Aeschylus’s Seven against Thebes: A Patriot’s
Portrait of a Patriot
Edwin Wong
Aeschylus’s tragedy Seven against Thebes, winner of the Dionysia
in 467
, separates the impulse of patriotism into its constituent
ideologies, emotions, and behaviors. In Seven, the spark of patriotism
is kindled by the opening flourish of bugle calls. When, through the
pathetic fallacy, homeland becomes motherland, the spark becomes
a flame. Then, calling the gods and the fervor of religion under its
banner, the flame becomes a fire. Finally, by drawing a line between
“us” and “them,” the fire becomes a blaze. Individuality is seared
away, revealing the archetypes behind the human mask, the ancient
compulsions that speak through the heraldic devices emblazoned
on the warriors’ arms. Aeschylus, by dramatizing a city besieged,
presents a perfect prism that refracts the intense blaze of patriotism
into a scintillating rainbow of ideologies, emotions, and behaviors
that, while touching every facet of the human experience, is bound
together by the biological imperatives underlying human nature.
Although remembered today as the father of tragedy and the
eldest of the big three of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides,
Aeschylus was a soldier and a patriot. He fought in the four major
engagements of the Persian Wars, where a motley consortium of
bickering city-states checked the Persian Empire. In 490
, he
distinguished himself in the hoplite ranks at Marathon, where his
brother, Cynegirus, perished. He fought in 480 at Artemisium
and Salamis, and at Plataea in 479 when freedom came to Greece
(Herodotus 6.114).
In the second century , the travel writer Pausanias visited
Athens. He was surprised to learn that Aeschylus’s patriotism took
such pride of place that the poet neglected to recollect his other
achievements on his epitaph:
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Aeschylus, who had won such renown for his
poetry and for his share in the naval battles before
Artemisium and at Salamis, recorded at the
prospect of death nothing else, and merely wrote
his name, his father’s name, and the name of his
city, and added that he had witnesses to his valor
in the grove at Marathon and in the Persians who
landed there. (1.14.5)
The Athenians, however, remembered him as a poet and a patriot.
The fifth century had been the Athenian century, the century where
backwoods Athens had risen against empire only to itself become
an empire. Towards the end of the century, however, Athens
was fighting for survival, exhausted by plague, stasis, and the
Peloponnesian War. In 405
, Aristophanes’s comedy Frogs was
produced. The nostalgic play reflects on Athens’s heyday, when civic
poets promoted civic virtues, taking the city from peak to peak. In
its reflections, it intertwines Aeschylus’s poetry with his patriotism.
In Frogs—which is named after the chorus of frogs that inhabit
the lake at the entrance to the underworld—all the great tragic poets
are dead. The tragic poets were the ones who had inculcated the
Athenians with a sense of virtue and responsibility by holding the
reflecting mirror of Achilles, Patroclus, and the role models of myth
before the youth. In the logic of Frogs, Athens could be saved if a
poet-saviour could be brought back from the dead. Dionysus, the
god of tragedy, goes to the underworld where he judges a poetic
agon between the two leading candidates: Aeschylus and Euripides.
He will bring the winner back to life. Though a comedy, Frogs
implies a real urgency for a saviour. Athens stood on the brink. If
it seems strange to ask a poet to save the city, remember that then,
the division of labor was less pronounced. If moderns lived like the
ancients, singer-songwriter Lucinda Williams would also be a field
commander, four-star general Colin Powell would write Broadway
hits, and playwright Caridad Svich would be Pope. Those were
different times.
In their contest, Euripides’s ghost establishes the qualities that
poets bring to the table. They offer “skill and good council” and
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“make people better members of their communities” (1009–10).
Aeschylus responds with Seven:
so noble?
. And just how did you train them to be
. Speak up, Aeschylus, and don’t be
purposefully prideful and difficult.
Ares.
. By composing a play chock-full of
. Namely?
. My Seven Against Thebes; every
single man who watched it was hot to be warlike.
(1019–22)
When Frogs was produced, the real Euripides had been dead
a year and Aeschylus fifty. Sixty-two years separated Seven from
Frogs. Despite the recency bias in Euripides’s favour, Aeschylus
prevails. In real life, however, Aeschylus was not coming back.
Six months after Frogs, Athens fell. That, in the fantasy of Frogs,
Aeschylus could be imagined as such a saviour, however, testifies
to the enduring vision of nobility in Seven, a play that set fire to the
flames of patriotism, the most patriotic of plays by the most patriotic
of poets. In the character of Eteocles, Aeschylus gives us a patriot’s
portrait of a patriot.
Eteocles’s State of the Union Address
Seven begins with Thebes, the city of seven gates, under siege. After
an initial ranging of powers, the enemy mounts a final, all-in assault.
In his war room atop the acropolis, Eteocles coordinates the defense.
His is a master class in statecraft.
