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2016, E-International Relations
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3 pages
1 file
Prince Dr. El-Waleed M. Madibo discusses growing up in Sudan; his peace NGO, Gouvernance Bureau; studying comparative politics and institution building in the U.S.; and reflects on government work and recent elections from a practitioner's point of view. For original source, see: https://www.e-ir.info/2016/12/03/interview-prince-el-waleed-m-madibo/
2015
The writing of this dissertation was a personal adventure, which is why I am happy to have studied at the American University in Cairo. In this page I would like to show my thanks to the individuals who aided me during my study at AUC. First, I would like to thank my advisor Dr. Nadia Farah, who had accepted to take the gamble of being both my thesis advisor and for supervising me while I was her teachers’ assistant. I am extremely appreciative of how she helped during the writing of this dissertation. I am also very thankful of Dr. Elnur’s extreme patience during the writing of this thesis, for being my point of reference on Sudanese politics, for giving me helpful materials for this dissertation, and for also being source of inspiration as his writings and my discussions with him had proven to me that national activism for Sudan can be also pursed through academia, not only through the streets. Similarly, I would like to thank Dr. Marco Pinfari, who I am greatly and equally in deb...
2021
This study offers a bird’s eye view of the status of women’s political participation in post-uprising Sudan. The report focuses on four states with the objective of looking at different forms of political participation outside of the central locus of political governance in Khartoum. The reason for this is to shed light on lesser explored sociopolitical contexts. The selected sites are: Central Darfur: This is a conflict-affected state (2003 to date) where women faced harsh circumstances that led to their engagement in civil and political activities. The state also hosted diverse international non-governmental organizations and was the location that armed movements chose as a base. These elements diversified people’s civil and political engagements and influenced their political affiliations. The authors of the study chose Central Darfur because it was the least studied of the states of Darfur. The state was recently established, in 2012, after the signing of the Doha Peace Agreement of 2011. Therefore, this exploration attempts to fill an information vacuum in relation to women’s political situation within the state. Blue Nile: This state presents another example of a war-affected area with a different demographic and ethnic composition from Central Darfur. It also presents a divergent politico-economic context in which women are present in the civil and political arenas of the state. The main focus of women’s groups is the structural economic and security situations in the state, which have affected the overall sociopolitical transformations in the state. Therefore, peace, justice and development were among women’s priorities. Kassala: This is one of Eastern Sudan’s most marginalized states. The local administration structures of governance are based on ethnic representation, which follows the patriarchal norms of the community (Nizarat). Therefore, ethnically based power relations among the political actors within the state are enhancingthe domination of men—compared with that of women—over political activities. Furthermore, the state has one of the lowest school enrolment rates in Sudan (UNICEF 2012),1 with women being the most disadvantaged. This has created a gap in women’s and men’s ability to participate in politics. River Nile: A stable northern state, where a woman was appointed as a state governor (walia) 2 for the first time in a patriarchal context.3 Therefore, it is worth focusing on this event as a case study in order to explore social attitudes at the local level and also how it has affected the gender dynamics within the state.
As Africa’s largest landmass inhabited by forty million people of a kaleidoscope of shades and colours, Sudan is one of Africa’s impoverished, but well-endowed nations. The AU Technical Mission on Darfur was headed by the author. Its research questions focused on the following. What brought about Sudan’s conflicts? What are the impact of these conflicts and ripple effects in the Horn of Africa? What are the strategic options for enhancing human security and prospects for democratic governance and resolving ethnic conflicts? The atrocities that citizens and IDPs refer to in Darfur and elsewhere are all too evident to demand any major explanation and too terrifying and menacing to believe. According to the IDPs leaders (Sheikhs), women, girls, NGOs, and human rights groups interviewed by the research team and existing reports, murder, rape, beating, and bigotry are common in Sudan by heavily armed militias. In some of the accounts Government soldiers and the police are implicated in participation and often abetting this horror. In the following, is presented the various human right abuses in Sudan. These include rape as a savage instrument of humiliation, rise of vigilante gangs, death of non-combatants, and systematic destruction of villages, IDP camps were turned into IDP prisons and armed robbery, abductions, and delivering relief aid become dangerous and break up within the SLM and JEM. On 13 Nov 2018, a report was released by the IMF on the state of consumer subsidies in Sudan to protect low-income families, was expensive, ineffective and counterproductive. The protests against al-Bashir removing subsidies sparked massive nation-wide protests. The string of protests, beginning in 2018, show no signs of tapering off and may serve as a more serious challenge to the rule of al-Bashir than ever before. In