I
AY§E 0 N C i) & PETRA WEYLAND
S p a ce, C u lture a n d P o w er: N ew id en tities in g lo b a lizin g cities w as first
p u b lish ed b y Z ed B o ok s L td , 7 C y n th ia S treet, L o n d o n N i g jF , U K ,
an d 165 F irst A v en u e, A tlan tic H igh land s, N ew Jersey 0 7 7 1 6 , U S A ,
in 1997 .
C op y rig h t © th e co n trib u to rs, 1997 .
E d ito rial co p y rig h t © A y§e O n cii an d P etra W ey lan d , 1997.
C o v er d esig n ed b y A n d rew C o rb ett.
S et in M o n oty pe E h rh ard t b y E w an S m ith .
P rin ted and b o u n d in th e U n ited K in g d om b y B id dles L td ,
G u ild fo rd an d K in g ’ s L y nn .
A ll rig h ts reserv ed .
T h e rig h ts o f th e au th o rs o f th is w o rk h av e b een asserted b y th em in
accord an ce w ith th e C o p y rig h t, D esig n s an d P aten ts A ct, 1988.
A catalo gu e reco rd fo r th is boo k is av ailab le fro m th e B ritish L ib rary .
L ib rary o f C o n g ress C atalo g in g -in -P u b licatio n D ata
S p ace, cu ltu re, an d p o w er : n ew id en tities in g lo b alizin g cities /
ed ited b y A y§e O n cii an d P etra W ey lan d .
p.
cm .
P ap ers fro m a w o rk sh o p h eld at B o gazi^i U n iv ersity , Istan b u l, in
1994.
In clu d es b iblio g rap h ical referen ces an d in d ex .
ISB N 1 -8 56 4 9 -5 0 3 -5 . - ISBN 1 -8 56 4 9 -5 0 4 -3 (p b k .)
1. M etro p o litan areas-C o n g resses. 2. S o cio lo g y , U rb a n -
C o n g resses. 3. S o cial g ro u p s — C o n g resses. 4. S ocial n etw o rk sC o n g resses. 5. In tern atio n al eco n o m ic relatio n s-C o n g resses.
I. O n cii, A y§e. II. W ey lan d, P etra, 1 9 5 4-
H T 33 0.S 63
.
199 7
3 O 7 -76 -d c2 i
96-3952 5
C IP
IS B N 1 85649 503 5 cased
ISB N 1 85649 504 3 lim p
C o n ten ts
A ck n o w led g em ents
C o n trib u to rs
1
vii
viii
In tro d u ctio n : stru g g les o v er leb en sra u m an d so cial
id en tity in g lo b alizin g cities
i
AY§E ONCU AND PETRA WEYLAND
PART I
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
OF POWER
2
21
B etw een eco n o m y an d race: th e A sian izatio n o f
S in g ap o re
23
BENG-HUAT CHUA
3
O n tw o co n cep tio n s o f g lo b alizatio n : th e d eb ate aro u n d
th e reco n stru ctio n o f B eiru t
42
SUZANNE KASSAB
4
T h e m y th o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ trav els acro ss cu ltu ral
b o rd ers to Istan b u l
56
AY§E ONCU
PART II THE SYMBOLISM OF SPACE AND THE STRUGGLE
FOR L E B E N S R A U M
5
C u ltu re sh o ck an d id en tity crisis in E ast G erm an cities
75
ULRICH MAI
6
G en d ered liv es in g lo b al sp aces
PETRA WEYLAND
82
7
T h e m etro p o litan d ilem m a: g lo b al so ciety , lo calities
an d th e stru g g le fo r u rb an lan d in M an ila
98
ERHARD BERNER
PART III
REDISCOVERING ISLAM THROUGH THE PRISM
OF THE GLOBAL
8
117
R e-im ag in ing th e g lo b al: relo catio n an d lo cal id entities
in C airo
119
FARHA GHANNAM
9
F o rm atio n o f a m id d le-class eth os an d its q u o tid ian :
rev italizin g Islam in u rb an T u rk ey
140
AY§E SAKTANBER
10
B etw een relig io n an d eth nicity : a K u rd ish -A lev i trib e
in g lo balizin g Istan b u l
157
GUNTER SEUFERT
11
T rav ellin g Islam : m o sq u es w ith o u t m in arets
177
JAN NEDERVEEN PIETERSE
In d ex
201
A ck n o w led g em en ts
T h e p resen t v o lu m e h as g ro w n o u t o f a w o rk sh o p h eld at B ojjazi^i
U n iv ersity , Istan b u l, in th e sp rin g o f 1994 . W e are g ratefu l to th e T h y s
sen F o u n d atio n o f C o log n e, G erm an y , an d th e G erm an O rien t In stitu te
o f Istan bu l/B eiru t fo r th eir g en ero u s su p p o rt, an d to B ogazi^i U n iv ersity
fo r h o stin g th e w o rk sho p . W e w o u ld also like to th an k o u r co lleag u es
fro m d ifferen t m etro p o lises acro ss th e w o rld fo r th eir co n trib u tio n s,
p erso n al frien d sh ip an d en co u rag em en t in m ak in g th is u n d ertak in g p o s
sible.
C o n trib u to rs
E rh a rd . B e rn e r is a research fellow an d assistan t lectu rer at th e S o cio lo g y
o f D ev elo p m en t R esearch C en tre, U n iv ersity o f B ielefeld , G erm an y .
B e n g -H u a t C h u a is p ro fesso r o f sociology at th e N atio n al U n iv ersity o f
S in gap o re.
F a rh a G h a n n a m is a P h D can d id ate in th e D ep artm en t o f A n th ro p olo gy
at th e U n iv ersity o f T ex as at A u stin .
S u z a n n e K a ssa b is assistant p ro fesso r o f p h ilo so p h y at th e A m erican
U n iv ersity o f B eiru t, L eb an o n .
U lric h M a i is p ro fesso r o f g eo g rap h y at th e U n iv ersity o f B ielefeld ,
G erm an y .
A y $ e O n cii is p ro fesso r o f so cio lo g y at B o g azifi U n iv ersity in Istan b u l,
T u rk ey.
J a n N e d e rv e e n P iete rse is p ro fesso r o f sociology at th e In stitu te o f S ocial
S tu d ies in T h e H ag u e, th e N eth erlan d s.
A y $ e S a k ta n b e r is assistan t p ro fesso r o f so cio lo g y at th e M id d le E ast
T ech n ical U n iv ersity in A n kara, T u rk ey .
G u n te r S e u fe rt is a research fellow at th e D ep artm en t o f H isto ry an d
S cien ce o f R elig io n , U n iv ersity o f L au san n e, S w itzerlan d .
P e tra W e y la n d is a lectu rer in so cio lo g y at th e F ed eral A rm ed F o rces
C o m m an d an d G en eral S taff C o lleg e in H am b urg , G erm an y .