In his opening address to the Thebans, Eteocles delivers his
vision of patriotism. Patriotism begins with a contradiction. While
god is responsible for success, Eteocles himself is responsible for
failure:
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. For if we win success, the God is the
cause
but if—may it not chance so—there is disaster,
throughout the town, voiced by its citizens,
a multitudinous swelling prelude
cries on one name “Eteocles” with groans. (4–8:
Grene translation)
Eteocles’s “heads the god wins; tails Eteocles loses” heuristic
defies logic. His statement appears lopsided because Eteocles is
pursuing two strategies that, considered singly, are at odds, but,
considered together, amplify one another. His first strategy is to
motivate the Thebans by rousing their blind and irrational hopes.
Hope, as Aeschylus notes in another play, is one of the sapiens’s two
greatest possessions:
. Did you perhaps go further than you have
told us?
doom.
. I caused mortals to cease foreseeing
. What cure did you provide them with
against that sickness?
. I placed in them blind hopes.
. That was a great gift you gave men.
. Besides this, I gave them fire.
(Prometheus Bound 249–54)
Though despair whispers the day is lost, blind hope never surrenders.
What is more, by invoking “god” and “success” together, Eteocles
amplifies blind hope with the sum of his compatriots’ faith, their
religiosity, and all their beliefs in providence. This is no longer blind
hope, but a seeing hope kindled by religious fervor. They are on the
acropolis. They see the temples, monumental projections of power.
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The emotion of hope coupled with the human predisposition to
belief is a winning combination.
If the gods take credit for success, it stands that they should
take the blame for failure. Anthropologist James George Frazer
records many such instances of divine failure in The Golden Bough.
In one example, during a six-month drought, the Sicilians abused the
statue of Saint Angelo, their patron rainmaker. They stripped him,
reviled him, put him in irons, and threatened him with drowning
and hanging (86). In another example, he records how the Chinese
would alternately praise or censure their gods. Compliant gods were
raised to a higher level of divinity by imperial decree. Recalcitrant
gods, however, were deposed and stripped of the rank of deity (85).
Eteocles, however, takes an asymmetric approach to the assignment
of praise and blame. Why?
Eteocles recognizes that an effective leader cannot transfer the
risk of failure to others. Leaders who transfer risk are perceived
by their constituents to lack skin in the game. Agamemnon in
Homer’s Iliad illustrates the shortcomings of a skinless leader.
Although Agamemnon apologizes to Achilles for inciting their
ruinous quarrel, he transfers the underlying blame to Zeus, Fate,
and the Erinys (19.87). “They made me do it,” he says. What a daft
apology. So too, Agamemnon points the finger at Zeus when, facing
mounting losses, he proposes to evacuate Troy. Though god was
responsible for their setbacks, this is not something he can say. He is
immediately rebuked by a junior commander, and to the resounding
assent of his joint chiefs of staff (9.17–51). Unlike Agamemnon,
Eteocles recognizes that leaders who wish to unify their peoples
must bear responsibility. His second strategy, therefore, involves
shouldering the blame.
By holding himself accountable, Eteocles aligns his interests
with his constituents’ interests. He has skin in the game. The
principle of skin in the game finds that, the higher the personal cost
of failure, the more one is incentivized to perform. Knowing that,
if their ship of state goes down, Eteocles goes down with them, is a
great reassurance to his constituents.1 They expect that Eteocles, in
saving his own skin, will save them all.
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In the final examination, Eteocles’s “heads the god wins;
tails Eteocles loses” heuristic, while lopsided, works in real life. It
activates the emotion of hope, engages the mind’s predisposition
to religious belief, and unifies leaders and constituents by giving
leaders skin in the game. Patriotism is the mood of an animal under
stress, the outpourings of a human nature for which reason is a last
resort. Patriotism prefers blind hopes, fast heuristics, deep-seated
beliefs, and other strategies predating novel reason, which is, from
the perspective of evolution, one of the mind’s newer tools.
In the second half of his state of the union address, Eteocles states
the motherland doctrine. For a patriot, the concept of homeland is too
small to fire hearts. It must be amplified by the pathetic fallacy. The
pathetic fallacy is a literary device that attributes human qualities
to inanimate nature. By personifying the land into a motherland,
Eteocles adds urgency to the defensive effort. They fight for Mother
Earth, the original mother:
. Help Earth your Mother.
She reared you, on her kindly surface, crawling
babies, welcomed all the trouble of your nurture,
reared you to live in her, to carry a shield
in her defense, loyally, against such needs as this.
(16–20)
Filial devotion due to a biological mother is transferred onto the
home range. The land is alive, suckling its babes. Every Theban who
has drank her milk is her debtor. By turning mother’s milk into an
intoxicating wine, Eteocles takes kinship, the most fundamental of
relationships for sapiens and other social animals, and appropriates
it for homeland security.
Patriotism is one of the most dynamic and encompassing forces
of the human mind. By vesting human hopes onto the gods, the quality
of patriotism engages the human predisposition towards religious
belief, itself a primal calling going back at least sixty thousand years
to the Neanderthals, who buried their dead in elaborate funerary
rites (Rendu et al. 81–86). Likewise, by transforming the home
range into the myth of the motherland, patriotism repurposes for its
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own objectives the behavior of altruism and fundamental notions of
kinship and family. Social organization, emotions, behaviors, cult,
and mythology, however, are only the starting points of patriotism,
which is so much more. There is still to consider in- and out-groups,
the higher ideologies, self-sacrifice, and monumental art, of which
Seven itself is a bright example.
