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Space, Culture, Power: New Identities in Globalizing Cities

1997, Zed Books

Large metropolises are everywhere caught in the contradictory logics of globalization and Localization. This book looks at the ways in which a variety of contemporary discourses – of consumerism, İslam, human rights – are appropriated by local groups in the metropolis to voice new cultural alternatives. The contributors to this volume offer original studies from cities as diverse as Singapore, Beirut, Cairo, Manila or İstanbul. They discuss how the constraints and opportunities generated by the penetration of global networks are translated by different groups of urban actors into practices which transform the physical as well as social and cultural spaces of these cities. They tackle the abstract notion of global culture, to discuss the interactions between the global, national and the local.

I AY§E 0 N C i) & PETRA WEYLAND S p a ce, C u lture a n d P o w er: N ew id en tities in g lo b a lizin g cities w as first p u b lish ed b y Z ed B o ok s L td , 7 C y n th ia S treet, L o n d o n N i g jF , U K , an d 165 F irst A v en u e, A tlan tic H igh land s, N ew Jersey 0 7 7 1 6 , U S A , in 1997 . C op y rig h t © th e co n trib u to rs, 1997 . E d ito rial co p y rig h t © A y§e O n cii an d P etra W ey lan d , 1997. C o v er d esig n ed b y A n d rew C o rb ett. S et in M o n oty pe E h rh ard t b y E w an S m ith . P rin ted and b o u n d in th e U n ited K in g d om b y B id dles L td , G u ild fo rd an d K in g ’ s L y nn . A ll rig h ts reserv ed . T h e rig h ts o f th e au th o rs o f th is w o rk h av e b een asserted b y th em in accord an ce w ith th e C o p y rig h t, D esig n s an d P aten ts A ct, 1988. A catalo gu e reco rd fo r th is boo k is av ailab le fro m th e B ritish L ib rary . L ib rary o f C o n g ress C atalo g in g -in -P u b licatio n D ata S p ace, cu ltu re, an d p o w er : n ew id en tities in g lo b alizin g cities / ed ited b y A y§e O n cii an d P etra W ey lan d . p. cm . P ap ers fro m a w o rk sh o p h eld at B o gazi^i U n iv ersity , Istan b u l, in 1994. In clu d es b iblio g rap h ical referen ces an d in d ex . ISB N 1 -8 56 4 9 -5 0 3 -5 . - ISBN 1 -8 56 4 9 -5 0 4 -3 (p b k .) 1. M etro p o litan areas-C o n g resses. 2. S o cio lo g y , U rb a n - C o n g resses. 3. S o cial g ro u p s — C o n g resses. 4. S ocial n etw o rk sC o n g resses. 5. In tern atio n al eco n o m ic relatio n s-C o n g resses. I. O n cii, A y§e. II. W ey lan d, P etra, 1 9 5 4- H T 33 0.S 63 . 199 7 3 O 7 -76 -d c2 i 96-3952 5 C IP IS B N 1 85649 503 5 cased ISB N 1 85649 504 3 lim p C o n ten ts A ck n o w led g em ents C o n trib u to rs 1 vii viii In tro d u ctio n : stru g g les o v er leb en sra u m an d so cial id en tity in g lo b alizin g cities i AY§E ONCU AND PETRA WEYLAND PART I GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES OF POWER 2 21 B etw een eco n o m y an d race: th e A sian izatio n o f S in g ap o re 23 BENG-HUAT CHUA 3 O n tw o co n cep tio n s o f g lo b alizatio n : th e d eb ate aro u n d th e reco n stru ctio n o f B eiru t 42 SUZANNE KASSAB 4 T h e m y th o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ trav els acro ss cu ltu ral b o rd ers to Istan b u l 56 AY§E ONCU PART II THE SYMBOLISM OF SPACE AND THE STRUGGLE FOR L E B E N S R A U M 5 C u ltu re sh o ck an d id en tity crisis in E ast G erm an cities 75 ULRICH MAI 6 G en d ered liv es in g lo b al sp aces PETRA WEYLAND 82 7 T h e m etro p o litan d ilem m a: g lo b al so ciety , lo calities an d th e stru g g le fo r u rb an lan d in M an ila 98 ERHARD BERNER PART III REDISCOVERING ISLAM THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE GLOBAL 8 117 R e-im ag in ing th e g lo b al: relo catio n an d lo cal id entities in C airo 119 FARHA GHANNAM 9 F o rm atio n o f a m id d le-class eth os an d its q u o tid ian : rev italizin g Islam in u rb an T u rk ey 140 AY§E SAKTANBER 10 B etw een relig io n an d eth nicity : a K u rd ish -A lev i trib e in g lo balizin g Istan b u l 157 GUNTER SEUFERT 11 T rav ellin g Islam : m o sq u es w ith o u t m in arets 177 JAN NEDERVEEN PIETERSE In d ex 201 A ck n o w led g em en ts T h e p resen t v o lu m e h as g ro w n o u t o f a w o rk sh o p h eld at B ojjazi^i U n iv ersity , Istan b u l, in th e sp rin g o f 1994 . W e are g ratefu l to th e T h y s ­ sen F o u n d atio n o f C o log n e, G erm an y , an d th e G erm an O rien t In stitu te o f Istan bu l/B eiru t fo r th eir g en ero u s su p p o rt, an d to B ogazi^i U n iv ersity fo r h o stin g th e w o rk sho p . W e w o u ld also like to th an k o u r co lleag u es fro m d ifferen t m etro p o lises acro ss th e w o rld fo r th eir co n trib u tio n s, p erso n al frien d sh ip an d en co u rag em en t in m ak in g th is u n d ertak in g p o s ­ sible. C o n trib u to rs E rh a rd . B e rn e r is a research fellow an d assistan t lectu rer at th e S o cio lo g y o f D ev elo p m en t R esearch C en tre, U n iv ersity o f B ielefeld , G erm an y . B e n g -H u a t C h u a is p ro fesso r o f sociology at th e N atio n al U n iv ersity o f S in gap o re. F a rh a G h a n n a m is a P h D can d id ate in th e D ep artm en t o f A n th ro p olo gy at th e U n iv ersity o f T ex as at A u stin . S u z a n n e K a ssa b is assistant p ro fesso r o f p h ilo so p h y at th e A m erican U n iv ersity o f B eiru t, L eb an o n . U lric h M a i is p ro fesso r o f g eo g rap h y at th e U n iv ersity o f B ielefeld , G erm an y . A y $ e O n cii is p ro fesso r o f so cio lo g y at B o g azifi U n iv ersity in Istan b u l, T u rk ey. J a n N e d e rv e e n P iete rse is p ro fesso r o f sociology at th e In stitu te o f S ocial S tu d ies in T h e H ag u e, th e N eth erlan d s. A y $ e S a k ta n b e r is assistan t p ro fesso r o f so cio lo g y at th e M id d le E ast T ech n ical U n iv ersity in A n kara, T u rk ey . G u n te r S e u fe rt is a research fellow at th e D ep artm en t o f H isto ry an d S cien ce o f R elig io n , U n iv ersity o f L au san n e, S w itzerlan d . P e tra W e y la n d is a lectu rer in so cio lo g y at th e F ed eral A rm ed F o rces C o m m an d an d G en eral S taff C o lleg e in H am b urg , G erm an y . I In tro d u ctio n : stru g g les o v er leb en sra u m an d social id en tity in g lo b alizin g cities A y $ e O n cii a n d P e tra W e y la n d L arg e m etro p o lises are ev ery w h ere cau g h t in th e co n trad icto ry logics o f g lo b alizatio n an d lo calizatio n . S y m b o lizin g th e accelerated m o m en tu m o f g lo b alizatio n are th e glossy facades o f m eg acap ital w h ich have ch an g ed th e sk y lin e o f m ajo r cities aro u n d th e w o rld . O ffice to w ers h o u sin g m u ltin atio n al co rp o ratio n s, tran sn atio n al b an k s, w o rld trad e cen tres and fiv e-star h o tels, o n ce th e ex clu siv e h allm ark o f a sm all n u m ber o f ‘ w o rld cities ’ , now sig nify th e in teg ratio n o f alm o st ev ery m ajor m etro p o lis in to global cap italism . T h e ex ten sio n o f in fo rm atio n tech n o lo g ies an d trav el p o ssibilities have created a n ew n etw o rk o f ‘ g lo bal sp aces ’ w ith in th e interstices o f m etro po litan life acro ss co n tin en ts, in h ab ited b y a g ro w in g co terie o f tran sn atio n al p ro fessio n als an d sp ecialists. F ro m th e o p tics o f th is h ig h -rise co rp o rate eco n o m y an d co rp o rate cu lture, th e city dow n below ap p ears to b e in h ab ited by a sw irlin g m ass o f im m ig ran t p o p u la ­ tion s, co m p etin g fo r lo w -w ag e jo b s in an in creasin g ly in fo rm alized u rb an eco no m y as th e state retreats fro m its w elfare fu n ctio n s. T h e co m b in ed eco no m ic an d p o litical im p erativ es o f g lo b alizatio n seem to sw eep aw ay p articularities o f tim e an d p lace to g en erate co m m o n o u tcom es ev ery ­ w h ere: g ro w in g eth n ic, racial an d cu ltu ral h etero g en eity , co u p led w ith social an d sp atial p o larization . T h e p resen t v o lu m e ad o p ts th e o p tics o f th e local, to p ro v id e a view o f th e ch an g in g sk y lin es fro m below . R ath er th an treat g lo b alizatio n as a u n itary an d h o m o g en izin g p ro cess, to b e d escrib ed in term s o f its p utatively g en eric o u tco m es, w e attem p t to u n d erstan d how it articu lates w ith d istin ctiv e en sem b les o f class an d cu ltu re, p o w er co n stellatio n s an d p attern s o f state/so ciety relation s sp ecific to each locality. H en ce o u r SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER 2 fo cus is u p o n p ro cesses o f lo calizatio n , n o t as an im ag in ed rep o sito ry o f resistan ce an d o p p o sitio n, b u t as actu ally p lay in g a cen tral ro le in sh ap in g the p o w er-lad en p ro cesses an d o u tco m es o f g lo b alizatio n . T h e cities w e are im m ed iately co n cern ed w ith , su ch as B eiru t, C airo , Istan b u l, o r M an ila an d S in g ap o re, sh are an im p o rtan t co m m o n ality . In th e ab un d an t acco u n ts o f g lo b alizatio n as a p h en o m en o n w h ich p en etrates sp atially to sh ape th e life-w o rld s in d istan t co rn ers o f th e p lan et, th ese are ‘ o th er ’ cities in ‘ o th er ’ p laces w h ich illu strate th e im passes an d p arad o x es o f g lo balizatio n . T h is is p resu m ab ly w h y th ey have so far rem ain ed o n th e ed g es o f sch o larly in terest. O u r aim in tu rn in g to th ese cities is n eith er to reh earse th e co n trad ictio n s o f g lo b alism , n o r to re ­ iterate th e p lig h t o f in d iv id u al cities w h ich are ab so rb ed in to its fold. T ak ing th ese fo r g ran ted , w e aim to m o v e b ey o n d th em b y raisin g a series o f q u estio n s. E v ery m etro p o lis h as a u n iq u e h isto ry o f co h ab itatio n am o n g g ro u p s frag m en ted alon g racial, eth n ic, sectarian as w ell as g en d er lines. T h e social an d cu ltu ral b o u n d aries b etw een th ese g ro u p in g s are co n stitu ted w ithin a m u ltitu d e o f n etw o rk s w h ich serv e as th e lo cu s o f id en tification an d b elo n g in g , as w ell as th e so u rce o f p o w er an d leg itim atio n . H o w are th ese b o u n d aries ren eg o tiated as n ew social n etw o rk s and circu its o f global trad e an d fin an ce selectiv ely create new o p p o rtu n ity spaces? W h at are th e p o litical ag en d as an d strateg ies o f g ro u p s w h o m o b ilize to seize u p o n th ese n ew o p p o rtu n ity spaces? M etro p o litan cu lture is ev ery w h ere th e lo cu s o f h y b rid fo rm s, a p ro d u ct o f ex ch an g es an d b o rro w in g s over tim e an d space. H o w are sy m b o lic elem en ts fro m co n tem p o rary ’ global d isco u rses o f co n su m erism , o f Islam , o f h u m an rig hts, selectiv ely ap ­ p ro p riated b y v ario u s g ro u p in g s in th e m etro po litan aren a to voice new cu ltu ral altern atives? H o w are p rev ailin g social d istin ction s o f in clu sio n an d ex clu sio n red raw n as p iv o tal u rb an acto rs p u rsu e th eir p o litical v isio n s by in scrib in g th em on to th e p h y sical sp ace o f th e m etro p o lis? O u r aim in p o sin g th ese q u estio n s is n o t so m u ch to rep o rt o n in d iv id u al cities, as to ju x tap o se ev id en ce fro m d ifferen t research sites to d elin eate how th e ‘ g lo b al ’ is tran slated b y d ifferen t g ro u p s o f u rb an acto rs in to p ractices w h ich tran sfo rm th e p h y sical as w ell as social an d cu ltu ral sp aces o f th e city. An initial positioning G lo b alizatio n an d lo calizatio n are n o t sin g u lar an d h o m o g en eo u s p ro ­ cesses to b e ch aracterized n eatly by th eir o p p o sin g essen ces. R ath er th an b eing m u tually ex clu siv e, th ey are ‘ in ’ o n e an o th er in w ays th at m ake th eir in terp en etratio n as im p o rtan t as th eir d ifferen tiatio n . A ny attem p t INTRODUCTION 3 to m ak e p ractical an d p o litical sen se o f co n tem p o rary m etro p o litan ex p eri ­ en ce m u st th erefo re b eg in by reco g n izin g th at p ro cesses o f g lo b alizatio n an d lo calizatio n in terco n n ect an d in tertw in e to p ro d u ce p lace-b ased p olitical stru g g les. A ck n o w led g in g th eir in terco n n ected n ess d o es n o t m ean th at w e can n o t g en eralize ab o u t g lo b alizatio n an d lo calizatio n as sep arab le co ncep ts. B u t to treat lo calizatio n as a sep arate fo cu s o f g en eralizatio n , w itho ut red u cin g it to th e w o rk in gs o f th e global cap italist econom y, req uires so m e elab o ratio n o f th e d ifferen tiated fo rm s an d m ean ing s o f g lob alization . A t th e m o st g en eral level, it is p o ssib le to th in k o f g lo b alizatio n in term s o f m o v em en t an d circu latio n , co m p lex ity o f criss-cro ssin g flow s, som e o f it cap ital an d trad e, so m e o f it p eo p le, an d so m e o f it signs, sy m b ols, m ean in g s an d m y th s. A co m m o n th read w h ich ru n s th ro u g h the ex istin g b o d y o f literatu re is th e id ea th at su ch flow s an d m o b ility across space have accelerated , sp eed ed u p , o r have g ained a n ew m o m en ­ tum in th e co n tem p orary era, cap tu red in su ch key p h rases as ‘ tim e ­ sp ace co m p ressio n ’ (H arv ey 1989); ‘ tim e-sp ace d istan tiatio n ’ (G id d en s 1990); ‘ in tersectin g scap es ’ (A p p ad u rai 1990). H en ce th e co n cep t o f g lob alization d o es n o t im p ly a sh ift fro m o n e p erio d to an o th er, o r a h isto rical ru p tu re, as d o o th er en co m p assin g term s m o st freq u en tly used to d escrib e co n tem p o rary m etro p o litan ex p erien ce, n am ely p o st-F o rdism (A m in 1994) an d p o stm o d ern ity (S o ja 1989; W atso n an d G ib so n 1995). R ath er, it d en o tes in ten sificatio n an d stretch in g o u t o f m o v em en ts an d flow s, as cap tu red for in stan ce in G id d en s ’ s d efin itio n o f g lo b alization as ‘ th e in tensificatio n o f w o rld -w id e social relatio n s w h ich lin k d istan t localities in su ch a w ay th at local h ap p en in g s are sh ap ed by ev en ts o ccu rrin g m an y m iles aw ay an d vice v ersa ’ (G id d en s 1990: 64). G lo b alizatio n th en , h as to d o w ith m o v em en t an d circu latio n . It also has to do w ith pow er, i.e. th e d ifferin g relatio n sh ip o f d istinct social g ro u ps to th ese flow s an d m o v em en t. T h is is w h at M assey (1993: 61) refers to as th e ‘ p o w er-g eo m etry ’ o f g lob alizatio n . S o m e so cial g ro u p s initiate flow s an d m o v em en t, o th ers d o n o t; so m e are m o re o n th e receiv ing en d o f it th an o th ers; so m e are effectiv ely im p riso n ed b y it. T here is th u s a d im en sio n o f m o v em en t an d circu latio n ; th ere is also a d im en sio n o f co n tro l an d in itiatio n . T h e w ays in w h ich d ifferen t social g ro u p s are in serted in to , p laced w ithin an d seize u p o n th ese flow s, w h ich are th em selv es d ifferen tiated , can b o th reflect an d rein fo rce ex istin g p ow er relatio n s; it can also u n d erm in e th em . W h at d o es n o t follow fro m th e co n sid eratio n s above, an d y et co n tin u es to in fo rm m u ch o f th e literatu re o n global flow s, is th e so cial im agin ary o f a ‘ b o rd erless ’ w o rld . In h eren t to th e co n cep t o f global flow s, d ifferen ­ tiated an d d ifferen tiatin g , is th e cap acity to tran sgress tak en -fo r-g ran ted 4 SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER b o u n d aries b etw een n ation -states, b etw een racial, eth n ic an d g en d er g ro u p s, b etw een p u b lic an d p riv ate sp h eres. T h is d o es m ean , how ever, an in creasin g ly ‘ b o rd erless ’ w o rld , o n e in w h ich b o u n daries have lost th eir m ean in g , as im p lied by th e alm o st o b lig ato ry use o f su ch p h rases as ‘ sp atially flu id ’ , ‘ territo rially u n b o u n d ed ’ , ‘ p ro fo u n d ly d isco n n ected ’ , an d so fo rth , in th e ex istin g literatu re. O n th e co n trary , ‘ b o rd ers ’ have b eco m e th e lo cu s o f stru