I
In tro d u ctio n : stru g g les o v er
leb en sra u m an d social id en tity
in g lo b alizin g cities
A y $ e O n cii a n d P e tra W e y la n d
L arg e m etro p o lises are ev ery w h ere cau g h t in th e co n trad icto ry logics o f
g lo b alizatio n an d lo calizatio n . S y m b o lizin g th e accelerated m o m en tu m
o f g lo b alizatio n are th e glossy facades o f m eg acap ital w h ich have ch an g ed
th e sk y lin e o f m ajo r cities aro u n d th e w o rld . O ffice to w ers h o u sin g
m u ltin atio n al co rp o ratio n s, tran sn atio n al b an k s, w o rld trad e cen tres and
fiv e-star h o tels, o n ce th e ex clu siv e h allm ark o f a sm all n u m ber o f ‘ w o rld
cities ’ , now sig nify th e in teg ratio n o f alm o st ev ery m ajor m etro p o lis in to
global cap italism . T h e ex ten sio n o f in fo rm atio n tech n o lo g ies an d trav el
p o ssibilities have created a n ew n etw o rk o f ‘ g lo bal sp aces ’ w ith in th e
interstices o f m etro po litan life acro ss co n tin en ts, in h ab ited b y a g ro w in g
co terie o f tran sn atio n al p ro fessio n als an d sp ecialists. F ro m th e o p tics o f
th is h ig h -rise co rp o rate eco n o m y an d co rp o rate cu lture, th e city dow n
below ap p ears to b e in h ab ited by a sw irlin g m ass o f im m ig ran t p o p u la
tion s, co m p etin g fo r lo w -w ag e jo b s in an in creasin g ly in fo rm alized u rb an
eco no m y as th e state retreats fro m its w elfare fu n ctio n s. T h e co m b in ed
eco no m ic an d p o litical im p erativ es o f g lo b alizatio n seem to sw eep aw ay
p articularities o f tim e an d p lace to g en erate co m m o n o u tcom es ev ery
w h ere: g ro w in g eth n ic, racial an d cu ltu ral h etero g en eity , co u p led w ith
social an d sp atial p o larization .
T h e p resen t v o lu m e ad o p ts th e o p tics o f th e local, to p ro v id e a view
o f th e ch an g in g sk y lin es fro m below . R ath er th an treat g lo b alizatio n as a
u n itary an d h o m o g en izin g p ro cess, to b e d escrib ed in term s o f its
p utatively g en eric o u tco m es, w e attem p t to u n d erstan d how it articu lates
w ith d istin ctiv e en sem b les o f class an d cu ltu re, p o w er co n stellatio n s an d
p attern s o f state/so ciety relation s sp ecific to each locality. H en ce o u r
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
2
fo cus is u p o n p ro cesses o f lo calizatio n , n o t as an im ag in ed rep o sito ry o f
resistan ce an d o p p o sitio n, b u t as actu ally p lay in g a cen tral ro le in sh ap in g
the p o w er-lad en p ro cesses an d o u tco m es o f g lo b alizatio n .
T h e cities w e are im m ed iately co n cern ed w ith , su ch as B eiru t, C airo ,
Istan b u l, o r M an ila an d S in g ap o re, sh are an im p o rtan t co m m o n ality . In
th e ab un d an t acco u n ts o f g lo b alizatio n as a p h en o m en o n w h ich p en etrates
sp atially to sh ape th e life-w o rld s in d istan t co rn ers o f th e p lan et, th ese
are ‘ o th er ’ cities in ‘ o th er ’ p laces w h ich illu strate th e im passes an d
p arad o x es o f g lo balizatio n . T h is is p resu m ab ly w h y th ey have so far
rem ain ed o n th e ed g es o f sch o larly in terest. O u r aim in tu rn in g to th ese
cities is n eith er to reh earse th e co n trad ictio n s o f g lo b alism , n o r to re
iterate th e p lig h t o f in d iv id u al cities w h ich are ab so rb ed in to its fold.
T ak ing th ese fo r g ran ted , w e aim to m o v e b ey o n d th em b y raisin g a
series o f q u estio n s.
E v ery m etro p o lis h as a u n iq u e h isto ry o f co h ab itatio n am o n g g ro u p s
frag m en ted alon g racial, eth n ic, sectarian as w ell as g en d er lines. T h e
social an d cu ltu ral b o u n d aries b etw een th ese g ro u p in g s are co n stitu ted
w ithin a m u ltitu d e o f n etw o rk s w h ich serv e as th e lo cu s o f id en tification
an d b elo n g in g , as w ell as th e so u rce o f p o w er an d leg itim atio n . H o w are
th ese b o u n d aries ren eg o tiated as n ew social n etw o rk s and circu its o f
global trad e an d fin an ce selectiv ely create new o p p o rtu n ity spaces? W h at
are th e p o litical ag en d as an d strateg ies o f g ro u p s w h o m o b ilize to seize
u p o n th ese n ew o p p o rtu n ity spaces? M etro p o litan cu lture is ev ery w h ere
th e lo cu s o f h y b rid fo rm s, a p ro d u ct o f ex ch an g es an d b o rro w in g s over
tim e an d space. H o w are sy m b o lic elem en ts fro m co n tem p o rary ’ global
d isco u rses o f co n su m erism , o f Islam , o f h u m an rig hts, selectiv ely ap
p ro p riated b y v ario u s g ro u p in g s in th e m etro po litan aren a to voice new
cu ltu ral altern atives? H o w are p rev ailin g social d istin ction s o f in clu sio n
an d ex clu sio n red raw n as p iv o tal u rb an acto rs p u rsu e th eir p o litical
v isio n s by in scrib in g th em on to th e p h y sical sp ace o f th e m etro p o lis?
O u r aim in p o sin g th ese q u estio n s is n o t so m u ch to rep o rt o n
in d iv id u al cities, as to ju x tap o se ev id en ce fro m d ifferen t research sites to
d elin eate how th e ‘ g lo b al ’ is tran slated b y d ifferen t g ro u p s o f u rb an
acto rs in to p ractices w h ich tran sfo rm th e p h y sical as w ell as social an d
cu ltu ral sp aces o f th e city.
An initial positioning
G lo b alizatio n an d lo calizatio n are n o t sin g u lar an d h o m o g en eo u s p ro
cesses to b e ch aracterized n eatly by th eir o p p o sin g essen ces. R ath er th an
b eing m u tually ex clu siv e, th ey are ‘ in ’ o n e an o th er in w ays th at m ake
th eir in terp en etratio n as im p o rtan t as th eir d ifferen tiatio n . A ny attem p t
INTRODUCTION
3
to m ak e p ractical an d p o litical sen se o f co n tem p o rary m etro p o litan ex p eri
en ce m u st th erefo re b eg in by reco g n izin g th at p ro cesses o f g lo b alizatio n
an d lo calizatio n in terco n n ect an d in tertw in e to p ro d u ce p lace-b ased
p olitical stru g g les. A ck n o w led g in g th eir in terco n n ected n ess d o es n o t m ean
th at w e can n o t g en eralize ab o u t g lo b alizatio n an d lo calizatio n as sep arab le
co ncep ts. B u t to treat lo calizatio n as a sep arate fo cu s o f g en eralizatio n ,
w itho ut red u cin g it to th e w o rk in gs o f th e global cap italist econom y,
req uires so m e elab o ratio n o f th e d ifferen tiated fo rm s an d m ean ing s o f
g lob alization .
A t th e m o st g en eral level, it is p o ssib le to th in k o f g lo b alizatio n in
term s o f m o v em en t an d circu latio n , co m p lex ity o f criss-cro ssin g flow s,
som e o f it cap ital an d trad e, so m e o f it p eo p le, an d so m e o f it signs,
sy m b ols, m ean in g s an d m y th s. A co m m o n th read w h ich ru n s th ro u g h
the ex istin g b o d y o f literatu re is th e id ea th at su ch flow s an d m o b ility
across space have accelerated , sp eed ed u p , o r have g ained a n ew m o m en
tum in th e co n tem p orary era, cap tu red in su ch key p h rases as ‘ tim e
sp ace co m p ressio n ’ (H arv ey 1989); ‘ tim e-sp ace d istan tiatio n ’ (G id d en s
1990); ‘ in tersectin g scap es ’ (A p p ad u rai 1990). H en ce th e co n cep t o f
g lob alization d o es n o t im p ly a sh ift fro m o n e p erio d to an o th er, o r a
h isto rical ru p tu re, as d o o th er en co m p assin g term s m o st freq u en tly used
to d escrib e co n tem p o rary m etro p o litan ex p erien ce, n am ely p o st-F o rdism
(A m in 1994) an d p o stm o d ern ity (S o ja 1989; W atso n an d G ib so n 1995).