Us and Them
In Seven, there are two sets of us and them, one inside the gates, one
at the gates. The first set of us and them are represented by Eteocles
and the defenders of Thebes, on the one hand, and the chorus, on
the other hand. The second set of us and them are represented by the
two sets of seven captains: one defending and the other besieging
Thebes. Eteocles’s goal is to unify “us” inside the gates and destroy
“them” outside the gates. After his opening speech, he encounters
the first “them”: the chorus of Theban women. They are making
their way to the temples on the acropolis.
The chorus are terrified. They have seen “the wave of warriors,
with waving plumes,” the “Horse of the White Shield / well equipped,
hastening upon our city,” and “the jagged rocks they hurl / upon our
citizens” (89–90, 112, 299–300). They have heard trampling hoofs,
whirring spears, and screeching axles bruiting impending rapine,
rape, and ruin (84, 153, 155). They come to prostrate themselves:
. Shall I kneel at the images of the Gods?
O Blessed Ones, throned in peace,
It is time to cling to your images.
We delay and wail too much. (96–99)
Frazzled, the chorus say their raggedy prayers. Some turn to
Zeus. “Zeus, Father Omnipotent! all fulfilling!” says one, “Let us
not fall into the hands of the foeman!” (118–19). “Cypris, who are
our ancestress,” says another, “turn destruction away” (140–41).
After addressing the deities individually, they address the divine
collective:
. O Gods all sufficient,
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O Gods and Goddesses, Perfecters,
Protectors of our country’s forts,
do not betray this city, spear-won,
to a foreign-tongued enemy. (166–70)
As the chorus say their broken prayers, Eteocles falls on them,
rebuking them with strong words. To Eteocles, the chorus are either
with him or against him:
. You insupportable creatures, I ask you,
is this the best, is this for the city’s safety,
is this enheartening for our beleaguered army,
to have you falling at the images
of the city’s gods crying and howling,
an object of hatred for all temperate souls? (181–
86)
The chorus protest: they were afraid; they ran to the gods; their
actions fall in line with custom (211–16). Eteocles and the chorus
engage in a stichomythic, back and forth exchange:
louder.
. I am afraid: the din at the gates grows
the city.
. Silence! Do not speak of this throughout
. O Blessed Band, do not betray this fort.
silence?
a slave.
. Damnation! Can you not endure in
. Fellow-citizen Gods, grant me not to be
. It is you who enslave yourselves, and
all the city. (249–54)
Many years later, the great magician Faustus, having achieved
world dominion, perhaps at too great a price, was looking for another
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way. He calls on God. “I do repent,” he says, “and yet I do despair”
(Marlowe, Doctor Faustus 5.1.69). His is a negative prayer filled
with self-doubt, spoken from the point of view of the damned. God
spits it out. Eteocles’s quarrel with the chorus is precisely this: their
prayers are negative prayers, spoken from the loser point of view.
“Grant me not to be a slave” and “do not betray this city,” though
prayers, lack skin in the game. Vanquishers have their prayers and the
vanquished theirs. The chorus’ prayers are those of the vanquished.
Eteocles gives them a better prayer, one with skin in the game,
one that partakes and has a share of victory. It begins by invoking the
gods as the city’s allies, a joyous paean of thanksgiving promising
them hearths flowing with the blood of sacrificed sheep and
slaughtered bulls, their altars adorned with the foe’s spoils (264–
79). Although they need time to adjust, the chorus rejoin Eteocles’s
in-group.
The exchange between Eteocles and the chorus illustrates how
patriotism overwhelms reason. Patriotism is like the instinct that
jumps back from the snake even before the higher mental processes
establish the nature of the serpent threat. So, too, the chorus’s initial
position may have been innocuous, and Eteocles’s binary arguments
fallacious. But first survival: there will be time for logic after, if
they live. In crises, instinct comes before reason and morale before
logic. Eteocles, by unifying the city, checks off another box on the
patriot’s rulebook. But there is still another “them”: the barbarians
at the gates.
Patriotism strips humans of their personality and individuality.
Once patriotism separates a man from his multitudes, what is left
behind is a type, a caricature, a sign and representation of the raw
biological forces animating the man. In the sequence leading up to
the play, Eteocles had sent a Messenger to spy on the Argive camp.
The Messenger, having learned the identities of the seven attacking
captains, returns. As he relays the information to Eteocles, he
systematically deindividuates the foe until all that is left of the man
is his shield device, the proud advertisement blazoned on his shield.
Deindividuation is part and parcel of patriotism’s process.
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Stripped of his humanity, a man becomes an abstract
representation. Polyneices become the idea of justice, advertising
on his shield a woman identifying herself as Justice leading a
man—ostensibly himself—home (642–49). Others expose their
animality. Tydeus stands ready to strike like a serpent (381). In
Hippomedon and Parthenopaeus, the madness of the chthonian
powers, hateful to civilization and the bright gods, breaks out. One
has the fire-breathing monster Typhon blazoned on his shield, the
other the Sphinx (493, 541). Through their devices, the two captains
are reduced into savage personifications of madness and unreason.
