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The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition, 2016
In his highly influential 1928 article 'The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic "One",' E.R. Dodds argued, inter alia, that among the so-called Neoplatonists Plotinus was the first to interpret Plato's Parmenides in terms of the distinctive three 'hypostases', One, Intellect, and Soul. Dodds argued that this interpretation was embraced and extensively developed by Proclus, among others. In this paper, I argue that although Plotinus took Parmenides to contain a sort of outline of the true metaphysical principles, he understood the One of the first hypothesis of the second part of the dialogue in a way importantly different from the way that Proclus understood it. The characterization of this One, especially its identity with the Idea of the Good of Republic, has significant ramification for Plotinus' philosophy that set it apart from Proclus' philosophy in ways hitherto infrequently noted.
Oxford Bibliographies in Renaissance and Reformation, edited by Margaret King, 2021
This material was originally published in Oxford Bibliographies in Renaissance and Reformation, edited by Margaret King, and has been reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press [https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195399301/obo-9780195399301-0475.xml]. For permission to reuse this material, please visit http://global.oup.com/academic/rights. The trends of Platonism which proved to be the most influential throughout the Renaissance were born roughly around the same period as the Greek corpus attributed to the Egyptian sage Hermes Trismegistus. They resulted from the rich intermingling of Greek philosophy with other Near Eastern cultures since the time of Alexander the Great. It is not by chance, then, that their fortunes were bound together until the Early Modern period. Legend has it that Cosimo de’ Medici was highly impressed by the Platonic wisdom of the Greek émigrés visiting Florence in 1439, during the Council of Union between the Eastern and Western Churches, and particularly by the eminent philosopher George Gemistos Plethon. More than twenty years later, Cosimo entrusted a young Marsilio Ficino with the task of translating into Latin a Greek manuscript of Plato’s dialogues, possibly bequeathed by the Byzantine emperor, if not by Plethon himself. Before completing his rendering of the first series of ten dialogues, Ficino presented his elderly patron with the Pimander, a translation of fifteen Greek treatises on theology and occult lore by the “thrice greatest” Mercury or Hermes, believed to be the first in a venerable tradition of ancient sages which culminated in Plato. Certainly, these and similar newly recovered collections helped to shape and enrich the intellectual life of the emergent Renaissance. Their novelty and relevance, however, tended to be overstated in some historiographical perspectives. Fortunately, profound critical studies of the various sources from the Platonic, Neoplatonic, and Hermetic traditions have multiplied since the 19th century, gradually providing a clearer picture of the extent and nature of their influence on Renaissance and Early Modern scholars. Some of the most interesting topics discussed currently regard the lines of continuity between the medieval and Renaissance receptions of Platonism and Hermetism. Indeed, the Latin, Arabic, Hebrew, and Byzantine Middle Ages offer an immense repository of Platonic and Hermetic wisdom to Renaissance humanists and philosophers, which includes new theoretical and practical approaches, interpretative methods, translations, and commentaries. Only after elucidating these elements of continuity and change can one adequately ponder the distinctive character and originality of Renaissance Platonists and Hermeticists. Another hotly debated issue since Lynn Thorndike’s pioneering studies is the role of these ancient and medieval traditions in the development of experimental sciences and the emergence of the scientific revolution around the 16th and 17th centuries.
It used to be a well-known fact that Neoplatonists were not much interested in the natural world. But like other well-known facts -such as the Neoplatonists' supposed lack of interest in practical ethics and political philosophy -this claim has slowly been acquiring the status of debunked stereotype. A new emphasis on Neoplatonic natural philosophy, already detectable in some recent publications, 1 reaches a climax with the appearance of a collection of articles edited by Riccardo Chiaradonna and Franco Trabattoni. 2 It also includes three excellent articles that deal with figures before Plotinus. Rashed questions the evidence of Simplicius which claims that there was a tradition of opposing Aristotle's theory that the four elements have rectilinear motion. He shows that, instead, each of Ptolemy, Xenarchus and Plotinus had distinctive views; in fact Ptolemy's was actually close to that of Aristotle. Chiaradonna provides a fundamental study of the aims of Galen's On Demonstration, which is preserved only in fragments and reports. He argues that its aims were methodological * Book Notes discuss books on ancient philosophy that are sent to the journal for review. 1) See e.g. C. Viano (ed.), L'Alchemie et ses racines philosophiques (Paris: J. Vrin, 2005); J. Wilberding, Plotinus' Cosmology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); L. Brisson et al. (eds), L'embryon: formation et animation (Paris: Vrin, 2008); and of course the translations of Neoplatonic commentaries on Aristotle's physical works and Plato's Timaeus, with some recent examples discussed below.
Reading Neoplatonism, 2000
In the last chapter, we looked at Plotinus' visionary approach to Plato's Demiurge and wondered if the unitary world of the soul threatened to elide and engulf the ordinary world of objective essences. The question before us is now, how does Plotinus' conception of the soul overcome, so to speak, the temptations of this unlimited enrichment and avoid falling into a solipsistic dream. In what follows, I will explore the limitations of the soul's world and the soul's vision, showing in particular that Plotinus' views on discursive thinking point to a form of knowledge that asks the individual soul to step outside of its own constructions and its own contents. As we will see in the following chapters, because non-discursive thinking ultimately circumvents the intentional structures of thought, the intentional stance cannot be reified in such a way as to substitute for an objective world order. Plotinus' views on method and truth involve a rejection of essentialism and a generally cautionary attitude toward discursive thinking. Some features of his anti-essentialism might lead us to think that he does hold to a kind of subjectivism, but in what follows I would like to suggest that this is not accurate. To clarify the problems with characterizing Plotinus as a subjectivist, I turn to a modern critique of subjectivism. In his book, Subjectivity, Realism, and Postmodernism, Frank Farrell points out the hidden ironies of what amounts to a self-deception implicit within Cartesian epistemology. This selfdeception appears when we contrast ancient and modern Skepticism: Whereas the ancient skeptic recommends withholding judgment about any proposition, his modern counterpart is skeptical about the world in a way 45
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NETTO, V.M. "A cidade como resultado: Consequências de escolhas arquitetônicas." In BALBIM, R. KRAUSE, C.; LINKE, C. (Org.). A cidade como um sistema de mobilidade. Brasília: Editora IPEA. No prelo.
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