g gles am o n g a v ariety o f social acto rs, m o b ilized to reassert o r red efin e th eir b o u n d aries v is-a -v is o th er relev an t acto rs, an d tran slate th em o n to th e sp ace o f th e m etro p o lis. W e w ill below first tu rn to v ario u s ty p es o f global flow s w h ich have b eco m e o b jects o f stu d y , to trace h o w th e so cial im ag in ary o f a p ro g ressively b o rd erless w o rld u n d erp in s an o th erw ise h ig h ly d iv erse literatu re. T h is w ill pave th e g ro u n d for a su b seq u en t d iscu ssio n o n p ro cesses o f ‘ lo calizatio n ’ , as w e u n d erstan d th e term , in term s o f p lace ­ b ased stru g g les b etw een co n ten d in g social acto rs, v ario u sly lo cated w ith in n etw o rk s o f global flow s. On global flows T o try to w eld to g eth er a g ran d sy n th esis o u t o f th e v ariety o f d isci ­ p lin ary p ersp ectiv es, ran g in g fro m g eo g rap h y to an th ro p olo g y , w h ere th e co n cep t o f g lo b alizatio n h as g ained in creasin g cu rren cy an d b eco m e in terlaced w ith th e lo n g -stan d in g d iv ergen ce b etw een th e co n cern s o f p o litical eco n o m y an d cu ltu ral stu d ies, w o u ld n o t b e a m ean in g fu l en terp rise. A less p resu m p tu o u s an d m o re w o rk ab le strateg y o f fin d in g o u r w ay in th is co n cep tu al m aze is to trace th e d ifferen t ty p es o f flow s an d circu its w h ich have b eco m e o b jects o f study. F I o t p s o f c a p ita l C ircu its o f cap ital an d trad e flow s asso ciated w ith th e w o rk in gs o f th e w o rld eco n o m y have a len g th y trad itio n in stu d ies o f co lo n ialism an d cap italism . B u t it is o n ly in th e p ast ten y ears th at atten tio n h as sh ifted to larg e cities as n o d al p o in ts in th is p ro cess. U n d erp in n in g m u ch o f th is recen t sch olarly in terest in th e ro le o f cities in th e g lo bal eco n o m y , is th e id ea th at cen tralized states are p ro g ressiv ely lo sin g th eir cap acity to m o n ito r th eir eco n o m ic b o rd ers. O n th e o n e h an d , th e fixity o f in v estm en t has lo st m u ch o f its m ean in g w ith th e n ew ly available tech n o log ies o f co m m u n icatio n an d tran sp o rtatio n . O n th e o th er, th e w ave o f stru ctu ral ad ju stm ents, lib eralizatio n s an d p riv at ­ izatio n in o n e n atio n al eco n o m y after an o th er have w eak en ed p o litical restriction s o n m o v em en ts o f g lo b alized cap ital flow s. A cco rdin g ly , cities have assu m ed in creasin g sig nificance in th e articu latio n o f global circu its o f cap ital, b eco m in g n etw o rk s o f trad e an d fin an ce o n th eir o w n , th at is, INTRODUCTION 5 w itho ut th e in term ed iatio n o f th e p o litical cen tre. W h ile ad m itted ly o versim plified , th is lin e o f reaso n in g h as co n stitu ted th e u n d erp in n in g o f a n ew in terest in cities in th e global econom y, an d a g ro w in g b o d y o f d etailed stu d ies. M u ch o f th is recen t literatu re w as stim u lated by F riedm an n ’ s article ‘ T h e W orld C ity H y p o th esis ’ (1986). C au tio n ing th at he w as p ro v id in g ‘ n eith er a th eo ry n o r a u n iv ersal g en eralizatio n ab o u t cities ’ b u t rather a ‘ loosely jo in ed ... fram ew o rk for research ’ , F ried m an n arg ued th at a city ’ s in tern al stru ctu re an d eco n om ic p ro sp ects w o u ld d ep en d u p o n how it w as in teg rated in to circu its o f g lo bal cap ital. C ertain ‘ w o rld cities ’ had b eco m e ‘ key b asin g p o ints ’ for tran sn atio n al co rp o rate h ead q u arters an d th e o th er in stitu tion s th at o rg an ize an d co n trol th e econom y. F o r F ried m an n , th e p arad o x is th at w o rld cities w ill p ro sp er as im po rtan t n o d es in th e global eco n o m y , b u t th e stru ctu re o f th eir p ro sp erity gen­ erates new fo rm s o f sp atial an d class p o larizatio n w h ich th ey can n eith er red ress n o r m an ag e. S u b seq u en t research o n th e relativ ely sm all n u m b er o f cities w h ich have su rged ahead in th e global co n tex t h as b y an d larg e su p p o rted F ried m an n ’ s arg u m en ts. In o n e o f th e m o st am b itio u s attem p ts to follow u p F ried m an n ’ s p ersp ectiv e, S ask ia S assen (1991) su g g ested th at ‘ global cities ’ fu n ctio n m o re as cen tres o f co m p lex in tern atio n al tran sactio n s th an as co m m an d p o sts fo r m u ltin atio nal o rg an izatio n al h ierarch ies. H er em p h asis w as o n th e ro le o f p ro d u cer serv ices, esp ecially fin an ce, w h ich play a p iv o tal ro le in g lo b al cities. S im ilarly , M atth ew D ren n an in his w ork o n ‘ g atew ay cities ’ (1992) arg u ed th at it is th e flexible n etw o rk s o f ad v an ced co rp o rate-serv ices firm s w h ich co n stitu te th e m ost d y n am ic elem en t o f m o st larg e U S cities, rather th an h ead q u arters o f m u lti ­ n atio n al in d u strial firm s. C astells ’ s earlier treatise o n th e ‘ in fo rm atio n al city ’ (1989) em p h asized th at th e in creasin g ly d en se p attern o f co m ­ m u n icatio n s w ithin an d b etw een o rg an izatio n s creates a ‘ sp ace o f flow s ’ , so th at lo catio n is d riv en by ‘ th e n eed fo r th e o rg an izatio n to be co n n ected sim u ltan eo u sly w ith th e fin an cial m ark ets, th e p o o l o f p ro fes ­ sional labor, th e strateg ic allian ces in th e w o rld eco n o m y an d th e ab ility to in stall an d u p d ate th e n ecessary tech n o lo g y ’ . N o t all recen t an aly ses em p h asize th e p rim ary im p o rtan ce o f ad v an ced co rp o rate serv ices in cap ital flow s. F u jita an d H ill (1993), fo r in stan ce, have arg u ed th at m an u factu rin g rem ain s in teg ral to T o k y o ’ s econom y. T h ey find th at Jap an ese m an u factu rin g firm s, in co n trast to U S firm s, d o n o t m ak e stro n g sp atial d istin ctio n s b etw een h ead q u arters, research an d d ev elo p m en t an d p ro d u ctio n , p o in tin g o u t th at T o k y o has retain ed all th ese fu n ctio n s. B u t w h ile cities w h ich retain a stro n g m an ufacturing base in th eir m etro p o litan reg io n m ay g ro w m o st rap id ly , th is d o es n o t 6 SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER ap p ear to be a n ecessary co n d itio n fo r su rg in g ah ead in th e global co n tex t. B o th B u d d an d W h im ster (1992) an d F ain stein et al. (1992), in th eir co m p arativ e an aly sis o f N ew Y ork an d L o n d o n , sh o w th at th ese d e ­ in d u strialized m etro p o lises in w h at m ig ht b e arg u ed to be eco n o m ically d eclin in g reg io n s, p ro sp ered d u rin g th e 1980s. Q u estio n s o f how cap ital flow s an d n etw o rk s are sh ap ed by local an d n atio n al p o litical alig n m en ts, to p ro d u ce d istin ctiv e social g eo g rap h ies in ‘ w o rld cities ’ , rem ain a P an d o ra ’ s box, in th e stu d ies cited above. O r, p erh ap s m o re accu rately , th ese stu d ies u n ifo rm ly em p h asize a d rift to ­ w ard s eco n o m ic p o larizatio n an d eth n ic cleavages, sim u ltan eo u sly w ith th e d ecreased cap acity o f local an d n atio n al p o litics to co n tro l eith er one. S assen (1991), fo r ex am p le, d iscern s th e sam e trajecto ry to w ard s in co m e p o larizatio n an d eth n ic frag m en tatio n in N ew ' Y ork, T o k y o an d L o n d o n , n o tw ith stan d in g each city ’ s d istin ct h isto ry , so cio -eco n o m ic m ak e-u p an d p o litics. S h e sees each as h avin g p ro d u ced a new u p p er class o f (m ale) p ro fessio n als, a lo w -p aid class o f (fem ale) clerical w o rk ers, an d a new im m ig ran t w o rk in g class th at caters to th e p ro fessio n als, o ften th rou g h an in fo rm al eco n o m y and ‘ d o w n g rad ed ’ m an u factu rin g . C astells (1989) d ep icts th e ‘ in fo rm atio n al city ’ as a p lace w h ere n o t even elites can co n tro l th e trajecto ry o f eco n o m ic d ev elop m en t o r th e allo catio n s o f its b en efits. F ain stein et al. (1992) find th at, b o th in L o n do n an d N ew Y ork, co n serv ativ e n atio n al p o licies an d local p ro -b u sin ess co alitio n s have w eak ­ en ed th e b asis o f o p p o sition an d su cceeded in d iso rg an izin g larg e-scale p o litical o p p o sition . W h at co n clu sio n s, th en , can w e d raw fro m th e m etro p o litan ex ­ p erien ces d escrib ed in th ese w orks? T ak en to g eth er, th ey p ro v id e a g ran d sy stem ic fram ew o rk W 'hich in itially ap p ears to in v ite d eb ate an d to in sp ire fu rth er stu d ies o f sp ecific reg io n s an d in d iv id u al cities. Y et, th ey co llectiv ely create an im ag e o f th e w o rld th at is em p ty b ey o n d global cities, a b o rd erless sp ace w h ich can be reo rd ered , in teg rated , n eg lected o r p u t to use acco rd in g to th e d em an d s o f globally articu lated cap ital flow 's. H en ce th ey sim u ltan eo u sly clo se o ff n ew lines o f in q u iry , by th eo retically releg atin g all b u t global cities to irrelev an ce. F lo w s o f p e o p le F lo w s o f p eo p le acro ss b o rd ers is o n ce ag ain n o t a new to p ic o f stu d y . C o n v en tio n al m igratio n an aly sis h as lo n g b een co n cern ed w ith th e m o v em en t o f p o p u latio n s, w ith in o r acro ss n atio n al b o rd ers, fo cu sin g u p o n altern ativ e p aths o f in tegratio n a n d /o r strateg ies o f su r ­ vival o f p o p u lation s o ften categ o rized as in tern al an d ex tern al m ig ran ts. A rch ety p al acco u n ts o f th e th ird w o rld city have b een m o re o r less co term in ou s w ith th e stu d y o f m ig ran ts in in fo rm al lab o u r an d h o u sin g m ark ets. T h is g en re o f research , far fro m lo sin g its vitality, h as acq u ired INTRODUCTION 7 a n ew lease o f life in stu d ies o f in fo rm alizatio n an d im m ig ran t lab o u r in ‘ global cities ’ (e.g. G lick S ch iller et al. 1992). In ad d itio n , n ew lin es o f in q u iry o n m o b ile p o p u lation s have b eg u n to ex p lo re cro ssin g s o v er tim e an d cu ltu ral sp ace, th u s o p en in g u p novel terrain s o f stud y an d in terd iscip lin ary aren as. W h at u sed to b e co n ­ cep tu alized an d stu d ied as d iscrete m o v em en ts o f p eo p le - as w o rk ers, as p ilg rim s, as to u rists - is p ro g ressiv ely b eco m in g a p art o f a m u ch richer body o f w o rk o n m o b ile p o p u latio n s acro ss co m p lex social an d cu ltural tim e-sp aces. T h is red raw in g o f b o u n d aries o f to p ical areas has b een stim u lated by critical reth in k in g o n co n cep ts o f tim e an d sp ace, for w h ich th e w ork o f cu ltu ral g eo g rap hers an d so ciolo g ists h as b een a rein forcin g in sp iratio n (e.g. B ird et al. 1993; B o y arin 1994; F ried lan d an d B o d en 1994). T h ere is th u s a g ro w in g b o d y o f literatu re w h ich traces m o v em en ts o f p eo p le in an d th ro u g h d ifferen t cu ltu ral sites an d tim e-zon es, p ro b lem atizin g th e v ery n o tio n o f b o rd ers w h ich u n d erp in s trad ition al g en res o f m igratio n research . F o r ex am p le, R o u se (1991) follow s h is M ex ican su b jects acro ss b o rd ers in th e co n v en tio n al m o d e o f m igration stu d ies, b u t h is o bject o f stud y is th at o f a d iasp o ric w orld in dep end ent o f th e m ere m o v em en t o f su b jects fro m o n e p lace to an o th er. B eh ar (1994) cro sses th e M ex ican b o rd er th ro u g h a relatio n sh ip fo rg ed b etw een tw o w o m en . F isch er an d A b ed i (1990) u se th e life-sto ry as a strateg y to ju xtap ose altern ativ e v isio n s o f Islam as co llectiv e reality acro ss tim e an d cu ltu ral space. N aficy (1993) fo cu ses o n ex ile n arrativ es in Iran ian telev isio n in L o s A n g eles, to ex p lo re tran scu ltu ral and p ostco lo nial ex p erien ce. P h illip s (1995) ex p lo res h isto ries o f in teractio n b etw een n ativ es an d n o n -n ativ es by co n trastin g eth n o lo g ists ’ co llectio n o f m u seu m o b jects an d to u rists ’ accu m u latio n o f so u ven irs. E ick elm an an d P iscato ri (1 9 9 0 ) h av e fo cu sed u p o n M u slim trav ellers, b rin gin g to g eth er stu d ies o f ritu al p ilg rim ag e w ith research on im m ig ran t w o rk ers in larg e E u ro pean cities. A m ajo r p o in t o f in tersectio n b etw een th ese stu d ies is th e co m m o n strateg y o f fo llo w in g p eo p le in an d th ro u g h d ifferen t cu ltu ral sites. M arcu s (1995) n am es th is g en re o f research ‘ m u lti-sited eth n o g rap h y ’ , su g g estin g th at it en tails ‘ ju x tap o sitio n s o f p h en o m en a th at co n v en tio n ally have ap p eared to b e (o r co n cep tu ally have b een k ep t) “ w o rlds ap art ’ ” (M arcu s 1995: 102) H en ce it w o u ld b e m islead in g to view th is g en re o f stu d y as m erely ad d in g new to p ics, p erip h erally , to th e u su al m ig ratio n research , fo r ex am p le ad d in g p ersp ectiv es o n d iasp o ras o r exiles, or p lacin g a new em p h asis o n m ig ran t cu ltu res. R ath er, it co n stitu tes an in tellectu ally self-co n scio u s attem p t to m ap o u t n ew o b jects o f stud y and in terd iscip lin ary terrain s o f research . B y fram in g th e life-w o rld s o f su b jects acro ss an d w ith in d iffu se tim e-zo n es, th is m o d e o f in q u iry SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER 8 d estab ilizes th e lo cal/g lo b al d istin ctio n an d m erg es, in its th eo retical co n cerns, w ith q u estio n s o f id en tity an d b elo n g in g in cu ltu ral co n tex ts w h ere an asso rtm en t o f im ag es, sy m b o ls an d ex p ressio n s fro m th e larg er w o rld circulate. F lo a ts o f im a g e s, sig n s a n d sym b o ls T h a t th e v eritab le traffic in p eo p le, co n su m er p ro d u cts, b ran d n am es an d m ed ia im ag es acro ss th e w o rld is n ot eq u iv alent to th e h o m o gen izatio n o f cu ltu res, is p erh ap s th e m o st im p o rtan t sin g le co m m o n p o in t o f em p h asis in th e v ario u s strand s o f cu rrent th ink in g o n cu ltu ral flow s acro ss th e w o rld . T h e lo n g -stan d in g assum ptio ns o f th e cu ltu ral im p erialism p ersp ectiv e, w ith its tw o -fo ld ten d en cy to em p h asize th e h eg em o n ic p o w er o f W estern fo rm s, an d th e au th enticity o f cu ltu res it th reaten s to m assify, stan d ard ize, o r u n ifo rm ize, n ow ap p ear fro zen in th e realities o f th e 1970s. T h eo retical em p h asis h as sh ifted to q u estio n s o f cu ltu ral b rico lag e, h y b rid izatio n an d creo lizatio n . O n e m ajo r so u rce o f in sp iratio n fo r th is lin e o f th in k in g has co m e fro m m ed ia research . A rg u m en ts ab o u t th e p o ly sem y o f m ed ia tex ts (e.g. F isk e 1987) an d th e d iv ersity o f in terp retiv e fram ew o rk s au d ien ces b rin g to b ear u p o n th em (e.g. L ieb es an d K atz 1990) h av e serv ed to ch allen ge th e lo n g -stan d in g assu m p tio n s o f th e m ed ia im perialism p ersp ectiv e by em p hasizing th e w ays in w h ich ‘ W estern ’ m ed ia p ro d u cts are selectiv ely ap pro priated an d n eg o tiated b y au d ien ces. M o reo v er, th e p o ssib ilities o f ‘ d o m estic ’ p ro d u ctio n o ffered by new m ed ia tech n o lo g ies have led to a p roliferatio n o f h y b rid cu ltu ral fo rm s, ran g in g fro m p o p u lar In d ian cin em a - a creativ e m ix tu re w ry ly d escrib ed as ‘ cu rry eastern ’ (Jain 1990) — to a v ariety o f b lend ed m u sical g en res circu latin g th ro u g h b u rgeo n in g cassette m ark ets in o n e co u n try after an o th er (S to k es 1992; M anu el 1993). T h e id ea th at elem en ts fro m m etro p o litan cu ltu res can b e selectively ap pro priated to ‘ co n stru ct ’ h y b rid fo rm s to articu late h isto rically an d socially sp ecific ex p erien ces elsew h ere in th e w o rld h as b ro u g ht in to q u estio n o ld er n o tio n s o f cu ltu re(s) as b ein g lo cated in p lace(s). A variety o f term s h as b een su g g ested to cap tu re th e w ays in w h ich co n