R ath er, it d en o tes in ten sificatio n an d stretch in g o u t o f m o v em en ts an d
flow s, as cap tu red for in stan ce in G id d en s ’ s d efin itio n o f g lo b alization as
‘ th e in tensificatio n o f w o rld -w id e social relatio n s w h ich lin k d istan t
localities in su ch a w ay th at local h ap p en in g s are sh ap ed by ev en ts
o ccu rrin g m an y m iles aw ay an d vice v ersa ’ (G id d en s 1990: 64).
G lo b alizatio n th en , h as to d o w ith m o v em en t an d circu latio n . It also
has to do w ith pow er, i.e. th e d ifferin g relatio n sh ip o f d istinct social
g ro u ps to th ese flow s an d m o v em en t. T h is is w h at M assey (1993: 61)
refers to as th e ‘ p o w er-g eo m etry ’ o f g lob alizatio n . S o m e so cial g ro u p s
initiate flow s an d m o v em en t, o th ers d o n o t; so m e are m o re o n th e
receiv ing en d o f it th an o th ers; so m e are effectiv ely im p riso n ed b y it.
T here is th u s a d im en sio n o f m o v em en t an d circu latio n ; th ere is also a
d im en sio n o f co n tro l an d in itiatio n . T h e w ays in w h ich d ifferen t social
g ro u p s are in serted in to , p laced w ithin an d seize u p o n th ese flow s, w h ich
are th em selv es d ifferen tiated , can b o th reflect an d rein fo rce ex istin g
p ow er relatio n s; it can also u n d erm in e th em .
W h at d o es n o t follow fro m th e co n sid eratio n s above, an d y et co n tin u es
to in fo rm m u ch o f th e literatu re o n global flow s, is th e so cial im agin ary
o f a ‘ b o rd erless ’ w o rld . In h eren t to th e co n cep t o f global flow s, d ifferen
tiated an d d ifferen tiatin g , is th e cap acity to tran sgress tak en -fo r-g ran ted
4
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
b o u n d aries b etw een n ation -states, b etw een racial, eth n ic an d g en d er
g ro u p s, b etw een p u b lic an d p riv ate sp h eres. T h is d o es m ean , how ever,
an in creasin g ly ‘ b o rd erless ’ w o rld , o n e in w h ich b o u n daries have lost
th eir m ean in g , as im p lied by th e alm o st o b lig ato ry use o f su ch p h rases
as ‘ sp atially flu id ’ , ‘ territo rially u n b o u n d ed ’ , ‘ p ro fo u n d ly d isco n n ected ’ ,
an d so fo rth , in th e ex istin g literatu re. O n th e co n trary , ‘ b o rd ers ’ have
b eco m e th e lo cu s o f stru g gles am o n g a v ariety o f social acto rs, m o b ilized
to reassert o r red efin e th eir b o u n d aries v is-a -v is o th er relev an t acto rs,
an d tran slate th em o n to th e sp ace o f th e m etro p o lis.
W e w ill below first tu rn to v ario u s ty p es o f global flow s w h ich have
b eco m e o b jects o f stu d y , to trace h o w
th e so cial im ag in ary o f a
p ro g ressively b o rd erless w o rld u n d erp in s an o th erw ise h ig h ly d iv erse
literatu re. T h is w ill pave th e g ro u n d for a su b seq u en t d iscu ssio n o n
p ro cesses o f ‘ lo calizatio n ’ , as w e u n d erstan d th e term , in term s o f p lace
b ased stru g g les b etw een co n ten d in g social acto rs, v ario u sly lo cated w ith in
n etw o rk s o f global flow s.
On global flows
T o try to w eld to g eth er a g ran d sy n th esis o u t o f th e v ariety o f d isci
p lin ary p ersp ectiv es, ran g in g fro m g eo g rap h y to an th ro p olo g y , w h ere th e
co n cep t o f g lo b alizatio n h as g ained in creasin g cu rren cy an d b eco m e
in terlaced w ith th e lo n g -stan d in g d iv ergen ce b etw een th e co n cern s o f
p o litical eco n o m y an d cu ltu ral stu d ies, w o u ld n o t b e a m ean in g fu l
en terp rise. A less p resu m p tu o u s an d m o re w o rk ab le strateg y o f fin d in g
o u r w ay in th is co n cep tu al m aze is to trace th e d ifferen t ty p es o f flow s
an d circu its w h ich have b eco m e o b jects o f study.
F I o t p s o f c a p ita l C ircu its o f cap ital an d trad e flow s asso ciated w ith th e
w o rk in gs o f th e w o rld eco n o m y have a len g th y trad itio n in stu d ies o f
co lo n ialism an d cap italism . B u t it is o n ly in th e p ast ten y ears th at
atten tio n h as sh ifted to larg e cities as n o d al p o in ts in th is p ro cess.
U n d erp in n in g m u ch o f th is recen t sch olarly in terest in th e ro le o f cities
in th e g lo bal eco n o m y , is th e id ea th at cen tralized states are p ro g ressiv ely
lo sin g th eir cap acity to m o n ito r th eir eco n o m ic b o rd ers. O n th e o n e
h an d , th e fixity o f in v estm en t has lo st m u ch o f its m ean in g w ith th e
n ew ly available tech n o log ies o f co m m u n icatio n an d tran sp o rtatio n . O n
th e o th er, th e w ave o f stru ctu ral ad ju stm ents, lib eralizatio n s an d p riv at
izatio n in o n e n atio n al eco n o m y after an o th er have w eak en ed p o litical
restriction s o n m o v em en ts o f g lo b alized cap ital flow s. A cco rdin g ly , cities
have assu m ed in creasin g sig nificance in th e articu latio n o f global circu its
o f cap ital, b eco m in g n etw o rk s o f trad e an d fin an ce o n th eir o w n , th at is,
INTRODUCTION
5
w itho ut th e in term ed iatio n o f th e p o litical cen tre. W h ile ad m itted ly
o versim plified , th is lin e o f reaso n in g h as co n stitu ted th e u n d erp in n in g
o f a n ew in terest in cities in th e global econom y, an d a g ro w in g b o d y o f
d etailed stu d ies.
M u ch o f th is recen t literatu re w as stim u lated by F riedm an n ’ s article
‘ T h e W orld C ity H y p o th esis ’ (1986). C au tio n ing th at he w as p ro v id in g
‘ n eith er a th eo ry n o r a u n iv ersal g en eralizatio n ab o u t cities ’ b u t rather a
‘ loosely jo in ed ... fram ew o rk for research ’ , F ried m an n arg ued th at a
city ’ s in tern al stru ctu re an d eco n om ic p ro sp ects w o u ld d ep en d u p o n
how it w as in teg rated in to circu its o f g lo bal cap ital. C ertain ‘ w o rld cities ’
had b eco m e ‘ key b asin g p o ints ’ for tran sn atio n al co rp o rate h ead q u arters
an d th e o th er in stitu tion s th at o rg an ize an d co n trol th e econom y. F o r
F ried m an n , th e p arad o x is th at w o rld cities w ill p ro sp er as im po rtan t
n o d es in th e global eco n o m y , b u t th e stru ctu re o f th eir p ro sp erity gen
erates new fo rm s o f sp atial an d class p o larizatio n w h ich th ey can n eith er
red ress n o r m an ag e.