highlighting the uniqueness of this round of protests, some observers have pointed to these protests’ longevity as well as a number of other factors such as apparent rifts within al-Bashir’s own political party and the unity between opposition groups against the ruling regime. The will of the Sudanese youth is unmasking the dogma of a violent regime. Revolution has begun in Sudan. It is over for the current Sudanese regime; there is no going back. One would think that the idea of removing a long time authoritarian leader, especially one who has had an arrest warrant issued by the ICC, would be a welcome development from the perspective of many western countries. However, there does not appear to be any real support for the protests from western powers apart from statements that express some apprehensions about the way with which the protests are being dealt with. To avoid the Libya, Syria and Yemen scenario, Mr. Bashir should build democratic institutions that can be explained with reference to two institutional factors political organisations and political rules. The central hypothesis is that the relative strength of political agencies determines the rules of the political game that are installed. Democratisation requires a plural set of political organisations, which promote and protect rules of peaceful political participation and competition. Key words: Sudan, human rights, Darfur, IMF, popular protest, Bashir, Media, Arab Spring, political organisations and political rules
2019
April 2019 represents something significant in the modern political history of Sudan. It was in the early days of this month that decades-long popular discontents against al-Bashir’s rule suddenly moved from fragmented and less sustainable protests to more protracted and systematic nationwide protest, resulting in the ousting of al-Bashir. Although there have been some commentators who would simply-and-solely credit the protestors (and the opposition) for what had actually happened on April 11, 2019, there were important conditions that cannot just simply be downplayed.
The other face of the collapse of democratic systems (three times since independence in 1956) is the tenacity with which democracy is restored and defended. Sudan remains unique in that it has succeeded not once, but twice, in restoring democracy by the sheer weight of ‘people’s power’ - long before this term was popularised by the 1986 revolution in the Philippines. In October 1964 and again in April 1985, military regimes, faced with an overwhelming expression of popular resentment, collapsed and handed over power to civilian governments. Yet Khartoum’s democratic Springs have always been brief: elected governments have lasted an average of three years. This paradox – a yearning for democracy and a failure to keep it – is the central question with which these pages are concerned.
African Studies Review, 2008
Africa Review, 2012
Conflict Research Programme, London School of Economics and Political Science, 2021
The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme hosted by LSE IDEAS and funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict, and to identify international interventions that 'work' in the sense of reducing violence, or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict.
This paper lists various types of knowledge and relates them to a repertory of civil society peace-building strategies. Taking the East Bank of Equatoria in Sudan as a case of a complex political emergency, the need for a well-informed, finely-tuned, multi-actor, multi-level approach to conflict is argued. In this concrete case, civil society peace action is shown to link such phenomena as lobbying in the capitals of superpowers, demonstrations for corporate responsibility at the HQs of extractive industries, mediation between warlords, capacity building workshops for grassroots women peace activists, expert meetings on the restoration of the rule of law, the establishment of grassroots conflict-prevention networks, participatory land-use-planning meetings of traditional elders, and facilitation of peace marches by religious leaders. These diverse interventions are shown to be linked by civil society peace action into a single whole aimed at strengthening the forces for peace and weakening the forces of conflict.
Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 2002
In 1992, in an effort to end the Sudanese civil war, President Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria offered to sponsor peace talks between the Sudanese government (dominated by the National Islamic Front), and the southern-based Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). Held in the Nigerian capital of Abuja in 1992 and 1993, the talks ultimately ended in failure, allowing one of the world's long est and deadliest conflicts to continue unabated. Battle for Peace in Sudan is a fascinating study of these negotiations, written by Wondu, who served as official notetaker of the SPLM delegation, and Lesch, a political scientist and Sudan specialist. The book should be required reading for anyone interested in the religious dynamics of the second Sudanese civil war, the start of which, in 1983, coincided with the regime's introduction of Shari'a hudud laws. This assertion of Islamic law, which grew stronger after 1989, antagonized the predominantly non-Muslim southern Sudanese population, and added to longstanding grievances about the country's grossly unequal regional distribution of political power and wealth.
Philosophia, 2018
Baris Karaagac (Ed.), Accumulations, Crisis, and Struggles: Capital and Labour in Contemporary Capitalism, Verlag, 2013
Journal of finance and accounting, 2023
The Eastern Buddhist
Neuroscience & Biobehavioral …, 2005
The Journal of Chemical Physics, 2006
Nature Climate Change, 2021
centers.iub.edu.bd
Journal of Arachnology, 2008
Journal of Education & Social Policy, 2019