tem p o rary cu ltures are activ ely p ro d uced th ro u gh a fu sio n o f d isp arate elem en ts. T h us, fo r in stan ce, U lf H an n erz h as su g g ested th at, as w ith creo le lan gu ag es, th e b len d in g o f d isju n ct an d d istin ct cu ltu ral fo rm s creates so m ething q u alitatively new . R ath er th an o n e global, h o m o g en eo u s, m ass cu ltu re, w h at w e o b serv e is a p ro cess o f creo lizatio n an d th at ‘ w e are all b ein g creo lized ’ (H an n erz 1987; 1991). A p p ad u rai (1990) has u sed th e term ‘ g lo bal cu ltu ral eco n o m y ’ in h is w ell-read article to d escrib e a co m p lex m u lti-sited p ro cess o f p ro d u ctio n , d riv en by th e g ro w in g m o m en tum w ith w h ich im ages, so u n d s an d id io m s lose th eir o rig in al INTRODUCTION 9 m o o rin gs in tim e an d space, to acq u ire n ew m ean in g s as th ey circu late aro un d th e globe. In F eath ersto n e ’ s w o rk , th e tran s- an d cro ss-cu ltu ral flow s w h ich sh ap e ‘ global cu ltu re ’ an d ‘ global co n su m er cu lture ’ are co nceptu alized in co n trast to th e h o m o g en eo u s an d in teg rated cu ltu re o f the n atio n -state (F eath ersto n e 1990; 1991). T h is m ajo r sh ift in th eo ry an d research , aw ay fro m w h at S trab ern y - M o h am m ed i (1991) h as d escrib ed as th e ‘ to p -d o w n h y p o d erm ic-in jectio n n eedle ’ assu m p tio n s o f cu ltu ral im p erialism p ersp ectiv e, to w ard s a ‘ b o tto m -u p resistan ce th ro u g h in d ig en izatio n ’ an d assu m p tio n s of cu ltural b rico lag e an d h y b rid izatio n , co in cid ed w ith th e h ig h -w ater m ark o f p o stm od ern ist th in k in g ab o u t id en tities. In v ery b ro ad stro k es, th e p ostm od ernist scen ario o n q u estio n s o f id en tity is a tw o -part tale: th e fractu ring o f n ation al id en tities an d th e em erg en ce o f n eo -trib es. F irst, th e em p h asis is o n th e ero sio n o f cu ltu ral b o u n d aries o rg an ized ro u n d n atio n -states, as w ell as th e im p lo sio n o f tim e an d d istan ce w h ich transfo rm s th e ex p erien ce o f cu ltu ral d ifferen ce. T h e fractu rin g o f n atio nal id en tities o sten sib ly o p en s u p n ew cu ltu ral sp aces fo r to leran ce o f th e stran g er, an d fo sters n ew bases o f id en tity an d b o n d in g ro o ted in cu ltu ral d istin ctiv en ess. In co n trast w ith w ritten cu ltu res th at are d irectly link ed to lan g uag es an d th erefo re to a territo ry , th e new id en tities o f au dio -v isu al cu ltu re have n o ro o ts in territo rial m em ory, b u t o ffer a choice o f life-sty les w ith sh o rter tim e-sp an s an d m o re flexible, easily resh ap ed id en tities. T h u s in th e seco n d p art, ‘ n eo -trib es ’ are fo rm ed ‘ as co n cepts rath er th an as in teg rated social b o d ies by th e m u ltitu d e o f in d iv id u al acts o f self-id en tificatio n ’ (B au m an 1991: 249). F em in ist, gay, en v iro n ­ m en talist, an ti-n u clear, p ro -n atalist, an d so o n , m o v em en ts have b een am on g th e m o st freq u ently cited ex am p les o f su ch flexi-id en tities and n eo -tribes. P red ictab ly , th e seco n d p art o f th is scen ario - n o tio n s o f ‘ flexiid en tities ’ w h ich seem o p en to ch o ice as th o u g h in d iv id u als w ere co n ­ su m ers in th e sh o p p in g m all o f cu lture - h as co m e u n d er criticism . B u t th e first p art o f th e scenario , th at is th e fractu rin g o f n atio n al id en tities, th e leg acy o f n in eteen th -cen tu ry p o litical ev o lutio n , an d th e co n co m itan t q u est for altern ativ e b ases o f id en tity an d b o n d in g , b o th o ld an d new (H all 1991), co n tin u es to in fo rm co n tem p o rary d iscu ssio n s o f id en tity p olitics. It also co n stitu tes a m ajo r p o in t o f in tersectio n b etw een cu rren t co n cep tu alizatio n s o f global cu ltu ral flow s, co n su m er cu ltu res an d th e p resu m ed flu id ity o f cu ltu ral id en tities. N eed less to p o in t o u t, p erh ap s, th at th e g ro w in g b o d y o f literatu re co n cern ed w ith q u estio n s o f global cu ltu ral flow s an d cu ltu ral id en tities, b o th o ld an d new , can b e q u ite v aried in p o litical m o o d . T h e sp ectru m ran g es fro m th o se w h o p o rten d a ‘ h ap p y b rico lag e ’ o f m u lti-cu ltu ralism 10 SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER acro ss th e globe, ail th e w ay to th e m elan ch o ly p ro g n o ses o f resu rg en t eth n ic n atio n alism s and fu n d am en talist m o v em en ts, w ith, so m ew h ere in b etw een , cau tio u s o p tim ists w h o fo resee th e p o ssibilities fo r rev italizatio n o f local id en tities as to o ls o f m o b ilizatio n v is-d -v is b o th n atio n al an d global forces. T h e v ariety o f p o litical affin ities n o tw ith stan d in g , how ever, th ere are a n u m ber o f co m m o n u n d erly in g p rem ises w h ich ru n th ro u g h th is b o d y o f literatu re. O n e co m m o n em p h asis is th at co n tem p orary cu ltu res are ev eryw h ere in creasin g ly th e p ro d u cts o f h y b ridizatio n, a co m p lex b rico lag e o f cu ltu ral ico n s an d im ag es fro m d ifferen t lo catio n s an d tim e p erio d s w h ich circu late acro ss th e globe. T h ere is also ag reem en t th at th is b len din g o f d isju n ct an d d ifferen t cu ltu ral fo rm s w h ich y ield s new d iv ersities o ffers n o sim p le read in g in su ch b in ary o p p o sitio n s as trad itio n al/m o d ern , in d ig en o u s/fo reig n o r lo cal/g lo b al. In d eed , th e in creasin g ly slip p ery terrain s o f th e global an d local are co n sisten tly reiterated . B u t d ie m o st im p o rtan t co m m o n ality , o n e th at is o f im m ed iate relev an ce h ere, is th e ev acu atio n o f th e ‘ n atio n al ’ fro m th e analysis. T h u s, in th e o n g o in g cu ltu ral re-m ap p in g o f th e globe, w h erein all cu ltu ral id en tities are p resu m ed to b e in flux, th e locus o f p o litical stru g gles over cu ltu ral id en tities - th at is, th e n atio n al aren a - h as b eco m e all b u t invisible. Contemporary metropolitan experience: the struggle for le h e n sra u m and cultural identity T o sh ift fro m th e an aly sis o f global flow s to th e d y n am ics o f co n ­ tem p o rary m etro p o litan ex p erien ce req u ires v ario u s k in d s o f ‘ tran slatio n ’ : fro m sp ace to p lace, fro m m o v em ent an d circu latio n to social ag en ts p o sitio n ed w ithin sp ecific p o w er co n stellatio n s, fro m th e social im ag in ary o f a b o rd erless w o rld to p ractices o f b o u n d ary m ain ten an ce. T h is is n o t sim p ly m o v ing fro m o n e level o f ab stractio n to an o th er, b u t en tails co m in g to g rip s w ith a d ifferen t o rd er o f co m p lex ity , w ith its ow n logic an d co h eren ce. T h e m u ltip le p o litical-cu ltu ral stru g gles p lay ed o u t at th e level o f th e m etro p o lis are n o t in tellig ib le w ith o u t co n tex tu alizin g th em in th e p o w er co n stellatio n s o f a d ifferen t o rd er, o n e w h o se lo g ic is n o t red u cib le to th e ‘ p o w er g eo m etry ’ o f global flow s. P o w er-lad en as g lo b al flow s m ay be, so cial g ro u p s w ith d ifferin g relatio n s to th ese flow s are m o b ilized to reassert o r red efin e th eir p o litical an d cu ltu ral b o u n d aries v is-a -v is o th er relev an t so cial acto rs in th e m etro p o litan aren a. P lace-b ased stru g g les en tail co n ten d in g social acto rs w h o se fram es o f referen ce, p ro jects an d p ractices have th eir logic an d INTRODUCTION II co h eren ce w ithin d istin ctive en sem b les o f th e class an d cu lture o f th e m etro p o lis. It is only by tak in g in to acco u n t th e cu ltu ral fram es an d life strateg ies o f social acto rs w h o are p o sitio ned w ithin th e p o w er co n stellatio n s o f a d ifferen t social o rd er, w ith its ow n logic, th at it b eco m es p o ssib le to m ak e p ractical an d p o litical sen se o f m etro po litan ex p erien ce in th e g lo b alizin g w o rld. It is self-ev id en t th at a v ariety o f co m m o d ities, im ages an d w o rd s from th e larg er w o rld circu late in an d th ro u g h m etro p o litan life ev ery ­ w here. B u t it d o es n o t follow th at m etro p o litan ex p erien ce in v ario u s reg io ns o f th e w o rld h as n o w b eco m e a m o tley b len d o f cu ltures, m ix ed to g eth er w ith k etch u p , M cD o n ald s an d R am b o film s. A s E k h o lm - F ried m an n an d F ried m an n (1995: 135) h av e p o in ted o u t, th e co n cep ts o f creo lizatio n an d h y b rid izatio n im ply a b len d in g , co m b in atio n an d m ix tu re o f im ages, w o rd s an d co m m o d ities w hose so u rces can b e id entified as d isp arate, b u t o n ly fro m th e b ird ’ s-ey e view o f th e co sm o p o litan cu ltu ral ex p ert. F o r th e p eo p le in v o lv ed in th e d aily stru g g le fo r life-sp ace, leb en sra u m , ‘ th e g en ealo gies o f th e o b jects, p eo p le, id eas w h ich circu late are o n ly o f seco n d ary m u seo co lo g ical im p o rtan ce ’ (E k h o lm -F ried m an n an d F ried m an n 1995: 165). T his is n o t to d en y th at m etro po litan ex p erien ce in v ario u s reg io n s o f th e w o rld is in tricately in v o lv ed in th e g lo b al circu latio n o f im ages and co m m o d ities. B u t th ese are assim ilated in to fields o f ex p erien ce an d life strateg ies o f social g ro u p s w h ich have th e cap acity to m ain tain co h eren ce in th eir d aily ex isten ce. T h e w ays in w h ich a v ariety o f ico n s an d tro p es are ap p ro p riated fro m th e global field an d co m b in ed in th e life p ro jects o f a p o p u latio n can b e u n d ersto o d o n ly w ithin th e cu ltu ral fram es o f relev an t social acto rs; th at is, social g ro u p s w h ich are p o sitio n ed d iffer ­ en tially w ith in th e p o w er co nstellatio ns o f a d ifferen t sy stem . In h ab it ­ an ts o f m etro p o lises acro ss th e w o rld en g ag e in activ e stru g g les to m ain tain th eir co n d itio n s o f social ex isten ce an d cu ltu ral d istin ctiv en ess v is-d -v is o th er relev an t acto rs, in clu d in g th e state elite. T h e fact th at p eo p le now d rin k C o ca-C o la o r w atch R am b o film s does n o t ch an g e this. S tru g g les o v er cu ltu ral id en tity are n o t ab o u t ‘ p reserv in g a cu ltu re ’ in th e co n v en tio n al an th ro p o lo g ical m ean in g o f th e p h rase, b u t ab o u t leb en sra u m . an obvious p o in t w h ich is freq u en tly o v erlo o k ed w h en ‘ o th er ’ cities, in ‘ o th er ’ p laces are in q u estio n . It is also self-ev id en t th at n atio n al b o rd ers have b eco m e in creasin g ly p erm eab le in th e co n tem p o rary w o rld . B u t it does n o t follow th at n atio n al id en tities have n o w b eco m e a ch im era, o r th at th e state elite have lo st th e cap acity to d ev elo p an d p u rsu e strateg ies w h ich are co n tig u o u s w ith, alb eit tran sfo rm ed v ersio n s of, o ld er n atio n alism s. O n th e co n trary, th e 12 SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER rap id in teg ratio n o f n ation al eco n om ies in to g lo b al m ark ets sets lim its u p o n th e v iab ility o f p ro jects th e state elite m ay in itiate, b u t n o t u p o n th eir cap acity to d ev elo p o r im p lem en t th em o n th e g ro u n d , rem o u ld in g th e p h y sical m ap o f th e m etro p o lis in lin e w ith th eir visions. H en ce, co n trary to th e social im ag in ary o f a b o rd erless w orld w h erein n atio n al states have b eco m e invisible, th e ch ap ters in th e p resen t v o lu m e u n d er ­ sco re th e cap acity o f th e state elite ru th lessly to in scrib e th eir v ision s u p o n th e m etro p o lis th ro u g h b u lld ozers. T h e sta te e lite a n d th e re n e g otia tio n o f c o lle c tiv e id e n titie s T h e sig n i ­ ficance o f th e state elite as key acto rs in resh ap in g m etro p o litan sp ace is em p h asized in m an y o f th e p ap ers in th is v o lu m e, alb eit fro m d ifferen t p ersp ectiv es. S o m e au th o rs focus d irectly u p o n th e v isio n s an d d iscu rsiv e strateg ies o f th e state elite in th eir attem p ts to reassert collective id en tities v is-a -v is th e en co m p assin g global social o rd er, an d th e w ays in w h ich th ese are m o u lded by th e cu ltu ral m atrix o f fo rces in n atio n al space. In th e co n tex t o f S in g ap o re, for in stan ce, B en g -H uat C h u a arg ues th at th e search for a ‘ S in g ap o rean ’ cu ltu re w h ich en co m p asses th e C h in ese, In d ian an d M alay p o p u latio n s o f th e city rep resen ts a sig nifican t p o litical tu rn in th e ideological fram e o f ‘ m u lti-cu ltu ralisin ’ w h ich had b een th e basis o f n atio n -b u ild in g o v er th e p ast th irty years. H is so ph isticated in terpreta ­ tio n o f th is p o litical tu rn em p h asizes th e eth n o -relig io u s d ifferen ces w h ich have b een rep ro d u ced an d so lid ified d u rin g S in g ap o re ’ s ‘ m iracle ’ o f g ro w th an d p ro sp erity . H av in g su ccessfu lly in teg rated th e p o p u latio n in to th e global cap italist stru ctu re, su g g ests C h u a, th e state elite are now seek in g to h o m o g en ize d iscu rsiv ely th e d ifferen ces am o n g th e p o p u latio n an d u n ify th em as a ‘ p eo p le ’ in th e co llectiv e im ag in ary . T h u s, S in ­ g ap o rean cu ltu re is in scrib ed as essen tially one of ‘ A sian co m ­ m u n itarian ism ’ , ag ain st th e arch -altern ativ e o f th e u n itary ‘ W est ’ w h ich sy m b o lizes in d iv id u al self-in terest. T h e rein v en tio n o f S in g apo re ’ s n ew ‘ A sian ’ id en tity , b uilt u p o n th e self-co n fid en ce o f cap italist su ccess, stand s in stark co n trast to C airo an d Istan b u l, tw o an cien t cities w h ich cam e to sy m b o lize rhe p ro m ise o f m iracle g ro w th an d fu tu re p ro sp erity in th e n atio n al im aginary. In b o th E g y p t an d T urkey th e state elite have em b raced th e rh eto ric o f o p en in g u p to th e g lo b al, th e o u tsid e, to th e rest o f th e u n iv erse, co n ceiv ed as th e n ew p ath to eco n o m ic g ro w th th rou g h p riv ate an d fo reig n in v estm en t an d to u rism . In th e case o f C airo , F arh a G h an n am p o in ts o u t th at th e p o litical d isco u rse o f in fitah (o p en in g u p to th e o u tsid e) to co n stru ct a ‘ m o d ern n atio n al id en tity ’ w as b o u n d w ith th e vision o f a ‘ m od ern C airo ’ , fit to be g azed u p o n by u p p er-class E g y p tian s an d fo reig n v isito rs, an d in scrib ed u p o n th e city. In th e case o f Istan b u l, A v§e O n cii d escrib es INTRODUCTION E3 how v ision s o f a n ew Istan b u l as th e sh o w case o f T u rk ey ’ s n ew era o f o p en in g to global m ark ets in sp ired , in th e p o litical ju n ctu re o f th e 1980s, a series o f m assiv e u rb an ren ew al p ro jects ‘ to re-create Istan b u l ’ s p ast glory in th e p resen t ’ . A s in th e case o f C airo , th e p ro jects to p reserve th e g lo ry o f Istan b u l ’ s h isto rical m o n u m en ts an d sites b lo tted o u t fro m m em ory w h at w ere o n ce thriving areas o f th e city, re-creatin g th em th ro u g h th e to u rist gaze. P erh ap s th e m o st d ram atic ex am p le is th at p ro v ided b y S u zan ne K assab o n th e o n g o in g p h y sical reco n stru ctio n o f B eiru t. In a city ravaged by tw o d ecad es o f civil w ar, w h ere th e stru g g le fo r d aily ex isten ce u n d er sev ere in flatio n ary co nd itio n s h as b eco m e p aram o u n t, p o p u lar h o p es have b eco m e attach ed to th e H ariri g o v ern m en t ’ s eco n o m ic ag en d a, w h ich ad d ressed p o litical q u estio n s v ery tim id ly , if at all. K assab u n d erlin es th at an official d isco u rse v en eratin g conviviality, o p en n ess and to leran ce, em p h asizin g civil lib erties an d d em o cracy , d id n o t p ro v id e a very co n v in cin g g ro u n d fo r m ak in g real p eace, in th e ab sen ce o f a