S u b seq u en t research o n th e relativ ely sm all n u m b er o f cities w h ich
have su rged ahead in th e global co n tex t h as b y an d larg e su p p o rted
F ried m an n ’ s arg u m en ts. In o n e o f th e m o st am b itio u s attem p ts to follow
u p F ried m an n ’ s p ersp ectiv e, S ask ia S assen (1991) su g g ested th at ‘ global
cities ’ fu n ctio n m o re as cen tres o f co m p lex in tern atio n al tran sactio n s
th an as co m m an d p o sts fo r m u ltin atio nal o rg an izatio n al h ierarch ies. H er
em p h asis w as o n th e ro le o f p ro d u cer serv ices, esp ecially fin an ce, w h ich
play a p iv o tal ro le in g lo b al cities. S im ilarly , M atth ew D ren n an in his
w ork o n ‘ g atew ay cities ’ (1992) arg u ed th at it is th e flexible n etw o rk s o f
ad v an ced co rp o rate-serv ices firm s w h ich co n stitu te th e m ost d y n am ic
elem en t o f m o st larg e U S cities, rather th an h ead q u arters o f m u lti
n atio n al in d u strial firm s. C astells ’ s earlier treatise o n th e ‘ in fo rm atio n al
city ’ (1989) em p h asized th at th e in creasin g ly d en se p attern o f co m
m u n icatio n s w ithin an d b etw een o rg an izatio n s creates a ‘ sp ace o f flow s ’ ,
so th at lo catio n is d riv en by ‘ th e n eed fo r th e o rg an izatio n to be
co n n ected sim u ltan eo u sly w ith th e fin an cial m ark ets, th e p o o l o f p ro fes
sional labor, th e strateg ic allian ces in th e w o rld eco n o m y an d th e ab ility
to in stall an d u p d ate th e n ecessary tech n o lo g y ’ .
N o t all recen t an aly ses em p h asize th e p rim ary im p o rtan ce o f ad v an ced
co rp o rate serv ices in cap ital flow s. F u jita an d H ill (1993), fo r in stan ce,
have arg u ed th at m an u factu rin g rem ain s in teg ral to T o k y o ’ s econom y.
T h ey find th at Jap an ese m an u factu rin g firm s, in co n trast to U S firm s,
d o n o t m ak e stro n g sp atial d istin ctio n s b etw een h ead q u arters, research
an d d ev elo p m en t an d p ro d u ctio n , p o in tin g o u t th at T o k y o has retain ed
all th ese fu n ctio n s. B u t w h ile cities w h ich retain a stro n g m an ufacturing
base in th eir m etro p o litan reg io n m ay g ro w m o st rap id ly , th is d o es n o t
6
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
ap p ear to be a n ecessary co n d itio n fo r su rg in g ah ead in th e global co n tex t.
B o th B u d d an d W h im ster (1992) an d F ain stein et al. (1992), in th eir
co m p arativ e an aly sis o f N ew Y ork an d L o n d o n , sh o w th at th ese d e
in d u strialized m etro p o lises in w h at m ig ht b e arg u ed to be eco n o m ically
d eclin in g reg io n s, p ro sp ered d u rin g th e 1980s.
Q u estio n s o f how cap ital flow s an d n etw o rk s are sh ap ed by local an d
n atio n al p o litical alig n m en ts, to p ro d u ce d istin ctiv e social g eo g rap h ies in
‘ w o rld cities ’ , rem ain a P an d o ra ’ s box, in th e stu d ies cited above. O r,
p erh ap s m o re accu rately , th ese stu d ies u n ifo rm ly em p h asize a d rift to
w ard s eco n o m ic p o larizatio n an d eth n ic cleavages, sim u ltan eo u sly w ith
th e d ecreased cap acity o f local an d n atio n al p o litics to co n tro l eith er one.
S assen (1991), fo r ex am p le, d iscern s th e sam e trajecto ry to w ard s in co m e
p o larizatio n an d eth n ic frag m en tatio n in N ew ' Y ork, T o k y o an d L o n d o n ,
n o tw ith stan d in g each city ’ s d istin ct h isto ry , so cio -eco n o m ic m ak e-u p an d
p o litics. S h e sees each as h avin g p ro d u ced a new u p p er class o f (m ale)
p ro fessio n als, a lo w -p aid class o f (fem ale) clerical w o rk ers, an d a new
im m ig ran t w o rk in g class th at caters to th e p ro fessio n als, o ften th rou g h
an in fo rm al eco n o m y and ‘ d o w n g rad ed ’ m an u factu rin g . C astells (1989)
d ep icts th e ‘ in fo rm atio n al city ’ as a p lace w h ere n o t even elites can
co n tro l th e trajecto ry o f eco n o m ic d ev elop m en t o r th e allo catio n s o f its
b en efits. F ain stein et al. (1992) find th at, b o th in L o n do n an d N ew Y ork,
co n serv ativ e n atio n al p o licies an d local p ro -b u sin ess co alitio n s have w eak
en ed th e b asis o f o p p o sition an d su cceeded in d iso rg an izin g larg e-scale
p o litical o p p o sition .
W h at co n clu sio n s, th en , can w e d raw fro m th e m etro p o litan ex
p erien ces d escrib ed in th ese w orks? T ak en to g eth er, th ey p ro v id e a g ran d
sy stem ic fram ew o rk W 'hich in itially ap p ears to in v ite d eb ate an d to in sp ire
fu rth er stu d ies o f sp ecific reg io n s an d in d iv id u al cities. Y et, th ey
co llectiv ely create an im ag e o f th e w o rld th at is em p ty b ey o n d global
cities, a b o rd erless sp ace w h ich can be reo rd ered , in teg rated , n eg lected
o r p u t to use acco rd in g to th e d em an d s o f globally articu lated cap ital
flow 's. H en ce th ey sim u ltan eo u sly clo se o ff n ew lines o f in q u iry , by
th eo retically releg atin g all b u t global cities to irrelev an ce.
F lo w s o f p e o p le
F lo w s o f p eo p le acro ss b o rd ers is o n ce ag ain n o t a new
to p ic o f stu d y . C o n v en tio n al m igratio n an aly sis h as lo n g b een co n cern ed
w ith th e m o v em en t o f p o p u latio n s, w ith in o r acro ss n atio n al b o rd ers,
fo cu sin g u p o n altern ativ e p aths o f in tegratio n a n d /o r strateg ies o f su r
vival o f p o p u lation s o ften categ o rized as in tern al an d ex tern al m ig ran ts.
A rch ety p al acco u n ts o f th e th ird w o rld city have b een m o re o r less
co term in ou s w ith th e stu d y o f m ig ran ts in in fo rm al lab o u r an d h o u sin g
m ark ets. T h is g en re o f research , far fro m lo sin g its vitality, h as acq u ired
INTRODUCTION
7
a n ew lease o f life in stu d ies o f in fo rm alizatio n an d im m ig ran t lab o u r in
‘ global cities ’ (e.g. G lick S ch iller et al. 1992).
In ad d itio n , n ew lin es o f in q u iry o n m o b ile p o p u lation s have b eg u n
to ex p lo re cro ssin g s o v er tim e an d cu ltu ral sp ace, th u s o p en in g u p novel
terrain s o f stud y an d in terd iscip lin ary aren as. W h at u sed to b e co n
cep tu alized an d stu d ied as d iscrete m o v em en ts o f p eo p le - as w o rk ers,
as p ilg rim s, as to u rists - is p ro g ressiv ely b eco m in g a p art o f a m u ch
richer body o f w o rk o n m o b ile p o p u latio n s acro ss co m p lex social an d
cu ltural tim e-sp aces. T h is red raw in g o f b o u n d aries o f to p ical areas has
b een stim u lated by critical reth in k in g o n co n cep ts o f tim e an d sp ace, for
w h ich th e w ork o f cu ltu ral g eo g rap hers an d so ciolo g ists h as b een a
rein forcin g in sp iratio n (e.g. B ird et al. 1993; B o y arin 1994; F ried lan d
an d B o d en 1994). T h ere is th u s a g ro w in g b o d y o f literatu re w h ich
traces m o v em en ts o f p eo p le in an d th ro u g h d ifferen t cu ltu ral sites an d
tim e-zon es, p ro b lem atizin g th e v ery n o tio n o f b o rd ers w h ich u n d erp in s
trad ition al g en res o f m igratio n research . F o r ex am p le, R o u se (1991)
follow s h is M ex ican su b jects acro ss b o rd ers in th e co n v en tio n al m o d e o f
m igration stu d ies, b u t h is o bject o f stud y is th at o f a d iasp o ric w orld
in dep end ent o f th e m ere m o v em en t o f su b jects fro m o n e p lace to an o th er.