Others become caricatures of blasphemy. At the third gate, Eteoclus
carries a shield on which:
A man in armor mounts a ladder’s steps
to the enemy’s town to sack it. Loud
cries also this man in his written legend
“Ares himself shall not cast me from the tower.”
(466–69)
Capaneus goes further. He will sack the city “with the Gods’ good
will or ill” (425–29). Parthenopaeus vaunts that he will sack Thebes
“in despite of Zeus” (532). In this deindividuated world of patriotism
where the abstract symbolic device stands in for the person, even a
blank shield is a sign. Amphiaraus’s lack of a shield device signifies
how “He is best not at seeming to be such / but being so” (591–92).
Patriotism loves mental frugality, and typology is a sign of
frugality. One is never oneself, but a sign, a sign of justice, a sign of
animality, a sign of darkness and evil. Shield devices, vaunts, and even
names are signs. Parthenopaeus, whose name means “the maiden
one,” represents war’s rite of passage where a boy becomes a killer
(532–38). Once people have become types, it is easier to categorize
them into in- and out-groups, the former bent on multiplying its
seed and the latter on destroying it. Binary mentalities are a survival
heuristic, practiced not only by the sapiens, but also by their animal
precursors from ant colonies to baboon troops. Patriotism is not
such a new thing. Patriotism started long ago.
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Patriotism also demands that the defending captains become
types. One defender is a sentry “hostile to strangers” (“Echthroxenos”;
621). Patriotism has distilled Lasthenes into that one quality. It is
sufficient. Such is also the fate of Melanippus and Polyphontes, who
are reduced into their elemental qualities. The former hates “insolent
words” and the latter is “a man of fiery spirit” (410, 447). Other
defenders are likewise stripped down. In a roll call of sons, one
defender is the “son of Astacus,” another “Creon’s son,” and a third
the “son of Oenops” (408, 474, 505). By emphasizing genealogy,
Eteocles gives his troops skin in the game: sons must equal fathers.
When even skin in the game is insufficient, he gives them land in the
game: two defenders—Melanippus and Megareus—are born from
the race of sown men, the original founders of Thebes who sprang
up autochthonous, from the soil itself.
In the narrative of us and them, not only human reason, but
human madness breaks out. The invaders, though Argives speaking
a common language, are called “a foreign-tongued enemy” (170).
The unreason of patriotism in bending the truth may be motivated
by hidden biological prime movers. Anthropologists have identified
in early hunter-gatherers evidence of a binary mentality cleaving
sapiens into in- and out-group members. The NyaeNyae, for
example, a group of !Kung hunter-gatherers living in the Kalahari
Desert “speak of themselves as perfect and clean and other !Kung
people as alien murderers who use deadly poisons” (Wilson 92).
Patriotism may be, speculates biologist Edward O. Wilson,
a behavior encoded into our genes through eons of evolution,
allowing the sapiens who exhibited such impulses to multiply. In
this light, patriotism is a hypertrophy and cultural outgrowth of an
innate tribalism that unites kin groups into bands (82–92). Too little
patriotism, and Thebes falls. Too much patriotism, and nationalism
and racism rise, stalling the spread of culture and information.
Patriotism, like so many other all-too-human impulses, is “on the
spectrum.” Lasthenes, with his Stone Age xenophobia, makes a
good sentry. His value in peacetime, however, may be debatable. The
limitation of biology is one of the issues with building a space age
society from genes adapted to Stone and Heroic Age environments.
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A Delivery Mechanism
Like a megaton bomb, the dramatic payload of Seven sits idle until
Aeschylus devises an appropriate vehicle with which to target his
audience. The outcome of Seven is part of myth. Myth is a great
spoiler: the theatergoers know myth through and through. To make
the theatergoers “hot to be warlike,” Aeschylus needed a powerful
delivery system to sidestep the audience’s knowledge. In chance and
the random element, Aeschylus found a far-shooting ballistic rocket
whereby he could take an outcome, known to all the theatergoers,
and explode it in the face of the play’s unsuspecting characters.
By making chance responsible for the fated outcome and
by subjectively and objectively suppressing the odds of the fated
outcome happening, Aeschylus brings myth to life. The audience,
until the last second, sits in thrall, wondering how to reconcile what
they know must happen with the contradictory data presented on
stage. The greatness of drama lies in the dramatic sleight of hand in
making the inevitable seem to have been impossible.
The fated outcome is that Eteocles and Polyneices will die by
one another’s hands. This is civil war. Polyneices returns to reclaim
the throne. The play is structured so that the fated outcome takes
place only if both brothers are assigned the seventh gate. Chance
enters the play through the gate assignations. The seven attacking
captains—one of whom is Polyneices—and the seven defending
captains—one of whom is Eteocles—are all assigned their gates by
lot.2
Mathematically, the likelihood of a compound event happening
is the product of its constituent probabilities. The odds of rolling
snake eyes, or two ones on a pair of six-sided dice are 1:36 (1:6 *
1:6). On that analogy, the likelihood of the fated outcome happening
is 1:49, as each of the brothers has a 1:7 chance of being assigned
the seventh gate. The probability, therefore, of the fated outcome
happening is exceedingly low. In random simulations with seven
attackers, seven defenders, and seven gates, 48 out of 49 times the
fated outcome will be averted.