p o litical ag en d a ad d ressin g th e issu e o f trib alism . B u t after tw o d ecad es o f civil w ar, L eb an ese so ciety has b een to o ex h au sted to d ream itself, to d ream its id en tity an d its fu tu re, to o p reo ccu p ied w ith sh eer su rv iv al to salvage th e v ital fo rces o f im ag in atio n an d critiqu e, arg u es K assab. It w as in th is p rev ailin g m o o d o f ex h au stio n , sh o rtly after th e en d o f fig h tin g , th at a p lan o f reco n stru ction w as an n o u nced by th e g o v ern m en t an d law s w ere q u ick ly p assed fo r its im p lem en tatio n . T h e g o v ern m en t reco n stru ctio n p lan , w ith co lo u rfu l sk etch es o f a m o d ern , clean and g ran d io se cen tre to be b u ilt u p o n th e ru in s o f th e old one, ap p lied w h at K assab term s 'a ta b ula ra sa ap p ro ach ’ . T h e id ea w as to rep lace th e old B eiru t w ith a m o d ern an d global o n e, in sp ired b y m o d els o f M an hattan , H o n g K o n g an d A rab oil cities; m o re th an tw o -th ird s o f th e rem ain in g b u ild in g s w ere to b e d estro y ed to m ak e ro o m fo r sp ark lin g to w ers, im p o sin g b o u lev ard s, en tertain m en t cen tres, o rn am en ted w ith to u ch es o f trad itio n al fo lk lo ric co sm etic. K assab ’ s d iscu ssio n o f th e co n tro v ersy su rro u n d in g th e im p lem en tatio n o f th e p lan , an d h er g rap h ic d escrip tion o f th e actu al co sts it im p o sed u p o n th e p o p u latio n o f th e city, are revealing. B u t th e an aly tical cen trep iece o f K assab ’ s arg u m en t em p h asizes h o w im ag es o f a n ew B eirut are in tertw in ed w ith th e state elite ’ s v isio n o f th e ‘ S eco n d R ep u b lic ’ , an d th e d isju n ctu re b etw een th e p h y sical reco n stru ctio n o f th e city an d th e p o litical reco n stru ctio n o f th e co u n try . S h e su g g ests th at th e o n g o in g fev erish co n stru ctio n activ ity is b ased on th e d u b io u s p o litical assum p tio n th at B eirut w ill reg ain its p re-w ar reg io n al p o sitio n an d fu n ctio n s. T h e ch ap ters w e have all to o b riefly to u ch ed u p o n above u n d erlin e th e v ariety o f d iscu rsiv e strateg ies th e state elite ad o p t to ren eg o tiate SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER 14 co llectiv e id en tities ris-d -ta's th e en co m p assin g g lo bal o rd er. T h ey also in d icate th at reg ard less o f th e v iab ility o f su ch strateg ies, o r th e ex ten t to w h ich th ey find reso nan ce in th e p u b lic im ag in atio n , th e state elite activ ely p u rsu e th em o n th e g ro u n d , in scrib in g th eir v isio n s u p o n th e p h y sical as w ell as th e cu ltu ral m ap o f th e city. T h ese v isio n s an d d iscu rsiv e strateg ies are sh ap ed by, an d in tu rn sh ap e, th e p o litical stru g g les fo r p h y sical sp ace an d leb en sra u m in th e m etro p o litan aren a. T h e sy m b o lism o f sp a c e a n d th e stru g g le fo r le b e n sra u m T h at sp ace is n ev er ‘ em p ty ’ b u t alw ays cu ltu rally in scrib ed w ith m ean in g s, is p erh ap s m o st fo rcefu lly d em o n strated w h en th e state elite p u rsu e th eir g ran d v isio n s th ro u g h b u lld o zers. L ess im m ed iately o b v io u s, p erh ap s, is th at g eo g rap h ical sp ace is a social an d cu ltu ral categ o ry for all relevan t acto rs in th e u rb an aren a, in clu d in g n ew com ers w hose ‘ h isto ry ’ in th e m etro p o lis is o f recen t o rig in . E rh ard B ern er ’ s d iscu ssio n o f th e u rb an p o o r in M etro M an ila, for in stan ce, u n d erlin es h o w ‘ lo cality ’ , as a so cially d efin ed an d ‘ created ’ sp atial en tity , b eco m es th e b asis o f so cial co h esio n an d co m m u n ity -b ased effo rts in th e stru gg le for su rviv al. H e arg u es th at in th e en d em ic conflicts an d co n fro n tatio ns o v er p recio u s lan d , lo cality su p ersed es eth n ic an d relig io u s n etw o rk s as th e b asis o f so lid arity an d o f resistan ce fo r th e im m ig ran t p o p u latio n s o f th e city. H e th u s criticizes cu rrent strand s o f th eo rizin g w h ich co n ceiv e eco n o m ies an d cu ltu res o f th e em erg en t global o rd er as in creasin g ly 'p la ce less' . N o t o n ly is ‘ th e g lo b al ’ an ch o red in sp ace in the co n tem p o rary m etro p o lis, h e p o in ts o u t (as ev in ced b y fo reig n in v estm en ts in real estate, p articu larly Jap an ese an d T aiw an ese, w h ich have fu elled lan d sp ecu latio n an d co n trib u ted to sk y rock etin g p rices in M etro M an ila), b u t also lo cally -b ased g ro u p s are co m p o sed o f a m u ltitu d e o f territo rial co m m u n ities. P etra W ey lan d in h er co n trib u tio n also p ro b lem atizes th e n o tio n o f ‘ p lacelessn ess ’ . T ak in g u p th e issu e o f fem ale g lo bal m ig ran ts, sh e stresses th e cru cial sig n ifican ce o f g en d er in th e g lo b alizatio n o f m etro p o litan space. B ased u p o n an em p irical case stu d y o f F ilip in a m aid s an d th eir em p lo y ers, w ives o f co rp o rate ex ecu tiv es em p lo y ed by m u ltinatio n al firm s in Istanb u l, sh e arg u es th at global sp ace is ‘ g en d ered ’ space. G lob al sp ace in th e m etro po lis is in tern ally d iv id ed in to fem ale ‘ p riv atized ’ sp ace w h ich is b asically id en tical to th e co rp o rate ex ecu tiv es ’ d o m estic sp ace - an d in to m ale sp ace w h ich is eq u ated w ith ‘ p u b lic ’ m u ltin atio n al b u sin ess space. T h is co n stru ctio n o f a fem ale ‘ p riv atized ’ global sp ace h as an id eo lo g ical as w ell as a p ractical d im en sio n , W eyland p o in ts o u t, in secu rin g the rep ro d u ctio n o f th e global m an ag erial lab o u r force by th e fem ale o ccu p an ts o f th e h o u seh o ld . S h e th u s q u estio n s th e m ale-b iased INTRODUCTION 15 assu m p tio n th at th e co n structio n s o f m ap s in th e g lo b alizin g m etro po lis is a sexually n eu tral u n d ertak in g ; a p o in t th at is also u n d ersco red by F arh a G h an n am ’ s an d A y?e S ak tan ber ’ s co n trib u tio n s in th e p resen t volum e. T h e sy m b o lism o f sp ace as a sign ifican t co m po n en t o f co llectiv e id en tities is also em p h asized b y U lrich M ai, A y§e O n cii an d F arh a G h an nam , b u t fro m th e p ersp ectiv e o f d iv erg en t social g ro u p s in very d ifferen t cities. M ai o ffers an n u an ced acco u n t o f how in h abitan ts o f E ast G erm an cities have b eco m e stran g ers in th eir ow n cities, as th e m o st co n v en tio n al, ro u tin e, tak en -fo r-g ran ted asp ects o f d aily ex isten ce w ere d ram atically tran sfo rm ed : street sig n s, th e o d o u r o f d isin fectan ts u sed in p u b lic sp aces, n am es o f avenues an d plazas, as w ell as th e looks, sh ap es an d tastes o f d aily co n su m er item s. T h eir ex p erien ce o f h o m e ­ lessness, M ai su g g ests, takes a m o re sy m b olic th an ex isten tial fo rm , a p ro fo u n d sen se o f loss as h elp less v ictim s o f a su p erio r stran g e pow er. In th e co n tex t o f Istan b u l, O n cii is sim ilarly co n cern ed w ith th e sy m bo lism o f sp ace an d social id en tities, b u t w ith sp ecific referen ce to th e u p w ard ly m o b ile seg m en ts o f th e m id d le strata. S h e su g g ests th at th e d o m estic id eal o f th e p riv ate h o m e, th e sy m b o lic co n stru ct fro m w h ich th e ex p erien ces an d co n su m p tio n p ractices o f a m idd le-class w ay o f life an d id en tity d erive th eir m ean in g , h as trav elled acro ss cu ltu ral b o rd ers to ad o rn th e d ream s an d d esires o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata. T h ey have in v ested th eir savings in h o u sin g d ev elop m en ts o n th e p erip hery o f th e city to d istan ce th em selv es, sy m b o lically an d spatially, fro m w h at th ey have co m e to p erceiv e an d d efin e as th e u rb an ch ao s an d ‘ social p o llu tio n ’ o f m etro p o litan Istan b u l. O n cii n o tes th at th e m ajo rity o f Istanb u l ’ s new ly co n stru cted resid en tial estates, co m p o sed o f u n iform h ig h -rise ap artm en t b lo ck s, fall d ram atically sh o rt o f w h at an o u tsid e o b serv er m ig ht p erceiv e as th e d o m estic id eal o f a p riv ate h o m e. B u t in th e lives an d ex p erien ces o f th eir residen ts, sh e arg u es, it is th e v ery h o m o g en eity an d u n iform ity o f su ch n eig h b o u rh o o d s, w ith th eir an tisep tic social an d cu ltu ral sp aces, w h ich have b eco m e th e sy m b olic m arkers o f a d is ­ tin ctiv ely m id dle-class life-sty le in co n tem p o rary Istan b u l. In th e co n tex t o f C airo , G h an n am ’ s an aly sis o n ce ag ain u n d erlin es th e sig n ifican ce o f p lace in th e co n stitu tio n o f co llectiv e id en tities. H er research fo cu ses o n th e fo rm er residen ts o f B u laq , an in n er-city n eig h ­ b o u rh o o d w h ich w as literally razed to th e g ro u n d , as u n fit to b e g azed u p o n b y u p p er-class E g y p tian s an d fo reig n v isito rs; its in h ab itan ts w ere relo cated in p u b lic h o u sin g u n its d escrib ed as ‘ m o d ern ’ . T h e p ro cess o f relo catio n n o t o n ly d estro y ed th e g ro u p ’ s in fo rm al eco n o m y an d access to m an y ch eap g o o d s an d serv ices b u t also th eir so cial relatio n sh ip s, an d it reo rd ered th eir lives. F ifteen years after th e m ove, th e relo cated p eo p le i6 SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER still refer to th em selv es as ‘ p eo p le o f B u laq ’ an d are k n o w n as ‘ th o se fro m B u laq ’ by o th er g ro u p s in th e co m m u n ity , a n eg ativ e co n stru ctio n p erp etu ated by th e p h y sical seg reg atio n o f u n ifo rm ly -b u ilt p u b lic h o u sin g . G h an n am d escrib es how B u laq h as b eco m e an an ch o r for th e g ro u p ’ s sen se o f b elo n g in g in th e face o f stig m atizatio n an d h o stility , an d h as assu m ed sig nificance as th e sh ared g eo g rap hical p lace o f o rig in an d co m m o n h isto ry in th e co llectiv e im ag in ary o f th e g ro u p , th u s tak ing p reced en ce o v er o th er id en tificatio n s. B u t w h at facilitates th e g ro u p ’ s in teractio n w ith o th er g ro u p s w h ich live in th e area, G h an n am arg u es, is th e sp ace o f th e m o sq ue, th ro u g h its p ro m ise o f an eq u al an d u n ified co m m u nity. B elow , w e tp rn to th e q u estio n o f how relig io u s d isco u rses are actively n eg o tiated as a v ariety o f co m m o d ities, im ag es an d w o rd s fro m th e larg er w o rld circu late in an d th ro u g h th e ev ery d ay life o f th e m etro p o lis. R e d isc o v e rin g Isla m th ro u g h th e p rism o f th e g lo b a l T h e w ays in w h ich Islam is articu lated in ev ery d ay p ractices an d fo rm s o f so ciab ility in th e co sm o s o f th e co n tem p o rary m etro p o lis, b rin g in g p eo p le to g eth er as co n n ected selves, is th e focal p o in t o f an aly sis in a series o f ch ap ters in th e p resen t v o lu m e. T h eir co n cern is n o t w ith ‘ fu n d am en talism ’ , ‘ ex ­ trem ism ’ o r ‘ m ilitan t Islam ’ , th at is o ften co n stru ed as ‘ resp o n se ’ o r ‘ resistan ce ’ to th e global; rather, th ey fo cu s u p o n th e ev ery d ay lives o f p eo p le at th e n eig h b o u rh oo d level, in an attem p t to u n d erstan d how global d isco u rses an d co n su m er goods are ap p ro p riated an d n eg o tiated in th e stru gg le o f M u slim s to live in th e p resen t. In th is co n n ectio n , G h an n am em p h asizes th e centrality o f th e m o squ e as a d istin ctiv e space in th e C airo n eig h b o u rh o o d sh e has stu d ied . T h e n atu ralized relatio n sh ip o f th e m o sq u e w ith relig io n is cu rren tly b ein g rein fo rced , sh e su g g ests, p articu larly am o n g w om en w ho activ ely asso ciate th e u n ity o f p ray ers w ith feelin g s o f co m m u n al b o n d in g , an d b ein g p art o f a collectivity. T h e o p en in g o f th e m o sq u e to w o m en , n o t o n ly fo r reg u lar p ray ers b u t also as m o th ers, sisters an d w ives resp o nsible for th e m o rals o f th e co m m u n ity , cap ab le o f actively sh ap in g th eir ow n p ractices as w ell as th ose o f fam ily m em b ers, h as facilitated th eir p articip atio n in a v ariety o f m o sq ue-related activ ities. T h e cen trality o f w o m en in th e p o litically co n scio u s effo rt to ren d er Islam a liv in g social p ractice is th e focal p o in t o f S ak tan ber ’ s research as w ell. H er an aly tical em p h asis is o n th e sign ifican ce o f a m idd le-class eth o s in th e creatio n o f an Islam ic o rd er, cap ab le o f rep lacin g ‘ n atio n al civil relig io n ’ in th e T u rk ish co n tex t. T o th e ex ten t th at Islam ic rev ital ­ izatio n is a resp o n se o f civil so ciety to th e failu res o f th e state, an d takes th e fo rm o f a reactio n to state p ractices, it is p rim arily sh ap ed w ith in th e INTRODUCTION J7 co n tex t o f th e n atio n -state, sh e arg u es. T h e sig n ifican ce o f g lo b alizatio n resides, acco rd in g to S ak tan b er, in in creasing th e p o ssib ility o f in filtrating d ifferen t o p p o rtu n ity sp aces h ith erto m o n o p o lized by th e state elite. V iew ed fro m th is p ersp ectiv e, Islam ic circles in T u rk ey n eed to create n o t o n ly th eir ow n in tellig en tsia, cap ab le o f rep lacin g th e ex istin g ones, b u t also th eir ow n m id d le classes w h o can play a lead in g ro le in th e p ro d u ctio n , d issem in atio n an d co n so lid atio n o f new m o d els o f soci ­ ab ilities, sh e em p h asizes. T h is is w hy w o m en, w h o w ere o n ce p erceiv ed as an ad ju n ct to th e m o re im p o rtan t issu es o f p o lity an d social o rd er, have now b eco m e cru cial ag en ts in th e d aily articu latio n an d rep ro d u ctio n o f Islam ic id eo log ies. B ased u p o n h er field research in a M uslim u rb an co m p lex in A n k ara, th e cap ital o f th e secu lar T u rk ish rep u b lic, S ak tan b er an aly ses how th e in h ab itan ts have rallied to g eth er to ‘ live Islam ’ as co n scio us M u slim s, o rg an izin g th eir daily lives in acco rd an ce w ith Islam ic codes. S h e focuses u p o n th e effo rts o f w o m en to carry o u t d aily life in acco rd an ce w ith Islam ic p recep ts, in a secu lar m o d ern sy stem . In th e co n solid atio n o f an altern ativ e Islam ic life-sty le, sh e su g g ests th at th eir aim is n o t to reject th e co m fo rts an d o p p o rtu n ities o f m o d ern life, b u t to q u estio n th e p rice a M u slim sh o uld pay fo r th eir attain m en t. F o llow in g S ak tan b er ’ s line o f th in k in g , it b eco m es ap p aren t th at th e p ro cess term ed ‘ rev italizin g Islam ’ by ‘ o u tsid ers ’ co rresp o n d s, in th e ex p erien ce o f so- called Islam ist p eo p le, to a p o litically in form ed effo rt to ren d er Islam a liv in g p ractice. F o llo w in g G u n ter S eu fert ’ s line o f th in k in g , it b eco m es ev id en t th at th e p ro cess term ed ‘ resu rgen ce o f eth n ic n atio n alism s ’ is o n ce ag ain a resp on se o f civil so ciety to th e failu res o f th e cu ltu ral h eg em o n y o f the n atio n -state, o n e th at h as receiv ed an u p lift fro m th e g lo bal d isco u rse o f h u m an rig h ts, b u t can n o t b e red u ced to it. S eu fert o ffers a rich ly d etailed an aly sis o f th e co m petin g claim s o f relig io u s sectarian ism an d eth n ic n atio n alism in th e id en tity p o litics o f an A levi K u rd ish trib e in th e u rb an co sm o s o f m etro p o litan Istan b u l. H e d escrib es how a sy m b io sis o f tribal K u rd ish an d A levi M u slim id en tity serv ed as th e b asis o f a b in d in g m o ral eco n o m y an d n etw o rk o f recip ro city th ro u g h w h ich th e im m ig ran t g ro u p acq u ired a fo o th o ld in th e u rb an eco n o m y an d m an ag ed to co n ­ stru ct a d istin ctiv e so cio -cu ltu ral space. In th e n atio n al p o litical aren a, th e A levi K u rd ish id