B eh ar (1994) cro sses th e M ex ican b o rd er th ro u g h a relatio n sh ip fo rg ed
b etw een tw o w o m en . F isch er an d A b ed i (1990) u se th e life-sto ry as a
strateg y to ju xtap ose altern ativ e v isio n s o f Islam as co llectiv e reality
acro ss tim e an d cu ltu ral space. N aficy (1993) fo cu ses o n ex ile n arrativ es
in
Iran ian telev isio n in L o s A n g eles, to ex p lo re tran scu ltu ral and
p ostco lo nial ex p erien ce. P h illip s (1995) ex p lo res h isto ries o f in teractio n
b etw een n ativ es an d n o n -n ativ es by co n trastin g eth n o lo g ists ’ co llectio n
o f m u seu m o b jects an d to u rists ’ accu m u latio n o f so u ven irs. E ick elm an
an d P iscato ri (1 9 9 0 ) h av e fo cu sed u p o n M u slim trav ellers, b rin gin g
to g eth er stu d ies o f ritu al p ilg rim ag e w ith research on im m ig ran t w o rk ers
in larg e E u ro pean cities.
A m ajo r p o in t o f in tersectio n b etw een th ese stu d ies is th e co m m o n
strateg y o f fo llo w in g p eo p le in an d th ro u g h d ifferen t cu ltu ral sites.
M arcu s (1995) n am es th is g en re o f research ‘ m u lti-sited eth n o g rap h y ’ ,
su g g estin g th at it en tails ‘ ju x tap o sitio n s o f p h en o m en a th at co n v en tio n ally
have ap p eared to b e (o r co n cep tu ally have b een k ep t) “ w o rlds ap art ’ ”
(M arcu s 1995: 102) H en ce it w o u ld b e m islead in g to view th is g en re o f
stu d y as m erely ad d in g new to p ics, p erip h erally , to th e u su al m ig ratio n
research , fo r ex am p le ad d in g p ersp ectiv es o n d iasp o ras o r exiles, or
p lacin g a new em p h asis o n m ig ran t cu ltu res. R ath er, it co n stitu tes an
in tellectu ally self-co n scio u s attem p t to m ap o u t n ew o b jects o f stud y and
in terd iscip lin ary terrain s o f research . B y fram in g th e life-w o rld s o f
su b jects acro ss an d w ith in d iffu se tim e-zo n es, th is m o d e o f in q u iry
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
8
d estab ilizes th e lo cal/g lo b al d istin ctio n an d m erg es, in its th eo retical
co n cerns, w ith q u estio n s o f id en tity an d b elo n g in g in cu ltu ral co n tex ts
w h ere an asso rtm en t o f im ag es, sy m b o ls an d ex p ressio n s fro m th e larg er
w o rld circulate.
F lo a ts o f im a g e s, sig n s a n d sym b o ls
T h a t th e v eritab le traffic in p eo p le,
co n su m er p ro d u cts, b ran d n am es an d m ed ia im ag es acro ss th e w o rld is
n ot eq u iv alent to th e h o m o gen izatio n o f cu ltu res, is p erh ap s th e m o st
im p o rtan t sin g le co m m o n p o in t o f em p h asis in th e v ario u s strand s o f
cu rrent th ink in g o n cu ltu ral flow s acro ss th e w o rld . T h e lo n g -stan d in g
assum ptio ns o f th e cu ltu ral im p erialism p ersp ectiv e, w ith its tw o -fo ld
ten d en cy to em p h asize th e h eg em o n ic p o w er o f W estern fo rm s, an d th e
au th enticity o f cu ltu res it th reaten s to m assify, stan d ard ize, o r u n ifo rm ize,
n ow ap p ear fro zen in th e realities o f th e 1970s. T h eo retical em p h asis h as
sh ifted to q u estio n s o f cu ltu ral b rico lag e, h y b rid izatio n an d creo lizatio n .
O n e m ajo r so u rce o f in sp iratio n fo r th is lin e o f th in k in g has co m e
fro m m ed ia research . A rg u m en ts ab o u t th e p o ly sem y o f m ed ia tex ts (e.g.
F isk e 1987) an d th e d iv ersity o f in terp retiv e fram ew o rk s au d ien ces b rin g
to b ear u p o n th em (e.g. L ieb es an d K atz 1990) h av e serv ed to ch allen ge
th e lo n g -stan d in g assu m p tio n s o f th e m ed ia im perialism p ersp ectiv e by
em p hasizing th e w ays in w h ich ‘ W estern ’ m ed ia p ro d u cts are selectiv ely
ap pro priated an d n eg o tiated b y au d ien ces. M o reo v er, th e p o ssib ilities o f
‘ d o m estic ’ p ro d u ctio n o ffered by new m ed ia tech n o lo g ies have led to a
p roliferatio n o f h y b rid cu ltu ral fo rm s, ran g in g fro m p o p u lar In d ian
cin em a - a creativ e m ix tu re w ry ly d escrib ed as ‘ cu rry eastern ’ (Jain
1990) — to a v ariety o f b lend ed m u sical g en res circu latin g th ro u g h
b u rgeo n in g cassette m ark ets in o n e co u n try after an o th er (S to k es 1992;
M anu el 1993).
T h e id ea th at elem en ts fro m m etro p o litan cu ltu res can b e selectively
ap pro priated to ‘ co n stru ct ’ h y b rid fo rm s to articu late h isto rically an d
socially sp ecific ex p erien ces elsew h ere in th e w o rld h as b ro u g ht in to
q u estio n o ld er n o tio n s o f cu ltu re(s) as b ein g lo cated in p lace(s). A variety
o f term s h as b een su g g ested to cap tu re th e w ays in w h ich co n tem p o rary
cu ltures are activ ely p ro d uced th ro u gh a fu sio n o f d isp arate elem en ts.
T h us, fo r in stan ce, U lf H an n erz h as su g g ested th at, as w ith creo le
lan gu ag es, th e b len d in g o f d isju n ct an d d istin ct cu ltu ral fo rm s creates
so m ething q u alitatively new . R ath er th an o n e global, h o m o g en eo u s, m ass
cu ltu re, w h at w e o b serv e is a p ro cess o f creo lizatio n an d th at ‘ w e are all
b ein g creo lized ’ (H an n erz 1987; 1991). A p p ad u rai (1990) has u sed th e
term ‘ g lo bal cu ltu ral eco n o m y ’ in h is w ell-read article to d escrib e a
co m p lex m u lti-sited p ro cess o f p ro d u ctio n , d riv en by th e g ro w in g
m o m en tum w ith w h ich im ages, so u n d s an d id io m s lose th eir o rig in al
INTRODUCTION
9
m o o rin gs in tim e an d space, to acq u ire n ew m ean in g s as th ey circu late
aro un d th e globe. In F eath ersto n e ’ s w o rk , th e tran s- an d cro ss-cu ltu ral
flow s w h ich sh ap e ‘ global cu ltu re ’ an d ‘ global co n su m er cu lture ’ are
co nceptu alized in co n trast to th e h o m o g en eo u s an d in teg rated cu ltu re o f
the n atio n -state (F eath ersto n e 1990; 1991).
