relative social and economic opportunity structure of a particular region.
Second, since race and ethnicity variables are not included in the construction of the
Index, additional analyses comparing relationships between socio-econcmic wellbeing and race/ethnicity can be computed for different racial and ethnic categories.
Finally, the data is available directly or can be computed from the Census questionnaires. Although this is sample data, it provides information at a small, stable spatial
unit of analysis.
We argue that the Wellbeing Index can be used for research funding allocation
strategies, and for targeted health service provision at the census tract level. As a
relative measure, the Wellbeing Index will provide researchers, public health professionals and decision makers a quick way to focus in on a problem area or a “hot spot”
to conduct additional survey research. Researchers and practitioners could also focus in on a region with high wellbeing scores to further investigate the significance
of correlation between socioeconomic status and positive health outcomes.
The principal components analysis method allows researchers to identify the
variables most likely to make a difference in the creation of social and economic
opportunity, thereby streamlining ancillary service programs in education and social
services. The last column in Table I lists the weight of each of the ten variables in
its contribution to the wellbeing index for Los Angeles. It is worth pointing out
that classic measures such as poverty status or unemployment rank low, while home
ownership and disability rank surprisingly high (the data reflects relatively low levels
of unemployment during the economic boom of the late 1990s).
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Limits and Caveats
The indicator is a proxy measure to describe a complex set of phenomena.
Because it is a simple measure, there may be a tendency to confuse the index with
the phenomena it attempts to describe. Thus a community with a low rating score
based on the Wellbeing Index should not be described as a deprived or marginalized
community.
The Wellbeing Index is constructed using data gathered at the individual level
aggregated over an area (census block group). It would be an ecological fallacy to
use the Index, in the way we have designed it, to rank individuals.
The Scale of the Index (from 1 to 10) is an ordinal scale and not an interval scale.
Thus, a Wellbeing score of 8 is not twice as good as a Wellbeing score of 4.
At any given time, 10% of the population will live in an extremely deprived
area (Wellbeing score of 10). Users of this Index will do well to remember that
the Wellbeing Index is a relative index of wellbeing and therefore, some group of the
population will always be significantly less well-off (materially and socially) than the
rest of the population.
COMPUTING THE WELLBEING INDEX FOR
THE CITY OF LOS ANGELES
Step 1: Identify Data Source
We identified Census 2000 STF3 as the primary data source. Downloadable data
is available from the official Census website at www.census.gov.
Step 2: Determine the spatial unit of analysis
We identified block groups as the elementary unit of analysis, over which a principal
component analysis is then performed for all block groups within a census tract.
Step 3: Calculate percentages
The absolute numbers of the US Census tables are converted to percentages for
each of the ten variables with respect to the population applicable. This is usually
the number of people living in a census block group. For example, for the variable
Parental Status, the calculated percentage is the number of people living in singleparent households expressed as a percentage of all people living in the census
block group.
Step 4: Standardization of percentages
The percentage values for each of the 2484 block groups are then grouped into
deciles, which allow an areal comparison of variables across categorical boundaries. Figure 1 shows thematic maps of the area east of Beverly Hills (wider downtown Los Angeles) of all ten variables.
Step 5: Principal Component Analysis
For each of the 864 census tracts that make up the city of Los Angeles, a principal
component analysis is applied to the ten percentage variables in all block groups.
The loading of the first principal component is then applied to the percentage
values and the sum of the weights forms the absolute score of wellbeing in each
block group.
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Fig. 1. Mapping of the decile percentage ranges of 10 indicator variables for wellbeing.
377
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A1
Fig. 2. Detailed (block group-level) map of the index of relative wellbeing.
The no-data areas are either outside the very irregularly shaped boundary of
the city of Los Angeles or represent downtown areas with resident population.
Step 6: Standardization of PCA scores
Similar to the procedure in step 4, all PCA scores are grouped into deciles, resulting
in a relative score for each of the census block groups. An example for the resulting
thematic map is Fig. 2. This map (using the same spatial extend as the ten small
maps in Fig. 1) is a highly detailed account (high spatial resolution) of the relative
wellbeing in one of the most notorious areas of Los Angeles. The high level of
detail makes them very suitable for neighborhood-level analysis but overwhelming
to communicate more general issues.
