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2002, Journal of Government Information
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3 pages
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understanding of the complex and multifaceted relationship between the president and Congress (p. 131).'' Shull uses the Epilogue to offer some highly educated speculation concerning the Clinton years to a date closer to publication, and then he points out directions for additional research. Statistics lovers will appreciate the inclusion of coding schemes and data dictionaries in the two appendixes. This paperback is a reprinting of the 1997 hardbound edition and was released shortly after one of Shull's other publications on the same general topic (Shull & Shaw, 1999). In the 1999 work, Shull and Thomas C. Shaw cover similar territory but go on to address budget agreement and presidents' propensity to veto legislation; the authors also employ a greater diversity of variables, sources of information and methods of analysis. Although there is indeed overlap between the two books, the publication under review is more focused in addressing policy and time approaches only and apparently utilizing fewer data sets. While this volume will not find its way into reference sections, it is a fine political science addition to any medium to large academic library. A quick web search reveals that the book and some of its individual chapters are already being assigned as required reading at several universities. Notes
Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 1991
Presidential Studies Quarterly, 2019
This article introduces two newly available sources of data on presidents' legislative programs. The first consists of administration legislative initiatives cleared by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) for submission to Congress. We refer to these records as "OMB logs" because they record OMB's clearance actions on executive-branch legislative proposals. The second consists of memoranda, officially called Statements of Administration Policy, that OMB sends to floor leaders detailing the president's position on legislation pending floor consideration. We compare these new data on presidents' legislative initiatives and policy preferences with those contained in currently available sources-The Public Papers of the Presidents and Congressional Quarterly's scoring of presidential positions on roll-call votes-and with a long available but seldom used fifth source, the Congressional Record. Both new data sources list bills and legislative preferences that are not included in the currently available sources. We illustrate the value of these new data by calculating presidents' impressive "legislative effectiveness" in the House when all presidential initiatives are taken into account.
White House Studies
The issuance of executive agreements is an important area of inquiry for scholars of the American presidency. The direct exercise of executive power has broad implications for the quality of democratic governance. Indeed, much previous literature has focused on executive agreements as a means to circumvent the constitutionally prescribed treaty ratification process in the US Senate. Our thesis is that there are other factors such as presidential approval, bureaucratic growth, macroeconomic conditions, and "globalization" that will determine the frequency of executive agreements irrespective of the nature of presidential/Senate relations.
Presidential Studies Quarterly, 2001
Presidential Studies Quarterly is an interdisciplinary journal of theory and research focusing on the American presidency. We welcome submissions on all aspects of the presidency, including those written from a comparative perspective. The Quarterly invites papers employing diverse theoretical and methodological approaches, including both quantitative and qualitative work. An original perspective, rigorous and reflective analysis, and clarity of expression should characterize all papers.
The Journal of Politics, 2017
Presidents play a central role in legislative activity in Latin America. Previous research highlights that some form of ideological compromise on behalf of the president is vital to sustain successful legislative coalitions. Yet, primarily due to the lack of a firm empirical basis on which to measure such presidential give-and-take, the extent to which presidents make use of such policy compromise, and under what conditions this is a viable strategy, remains unknown. Applying quantitative text analysis to 305 annual 'State of the Union' addresses of 73 presidents in thirteen Latin American countries, we remedy this situation and provide comparable time-series data for Latin American presidential movements in a one-dimensional issue space between 1980 and 2014. Our results indicate that presidents will compromise in response to changes in the median party, although this effect will be mediated by the institutional context within which the president operates.
with M. Eshbaugh-Soha in Living Legislation: Political Development and Contemporary American Politics, Jeffrey A. Jenkins and Eric M. Patashnik, eds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012, pp. 47-70.
The Journal of Politics, 2002
This article evaluates and compares "president" and "presidency" centered explanations of presidential activity with respect to one important presidential power, the veto. Using individual bill data for nine congresses characterized by divided party government, I estimate a logistic regression model of presidential vetoes. This contrasts with previous research, which has used annual aggregate data. Using individual bill data allows controls for objectionable legislation passed by Congress and enables me to measure and compare the "propensity to veto" of different presidents. I conclude that presidential vetoes are in substantial measure caused by Congress passing objectionable bills, but that even controlling for congressional behavior, presidents exhibit strikingly different veto behavior. Ford was most prone to using the veto, and Reagan, the least. Although external factors exert great influence on the president's veto decision, the individual choices and strategies of presidents also have an important influence.
The Review of Politics, 1974
The theme of the second Nixon administration appears to be “Save the Presidency.” It is clear that Mr. Nixon views his best defense against critics to be the claim of a constitutional imperative to defend his office. And, he continually reminds us, it is an obligation to defend not only the Presidency, but the strong Presidency.Mr. Nixon's attachment to the strong Presidency is more than a protective strategy. It grows out of American practice and recent theory. His language and themes are predictable within our political system. In American national politics, substantive issues and questions of institutional roles are continually entangled.
This is a study of the politics of policy; in particular, it is an examination into the contours of the national level executive-legislative relationship within the United States. Political science is a discipline defined primarily by two things: a fascination with the exigencies of power and an orientation towards the employment of scientific methodology in order to understand that before-mentioned focus on power. As a contribution to this effort I will be engaging in an analysis of one place where power is manifested systematically; the policy making process shared between the American presidency and its primary interlocutor in this endeavor—the U.S. Congress.
2006
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Larocca, Roger T. The presidential agenda : sources of executive influence in Congress / Roger T. Larocca. p. cm.-(Parliaments and legislatures) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8142-1033-3 (cloth : alk. paper)-ISBN 0-8142-9110-4 (cd-rom) 1. Presidents-United States. 2. Political leadership-United States. 3. Political planning-United States. 4. Executive power-United States. I. Title. II. Series: Parliaments and legislatures series. JK516.L254 2006 328.73'07456-dc22 2006009444 Cover design by Dan O'Dair. Text design and typesetting by Jennifer Shoffey Forsythe. Type set in Times New Roman.
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Quarentena reflexões sobre direito, política e violência, 2020
Revista de Direito Público – RDP. São Paulo: Revista dos Tribunais, n.º 75, ano XVIII, p. 118-127, jul./set., 1985
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