T h is m ajo r sh ift in th eo ry an d research , aw ay fro m w h at S trab ern y -
M o h am m ed i (1991) h as d escrib ed as th e ‘ to p -d o w n h y p o d erm ic-in jectio n
n eedle ’ assu m p tio n s o f cu ltu ral im p erialism p ersp ectiv e, to w ard s a
‘ b o tto m -u p
resistan ce
th ro u g h
in d ig en izatio n ’
an d
assu m p tio n s
of
cu ltural b rico lag e an d h y b rid izatio n , co in cid ed w ith th e h ig h -w ater m ark
o f p o stm od ern ist th in k in g ab o u t id en tities. In v ery b ro ad stro k es, th e
p ostm od ernist scen ario o n q u estio n s o f id en tity is a tw o -part tale: th e
fractu ring o f n ation al id en tities an d th e em erg en ce o f n eo -trib es.
F irst, th e em p h asis is o n th e ero sio n o f cu ltu ral b o u n d aries o rg an ized
ro u n d n atio n -states, as w ell as th e im p lo sio n o f tim e an d d istan ce w h ich
transfo rm s th e ex p erien ce o f cu ltu ral d ifferen ce. T h e fractu rin g o f
n atio nal id en tities o sten sib ly o p en s u p n ew cu ltu ral sp aces fo r to leran ce
o f th e stran g er, an d fo sters n ew bases o f id en tity an d b o n d in g ro o ted in
cu ltu ral d istin ctiv en ess. In co n trast w ith w ritten cu ltu res th at are d irectly
link ed to lan g uag es an d th erefo re to a territo ry , th e new id en tities o f
au dio -v isu al cu ltu re have n o ro o ts in territo rial m em ory, b u t o ffer a choice
o f life-sty les w ith sh o rter tim e-sp an s an d m o re flexible, easily resh ap ed
id en tities. T h u s in th e seco n d p art, ‘ n eo -trib es ’ are fo rm ed ‘ as co n cepts
rath er th an as in teg rated social b o d ies by th e m u ltitu d e o f in d iv id u al
acts o f self-id en tificatio n ’ (B au m an 1991: 249). F em in ist, gay, en v iro n
m en talist, an ti-n u clear, p ro -n atalist, an d so o n , m o v em en ts have b een
am on g th e m o st freq u ently cited ex am p les o f su ch flexi-id en tities and
n eo -tribes.
P red ictab ly , th e seco n d p art o f th is scen ario - n o tio n s o f ‘ flexiid en tities ’ w h ich seem o p en to ch o ice as th o u g h in d iv id u als w ere co n
su m ers in th e sh o p p in g m all o f cu lture - h as co m e u n d er criticism . B u t
th e first p art o f th e scenario , th at is th e fractu rin g o f n atio n al id en tities,
th e leg acy o f n in eteen th -cen tu ry p o litical ev o lutio n , an d th e co n co m itan t
q u est for altern ativ e b ases o f id en tity an d b o n d in g , b o th o ld an d new
(H all 1991), co n tin u es to in fo rm co n tem p o rary d iscu ssio n s o f id en tity
p olitics. It also co n stitu tes a m ajo r p o in t o f in tersectio n b etw een cu rren t
co n cep tu alizatio n s o f global cu ltu ral flow s, co n su m er cu ltu res an d th e
p resu m ed flu id ity o f cu ltu ral id en tities.
N eed less to p o in t o u t, p erh ap s, th at th e g ro w in g b o d y o f literatu re
co n cern ed w ith q u estio n s o f global cu ltu ral flow s an d cu ltu ral id en tities,
b o th o ld an d new , can b e q u ite v aried in p o litical m o o d . T h e sp ectru m
ran g es fro m th o se w h o p o rten d a ‘ h ap p y b rico lag e ’ o f m u lti-cu ltu ralism
10
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
acro ss th e globe, ail th e w ay to th e m elan ch o ly p ro g n o ses o f resu rg en t
eth n ic n atio n alism s and fu n d am en talist m o v em en ts, w ith, so m ew h ere in
b etw een , cau tio u s o p tim ists w h o fo resee th e p o ssibilities fo r rev italizatio n
o f local id en tities as to o ls o f m o b ilizatio n v is-d -v is b o th n atio n al an d
global forces.
T h e v ariety o f p o litical affin ities n o tw ith stan d in g , how ever, th ere are
a n u m ber o f co m m o n u n d erly in g p rem ises w h ich ru n th ro u g h th is b o d y
o f literatu re. O n e co m m o n em p h asis is th at co n tem p orary cu ltu res are
ev eryw h ere
in creasin g ly
th e p ro d u cts o f h y b ridizatio n,
a
co m p lex
b rico lag e o f cu ltu ral ico n s an d im ag es fro m d ifferen t lo catio n s an d tim e
p erio d s w h ich circu late acro ss th e globe. T h ere is also ag reem en t th at
th is b len din g o f d isju n ct an d d ifferen t cu ltu ral fo rm s w h ich y ield s new
d iv ersities o ffers n o sim p le read in g in su ch b in ary
o p p o sitio n s as
trad itio n al/m o d ern , in d ig en o u s/fo reig n o r lo cal/g lo b al. In d eed , th e
in creasin g ly slip p ery terrain s o f th e global an d local are co n sisten tly
reiterated . B u t d ie m o st im p o rtan t co m m o n ality , o n e th at is o f im m ed iate
relev an ce h ere, is th e ev acu atio n o f th e ‘ n atio n al ’ fro m th e analysis. T h u s,
in th e o n g o in g cu ltu ral re-m ap p in g o f th e globe, w h erein all cu ltu ral
id en tities are p resu m ed to b e in flux, th e locus o f p o litical stru g gles over
cu ltu ral id en tities - th at is, th e n atio n al aren a - h as b eco m e all b u t
invisible.
Contemporary metropolitan experience: the struggle
for le h e n sra u m and cultural identity
T o sh ift fro m th e an aly sis o f global flow s to th e d y n am ics o f co n
tem p o rary m etro p o litan ex p erien ce req u ires v ario u s k in d s o f ‘ tran slatio n ’ :
fro m sp ace to p lace, fro m m o v em ent an d circu latio n to social ag en ts
p o sitio n ed w ithin sp ecific p o w er co n stellatio n s, fro m th e social im ag in ary
o f a b o rd erless w o rld to p ractices o f b o u n d ary m ain ten an ce. T h is is n o t
sim p ly m o v ing fro m o n e level o f ab stractio n to an o th er, b u t en tails
co m in g to g rip s w ith a d ifferen t o rd er o f co m p lex ity , w ith its ow n logic
an d co h eren ce. T h e m u ltip le p o litical-cu ltu ral stru g gles p lay ed o u t at
th e level o f th e m etro p o lis are n o t in tellig ib le w ith o u t co n tex tu alizin g
th em in th e p o w er co n stellatio n s o f a d ifferen t o rd er, o n e w h o se lo g ic is
n o t red u cib le to th e ‘ p o w er g eo m etry ’ o f global flow s.
P o w er-lad en as g lo b al flow s m ay be, so cial g ro u p s w ith d ifferin g
relatio n s to th ese flow s are m o b ilized to reassert o r red efin e th eir p o litical
an d cu ltu ral b o u n d aries v is-a -v is o th er relev an t so cial acto rs in th e
m etro p o litan aren a. P lace-b ased stru g g les en tail co n ten d in g social acto rs
w h o se fram es o f referen ce, p ro jects an d p ractices have th eir logic an d
INTRODUCTION
II
co h eren ce w ithin d istin ctive en sem b les o f th e class an d cu lture o f th e
m etro p o lis.