Step 7: Spatial aggregation
From a pure research perspective, aggregations should be avoided as they perturb
the results. However, for overview purposes, the Wellbeing Index can be aggregated if each block group score is weighted by its population percentage within
the census tract that it belongs to. Figure 3 shows such an aggregation of 2484
block groups into 864 census tracks.
COMPARING THE RELATIVE WELLBEING INDEX WITH
TRADITIONAL INDICATORS
In the previous section, we described the procedural steps involved in the construction of the index using Census 2000 data for the city of Los Angeles. In the
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Fig. 3. Tract-level overview map of relative wellbeing in Los Angeles.
following, spatial analyses and maps generated using the Wellbeing Index are compared to maps created a more traditional measure of socioeconomic status (number
of persons living below the poverty level in the same area) to discuss the advantages
and limitations in using the Wellbeing Index.
All maps in this article use the same symbology, i.e., the darkest tones represent
highest levels of overall wellbeing with the scale being uniform throughout the study
area. This means that with respect to income support or disability for instance, there
are very few high ranking areas in central Los Angeles, whereas with respect to
homeownership or access to phone, large parts of central Los Angeles rank among the
highest ten percent of the whole city. Some variables (such as educational attainment)
show relative spatial homogeneity, while others (such as single parent families) have
a high degree of negative spatial autocorrelation.
Another illuminating form of analysis is to look at individual census block groups
and to observe how they fare over the ten variables. Some neighborhoods (especially
the hillside communities in the NW of each map in Fig. 1) are very consistent across
the range of indicators, while others tend to change their ranking repeatedly.
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Observing the constantly high values for some of the communities surrounding Beverly Hills, it is at first sight surprising to see that they slip slightly in the
overall wellbeing index (Fig. 2), while some other block groups in central Los Angeles move into the highest ranks. This is due to the ever changing weights that
each variable has in its contribution to the overall index. The ranking of variables
given in Table I is the overall average for the city of Los Angeles but the principal component loading varies sometimes extremely from one neighborhood to
another.
Figure 2 is a good example for the sometimes overwhelming character of such
highly detailed maps. Although it is lost in the comparison of the small scale maps
in Figure 1 with the large scale map in Fig. 2, the Wellness Index has actually a
spatial smoothing effect. In spite of this, the high degree of variation in Fig. 2 makes
it difficult to come to more general conclusions about wellbeing inequalities in the
city of Los Angeles. Figure 3 is a population-weighted aggregation resulting in a map
that matches the subjective perspective of scientists well acquainted with the social
geography of Los Angeles.
CONCLUSIONS AND DIRECTIONS
FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
While it is widely acknowledged that a single (census) variable such as poverty
level is insufficient for determining the need for health services, there is no widely
agreed upon standard as to what would be good indicators of health and wellbeing.
Our research identifies one set of variables that help assess material and social factors that affect health and wellbeing. Although the authors consider crime to be an
important determinant of wellbeing, it has not been included in these analyses. This
is partly because of methodological difficulties in linking crime directly with the ten
area-based measures of material and social deprivation. Similarly, our rendition of
the overcrowding variable is a very simplistic one. The Canadian national occupancy
standard(32) would be a preferable measure but it requires access to individual-level
records that was not available to the authors.
Our research uses statistical analysis techniques and the power of GIS technologies to demonstrate that the spatial distribution of health inequalities can be
carefully documented and be directly used in the policymaking arena at the neighborhood/community level of analysis. Likewise, we believe that this research is a
good example of the usefulness of easily accessible census data. The spatial resolution is more than sufficient for most health researchers; however the temporal
grain leaves lots to be desired. Los Angeles is a prime example for a rapidly changing geography that is not well captured by the decennial census. The current endeavors of the US Census Bureau to popularize the American Community Survey
with its adaptive survey periods promise rapid access to census data. The methods
developed in this paper and the resulting Relative Index of Wellbeing can be computed by individuals or organizations with access to public information. The transparency and accessibility of our analyses strengthens other indicators-based research
initiatives.
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