Aeschylus begins his suppression of the fated outcome by
dealing the captains their assignations by random lot. Though his
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audience lacked access to modern probability theory (which arose
in the Italian Renaissance with the work of gambler-mathematician
Gerolamo Cardano), they grasped the fundamental notion of intuitive
probability.3 Ancient Greek had a term eikos that denoted probability
or likelihood in the modern sense (“Eikos”). “To succeed in many
things, or many times, is difficult,” writes Aristotle, “for instance,
to repeat the same throw ten thousand times with dice would be
impossible, whereas to make it once or twice is comparatively easy”
(On the Heavens 292a).
Aeschylus’s audience would have understood that, from the
randomness built into the gate selection process, the fated outcome
would have been implausible. That Aeschylus encourages his
audience to think about probability can be seen in the play’s aleatory
references. Hermes is invoked in his capacity as the god of lots who
brings captains together for mortal combat (508).4 Ares throws dice
to single out the quick from the dead (414). Even specific throws
are alluded to. “I will take six men, myself to make a seventh,”
says Eteocles as he initiates the defense. “The number 6 + 1,” notes
Hanna Roisman, “was considered an unlucky throw in the six sided
dice” (22). Seven is a most probabilistic play, aleatory and ludic, a
game of chance and a game of death.
Through the lottery device, Aeschylus begins to suppress the
fated outcome. Then, in a wonderful, marvelous masterstroke,
he discounts the odds of the fated outcome from 48:1 against to
25,401,599:1 against. Never did the waters of artistic imagination
rise so high as when he painted the inevitable as nigh impossible. To
dam back possibility’s flood, he engineered an architectural marvel:
the monumental shield scene.
The shield scene consists of seven matched speeches between
Eteocles and the Messenger, each separated by an intervening prayer
from the chorus. The Messenger has been collecting intelligence. He
has seen the seven hostile captains draw lots to determine their gate
assignations, has seen their shield devices, has heard their vaunts.
He informs Eteocles of the threats. As the Messenger identifies each
captain, Eteocles draws a lot to assign a defender. Having assigned
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the defender, like a commentator at a boxing match, he analyzes the
tale of the tape.
In this peculiar battle, men do not fight. Because patriotism has
reduced men into types and abstractions, it becomes a proxy battle
where signs and representations clash. By examining the clash of
representations, Eteocles can see whether the gods are on his side.
Chance has brought the combatants together, but chance is not
random. The casting of lots was a means of divination. Through the
crack of chance, the gods reveal their will.
The tale of the tape at the first six gates favours Eteocles
beyond any reasonable doubt. If the enemy has Typhon blazoned
on his shield, he is, through a strange synchronicity, paired against a
defender sporting the image of Zeus (511–20). In mythology, Zeus
tamed Typhon. If the enemy is a blasphemer, he just happens to be
paired against a defender “honoring the throne of Modesty” (409). If
the enemy appears to be sprung from the race of giants, he is, against
all odds, paired with a defender who has the “favor of Artemis / and
of the other Gods” (449–50). As the giants fell, so too, in this new
Gigantomachy, the gods will prevail.
In addition to the overwhelming objective indications of
victory, every subjective indication also points away from the fated
outcome: enemy morale is such that they have already sent home
memorial tokens (49–50); the enemy’s sacrifices are unfavourable
(379); infighting plagues the enemy ranks (382–84). While every
Theban—from Eteocles to the soldiers, women, old men, and young
boys stand united—the enemy stands divided. The certainty that
the foe is doomed rises to a pitch when the Messenger announces
that, at the sixth gate, the best of the Argives—the prophet-warrior
Amphiaraus—lays into Polyneices, telling him that his leading a
foreign army home is an abomination to the gods. What is more,
Amphiaraus says that he expects to be struck dead, such is the
sacrilege of their expedition (571–89).
At this moment, time stands still. The odds of the fated outcome
were unlikely. The pairings at each of the gates portend victory. The
enemy is divided. Eteocles basks in the moral certainty of victory. It
is almost a foregone conclusion. The chorus capture the moment of
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change “and young
boys stand united—
the enemy stands…”
to “and young boys
—stand united, the
enemy stands
divided.”
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jubilation. In the beginning of the shield scene, the chorus, although
undergoing rehabilitation, were still singing the fall of Thebes.
Their prayers at the initial gates talk of success, but also of dying
friends, ravishment, and fear (420–22, 455–56, 565). In other words,
negative prayers. At the sixth gate, however, they find their stride in
a devastating triumphant prayer calling on Zeus to “strike down and
slay” the foe (629–30). The halcyon moment, however, is brief. The
Messenger proceeds to the seventh gate, telling Eteocles his brother
awaits. Eteocles, having dispatched the other captains, suddenly
realizes the gods call him to die.