en tity o f trib e w as d efin ed vis-a -vis th e h isto rical h eg em o n y o f th e S u n n i T u rkish cen tre an d th e rep ressiv e p ractices o f th e state elite. E x clu ded an d stig m atized b o th as A levis an d as K u rd s, th e g ro u p en g ag ed in o p p o sitio nal p o litics u n d er th e id eo lo g ical b an n er o f th e ‘ secu lar left ’ . T h e d eclin in g ap p eal o f leftist id eo lo g ies an d p arties, how ever, co u p led w ith th e ascen d en ce o f S u n n i Islam as th e m ajo r o p p o sitio nal d isco u rse in T u rk ish n atio n al p o litics, has cu rren tly left few i8 SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER o p tio n s fo r th e y o u n g er g en eratio n o f K u rd ish A levis o th er th an d efin in g th eir cu ltu ral d istinctiv en ess an d p o litical id en tity th ro ug h K u rd ish n atio n alism . In co n trast to S u n n i y o u th , S eu fert su g g ests, for w h o m p o litical Islam h as b eg u n to g ain cred ib ility as an in tern atio n ally ‘ v alid ’ id en tity , A levism fails to p ro v id e a serio u s p o litical altern ativ e to secu lar ideologies. T h u s, fo r th e p o liticized , literate y o u n g m em b ers o f K o ^k iri trib e, n atio n alist K u rd ish n ess b eco m es th e o n ly w ay o f m ark in g an in ter ­ n atio n ally valid id en tity in global tim es. W ith Jan N ed erv een P ieterse ’ s ch ap ter, w e tu rn to th e q u estio n o f how Islam ch an ges in th e p ro cess o f m ig ratio n to E u ro pean m etro po lises. H e u ses ‘ trav ellin g Islam ’ ,as th e cen tral m etap h or to d iscu ss how th e M u slim d iasp oras o f E u ro p e b ear th e im p rin t o f cu ltu ral co h ab itatio n . H is co n trast b etw een m u lti-cu ltu ralism in B ritain an d p illarizatio n in th e N eth erlan d s, as d istin ct leg islative an d id eo lo g ical o rien tatio n s w ithin w h ich M u slim im m ig ran t cu ltu res are reco n stru cted , n o t o n ly p ro b - lem atizes essen tialist an d static co n cep tu alizatio n s o f Islam , b u t also u n d erlin es th at each ‘ n atio n al ’ co n tex t p ro d u ces its ow n o p p o rtu n ity stru ctu res. In th e N eth erlan d s, th e co m b in ed ten d en cies o f p illarizatio n , eth n izatio n an d in teg ratio n m ak es fo r a d ifferen t field th an in B ritain w ith its p red o m in an t d isco u rse o f racialized cu ltu ral d ifferen ce, w h ile in F ran ce secu larism an d la icite m ak e for yet an o th er aren a o f d ifferen ce. T h ese sites o f d iasp o ra each p ro v ide d ifferen t o p p o rtu n ity stru ctu res an d g en erate n o v el co m b in atio n s. In all, m ig ran t Islam articu lates w ith th e h o st so ciety to g en erate new , h y b rid cu ltu ral fo rm s. B u t N ed erv een P ieterse u n d erlin es th at M u slim d iasp oras are sim u ltan eo u sly cau g h t in th e v o rtex o f a co n trad icto ry cu rren t: as th e d y n am ics o f eco n o m ic restru ctu rin g g en erate h ig h levels o f u n em p lo ym en t, E u ro pe ’ s im m ig ran t w o rk fo rce is p ro g ressively en trap ped in eco n o m ic an d cu ltu ral enclaves. H en ce th e q u estio n s o f w h eth er th e b o u n d aries co n stru cted b etw een M u slim s an d n o n -M u slim s in E u ro pean m etro p o lises w ill so lid ify or b eco m e in creasin g ly flu id , or w h eth er th e m ix o f cro ss-cu ltu ral in flu en ces sp ecific to each lo cality w ill y ield h y b rid id en tities, rem ain u n certain . In elu cid atin g h o w ex p erien ce o f b ein g a M u slim g ain s m ean in g in tim e an d p lace, th ese ch apters m o v e b ey o n d th e rh eto ric o f u n ity , essen tialism an d h o m o gen izatio n w h ich cu rren tly u n d erp in s m o st d iscus ­ sio n s o f Islam ic rev iv alism . T h ey also fo rew arn ag ain st rep resen tatio n s o f Islam as p assiv e resistan ce an d reactio n to g lo b alizatio n . R ath er, Islam is actively co n stru cted as a viable p o litical an d cu ltu ral id en tity th ro u gh th e daily stru g gles fo r leh ensra u m in th e co sm o s o f th e co n tem p o rary m etro p o lis. F ar fro m b ein g a m an ifestatio n o f th e ero sio n o f n atio n al b o u n d aries, it is a resp o n se to th e p ractices o f th e state elite in th eir INTRODUCTION ig attem p ts to in scrib e th eir o w n v ision s u p o n th e p h y sical an d cu ltu ral m ap o f th e city. W h at th e ch ap ters in th e p resen t v o lu m e co llectiv ely su gg est, is th at p ro cesses o f ‘ lo calizatio n ’ en tail p lace-b ased p o w er stru g g les am o n g relev ant social acto rs w h o are d ifferen tially lo cated w ith in , o r seize u p o n new , o p p o rtu n ity sp aces en g en d ered by global m o v em en ts. G lo b al circu its and flow s can b o th rein fo rce an d u n d erm in e ex istin g p o w er relatio n s; w hich is n o t to say th at th ey p ro d u ce th em . T o reiterate o u r earlier p o int, it is o n ly fro m th e o p tics o f th e g lo b al, fro m a p o sitio n o f social d istan ce, th at ‘ o th er ’ m etro po lises, in v ario u s reg io ns o f th e w o rld , ap p ear to b e a ta b ula ra sa , th eir in h abitan ts cast ad rift fro m th eir m o o rin g s in tim e an d p lace am idst th e co m p lex asso rtm en t o f cu ltu ral ico n s and sy m b o ls w h ich circu late aro u nd th e globe. T h e co m p lex ity o f social reality, fro m w ith in th e cu ltu ral fram es o f d istin ct g ro u p s lo cated in th e m etro p o lis, is o f a d ifferen t o rd er. It is a co m p lex ity asso ciated w ith th e d iv erse cu ltu ral p ro jects, strateg ies an d p ractices o f co n ten d in g g ro u p s, o n e w h ich can n o t b e red u ced to th e ‘ p o w er g eo m etry ’ o f global flow s, b u t n eed s to b e tak en in to acco u n t as a sep arate focus o f u n d erstan d in g and research . References A m in, A (ed .) 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(1 9 9 1 ) T h e G lo b a l C ity: N ew Y o rk, L on d o n, T o kyo . P rin ceto n U n iv ersity P ress, P rin ceto n , N J. S o ja, E . (1 9 8 9 ) P o stm o d ern G eo g ra p h ies. V erso, L o n d o n . S to k es, M . (1992) T h e A ra h esk D eb a te: M u sic a n d M u sicia n s in M o d ern T u rkey. C lar ­ end on P ress, O x fo rd . S trab ern y -M o h am m ed i, A . (1 9 9 1 ) ‘ T h e G lo b al an d th e L o cal in In tern atio n al C o m ­ m u n icatio n s ’ , in J. C u rran an d M . G u rev itch (ed s), A fass M e d ia a n d S o ciety. E d w ard A rn o ld , L o n d on . W atso n , S . an d G ib so n , K . (ed s) (1 9 95 ) P o stm o dern C ities a n d S p a ces. B asil B lackw ell, O x fo rd . 4 T h e m y th o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ trav els acro ss cu ltu ral b o rd ers to Istan b u l A y § e O n cii Istanbul ... T h e legendary city o f splendid architecture w hich has inspired songs, poem s, book s ... T h e gate across continents and the cradle o f ancient civilizations ... B ut unfortunately a city w hich has lost m uch of its form er beauty to becom e a m etropolis o f ten m illion today ... Istanbul ’ s pollution has becom e oppressive ... It contam inates not only the air, w ater, soil o f the city, b u t its traffic, its people and its culture ... T hose w ho have to continue w orking in this polluted environm ent are m oving aw ay to escape its influence in their living spaces. T hey are search ­ ing for clean, happy, peaceful settings ... A nd in Istanbul ’ s hinterland new tow ns are em erging to answ er this need ... B ut g a r d e n c i t y is very special am ong them ... • • • • L uxury villas in gardens w ith 500m 2 O nly 20 m inutes to Istanbul S w im m ing pool, tennis courts, sports club, children ’ s park, C ountry C lub E ntries and exits guarded by special security system s (from a glossy advertising brochure) O v er th e p ast d ecad e, Istanb u l ’ s m id d le classes have red isco v ered th e city th ey live in th ro u g h th e o p tics o f th e global. In th e p ro fu sio n o f p h o to g en ic im ages, fro m ad v ertisem en ts to telev isu al m ed ia, th ey have co m e to p erceiv e th e ex o tic b eau ty o f th e city ’ s o ld n eig h b o u rh o o d s, th e ro m an ticism o f its in d ig en o u s w o o d en arch itectu re, th e sp len d o u r o f its h isto rical m o n u m en ts. T h e m o re h isto rical a city, th e m o re it falls p rey to th e to u rist gaze. A n d it is th ro u g h th e to u rist g aze th at Istan b u lites have co m e to realize th e p ro fu n d ity o f th eir loss: th e d isap p earan ce o f 2000 y ears o f history. In th e p o litical ju n ctu re o f th e m id -1 9 8 0 s, th is aw aren ess o f loss an d d isap p earan ce gave u rg en cy to a series o f m assiv e u rb an ren ew al p ro jects THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 57 d esig n ed to re-create Istan b u l ’ s p ast g lo ry in th e p resen t. T h u s, larg e tracts o f th e liv in g city ’ s n in eteen th -c en tu ry u rb an co re w ere b u lld o zed to resu rrect tim es an d p laces n o lo n g er in ex isten ce. A n cien t m o sq u es an d ch u rch es w ere resto red to ‘ tim eless g lo ry ’ b y clearin g aw ay th e u n sig h tly b u ild in g s an d activ ities w h ich h ad accu m u lated aro un d th em o v er th e cen turies, an d rep lacin g th em w ith g reen law n s an d flow erbeds. B ack streets w ith d ilapid ated o ld w o o d en stru ctu res w ere red esig n ed as p ed estrian w alkw ays, lin ed w ith p ictu resq u e h o u ses in fresh ly p ain ted co lo u rs to serv e as restau ran ts o r b o u tiq u es sellin g o rien tal k itsch . T h e leg en d ary b eau ty o f th e G o ld en H o rn , w ith its p ro v erb ial b lu e w aters an d g reen su rro u nd in g s, w as b ro u g h t to life b y d em o lish in g so m e 30,000 b u ild in g s alo ng its sh o res, an d rep lacin g th em w ith fresh ly -laid -o u t p ark s an d n ew ly p lan ted trees, as w ell as a p arallel co rn ich e w id e en o u g h to acco m m o d ate tw o -w ay traffic alo n g th e w aterw ay. In th e selectiv en ess o f th eir p reserv atio n , th ese p ro jects, in ten d ed to p reserv e Istan b u l ’ s d is ­ ap p earin g p ast, b lo tted o u t fro m local m em o ry w h at w ere o n ce th riv in g areas o f th e city, re-creatin g th em as h isto rical sites an d scen es to view . T h is w as h isto ry as d eco ration an d display, an d as n o stalg ia fo r a d istan t p ast free fro m th e an ach ro n ism s o f m o re recen t ev en ts. In th e fev erish clearan ce o p eratio n s u n d ertak en b etw een 1983 an d 1990, Istan b u l ’ s h isto rical p en in su la w as re-created as an o p en -air m u seu m , now w ith in easy reach o f d ifferen t p arts o f th e city o n th e n ew ly co n stru cted th ro u g h w ay s, u n d erp asses an d o v erp asses. T h e in ter ­ n atio n alized b u sin ess cen tre to w ard s th e n o rth o f th e G o ld en H o rn , w ith its d elu x e h o tels, m o d ern office to w ers an d w id e avenues, w as to h o st g lo bal fu n ction s, w elco m in g co n v en tio n s, b u sin essm en an d to u rists. V isito rs to Istan b u l co u ld th u s u se th e n ew h ig h w ay n etw o rk fro m th e airp o rt to b y p ass th e co n g estio n , n o ise an d traffic o f th e in n er city and reach th eir h o tels, later to u rin g th e o p en -air m u seu m o r d riv in g alo ng th e B o sp o ru s. A m id st fren zied co n stru ction activ ity , ru m o urs o f fo rtu n es ch an g in g h an d s in th e aw ard in g o f lu crativ e m u n icip al co n tracts, an d o f u n p reced en ted co rru p tio n in city h all, Istan b u l em erg ed as th e show case o f T u rk ey ’ s n ew era o f in teg ratio n in to th e g lo bal scen e. 1 P aradoxically, how ever, th e o p tics o f th e g lo bal th ro u g h w h ich Istan ­ b u l ’ s m id d le classes red isco v ered th e aesth etics o f th eir city ’ s h isto rical h eritag e, g iv in g o v erw h elm in g p o litical su p p o rt to th e d ram atic clean -up o p eratio n s w h ich tran sfo rm ed th e p h y sio g n o m y o f th e city, also ren d ered v isib le how d iso rd erly , co n tam in ated an d p o llu ted th e fam iliar fab ric o f Istan b u l ’ s ev ery d ay life h ad b eco m e. T h e m id d le classes o f Istan b u l d isco v ered , in th e accelerated cu ltu ral flow s o f th e 1980s, th e ch em ical, social an d cu ltu ral p o llutan ts w h ich th reaten ed th eir d aily lives. My co n cern in th is ch ap ter is w ith th e w ays in w h ich th e 58 GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES ‘ h o m o g en izin g ’ o p tics o f global co n su m erism have tran sfo rm ed th e lives an d p ractices o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le classes by ren d erin g th em visible in n o vel w ays, th ereb y ‘ frag m en tin g ’ th em sp atially an d cu ltu rally at th e local level. O n th e fo llo w in g p ag es, I w ill n arrate h o w d iv erse seg m en ts o f Istan b u l ’ s ‘ m id d le strata ’ w ere in itiated in to th e fan tasy w o rld o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ , as th e q u in tessen tial d ream , sy m b o l an d em b o d im en t o f m id d le-class id en tity , an d w h o w ere in spired to d ep art for p ro g ressiv ely q u artered lives - ‘ q u artered ’ b o th in th e sen se o f ‘ d raw n an d q u artered ’ an d also o f resid en tial ‘ q u arters ’ — o n th e o u tsk irts o f th e city. T h is is a sto ry w h ich b eg in s in a sty le rem in iscen t o f th e p o st-S eco n d W o rld W ar su b u rb an ex o d u s fro m N o rth A m erican cities, w h ich p ro g resses to w ard s an en ding w h ich evokes th e h y p er-real im ag es o f co n tem p o rary H o n g K o n g ’ s h u g e resid en tial estates (A b b as 1994). B e th at as it m ay, it is still a u n iq u e sto ry , o n e th at in v olv es a d istin ctive set o f h isto rical m ed iatio n s w h ich have to b e atten d ed to, an d w h ich req u ire co n sid eratio n in term s o f th e p o litics o f sp ace as w ell as th e p o litics o f id en tity . Ways of thinking about a ‘global’ culture of consumption Istan b u l h as alw ays b een a m ajor co n su m er city, co sm o p o litan in flavour th ro u g h o u t its h isto ry . It h as alw ays b een a d iv id ed city, d iv erse in its cu ltu ral an d so cial g eo g raph y . H en ce th e q u estio n o f w h a t is n ew in th e era o f g lo b alism seem s to req u ire so m e co n cep tu al clarificatio n b efo re p ro ceedin g . T h ere are v ario u s w ays o f ap p ro ach in g a n d /o r u n d erstan d in g co n ­ su m er cu lture an d its ‘ g lo b alizatio n ’ (F eath ersto n e 1991). O n e w ay o f th in k in g w o u ld be to b eg in w ith th e u n iv ersal lan g uag e o f m oney, in ter ­ p en etratin g , as it w ere, in to an ev er larg er sp h ere o f m ean in g s, ad d in g a n ew level o f sig n ificatio n to ‘ lo cal ’ h ab its, stan d ards, b eliefs o r p ractices, b y attach in g to th em a m o n etary sig n . T o invoke S im m el (1971), th e n o tio n o f m o n ey stan d ard izes th e o b jectiv e ex isten ce o f d isp arate th in g s th ereb y v alu ed . O r to in v o k e M arx (1967), it estab lish es a u n iv ersally v alid eq u ivalen ce, u n d erm in in g a p leth o ra o f local logics b y d raw in g th em in to th e sp h ere o f ex ch an g e, th u s ‘ co m m o d ify in g ’ th em . P ro ceed in g fro m th is lin e o f reaso n in g , g lo b alizatio n o f co n su m er cu lture w o u ld m ean th e ex p an sio n o f th e p ro cess o f co m m od itizatio n , b rin g in g ‘ th e lo cal ’ in to its fold. A seco n d lin e o f th in k in g w o u ld b e to b eg in w ith th e sy m b olic sig n i ­ ficance o f co n su m p tio n p ractices, classified an d classifyin g , to invoke B o u rdieu (1984). It is by claim in g d istan ce fro m v u lg ar co n sid eratio n s o f m o n ey th at sy m b o lic h ierarch ies o f taste an d style leg itim ize th em selv es. THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 59 V ia taste an d sty le, co n su m p tio n p ractices are link ed to class-sp ecific co d es, m ean in g s an d co m p etencies. B u t th e sy m b o lic w o rth o f taste an d style d erive fro m ‘ d isav o w in g ’ , ‘ rep u d iatin g ’ o r ‘ n eg atin g ’ an y attem p t to assig