It is only by tak in g in to acco u n t th e cu ltu ral fram es an d life strateg ies
o f social acto rs w h o are p o sitio ned w ithin th e p o w er co n stellatio n s o f a
d ifferen t social o rd er, w ith its ow n logic, th at it b eco m es p o ssib le to
m ak e p ractical an d p o litical sen se o f m etro po litan ex p erien ce in th e
g lo b alizin g w o rld.
It is self-ev id en t th at a v ariety o f co m m o d ities, im ages an d w o rd s
from th e larg er w o rld circu late in an d th ro u g h m etro p o litan life ev ery
w here. B u t it d o es n o t follow th at m etro p o litan ex p erien ce in v ario u s
reg io ns o f th e w o rld h as n o w b eco m e a m o tley b len d o f cu ltures, m ix ed
to g eth er w ith k etch u p , M cD o n ald s an d R am b o film s. A s E k h o lm -
F ried m an n an d F ried m an n (1995: 135) h av e p o in ted o u t, th e co n cep ts o f
creo lizatio n an d h y b rid izatio n im ply a b len d in g , co m b in atio n an d m ix tu re
o f im ages, w o rd s an d co m m o d ities w hose so u rces can b e id entified as
d isp arate, b u t o n ly fro m th e b ird ’ s-ey e view o f th e co sm o p o litan cu ltu ral
ex p ert. F o r th e p eo p le in v o lv ed in th e d aily stru g g le fo r life-sp ace,
leb en sra u m , ‘ th e g en ealo gies o f th e o b jects, p eo p le, id eas w h ich circu late
are o n ly o f seco n d ary m u seo co lo g ical im p o rtan ce ’ (E k h o lm -F ried m an n
an d F ried m an n 1995: 165).
T his is n o t to d en y th at m etro po litan ex p erien ce in v ario u s reg io n s o f
th e w o rld is in tricately in v o lv ed in th e g lo b al circu latio n o f im ages and
co m m o d ities. B u t th ese are assim ilated in to fields o f ex p erien ce an d life
strateg ies o f social g ro u p s w h ich have th e cap acity to m ain tain co h eren ce
in th eir d aily ex isten ce. T h e w ays in w h ich a v ariety o f ico n s an d tro p es
are ap p ro p riated fro m th e global field an d co m b in ed in th e life p ro jects
o f a p o p u latio n can b e u n d ersto o d o n ly w ithin th e cu ltu ral fram es o f
relev an t social acto rs; th at is, social g ro u p s w h ich are p o sitio n ed d iffer
en tially w ith in th e p o w er co nstellatio ns o f a d ifferen t sy stem . In h ab it
an ts o f m etro p o lises acro ss th e w o rld en g ag e in activ e stru g g les to
m ain tain th eir co n d itio n s o f social ex isten ce an d cu ltu ral d istin ctiv en ess
v is-d -v is o th er relev an t acto rs, in clu d in g th e state elite. T h e fact th at
p eo p le now d rin k C o ca-C o la o r w atch R am b o film s does n o t ch an g e this.
S tru g g les o v er cu ltu ral id en tity are n o t ab o u t ‘ p reserv in g a cu ltu re ’ in
th e co n v en tio n al an th ro p o lo g ical m ean in g o f th e p h rase, b u t ab o u t leb en sra u m . an obvious p o in t w h ich is freq u en tly o v erlo o k ed w h en ‘ o th er ’ cities,
in ‘ o th er ’ p laces are in q u estio n .
It is also self-ev id en t th at n atio n al b o rd ers have b eco m e in creasin g ly
p erm eab le in th e co n tem p o rary w o rld . B u t it does n o t follow th at n atio n al
id en tities have n o w b eco m e a ch im era, o r th at th e state elite have lo st th e
cap acity to d ev elo p an d p u rsu e strateg ies w h ich are co n tig u o u s w ith,
alb eit tran sfo rm ed v ersio n s of, o ld er n atio n alism s. O n th e co n trary, th e
12
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
rap id in teg ratio n o f n ation al eco n om ies in to g lo b al m ark ets sets lim its
u p o n th e v iab ility o f p ro jects th e state elite m ay in itiate, b u t n o t u p o n
th eir cap acity to d ev elo p o r im p lem en t th em o n th e g ro u n d , rem o u ld in g
th e p h y sical m ap o f th e m etro p o lis in lin e w ith th eir visions. H en ce,
co n trary to th e social im ag in ary o f a b o rd erless w orld w h erein n atio n al
states have b eco m e invisible, th e ch ap ters in th e p resen t v o lu m e u n d er
sco re th e cap acity o f th e state elite ru th lessly to in scrib e th eir v ision s
u p o n th e m etro p o lis th ro u g h b u lld ozers.
T h e sta te e lite a n d th e re n e g otia tio n o f c o lle c tiv e id e n titie s T h e sig n i
ficance o f th e state elite as key acto rs in resh ap in g m etro p o litan sp ace is
em p h asized in m an y o f th e p ap ers in th is v o lu m e, alb eit fro m d ifferen t
p ersp ectiv es. S o m e au th o rs focus d irectly u p o n th e v isio n s an d d iscu rsiv e
strateg ies o f th e state elite in th eir attem p ts to reassert collective id en tities
v is-a -v is th e en co m p assin g global social o rd er, an d th e w ays in w h ich
th ese are m o u lded by th e cu ltu ral m atrix o f fo rces in n atio n al space. In
th e co n tex t o f S in g ap o re, for in stan ce, B en g -H uat C h u a arg ues th at th e
search for a ‘ S in g ap o rean ’ cu ltu re w h ich en co m p asses th e C h in ese, In d ian
an d M alay p o p u latio n s o f th e city rep resen ts a sig nifican t p o litical tu rn
in th e ideological fram e o f ‘ m u lti-cu ltu ralisin ’ w h ich had b een th e basis
o f n atio n -b u ild in g o v er th e p ast th irty years. H is so ph isticated in terpreta
tio n o f th is p o litical tu rn em p h asizes th e eth n o -relig io u s d ifferen ces
w h ich have b een rep ro d u ced an d so lid ified d u rin g S in g ap o re ’ s ‘ m iracle ’
o f g ro w th an d p ro sp erity . H av in g su ccessfu lly in teg rated th e p o p u latio n
in to th e global cap italist stru ctu re, su g g ests C h u a, th e state elite are now
seek in g to h o m o g en ize d iscu rsiv ely th e d ifferen ces am o n g th e p o p u latio n
an d u n ify th em as a ‘ p eo p le ’ in th e co llectiv e im ag in ary . T h u s, S in
g ap o rean
cu ltu re
is
in scrib ed
as
essen tially
one
of
‘ A sian
co m
m u n itarian ism ’ , ag ain st th e arch -altern ativ e o f th e u n itary ‘ W est ’ w h ich
sy m b o lizes in d iv id u al self-in terest.
T h e rein v en tio n o f S in g apo re ’ s n ew ‘ A sian ’ id en tity , b uilt u p o n th e
self-co n fid en ce o f cap italist su ccess, stand s in stark co n trast to C airo an d
Istan b u l, tw o an cien t cities w h ich cam e to sy m b o lize rhe p ro m ise o f
m iracle g ro w th an d fu tu re p ro sp erity in th e n atio n al im aginary. In b o th
E g y p t an d T urkey th e state elite have em b raced th e rh eto ric o f o p en in g
u p to th e g lo b al, th e o u tsid e, to th e rest o f th e u n iv erse, co n ceiv ed as th e
n ew p ath to eco n o m ic g ro w th th rou g h p riv ate an d fo reig n in v estm en t
an d to u rism . In th e case o f C airo , F arh a G h an n am p o in ts o u t th at th e
p o litical d isco u rse o f in fitah (o p en in g u p to th e o u tsid e) to co n stru ct a
‘ m o d ern n atio n al id en tity ’ w as b o u n d w ith th e vision o f a ‘ m od ern C airo ’ ,
fit to be g azed u p o n by u p p er-class E g y p tian s an d fo reig n v isito rs, an d
in scrib ed u p o n th e city. In th e case o f Istan b u l, A v§e O n cii d escrib es
INTRODUCTION
E3
how v ision s o f a n ew Istan b u l as th e sh o w case o f T u rk ey ’ s n ew era o f
o p en in g to global m ark ets in sp ired , in th e p o litical ju n ctu re o f th e 1980s,
a series o f m assiv e u rb an ren ew al p ro jects ‘ to re-create Istan b u l ’ s p ast
glory in th e p resen t ’ . A s in th e case o f C airo , th e p ro jects to p reserve
th e g lo ry o f Istan b u l ’ s h isto rical m o n u m en ts an d sites b lo tted o u t fro m
m em ory w h at w ere o n ce thriving areas o f th e city, re-creatin g th em
th ro u g h th e to u rist gaze.