What are the odds that Eteocles would be encouraged by six
perfect pairings only to be cast down in the end? In other words,
what are the odds that Melanippus confronts Tydeus at the first
gate, Polyphontes confronts Capaneus at the second gate, and that
all the pairings took place as they did up to Lasthenes confronting
Amphiaraus at the sixth gate? According to the law of permutations,
the formula for the number of unique arrangements possible with
seven captains at seven gates is seven factorial 7! (7 * 6 * 5 * 4 * 3
* 2 * 1) or 5040. Since there are seven attackers and defenders, to
find out how many permutations exist at seven gates, multiply 5040
by 5040. With seven gates, seven attackers, and seven defenders,
25,401,600 permutations are possible. The odds, therefore, of
Eteocles being raised up from gates one to six only to be struck
down at gate seven are 25,401,599:1 against. By suppressing the
odds of the fated outcome to a nonce quantity, Aeschylus animates
the myth. Never again in the millenniums afterwards, neither in
Greece nor in the lands that practice the art of playwriting, has a
playwright dared to dramatize a deed so explosively blowing apart
the possible and the probable.
Though Aeschylus’s audience lacked a working theory of
combinations and permutations, the Greeks did have a term sumplokē
“intertwining, complication, or combination” to denote this sort of
combinatorial analysis (“Sumplokē”). “Xenocrates asserted,” says
Plutarch, “that the number of syllables which the letters will make
in combinations is 1,002,000,000,000” (Moralia 733a). Plutarch
also records that the Stoic philosopher Chrysippus, postulating the
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number of illnesses that arise from the different combinations of food
and drink on the body, turned to a combinatorial analysis. Through
an analogy, Chrysippus calculated that, from ten simple propositions
(representing different foods and drink), over a million compound
combinations (representing different ailments) were possible (732f).
Chrysippus and Xenocrates’s attempts demonstrate that Aeschylus’s
audience would have been able to infer the enormous range of
possibilities in seven gates, seven attackers, and seven defenders. If
their calculations are indicative, Aeschylus’s audience, if anything,
would have grossly overestimated the possible permutations, making
the play even more dramatic in its rebel probability.
The thrill of drama, is not, as Aristotle claimed, to bring about
the probable outcome, but, is rather the opposite, to bring about
the most improbable outcome, the one that is 25,401,599:1 against
(Poetics 1451a; Wong 206–17). Here is no pity and fear, but rather
wonder and awe, wonder at how, each time a pair of captains who
are not the brothers goes to the gates, the fated outcome seems
subjectively further away, but is objectively closer—although
25,401,600 permutations had been available at gate one, only four
permutations remain at gate six—and awe for how Eteocles—like
Caesar at the Capitol or Myron Scholes and Robert C. Merton at
the Nobel Prize ceremony—stood highest when closest to the fall.5
As Aeschylus brings the hammer down on Eteocles, however, he
also exalts him. The highest form of patriotism is self-sacrifice:
it separates run-of-the-mill from purple-hearted patriots. Though
Eteocles dies, in dying Aeschylus vouchsafes him patriotism’s
crowning glory.
The Ancient Quarrel between Poetry and Philosophy
In the closing decades of the fifth century, poetry, tragedy, and myth
were under attack. “There is an ancient quarrel,” says Plato, drawing
up the lines of battle, “between poetry and philosophy” (Republic
607b). With the rise of rationalism, it was time for the old poets
to make way for the new educators of Greece, the philosophers.
The fallible heroes of the old myths would make way for Socrates,
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Plato’s new and improved hero. The time had come for the sword of
reason to shine:
[Socrates speaking] And so, Glaucon, when you
happen to meet those who praise Homer and say
that he’s the poet who educated Greece, that it’s
worth taking up his works in order to learn how to
manage and educate people, and that one should
arrange one’s whole life in accordance with his
teachings, you should welcome these people and
treat them as friends, since they’re as good as
they’re capable of being, and you should agree that
Homer is the most poetic of the tragedians and the
first among them. But you should also know that
hymns to the gods and eulogies to good people
are the only poetry we can admit into our city.
If you admit the pleasure-giving Muse, whether
in lyric or epic poetry, pleasure and pain will be
kings in your city instead of law or the thing
that everyone has always believed to be best,
namely reason. (Republic 606e–607a, emphasis
added)
As Plato mobilized philosophy, others, seeing a chance to make
their mark, joined the assault. The historians, led by Thucydides,
attacked the stories used by the tragedians as fake myth. While the
poets “exaggerate the importance of their themes” and teach by
using examples from the distant and unverifiable past, the historian
would instruct by providing examples filtered through the rational
apparatus of the historical method (1.21–22). Gods, oracles, and
omens—so often the prime movers in tragedy—are replaced with
the scientific apparatus of cause and effect, eyewitness testimony of
what really happened, and the careful consideration, corroboration,
and weighing of evidence. At the end of the fifth century, the winds
of change were blowing wild.
Whenever myth engaged with the forces of rationalism,
myth was driven back. In myth, the Trojan War was the greatest
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of wars. Thucydides examines it with the historical method (1.10).
It emerges diminished. It may well have been fought by village
peoples. Rationalism advanced and myth fell back. Thucydides has
Pericles, his new world hero, say that Homer is redundant (2.41).