n m o n etary value. H en ce th e elab o rated sy stem o f d istin ctio n an d d ifference em b o d ied in co n su m p tio n p ractices d ep en d s u p o n d efin in g an d creatin g a realm o f ‘ cu ltu ral g o o d s ’ w h ich are o u tsid e th e realm o f th e eco no m ic: a co n secrated , sacred realm w ith its o w n p ro d u cers, v en d o rs an d in stitu tio n al bases. F o llo w ing th is lin e o f th in kin g , it is p o ssib le to th in k o f ‘ g lo b alizatio n ’ as th e ero sio n o f referen tial h ierarch ies fro m w h ich cu ltu ral goods d erive th eir m ean in g s. A s d istin ction s b etw een h ig h cu lture an d low cu lture, th e o rig inal an d th e rep ro d u ctio n , th e ‘ sacred ’ an d th e ‘ b an al ’ o r th e ‘ v u lg ar ’ b eco m e in creasin g ly slip p ery , th e referen tial sy stem fro m w h ich cu ltu ral g o o d s d eriv e th eir m ean in g s is b lu rred . C o n su m p tio n p ractices lose th eir an ch o rin g in th e class sy stem , b eco m e fo o t-lo o se so to sp eak , ceasin g to sig n ify categ orical d ifferen ces. G lo b alizatio n , in th is sense, im p lies a p astich e o f sty les an d tastes (B au d rillard 1981), creatin g a w o rld o f m o v em en t an d m ix tu re, to invoke th e ‘ global ecu m en e ’ o f H an n erz (1989), in w h ich th e g lo bal an d th e local are m o m en ts o f th e sam e p ro cess; a b len din g o f d isju n ct an d d ifferen t cu ltu ral fo rm s w h ich y ield s n ew d iv ersities, th at is, h y b ridizatio n . L ast, it is p o ssib le to b eg in th in k in g ab o u t co n su m er cu ltu re as th e realm o f co n tem p o rary m y th -m ak in g, to in v o k e B arth es (1972). A cu ltu re o f co n sum p tio n w o u ld m ean , in th is sen se, a cu ltu re w h erein goods b eco m e th e em b o d im en t o f d esires, d ream s, em o tio n s; w h erein su b jectiv e ex p erien ces o f love, ex citem en t, clean lin ess, p leasure o r freed o m are o b jectified in g o o d s (fo r ex am p le, cars d en o te sp eed , co n n o te ex citem en t; th e m o v em ent o f m ean in g s b etw een th em creates a n atu ral u n ity ). S u ch ‘ m y thical ’ p ro p erties o f goods, g en erated in th e lex ico n o f p articu lar societies, classes an d su b -g ro u p s, are u n iv ersalized in co n tem p o rary global cu ltu re, an d co m e to o p erate as m y th s in a d iv ersity o f ‘ lo cal ’ co n tex ts. C o n tem p o rary ad v ertisin g an d au d io -v isu al m ed ia are th e in stitu tio n al co n tex ts o f th is ‘ m y th -m ak in g ’ p ro cess. T h ese d ifferen t w ays o f u n d erstan d in g co n su m er cu ltu re an d its g lo b alizatio n n eed n o t b e th o u g h t o f as m u tu ally exclusive. In Istan b u l o f th e 1990s - w h ere b u sin ess ty co o ns are av id ly ‘ b u y in g ’ O tto m an h isto ry in in tern atio n al an tiq u e au ctio n h o u ses, w h ere y o u n g ex ecu tiv es are p u rsu in g th e d istin ction s o f in tern atio n alized y u p p ied o m in aero b ics cen tres, an d w h ere stalls in o p en -air m ark ets o f lo w -in co m e n eig h ­ b o u rh o od s are featu rin g electro n ic g o o d s fro m T aiw an an d tab lew are fro m G erm an y - th e ‘ m o n ey sig n ’ an d ‘ cu ltu ral p astich e ’ are ev ery w h ere. B u t fo r Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata, I w o u ld su g g est, it w as in itiatio n in to 6o GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES th e fan tasy w o rld ‘ id eal h o m e ’ th ro u g h th e acceleratin g cu ltu ral flow s o f th e p ast d ecad e w h ich h as p ro v ed critical. The myth of the ‘ideal home’ A s a h isto rical co n stru ct, th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ , w ith its im ag in ary asso ciatio n s o f co m fo rt, w ell-b ein g an d statu s, as th e lo cu s o f a m idd le-class id en tity an d cu lture, can b e traced b ack to th e late n in eteen th an d early tw entieth cen tu ries, an era w h en v alu es an d id eals b eg an to fu se w ith th e actu al p u rch ase o f co m m o d ities. It w as asso ciated w ith th e stead ily g ro w in g cities at th e tu rn o f th e cen tu ry , 'w h en in W estern E u ro p e as w ell as in th e U n ited S tates, th e p ro cesses o f p ro fessio n alizatio n an d b u reau cratiza ­ tio n o f p u b lic as w ell as p riv ate ad m in istratio n s gave b irth to a n ew stratu m o f ‘ salariat ’ (w h ite-co llar g ro u p s) w h o w an ted to d istin g u ish th em selv es fro m th e lo w er social strata, esp ecially th e w o rk in g classes. W ith in th is stratu m th e d esire fo r so cial statu s w as translated in to co n su m erism , sh ap in g a d istin ctiv e cu ltu re w h erein id eals an d d esires an d statu s sy m b o ls cen tred u p o n p u rch asin g . T h is fu sio n o f m id d le ­ class id en tity an d cu ltu re w ith co n su m erism follow ed so m ew h at d ifferen t p ath s in W estern E u ro p e an d th e U S . In E u ro p e, th e fo rm erly d o m in an t aristo cratic cu ltu re w as em u lated b y th e n ew ly risin g b o u rg eo isie an d th e u rb an p etty b o u rg eo isie, w h ereas in th e U S th e ab sence o f su ch m o d els m ean t th at th e co n stitu tio n o f th e m id d le-class fam ily an d th e h o u sew ife as th e h o m e-m ak er co in cid ed w ith th e rise o f th e ad v ertisin g in d u stry an d sh ap ed its d istin ctiv e eth o s. In th e p o st-w ar era, cu ltu ral sp aces em b lem atic o f th e m id d le class - fam ily an d n eig h b o u rh o o d - w ere tran slated in to th e p h y sical sp ace o f m ass-p ro d u ced su b urb s an d tran s ­ p o sed o n to telev isio n . 2 A s a ‘ global m y th ’ , how ever, th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ b elies th e h isto rical m ech an ism s o f its co n stru ctio n to acq u ire th e statu s o f a tim eless an d p laceless tru th . C o n tem p o rary m y th s are n o t ex p ressed in lo n g , fixed n arrativ es o f th e p rim itiv e ep ic, b u t in visual im ag es, p h rases an d fo rm s o f sp eech w h o se m ean in g s ap p ear self-ev id en t an d h en ce n atu ral. In th e global co n su m er cu ltu re o f th e p resen t, d o m in an t-h eg em o n ic m ean in g s w h ich are h isto rically sp ecific to p articu lar class- o r in terest-lin k ed d is ­ co u rses trav el acro ss n atio n al b o u n d aries to acq u ire th e p rivileg e an d m o ral au th o rity o f u n iversal tru th s, th at is, th ey assu m e th e statu s o f global m y th s. T h e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ is th u s a global m y th in th e sen se o f d iscu rsiv e co n stru ct w h ich claim s fo r itself th e m o ral su p erio rity an d leg itim acy o f a tim eless an d p laceless tru th . 3 B u t w h ile g lo bal m y th s are tim eless an d p laceless, th e o p tics o f th e local th ro u g h w h ich th ey are m ed iated is alw ays h isto rically g ro u n d ed . THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 6l H en ce co m p lex ities o f h isto rical ju n ctu re have to b e tak en in to acco u n t at th e level o f th e local. F o r Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata, th e in tro d u ctio n to th e d ream lan d o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ as a m y th ical co n stru ct cam e th ro u g h co lo ur telev isio n , b eg in n in g in th e early 1980s. It w as in th is d ecad e, co nco m itantly w ith T u rk ey ’ s eco n o m ic o p en in g to g lo bal flow s o f cap ital an d finance, th at th e T u rkish ad v ertisin g in d u stry b ecam e in tern atio n al ­ ized , g ain in g access to tech n iq ues an d tech n o lo g ies o f m u ltin atio n al ad v ertising th ro u g h jo in t v en tu res. P u b lic in v estm en t in n ew in fo rm atio n techn o lo g ies, co u p led w ith th e in creasin g d o m estic p ro d u ctio n o f tele ­ v isio n sets, m ean t th at w ith in less th an a d ecad e ro u g h ly 6 m illio n h o useh old s in T u rk ey (o u t o f a to tal o f 11 m illio n h o u seh o ld s) h ad acqu ired co lo u r telev isio n sets. In Istan b u l, 90 p er cen t o f h o u seh o ld s o w n ed co lo u r telev isio n sets b y 1990. 4 T h u s Istan b u lites w ere in itiated in to th e global m y th o f th e ideal h om e as th e em b o d im en t o f a m id d le-class w ay o f life th ro u g h th e land scap e o f th e telev isio n screen , in th e ab u n d an ce o f rep resen tatio n s o ffered b y ch eap film s fro m th e H o lly w o o d arch iv es o f th e 1950s, in th e w eekly in stalm en ts o f series an d serials fro m th e g lo b al b estseller m ark et, as w ell as in slick ad v ertisem en ts featu rin g g leam in g k itch en s, an tisep tic b ath roo m s an d h ealth y foods. B u t th e ab u n d an ce o f co n su m er goods em blem atic o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ o n th e telev isio n screen h eld little n o v elty fo r Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata. F o r in th e ex p an sio n ist w ave o f th e 1980s, ridin g o n cap ital inflow s fro m ab ro ad an d fu elled b y d o u b le-d ig it in flatio n figu res, Istan b u l w as flo od ed w ith good s fro m d ifferen t p arts o f th e w o rld , to b e b o u g h t o n cash o r in stalm en t basis, fro m o p u len t sh o p p in g arcad es o r fro m street v en d o rs. In th is b o o m -to w n clim ate, telev ised im ag es o f co nv ention al co n su m er g o o d s h eld little fascinatio n . W h at cap tu red th e im ag in atio n o f Istanb u l ’ s m id d le classes an d b ecam e th e fo cu s o f th eir d esires w as th e h o m o g en eity o f a life-sty le clean sed o f u rb an clu tter - o f p o v erty , o f im m igran ts, o f elb o w in g crow d s, d irt an d traffic - a w o rld o f safe an d an tisep tic so cial sp aces w h ere th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ signifies clean air, clean w ater, h ealth y lives; a h om og eneo us settin g an d a cu ltu ral m ilieu w h ere ad u lts an d ch ild ren lead activ e lives, en g ag e in sp o rts, so cialize w ith each o th er aro u n d th eir b arbecu e sets in th e g ard en s. T h e w ays in w h ich th is ‘ d ream lan d ’ is d iscursiv ely co n stru cted in co n tem p orary ad v ertisem en ts in Istan b u l ’ s lu crativ e h o m e m ark et is rem ark ab ly sim ilar, d esp ite th e w id e ran g e in q u ality an d p rices. 62 GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES Marketing ‘dreamland’ In th e cu rren t resid en tial m ark et o f Istan b u l, w h at is p ro m o ted as ‘ y o u r id eal h o m e ’ o r ‘ th e h o m e o f y o u r d ream s ’ can ran g e fro m io o -sq u are- m etre flats in h ig h -rise, h ig h -d en sity b lo ck s ad v ertised in th e d aily n ew sp ap ers, to th e m o re sp acio u s flats in u p scale ap artm en t co m p lex es p ictu red in full co lo u r o n the pages o f glossy m ag azin es, to th e m o st ex clu siv e g ard en -h o m es illu strated in so p h isticated w aterco lo u r d esig ns in b ro ch u res w h ich are m ailed to a selected few p ro spectiv e cu sto m ers. ” Irresp ectiv e o f size, ty p e an d co st o f d w ellin g , tw o co m m o n featu res o f th ese n ew h o m es are reiterated in alm o st id en tical p h rases in th e tex ts o f ad v ertisem en ts. W h eth er a sm all flat o r a g ard en -h o m e, th ey are all ‘ o u tsid e Istanb u l ’ b u t ‘ v ery clo se ’ , an d can b e reach ed ‘ w ith in m in u tes ’ by car o n th e ‘ ex p ressw ay ’ . F u rth erm o re, th ey all p o ssess ‘ th e n ecessary acco u trem en ts o f m o d ern w ay o f life ’ , d escrib ed in term s o f n ew o p ­ p o rtu n ities for ‘ p ark in g ’ , ‘ ch ild ren ’ an d ‘ sp o rts ’ . H o w ev er d ifferen t the actu al list o f p o ssibilities m ay be, ran g in g fro m car p ark s to h elico p ter p ad s, o r fro m vollevball to g o lf an d can o ein g , th e n ecessities o f a m o d ern w ay o f life are articu lated in term s o f p ark in g facilities, p lay g ro u n d s for ch ild ren an d o p p o rtu n ities fo r sp o rts. B u t w h at co n ju res an d d efin es th e ‘ d ream lan d ’ is th e w ay in w h ich th ese b u zzw o rd s are in terw o v en in to a p articu lar n arrative, b o th a sto ry w ith a b eg in n in g , a m id d le an d a p ro m ised en d in g , an d also a w ay o f tellin g it. T h e sto ry is th at o f Istan b u l, w h ich b eg in s w ith a retu rn o f m em ory to th e p ast, a p ast-w ith ou t-p ain . M o st freq u en tly , th is is n o stalg ia for ch ild h oo d days in Istan b u l: 1 am now forty years old. 1 rem em ber childhood days w hen w e used to collect pine cones w ith friends. Istanbul w as green. N ow there are only a few pine trees left. I have been w orking and toiling for so m any years. N ow is the tim e for a hom e. B ut w here to buy a hom e in this huge city? (new spaper ad for S E R A kent, H u rriye t, 30 D ecem ber 1995) D ep en d in g o n th e in g en u ity o f th e ad v ertisers, n o stalg ia for th e an cien t Istan b ul o f leg en d s, n o stalg ia for p icn ics u n d er th e sh ade o f fru it trees, n o stalg ia fo r days o f fish in g in th e clear w aters o f th e B o sp o ru s, are all possible. O r it co u ld be sim p le p h rases su ch as ‘I m iss m y Istanb u l ’ . S om e o f us m iss our hom es in gardens, som e of us those selective five o ’ clock teas, som e o f us our childhood parks ... Y es, each age is w istful for a different Istanbul ... N ow there is A L K E N T w hich com bines all these beauties w ith m odern com fort, brings back together w hat everyone m isses, and protects its environm ent. (w eekly m agazine ad, N o k ta , 5 June 1993) THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 63 R em em b ran ces o f Istan b u l ’ s p ast in term s o f its n atu ral b eau ties — g reen trees, flow er sm ells, fishin g - serv es to u n d erlin e its cu rren t p lig h t, d escrib ed in term s o f ‘ p o llu tio n ’ , a w o rd w h o se only sy n o n y m in th e T u rkish lex ico n is ‘ d irty -fied ’ . In ad v ertisem en ts, ‘ d irty -fied ’ co n n o tes, in o n e w o rd , ev ery th in g th at is w ro n g w ith co n tem p o rary Istan b u l an d req u ires little elab o ratio n . H en ce ly rical d escrip tio n s o f th e p ast are im m ed iately fo llow ed b y statem en ts su ch as, ‘ to b e aw ay fro m Istanb u l ’ s traffic, its noise, th e d eg en erate b eh av io ur o f its p eo p le an d y et rem ain in th e city ’ , co n d en sin g th e m id d le p art o f th e sto ry ab o u t cu rrent su ffer ­ ings, w ith th e p ro spect o f a h ap p y en d in g . T h e co n trast b etw een th e n atu ral b eau ties o f th e p ast an d th e p o llu tion o f th e p resen t in ev itab ly m o v es th e sto ry to w ard s a h ap p y en d in g : h ealth y lives, clean air, b eau tifu l h o m es in n atu ral su rro u n d in g s. T h u s n early all n ew resid en tial estates su rro u n d in g Istanb ul have n am es w h ich d en o te ‘ b ack to n atu re ’ , su ch as S E R A ken t in th e ad v ertisem en t q u o ted above w h ich tran slates as ‘ g reen ­ h o u se city ’ . A t S E R A k en t, th e h ig h -rise, h ig h -d en sity ap artm en t blocks are n am ed after flow ers; ‘ M ag n o lia, L ilac, H o n ey suck le, Jasm in e, an d L ily B lo ck s ’ are d escrib ed as ‘ th e last flow ers o f S E R A k en t ’ available for sale. T h e tex ts o f th e ad v ertisem en ts w h ich acco m p an y an d fram e th e v isu al rep resen tatio n s o f ‘ th e id eal h o m es ’ in Istan b u l ’ s residen tial m ark et all n arrate th e sam e th ree-p art story, d iscu rsiv ely co n stru cted th ro u g h th e m etap h o rs o f ‘ n atu re ’ an d ‘ p o llu tio n ’ . U n less w e assu m e th at T u rkish m ark etin g ag en cies are to tally lack in g in im agin atio n (an d th e illustratio n s above p ro v e th e co n trary ), o r th at th ey are cap ab le o f m an ipu latin g co n sum ers (w h ich cu rren t th eo retical literatu re arg u es is n o t th e case), th en th e rep etitiv en ess o f th is n arrative, an d its ap p eal, can b e ex p lain ed o n ly in term s o f a ‘ g lo b al m y th ’ w h ich p ro sp ectiv e cu stom ers an d ad v ertisers sh are alike. T o p u t it m o re sim p ly , th ese ad v ertisem en ts ap p ro p riate m ean in g s fro m a rep erto ire o f sig n s, sy m b