Rationalism advanced and myth fell back. Ion, a professional reciter
of poetry, considers himself an educator, educating his audience
on health, war, and the many other themes sung by rhapsodes. Ion,
however, runs into the hero-philosopher Socrates in Plato’s dialogue
Ion. Using the Socratic method, Socrates deconstructs his expertise.
It turns out that neither Ion nor the poets know anything. They have
nothing to teach. Rationalism advanced and myth fell back.
Rationalism invaded the prerogative of poetry as the teacher
of Greece, and poetry fell back. Rationalism pooh-poohed poetry’s
fake myth, its tall tales and childish gods, and poetry fell back. Poetry
had made too many concessions, was in a full retreat, smarting from
the sword of reason. But it had one advantage. Poetry charges the
thunders of the heart. It gives its admirers something to believe in, a
proof. Rationalism here falls short. It may explain how we came to
be, but not why. It is silent on our ultimate purpose. Knowing this
secret, Aristophanes mounted a powerful rearguard action in Frogs,
calling on art and the author of Seven rather than the new rationalists
to save the city.
The crowning moment of Seven, the moment that makes
patriots “hot to be warlike,” is Eteocles’s reaction to learning that
his brother is at the seventh gate. He is out of captains. He sees the
writing on the wall. “I’ll go myself,” he says, “bring me my greaves”
(673, 675). Though he realizes the gods call him to die, he wants for
himself “no crying and no lamentation” (656). The chorus, knowing
that neither brother can hope to emerge from the confrontation alive,
reason with him, telling him to save himself:
. Go not you, go not, to the seventh gate.
. No words of yours will blunt my
whetted purpose.
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honor.
words.
blood?
. Yet even bad victory the Gods hold in
. No soldier may endure to hear such
. Do you wish to reap as harvest a brother’s
. If Gods give ill, no man may shun their
giving. (714–19)
In his final words, he tells the chorus that he feels the “whetted
purpose” thundering in his heart. This is proof enough. He will fulfil
his duty by making the highest sacrifice, the “admirable offering”
gods and mortals alike will envy:
. We are already past the care of Gods.
For them our death is the admirable offering.
Why then delay, fawning upon our doom? (703–
05)
Patriotism gives patriots something that the logicians and
rationalists never could: something greater than life to live and die
for. Patriotism takes the raw biological basis of human nature, hidden
from plain view by the mediating apparatus of consciousness, and
codifies it in its strictures. It takes the primordial murmurings of
tribalism and the irrational emotions of gentle altruism and hateful
aggression and unites them under a common banner. It then harnesses
the myriad impulses that draw the sapiens into ever higher levels of
social organization—from nomadic life to life in hamlets, cities, and
megalopolises—to give the patriot something to believe in.
The patriot, with his tribalism, hears the murmuring song singing
new syllogisms, singing of the beauty of kinsfolk and the ugliness
of those who dwell beyond the gates. With these new syllogisms,
the patriot lays down patriotism’s doctrine, beginning with in- and
out-membership groups. To draw himself up to a higher perfection,
the patriot takes the other, and turns the other into a sign and
representation of all that he must, in his highest moment, overcome.
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In his fever, the patriot desires no mediocre other, but rather the
highest type of other, the most gargantuan other against which he can
assay his rising strength. He transforms the other into a bogeyman
adorned with blasphemy, the dark images of the night, the eye of the
full moon, the serpent’s hiss, and all the other trappings inimical to
kin and civilization. Against this error of nature, the patriot girds his
kin together in a tight embrace. To withstand such a powerful foe,
the patriot himself enlists higher powers, builds shrines to the gods
and talks of motherland and fatherland, talks of how the land and the
folk are bound by ancient, inviolable, and reciprocal bonds.
Surrounded by powerful and holy monuments, spires reaching
up into heaven like the arms of god, the patriot begins to see that
he himself is part of the proof, is the son of a line of heroes in a
patrilineal and matrilineal succession going back to the crack of time.
He himself dissolves into a symbol and representation, the mortal
instrument of an immortal purpose. Armed now with high ideology,
the patriot now has proof of his goodness, of how his people were
meant to persevere, the chosen ones tilling the chosen soil. Heeding
the higher calling of country, god, and people, the patriot validates
the desultory dross of life and drinks in the sense of belonging and
purpose so foreign to the logicians and the rationalists who could
only see the wisdom of the sapiens, but not the underlying biology
firing the human fuse.
Now, eternally justified, the patriot is himself life’s proof.
Having reached this exalted state, there is left but one act whereby
he perfects life. To the rationalist who talked of virtue, there was no
difference between virtue in theory and in practice. To the patriot,
there is. Talk is cheap, insufficient skin. To die performing great
heroic deeds is to have the highest skin in the game. It is the patriot’s
finest hour, the hour of the affirmation of the highest existence.
In this curious battle, the outcome is exactly as Eteocles
predicted. The city is saved. In fact, on the Theban side, there is
only a single casualty. In the closing scene the Herald makes a
proclamation:
. Our Lord Eteocles for his loyalty
it is determined to bury in the earth
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that he so loved. Fighting its enemies
he found his death here. In the sight
of his ancestral shrines he is pure and blameless
and died where young men die right honorably.