o ls an d im ages w h ich Istan b u lites are already fam iliar w ith , th e g lo bal m y th o f th e id eal h o m e. It is also ap p aren t th at th is is a g lo b al m y th w h ich acq u ires m eanin g th ro u g h th e o ptics o f th e local, specific in tim e an d place. In th e n ar ­ ratio n s o f th e id eal h o m e, in Istan b ul o f th e 1990s, it is n o lo n g er p o ssib le to so rt o u t th e local an d th e g lo b al, th e h isto rical an d th e co n tem p o rary , th e trad itio n al an d th e m o d ern , th e m y th ical an d th e real. W as th ere ever a p o in t in tim e w h en Istan b u l w as ‘ g reen ’ an d ‘ clean ’ ? D id m id d le-class Istan b u lites have a ‘ trad itio n al ’ w ay o f life, o rig in al an d au th en tic cu ltu ral sp aces, w h ich have n o w b eco m e co n tam in ated by traffic, cro w d s and p o llu tio n ? T h e an sw ers to th ese q u estio n s are o b v io u sly am b ig u o u s an d eq u iv o cal, b u t n o t p articu larly relev an t, p erh ap s, since it is th e p ast as 64 GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES co n stitu ted th ro u g h th e o p tics o f th e p resen t w h ich in fo rm s th e p ractices o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata as th ey d ep art fo r new lives o n th e o u tsk irts o f th e city. On changing social spaces and the cultural geography of Istanbul’s middle strata E m p h asizin g th e social an d cu ltu ral frag m en tatio n o f Istanb u l ’ s m id d le classes in th e 1990 s ru n s th e risk o f read in g u n d u e h o m o g en eity and co n tin u ity in to th e recen t p ast. O n e w ay o f av o id in g th is m ig ht be to b eg in w ith th e sp atial d iv isio n s o f th e p resent, fo cu sin g u p o n g ro u p s w h ich have d ep arted fo r resid en tial estates o n th e o u tsk irts o f th e city, to try to cap tu re w h at is ‘ n ew ’ . T h e n e w su b u rb a n v illa g e s o f Ista n b u l: ‘g a rd en c itie s ’ F o r th e co rp o rate ex ecu tiv es an d to p p ro fessio n als in th e u p p er ran g es o f th e m id d le strata, w h o se asp iratio n s as w ell as in co m es have risen m eteo rically d u rin g Istan b u l ’ s in teg ratio n in to global m ark ets o v er th e p ast ten years, acq u irin g ‘ th e h o m e o f y o u r d ream s ’ m ean s in v estin g in o n e o f th e sin g le-h o m e su b u rb an v illages to w ard s th e B lack S ea co ast in th e n o rth o f th e city. M o re th an tw en ty su ch ex clu siv e su b u rb an co m plex es are cu rren tly u n d er co n stru ctio n , ag g ressiv ely m ark eted at p rices b eg in n in g at $ 1 5 0 ,0 0 0 , all th e w ay u p to $ 5 0 0 ,0 0 0 o r m o re, d ep en d in g u p o n size an d lu x u ry o f h o m es as w ell as th e su rro u n d in g acres. M o st o f th e m ajo r co n stru ction co m p an ies have v en tu red in to th is h ig h ly lu crativ e an d co m p etitiv e m ark et fo r su b u rb an h o m es, sellin g ‘ n o t o n ly a h o m e b u t a w h o le n ew life-style ’ . 6 N o n e o f th ese d ream su b urb s, o ffering a taste o f co u n try life w ithin easy reach o f Istan b u l, is as y et in h ab ited . A v isit to an y o n e o f th em en tails a lo n g d riv e o f m o re th an an h o u r o n b u m p y ro ad s, o n ly to reach a g ian t co n stru ction site. Invariably, o n e m o d el h o m e fro m each p rice ran g e is available fo r p o ten tial cu sto m ers to see. A n d o n S u n d ay s, fam ilies w ho have alread y m ad e d o w n pay m en ts co m e to th e site to see how th e co n stru ction is p ro ceed in g . T h e n u m ber an d size o f su ch g ian t co n ­ stru ctio n sites p o rten d th e ex o d u s o f th e city ’ s ex ecu tiv e-tech n ical- p ro fessio n al elite in th e n ear fu tu re. B u t fo r m o m en t, th e ‘ d ream lan d ’ w ith its p ro m ise o f ten n is co u rts an d g o lf co u rses, w ith en tertain m en t an d sh o p p in g facilities, to b e reach ed w ith in m inu tes, ex ists o n ly in ex p en siv e b ro ch u res. F o r m o st fam ilies in th e u p p er reach es o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata, in v estin g in a su b u rb an g ard en -h o m e m ean s p o u ring a lifetim e ’ s savings (in th e ab sen ce o f lo n g -term h o m e-m o rtg ag e sch em es) 7 in to a life-sty le o f THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 65 w h ich th ey have h ad little ex p erience. S in ce th e tu rn o f th e cen tury , in n er-city ap artm en t d w ellin g h as b een th e sign an d sy m b o l o f m o d ern ity an d w estern izatio n fo r Istan b u l ’ s u p p er- an d m id d le-in co m e fam ilies. T h e sig n ifican ce o f ap artm en t d w ellin g as th e sin e q u a n o n o f m id d le-class statu s an d resp ectab ility w as en h an ced b y th e su ccessiv e w aves o f im m ig ­ ran ts fro m th e co u n try sid e b eg in n in g in th e 1950s. In th e b ro ad er social an d cu ltural g eo g rap h y o f th e city, th e d istin ctio n b etw een resid en tial n eig h bo u rh o od s o f ap artm en ts an d th e p erip h eral sp raw l o f sq u atter d istricts h o u sin g recen t im m ig ran ts h as b eco m e, o v er th e p ast th irty years, em blem atic o f th e cu ltu ral d iv id e b etw een a p easan t w ay o f life an d ‘ g en u ine ’ u rb an ism , b etw een w h ite-co llar o ccu p atio n s an d m an u al w ork. A m o ng ap artm en t resid en ts, how ever, fin er d istin ctio n s o f fin an cial w o rth an d sy m b o lic h ierarch y are d efin ed in term s o f p ro x im ity to th e B o spo ru s. T h u s fo r th e m an ag erial-tech n ical-p ro fessio n al elite o f th e city, u n til very recently , resid en ce in o n e o f th e p restig io us lu x ury ap artm en ts o v erlo o k in g th e B o sp o ru s w as th e m ain lo cu s o f asp iratio n an d sy m b ol o f u p w ard m obility. In Istan b u l, w h eth er a flat has ‘ a view o f th e sea ’ o r n o t, and how b ro ad , close an d b eau tifu l a view it co m m and s, w ere, u p to a few years ago, th e m o st im p o rtan t sy m b o lic m ark ers o f d istin ctio n b etw een th e w id er seg m ents o f th e city ’ s salaried an d its m an ag erial, p ro fessio n al elite. C u rren tly , th e p rices o f flats o n th e m ark et still d ep en d o n a view o f th e sea as m u ch as o n size o r quality, if n o t m o re. B u t th e asp iratio n s o f th e city ’ s co rp o rate elite an d to p p ro fessio n als have sh ifted elsew here. Istan b u lites cu rren tly in v estin g in su b u rb an h o m es, th en , w ill be leav in g b eh in d a view o f th e sea sh ared w ith n eig h b o u rs liv in g in th e sam e ap artm en t b lo ck , o r frien d s n ex t d o o r, ab an d o nin g th e fam iliarity o f ev ery day life m ap p ed o u t b y p ro x im ity to th e co rn er g ro cery sto re, an d leav in g th e street life o f an accu sto m ed n eig h b o u rh o o d , to live w ith acq u ain tan ces (n o t to tal stran g ers) o f sim ilar b ack g ro u n d an d social statu s in th e co u n try sid e. B u t an x ieties o v er th e m o v e (rarely ad m itted an d by w o m en o n ly ) seem to b e co m p en sated fo r b y th e p ro m ise o f ram b lin g law ns, b ark in g d o g s an d social sp aces clean sed o f cu ltu ral p o llu tan ts. F o r acco rd in g to th e ‘ cu stom er p ro file ’ targ eted by m ark etin g ag en cies, th ese are b u sy ex ecu tiv es o r p ro fession al m en w ho d ream o f relax in g at th e w eek en d s by w o rk in g in th e g ard en an d w h o p lan to b u y a d o g im ­ m ed iately after m o v ing in ; b u t w ho also have ‘ ed u cated w iv es ’ d esirin g to escap e th e p o llu tio n o f th e city: air p o llu tio n , traffic p o llu tio n , n o ise p o llu tio n an d , m o st im p o rtan t, cu ltu ra l p o llu tio n . In its b ro ad er co n to urs, th is is a sto ry rem in iscen t o f su ccessiv e w aves o f su bu rb anizatio n w h ich o ccurred in N o rth A m erican an d E u ro p ean cities after th e S eco n d W o rld W ar, w h en sin g le-fam ily h o u ses, cars an d co n su m er d u rab les b ecam e sy m bo lic o f a n ew life-sty le. 66 GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES T h e n e w h ig h -rise su b u rb s o f Ista n b u l: th e site F o r th e b ro ad er seg ­ m en ts o f Istanb u l ’ s m id d le strata - m an ag ers an d u p p er civ il serv an ts as w ell as em p lo y ees fro m th e low er ru n g s o f n u m ero u s p u b lic b u reau cracies an d q u asi-p u b lic o rg an izatio n s - th e p u rsu it o f ‘ a new h o m e an d new w ay o f life ’ en tails m o v in g to o n e o f th e new resid en tial d ev elo p m en ts w h ich have rap id ly sp ru ng u p alo n g th e m ajo r n ew th ro u g h w ay s in to an d o u t o f Istan b ul. S ite* is th e w o rd cu rren tly u sed to d esig n ate su ch u n iform clu sters o f h igh -rise, h ig h -d en sity resid en tial blocks, m o st o f th em o rg an ized as co op erativ es, eith er by th e d ev elo p er firm o r asso ciatio n s o f em p lo y ees, retirees an d so o n , an d lo cated o n sites d esig n ated fo r m ass h o u sin g d evelop m ent by th e m etro p o litan g o v ern m en t. S u b sid ized by th e M ass H o using F u n d (M H F ), o w n ersh ip in su ch co o p erativ es en tails th e pay­ m en t o f in stalm en ts fro m th e g ro u n d u p fo r a flat n o t ex ceed in g (in th eory ) 100 sq u are m etres. 9 T h e m o rtg ag e, w ith a m atu ratio n p erio d o f fifteen to tw en ty y ears, is o w n ed by th e M H F an d th e d ev elo p er is d irectly reim b u rsed in fu ll b y th e M H F u p o n co m p letio n o f th e b u ild ing . In Istan b u l m o re th an 1000 su ch co o p erativ e h o u sin g p ro jects (en tailin g ro ug hly 100,000 d w ellin g u n its) w ere lau n ched , caterin g to m id -ran g e p rofessio nals, civil serv an ts an d m ilitary p erso n n el as w ell as em p lo y ees fro m th e lo w er ru n g s o f n u m ero u s p u b lic b u reau cracies an d q u asi-p ub lic o rg an izatio n s. O n th e city -scap e o f Istan b u l, th e sites are a n o v el p h en o m en o n , b o th arch itectu rally an d as a w ay o f life. B u ilt acco rd in g to strin g en t state reg u latio n s to m inim ize co st p er d w ellin g, u p o n land d esig n ated fo r m ass h o u sin g alo n g m ajo r ex p ressw ays, th ese are clu sters o f co n crete blocks w h ich o ften seem to b e in the m id d le o f n o w h ere, o ften w ith o u t p u b lic tran sp o rtatio n (th at is, d ep en d en t u p o n p riv ate car o w n ersh ip , a n d /o r em ploy ers ’ b u s serv ices), an d h o m o g en eo u s in term s o f th e social co m ­ p o sitio n o f th eir in h ab itan ts. T h ose w h ich are clo ser to th e city are equally strik in g in th eir h eig h t, w h ich sep arates th em , like w alled villages, fro m su rro u n d in g settlem en ts o f sq u atter h o u sin g and co m m ercial use. In th e clich e o f city p lan nin g m an u als an d arch itectu re tex tb o o k s, su ch h ig h -rise resid en tial blocks are in fam o u s for sacrificin g co m m u n al v alues in th e n am e o f u tility an d co st-effectiv en ess. T h ey are freq u en tly d escrib ed as co n crete slab s w h ich seg reg ate resid en ts, alien ate th em fro m each o th er b y sterile an d co ld ly fo rb id d in g hallw ays, serv e to iso late th em b eh in d clo sed d o o rs in th e ab sence o f co m m u n ity w alkw ays an d residen tial m eetin g areas. H en ce th e n ew sites o f Istan b u l have b eco m e a fav o u rite P h D research to p ic fo r T u rkish city p lan n in g an d arch itectu re stu d ents. B ased u p o n th e ach iev ed w isd o m o f th e d iscip le, an d fash io n ­ ab le co n cep ts b o rro w ed fro m en v iro n m en tal p sy ch o lo g y , a v ariety o f THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 67 q u estio n n aire su rv ey s have b een co n d u cted , attem p tin g to m easure levels o f d issatisfaction , feelin g s o f iso latio n , lack o f feelin g s o f co m m u n ity an d so o n , am o n g th e n ew resid en ts. S o m e o f th e g en eral fin d in g s o f th ese stu d ies are o f in terest, p rim arily b ecau se th ey reveal th e d iscrep an cy b etw een th e m in d set o f research ers/o u tsid ers an d th e resid en ts th em ­ selves. W h en ask ed ab o u t th eir ‘ id eal h o m e ’ , th e u n iv ersal resp o n se ap p ears to be ‘ an in d ep en d en t h o u se in a g ard en ’ , w h ich seem s to b e farth est aw ay fro m the actu al situ atio n o f site resid en ts. Y et at th e sam e tim e m o st resid en ts ex p ress th em selv es to b e v ery satisfied w ith site life and en v iro n m en t, ch o o sin g to d escrib e it th ro u g h ad jectiv es such as ‘ airy ’ , ‘ lig h t ’ , ‘ refresh in g ’ , ‘ clean ’ , ‘ o rd erly ’ . T h is is tru e fo r residen ts o f th e m ore u p scale d ev elop m en ts w h ere in d iv id u al flats are larg er th an 100 sq u are m etres (d esp ite M H F reg u latio n s, m o re th an 50 p er cen t o f co o p erativ e h o u sin g is o f th is ty p e) as w ell as th e d o w n scale ap artm en t d ev elo p m en ts w ith 6 5 -1 0 0 sq u are-m etre flats; an d reg ard less o f th e ad equ acy o f p lay g ro u n d s fo r ch ild ren , g reen sp ace b etw een ap artm en t b lock s an d so o n . ‘ A clean en v iro n m en t ’ seem s to b e th e m o st freq u en tly u sed p h rase to d escrib e site life. O ften , how ever, th is p h rase is m o d ified to em p h asize ‘ a clean so cia l en v iro n m en t ’ , referrin g to sim ilarities in th e social an d o ccu p atio n al b ack g ro u n d s o f resid en ts. R esp o n ses to su rv ey q u estio n s w h ich p ro b e w h at residen ts w o u ld w ish to ch an g e, given th e ch oice - w ith p reco d ed an sw ers o n altern ativ e d esig n p o ssib ilities to b reak th e m o n o to n y an d sterile u n ifo rm ity o f id en tical flats; to create co m m o n sp aces to en h an ce n eig hb o u rlin ess an d co m m u n ity ties — seem eq u ally u n an ticip ated . W h at th e resid en ts actu ally co m p lain ab o u t, tim e an d ag ain , an d ex p ress as th eir m o st d esired w ish , is a sh o p p in g cen tre. W h at th ey d esire m o st, it w o u ld seem , is to be able to ‘ go sh o p p in g ’ . H en ce it is n o t p ark b en ch es, g reen ery , trees, p lay g ro u n d s (sp aces o f n eig h b o u rlin ess o f th e so rt T u rkish u rb an d esig n ers have in m in d ) th at residen ts articu late as lacking. In d eed , w h en available, su ch sp aces seem to be rarely u sed . F u rth erm ore, m o st in h ab itan ts seem to su ffer fro m a d earth o f im ag in atio n o n altern ativ e in terio r d esig n p o ssib ilities, b ey o n d en clo sin g b alco n ies to acq u ire m o re space. In stead , co llectiv e im ag in atio n seem s to cen tre u p o n ‘ sh o p p in g ’ , n o t sim p ly to b u y th in g s b u t eq u ally im p o rtan t as a w ay o f seein g p eo p le, stro llin g , h av in g so m eth in g to do. H o w ev er lim ited a n d /o r q u estion ab le th e fin d in g s o f su ch su rvey research m ay be, th ey su g g est th at th e ex p erien ces o f site d w ellers th em ­ selves are far m o re co m p lex an d v aried th an th e arch itectu ral u n iform ity o f th e h ig h-rise resid en tial b lo ck s in itially su g g ests. T o th e o u tsid e o b serv er, w h eth er a flat is slig htly sm aller o r larg er th an 100 sq u are m etres m ay b e triv ial, d istin ctio n s am o n g clu sters o f h ig h -rise b lo ck s 68 GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES in co n seq u en tial, y et for fam ilies w ho d ecid e to in v est in su ch a flat, b eg in n in g to pay in stalm en ts fro m th e g ro u n d u p an d w aitin g fo r a m in im u m o f tw o years (p ro v id ed th e d ev elo p er firm d o es n o t co llap se in th e m ean tim e o r b eco m e em b ro iled in legal d isp u tes w ith M H F w h ich cau se in term in ab le d elay s, o r eco n o m ize by u sin g b u ild in g m aterials o f m u ch lo w er q u ality th an o rigin ally p ro m ised — all o f w h ich are likely scen ario s) b efo re finally m o v in g in , g rad atio n s o f size an d quality ’ are o f en o rm o us sign ifican ce. N o t o n ly are th e co sts o f flats h ig h ly variable, d ep en d in g u p o n size, b ath roo m an d k