(1006–11)
In his burial, in the dirges and the wailing, it is accomplished.
Eteocles’s sepulchres and monuments stand as inviolable proofs
of his patriotic apotheosis. Though dead, he is born posthumously
in Seven to light the way for all tomorrow’s standard-bearers.
Patriotism, having enlisted human emotions and behaviors into its
service, now calls out to one of the highest constructs of the human
mind—art—to justify its eternal claim.
To rational minds, Seven dramatized the clash between the
magic of the opposing shield devices. Eteocles, like a seer, interprets
the combatants’ vaunts and shield devices. By the science of
hermeneutics, he deciphers—and perhaps even manipulates—the
hidden signs animating the cosmos. For these reasonable interpreters,
Eteocles came close to mastering hermeneutics. To them, Seven is
a tragedy of Eteocles’s discourtesy to the chorus and his hubris in
thinking he could master the gates. To the interpreters, however,
who feel the comprehensiveness of the human experience, for those
whom not only the higher and evolved sensibilities, but also the
lower and primal drives of the triune brain declare themselves, Seven
dramatizes the myriad impulses that together constitute patriotism,
hot to endure all time’s slings and arrows. To these other interpreters,
Seven is a kaleidoscope of patriotism, reflecting all its changing
patterns and colors, from its animal origins to its highest expressions
in art, architecture, and culture. Gate by gate, Eteocles is stripped of
his personality until, at the seventh gate, all his individual qualities
have withdrawn behind patriotism’s mask. He is no longer man, but
an incarnation of duty, the great intoxicated patriot, drunk on valor
of the ages. Seven, in this more unified view, is a tragedy of the
paradox of patriotism, the mystery of how one becomes greatest
when one becomes nothing. We do not, perhaps, exist for our own
sake, but for the sake of perpetuating the generations of leaves on
the tree of life.
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In this comprehensive view, patriotism is greater than either the
philosophers or the mythographers have imagined. Patriotism is a
human expression of the animal behavior of territoriality, practiced
by each of the social animals from ants and hyenas to baboons and
chimpanzees. As animals mark their home range in elaborate rituals,
so, too, the sapiens mark their territories with doors, locks, gates,
gatekeepers, walls, and banners in the sky. Patriotism in this last
examination is a biological imperative, is the will to power driving
natural selection. To ensure the survival of the species, it will mingle
reason with unreason, self-preservation with self-sacrifice, and base
ideologies with the highest of the arts and sciences. In the art of
Seven, a patriot’s portrait of patriotism, the ancient calling calls out.
Seven reminds us that you can take the individual out of the
country, but not the country out of the individual. Though part of our
highest ideologies and mental constructs, patriotism is also felt in
the blood. Nowhere is this more evident than in the legacy of Seven,
where generations of youths, ardent for desperate glory, fulfilled
biology’s gnarled imperative: dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.
Notes
1.
2.
For examples of negative incentives, see Taleb 12–15. Parts of this
essay were presented at the 2018 Society for Classical Studies and
2020 Classical Association of the Middle West and South annual
meetings, as well as a 2018 lecture at the University of Victoria. I
would like to thank Laurel Bowman, Robert C. Evans, Helene Foley,
David Konstan, Sophie Mills, John P. Oleson, Gregory Rowe, and
Terry Scarborough for their insights, advice, and encouragement.
That the attackers draw lots to determine their gate assignations
is confirmed by the Messenger (56–57, 377, 424, and 456–59).
How Eteocles assigns the defenders’ assignations is unclear. When
assigning the defenders, Eteocles uses the future tense three times
(“I will station,” 408, 621, 672), the perfect tense two times (“he
has been sent,” 448, 472), the aorist passive once (“he was chosen,”
505), and the present tense once (“here is the man,” 554). Previous
conjectures that have arisen to explain the tenses fall into three
broad categories: (1) Eteocles had decided all the assignations prior
to meeting the Messenger, (2) Eteocles decides the assignations on
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3.
4.
5.
the spot, after hearing the Messenger’s reports, and (3) Eteocles
decided some assignations before and some during his meeting with
the Messenger. I follow Herrmann 58–62. In his bold conjecture,
Herrmann argues that an important stage direction has been lost: each
time the Messenger relays the assailant at the gate, Eteocles draws a
lot to determine the defender. Not only does Herrmann’s conjecture
solve the problem of the tenses (he can draw the lot and easily switch
between tenses), it also adds dramatic vitality to the action.
On why the ancients failed to develop a theory of probability, see
Kidd 1–25. Kidd argues convincingly that probability theory failed
to develop because ancient games of chance involved communal
probabilities: probability theory does not grant the ancient gambler
any advantage. Only when games of chance individualized risk did
the first mathematician-gamblers begin exploring probability in
earnest.
On Hermes as the god of lots, see Apollodorus 3.10.2 and
Aristophanes, Peace 364–66.
Scholes and Merton received their Nobel Prizes as their hedge
fund, Long-Term Capital Management, began its collapse. Its fall
triggered one of the largest financial meltdowns of the modern era.
See Lowenstein 96–120.
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