itch en in stallatio ns, av ailab ility o f lifts an d so o n , b u t also th e sy m b o lic w o rth an d cu ltu ral sig nificance o f m o v in g to a site ch an g es acco rd in g to th e b ack g ro u n d s o f th e in h ab itan ts th em selv es. F o r g ro u p s su ch as p o licem en , m u n icip al em p lo y ees, p rim ary school teach ers w h o se lim ited sav in g s are su scep tib le to co n tin u o u s ero sio n u n d er in flatio n , m an ag in g th e in itial d o w n p ay m en t an d m o n th ly in ­ stalm en ts to w ard s a sm all flat en tails a m ajo r effo rt. A n d th e actu al m ove to a site o ften sig n ifies u p w ard m o b ility , aw ay fro m o n e o f th e in fo rm al n eig h b o u rh o o d s o f th e city. F o r th is g ro u p, th e very u n ifo rm ity an d o rd erlin ess o f h ig h -rise ap artm en ts articu lates an d sy m b o lizes th e cu ltu ral d istin ctiv en ess o f site resid en ts, d istin g u ish in g th em fro m th e in h ab itan ts o f ‘ in fo rm al ’ n eig h b o u rh o o d s. T h e so -called in fo rm al n eig h b ou rh o o d s o f Istan b u l are by n o m ean s th e sh an ty to w n s o f A frica o r th e fa v e la s o f L atin .A m erica. In d eed , Istan b u l ’ s in fo rm al h o u sin g m ark ets p ro v ide co n sid erab le o p p o rtu n ity fo r cap italizin g o n in creasin g lan d values, an d have b een a ch an n el o f accu m u latio n fo r w aves o f im m ig ran ts flo o din g in to Istan b u l o v er th e p ast th ree d ecad es. 10 B u t refrig erators, w ash in g m ach in es an d k itch en w are req u ire ‘ m o d ern ’ b ath ro om s an d k itch ens; m atch in g liv in g -ro o m fu rn itu re an d telev isio n sets d em an d ro o m s to d isp lay th em in. T h u s m o v in g fro m in fo rm al h o u sin g w ith its cram p ed sp aces, to a reg u lar flat, w ith a stan d ardized p lan - tw o b ed ro o m s, o n e liv in g ro o m , w ith a sep arate k itch en an d b ath roo m - p ro v id es sp ace for a h o st o f co n su m er g o o d s alread y p u rch ased on in stalm en t. F o r m an ag ers, h ig h er civil serv an ts, o r p ro fessio n al em p lo y ees w ho are alread y ap artm en t-d w ellin g Istan b u lites, site resid en ce m ean s a h o m o ­ g en eo u s, safe, o rd erly en v iro n m en t, d istan t b o th sp atially an d socially fro m th e h etero g en eo u s p o p u latio n s o f Istan b u l. T h e ap p eal o f m o v in g in to a b ran d -n ew , sp acio u s flat w ith g leam in g k itch en s an d u p -to -d ate b ath ro o m fix tu res, d eco rated w ith ceram ics o f asso rted co lo u rs an d d esig n s, is co n sid erab le fo r th is g ro u p . L eav in g b eh in d o ld , ill-assorted accu m u latio n s, to red eco rate liv in g ro o m s ( ‘ salo n s ’ ) w ith m atch in g fu rn itu re, n ew cu rtain s an d cry stal ch an d eliers is p art o f th e ritu al o f m o v in g . H en ce arch itectu ral stan d ard izatio n is acco m p an ied by o th er THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 69 sign s an d sy m b o ls o f cu ltu ral h o m o g en eity an d social u n ifo rm ity , in th e acq u isitio n o f n ew fu rn itu re, new tab lew are, n ew m atch in g to w els and b ed -sh eets co m m en su rate w ith th e d azzlin g clean lin ess o f n ew flats. B u t eq u ally im p o rtan t, if n o t m o re so, is th e cu ltu ral an d social h o m o g en eity o f site life, w h ich co n n o tes ‘ o rd er ’ rather th an sterile u n ifo rm ity fo r th e in h ab itan ts th em selv es. F o r th ese fam ilies, th e em erg en t cu ltu re o f th e 1980s in Istan b u l, w ith its ‘ m ix ed ’ fo rm s o f m u sic, g ram m ar an d d ress, rep resen ts a h alf-b red w o rld o f p seu d o -u rb an ism , o n e w h ich co n trad icts an d p o llu tes th e ch erish ed p u rity o f th eir o w n ‘ W estern ized ’ w ay o f life. B u reau crats, p ro fessio n als, m an ag ers co n stitu te a stratum o f p eo p le for w h o m th e global p astich e o f sty les an d tastes in co n tem p o rary Istan b u l th reaten s to ero d e th e san ctity o f th eir ‘ m o d ern ’ , ‘ W estern ’ w ay o f life. S y m b olic m ark ers o f w h at w as b arely a d ecad e ago a d istinctiv ely m id d le ­ class life-sty le, ap p ear to have lo st th eir cu ltu ral m o o rin g s in th e Istan b ul o f th e 1 990s, p o llu ted an d co n tam in ated b y h y b rid izatio n . S ite life, w ith its an tisep tic social an d cu ltu ral sp aces, th u s rep resen ts an escap e fro m p o llu tan ts, b u t it w o u ld seem to be a m ix ed b lessin g in th e ab sen ce o f a ‘ sh o p p in g cen tre ’ w ith its asso ciated p leasu res o f lo o k in g an d w an d erin g aro u n d , tran sfo rm in g th e co n tem p latio n o f v isu al d isplay s in to leisu re activity, fu sin g b u y in g -pleasu re-leisu re. Concluding remarks M y in ten tion in th is ch ap ter h as b een to d escrib e how th e ex p erien ces an d p ercep tio ns o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le classes have b een cru cial in th e n eg o tiatio n o f global cu ltu ral flow s, an d h av e in tu rn sh ap ed th e co u rse o f h isto rical ev en ts. In em b racin g th e g lo bal m y th o f th e id eal h o m e, in th e v ariety o f th eir ow n p h en o m en al ex p erien ces, th e m id d le strata o f Istan b u l have d ep arted fo r p ro g ressively frag m en ted an d q u artered lives o n th e o u tskirts o f th e city. T h ey have th u s b een cru cial so cial ag en ts in sh ap in g th e co u rse o f h isto rical ev en ts w h ich have altered th e p h y si ­ o g n o m y o f Istan b u l, rem ap p in g its social an d cu ltu ral to p o g rap h y . It w as th ro u g h th e ‘ g lo b alized ’ o p tics o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le classes, I have em p h asized , th at th e fam iliar fab ric o f Istan b u l, w ith its in term in g lin g o f social an d cu ltu ral sp aces, cam e to b e p erceiv ed as d iso rd erly an d p o llu ted , an d th e p o litical w ill to tran sfo rm it w as m o b ilized . T w o an aly tical p o in ts w h ich em erg e fro m th is d escrip tiv e acco u n t seem w o rth reiteratin g by w ay o f co n clusio n . T h e first p o in t has to do w ith g lo b al m y th s in g en eral, an d th e m y th o f th e id eal h o m e in p articu lar. T h e g lo bal circu latio n o f m y th s is n o t eq u iv alen t to th e g lo b alizatio n o f m ean in g s. B u t th ey are d irectly involved in th e p ro ­ d u ctio n o f th e cu ltu ral fram es w ith in w h ich life strateg ies o f v ario u s 70 GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES social g ro u p s are n eg o tiated . A global m y th su ch as ‘ o u r ideal h o m e ’ , for in stan ce, w hose m ean in g ap p ears to b e self-ev id en t an d n atu ral, co n n o tes an en sem b le o f d iv erse elem en ts, th e relatio n sh ip s am o n g w h ich h av e to b e actively co n stru cted by social ag en ts - ad v ertisers as w ell as p ro sp ectiv e cu sto m ers. In th is sen se, co n sum er m y th s w h ich circu late acro ss th e g lo b e acq u ire facticity in resp o n se to d ifferen t sets o f circu m stan ces, in d ifferen t h isto rically sp ecific sites. W h at is co n su m ed as ‘ o u r id eal h o m e ’ is co n tin gen t u p o n th e sp atial/id eo lo g ical co n tex t in w h ich it is rep ro ­ d u ced . B u t th is is n o t to sug gest th at th e ‘ lo cals ’ are h ap p y b rico leu rs assem b lin g th eir ow n ‘ id eal h o m es ’ . O n th e co n trary , ‘ o u r ideal h o m e ’ has a m o n ey sig n attach ed to it. T h e sig n ifican ce o f co n tem p o rary global m y th s resid es, I w o u ld su g g est, in co n jurin g d ream s as co m m o d ities, to be b o u g h t an d sold. W h at h as trav elled acro ss cu ltu ral b o rd ers to Istan b u l is the id eal h o m e as a co m m o d ity , lad en w ith m y th ical co n ten t th ro u gh th e lan g uag e o f an in creasin g ly g lo b alized ad v ertisin g in d u stry . M y seco n d an aly tical p o in t h as to d o w ith th e so -called ‘ crisis ’ o f th e m id d le classes in th e co n tex t o f g lo b alizatio n an d liberalizatio n , v ario u sly referred to as ‘ sh rin k ing ’ o r ‘ d isap p earin g ’ . A s sev eral recen t b o o k titles (an d th eir co n ten ts) su ch as F ea r o f F a lling (E h ren reich 1989) an d F a llin g fro m G ra ce (N ew m an 1988) su g g est, th e m id d le classes feel th reaten ed , in o n e co u n try after an o th er, by p o licies o f lib eralizatio n w h ich ero d e th eir eco n o m ic as w ell as th eir social stan d in g . In teg ratio n in to th e global eco n o m y o ften stren g th en s th e u p p er seg m en ts o f th e m id d le strata at th e ex p en se o f w o rsen in g co nd itio ns for th e lo w er m id d le class w ho are faced w ith th e p ro sp ect o f d o w n w ard m obility. G lob al cu ltu ral flow s w h ich ero d e d istin ctio n s o f h ig h an d low cu ltu re p ro g ressiv ely u n d erm in e th e sy m bo lic cap ital u p o n w h ich a d istin ctiv e m id dle-class w ay o f life is b ased . B u t th is g en eral ten d en cy o f g lo b alizatio n to u n d erm in e th e cap acity o f th e m id d le classes to rep ro d u ce th em selves, d o es n o t m ean th at fu tu re o u tcom es at th e level o f p articu lar m etrop o lises are o b v io u s. In th e co m p etitiv e eco n o m ic an d p o litical en v iro nm en t o f th e g lo b alizin g city, th e m id d le classes activ ely p u rsu e a v ariety o f so cial strateg ies an d cu ltu ral p ractices to m ain tain o r reb u ild m ark ers o f d istin ctio n w h ich d efin e a d istin ctiv e w ay o f life. T o u n d erstan d th e w ays in w h ich th ese v ariab le strateg ies su cceed , su rv iv e an d fail, it is im p o rtan t to m o v e fro m th e sp ace-tim e o f th e g lo b al eco n o m y to stu d y p ro cesses o f social and cu ltu ral rep ro d u ctio n in th e sp ace-tim e o f p articu lar m etro p o lises. In th e co n tex t o f Istan b u l, th e strateg y o f su rv iv al o f th e m id d le classes has chiefly cen tred u p o n th e d o m ain o f co n sum p tio n sy m b o lized b y th e ideal h o m e. F o r th e m ajo rity , th eir n ew lives in h u g e resid en tial estates o n th e o u tsk irts o f th e city rem ain far fro m w h at an o u tsid e o b serv er, fro m a THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’ 71 p o sitio n o f cu ltu ral d istan ce, m ay ju d g e to b e th e fan tasy w o rld o f th e ideal h o m e. In th e aw aren ess an d u n d erstan d in g o f th eir o w n stan d in g as ‘ m id d le class ’ , how ever, Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata have b een su ccessfu l in reco n stitu tin g th e locally d istin ctive cu ltu ral m ark ers an d b o u n d aries w h ich sep arate th em fro m o th er g ro u p s in city space, by em b racin g th e global co n su m er m y th o f th e id eal hom e. Notes 1. F o r a b ro ad er acco u n t o f Istan bu l ’ s tran sfo rm atio n in th e 1980s see K ey d er an d O n cii (1994). 2. T h ere are n u m ero u s stu d ies w h ich trace th is p ro cess, su ch as L y n n S p ieg el ’ s (1992) b o o k o n telev isio n an d th e fam ily id eal in p o st-w ar A m erica; F ish m an ’ s (1989) an aly sis o f su b u rb ia as a b o u rg eo is U to p ia; o r E w en ’ s (1976) stud y o n th e social ro o ts o f ad v ertisin g . 3. R o lan d B arth es ’ s m y th o lo gies w ere p art o f h is earlier p ro ject o f a critiq u e o f F ren ch b o u rg eo is cu lture. In talk in g ab o u t ‘ g lo b al m y th s ’ I am o b v iou sly stretch in g his m y th o lo gies b ey o n d th e o rig in al in ten tio ns o f th e au th o r. 4. A cco rd in g to th e P IA R -G allu p n atio n al co nsu m p tio n p attern s su rv ey co nd u cted in 1991, 60 p er cen t o f 11 m illio n T u rk ish h o u seh o ld s o w n ed co lo u r telev isio n sets. T h e 1990 ‘ E u ro ’ av erag e (1 7 co u n tries) q u o ted b y G allu p In tern atio n al is 90 p er cen t. F o r m etro p o litan Istan b u l, th e 1993 co nsu m er su rv ey o f th e Istan b u l C h am b er o f In d u stry rep o rts 90 p er cen t co lo u r-T V o w nersh ip . 5. T h e ad v ertisem en ts I d raw u p o n in th is section co m e fro m a larg er arch iv e co m p iled fo r co m p arative p u rp o ses acro ss d ifferen t seg m en ts o f th e resid en tial m ark et as w ell as to illu strate ch an g es o v er tim e in th e p ast d ecad e. In th e b rief su m m ary p ro v ided h ere I h av e sim p ly ig n o red ch an g es o v er tim e w h ich are sig n ifican t in th eir o w n rig h t b u t rem ain tan g en tial to th e cu rren t d iscu ssio n . 6. T h e sig n ifican ce o f a g lo balized ad v ertisin g lan g u ag e in ren d erin g th e h o m e a co m m o d ity lad en w ith m y th ical con ten t is o b v io u s. T u rk ey ’ s ad v ertisin g secto r has b een am on g th e m o st rap id ly g lo balized secto rs o f th e eco n o m y . S in ce th e m id -1 9 80 s, m an y o f th e g lo b al ad v ertisin g ag en cies - su ch as S aatch i an d S aatch i, Y o u n g and R u b icam , L o w e, M cC an n -E ricso n , L in tas - h av e estab lish ed p artn ership s w ith local firm s. C u rren tly , th e to p fifteen ad v ertisin g firm s w h ich h o ld 80 p er cen t o f th e ad v ertisin g m arket all h av e in tern atio n al p artn ers. H en ce b o th th e b u zzw o rd s an d th e fo rm ats o f h o m e ad v ertisem ents in Istan b u l ’ s resid en tial m ark et are rem ark ab ly sim ilar to w h at C aro lin e M ills (1 9 9 3 ), fo r in stance, d escrib es in th e co n tex t o f a g en trified n eig hb o u rh oo d in V an co u v er, w h ere th e ex p erien ce o f g en trificatio n h as b een recast as a m y th. W h at is b ein g so ld as ‘ a n ew h o m e an d a n ew w ay o f life ’ is o b v iou sly v ery d ifferen t in th e tw o co n tex ts, th at is, sp ecific in tim e an d place. 7. T h e T u rk ish fin ancial sy stem h as b een o v erw h elm in gly d o m in ated by co m ­ m ercial b an k s. T h e ro le o f p riv ate p en sio n fu n d s, sav in g s an d lo an asso ciatio n s, an d b u ild in g so cieties is n eglig ib le. C o m m ercial b ank s are leg ally p ro h ibited fro m u sin g th eir o w n reso u rces fo r lo n g -term h o m e m o rtg ag es. H en ce in d iv id u al h o m e-o w n ersh ip is either d irectly fin an ced b y p riv ate savings o r b y sh o rt-term co m m ercial an d su p pliers ’ cred it. 8. T h e T u rk ish w o rd site is ad ap ted fro m th e F ren ch w o rd cite, w h ich refers to o u tsize h o u sin g p ro jects in F ran ce ’ s su b u rb s o r b a n lieu es. In F ran ce, h o w ev er, resid en ts 72 GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES o f su ch p ro jects o r cites are o ften m u lti-eth n ic im m ig ran t p o p u latio n s T h e w o rd site co n n o tes resid en tial estates fo r th e T u rk ish m id dle classes. 9 T h e M I1 F w as in itially estab lish ed in th e m id -1 9 8 0 s to p ro v id e p referen tial cred it fo r lo w -inco m e g ro u p s, b u t it rap id ly ev o lv ed in to a m ech an ism fo r su b sid izin g m id d le-class h o u sin g in larg e cities, esp ecially in Istan b u l w h ere m o re th an 50 p er cen t o f th e d w ellin g s su b sid ized are larg er th an d ie to o -sq u are-m etre elig ib ility req u ire ­ m en t. 10. S u ccessiv e w aves o f im m ig ran ts to Istan b u l in th e 1950s an d 1960s, h av in g o n ce acq u ired a fo o th o ld in Istan b ul ’ s in fo rm al land m arkets, w ere o ften ab le to leg alize th eir o w n ersh ip rig h ts; th ey to o k ad van tag e o f h ig h in flatio n an d risin g p ro p erty v alu es to b eco m e o w n ers o f ren tals, m u lti-sto rey b u ild in g s an d so o n . C o n co m itan tly , th e v ast o p p o rtu n ities fo r cap italizatio n in th is m ark et attracted o u tsid e in v esto rs and d ev elo p ers. T h u s by th e m id -19 7 0 s, it w as n o lo n g er p o ssib le to ‘ sq u at ’ in th e tim eh o n o u red fash io n . O n ce th e lan d g rab b o n an za o f th e 1950s an d 1960s w as over, fresh w aves o f im m ig ran ts w ere fo rced to b u y sp lit-d eed s in u n serv iced , agricultural land. S ee O n cii (1 9 88 ) an d also S eu fert in th is v o lu m e, ch ap ter 10. References A b b as, A . 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