P erh ap s th e m o st d ram atic ex am p le is th at p ro v ided b y S u zan ne
K assab o n th e o n g o in g p h y sical reco n stru ctio n o f B eiru t. In a city
ravaged by tw o d ecad es o f civil w ar, w h ere th e stru g g le fo r d aily ex isten ce
u n d er sev ere in flatio n ary co nd itio n s h as b eco m e p aram o u n t, p o p u lar
h o p es have b eco m e attach ed to th e H ariri g o v ern m en t ’ s eco n o m ic ag en d a,
w h ich ad d ressed p o litical q u estio n s v ery tim id ly , if at all. K assab
u n d erlin es th at an official d isco u rse v en eratin g conviviality, o p en n ess and
to leran ce, em p h asizin g civil lib erties an d d em o cracy , d id n o t p ro v id e a
very co n v in cin g g ro u n d fo r m ak in g real p eace, in th e ab sen ce o f a
p o litical ag en d a ad d ressin g th e issu e o f trib alism . B u t after tw o d ecad es
o f civil w ar, L eb an ese so ciety has b een to o ex h au sted to d ream itself, to
d ream its id en tity an d its fu tu re, to o p reo ccu p ied w ith sh eer su rv iv al to
salvage th e v ital fo rces o f im ag in atio n an d critiqu e, arg u es K assab. It
w as in th is p rev ailin g m o o d o f ex h au stio n , sh o rtly after th e en d o f
fig h tin g , th at a p lan o f reco n stru ction w as an n o u nced by th e g o v ern m en t
an d law s w ere q u ick ly p assed fo r its im p lem en tatio n . T h e g o v ern m en t
reco n stru ctio n p lan , w ith co lo u rfu l sk etch es o f a m o d ern , clean and
g ran d io se cen tre to be b u ilt u p o n th e ru in s o f th e old one, ap p lied w h at
K assab term s 'a ta b ula ra sa ap p ro ach ’ . T h e id ea w as to rep lace th e old
B eiru t w ith a m o d ern an d global o n e, in sp ired b y m o d els o f M an hattan ,
H o n g K o n g an d A rab oil cities; m o re th an tw o -th ird s o f th e rem ain in g
b u ild in g s w ere to b e d estro y ed to m ak e ro o m fo r sp ark lin g to w ers,
im p o sin g b o u lev ard s, en tertain m en t cen tres, o rn am en ted w ith to u ch es o f
trad itio n al fo lk lo ric co sm etic. K assab ’ s d iscu ssio n o f th e co n tro v ersy
su rro u n d in g th e im p lem en tatio n o f th e p lan , an d h er g rap h ic d escrip tion
o f th e actu al co sts it im p o sed u p o n th e p o p u latio n o f th e city, are
revealing. B u t th e an aly tical cen trep iece o f K assab ’ s arg u m en t em p h asizes
h o w im ag es o f a n ew B eirut are in tertw in ed w ith th e state elite ’ s v isio n
o f th e ‘ S eco n d R ep u b lic ’ , an d th e d isju n ctu re b etw een th e p h y sical
reco n stru ctio n o f th e city an d th e p o litical reco n stru ctio n o f th e co u n try .
S h e su g g ests th at th e o n g o in g fev erish co n stru ctio n activ ity is b ased on
th e d u b io u s p o litical assum p tio n th at B eirut w ill reg ain its p re-w ar
reg io n al p o sitio n an d fu n ctio n s.
T h e ch ap ters w e have all to o b riefly to u ch ed u p o n above u n d erlin e
th e v ariety o f d iscu rsiv e strateg ies th e state elite ad o p t to ren eg o tiate
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
14
co llectiv e id en tities ris-d -ta's th e en co m p assin g g lo bal o rd er. T h ey also
in d icate th at reg ard less o f th e v iab ility o f su ch strateg ies, o r th e ex ten t
to w h ich th ey find reso nan ce in th e p u b lic im ag in atio n , th e state elite
activ ely p u rsu e th em o n th e g ro u n d , in scrib in g th eir v isio n s u p o n th e
p h y sical as w ell as th e cu ltu ral m ap o f th e city. T h ese v isio n s an d
d iscu rsiv e strateg ies are sh ap ed by, an d in tu rn sh ap e, th e p o litical
stru g g les fo r p h y sical sp ace an d leb en sra u m in th e m etro p o litan aren a.
T h e sy m b o lism o f sp a c e a n d th e stru g g le fo r le b e n sra u m
T h at sp ace
is n ev er ‘ em p ty ’ b u t alw ays cu ltu rally in scrib ed w ith m ean in g s, is p erh ap s
m o st fo rcefu lly d em o n strated w h en th e state elite p u rsu e th eir g ran d
v isio n s th ro u g h b u lld o zers. L ess im m ed iately o b v io u s, p erh ap s, is th at
g eo g rap h ical sp ace is a social an d cu ltu ral categ o ry for all relevan t acto rs
in th e u rb an aren a, in clu d in g n ew com ers w hose ‘ h isto ry ’ in th e m etro p o lis
is o f recen t o rig in .
E rh ard B ern er ’ s d iscu ssio n o f th e u rb an p o o r in M etro M an ila, for
in stan ce, u n d erlin es h o w ‘ lo cality ’ , as a so cially d efin ed an d ‘ created ’
sp atial en tity , b eco m es th e b asis o f so cial co h esio n an d co m m u n ity -b ased
effo rts in th e stru gg le for su rviv al. H e arg u es th at in th e en d em ic conflicts
an d co n fro n tatio ns o v er p recio u s lan d , lo cality su p ersed es eth n ic an d
relig io u s n etw o rk s as th e b asis o f so lid arity an d o f resistan ce fo r th e
im m ig ran t p o p u latio n s o f th e city. H e th u s criticizes cu rrent strand s o f
th eo rizin g w h ich co n ceiv e eco n o m ies an d cu ltu res o f th e em erg en t global
o rd er as in creasin g ly 'p la ce less' . N o t o n ly is ‘ th e g lo b al ’ an ch o red in sp ace
in the co n tem p o rary m etro p o lis, h e p o in ts o u t (as ev in ced b y fo reig n
in v estm en ts in real estate, p articu larly Jap an ese an d T aiw an ese, w h ich
have fu elled lan d sp ecu latio n an d co n trib u ted to sk y rock etin g p rices in
M etro M an ila), b u t also lo cally -b ased g ro u p s are co m p o sed o f a m u ltitu d e
o f territo rial co m m u n ities.
P etra W ey lan d in h er co n trib u tio n also p ro b lem atizes th e n o tio n o f
‘ p lacelessn ess ’ . T ak in g u p th e issu e o f fem ale g lo bal m ig ran ts, sh e stresses
th e cru cial sig n ifican ce o f g en d er in th e g lo b alizatio n o f m etro p o litan
space. B ased u p o n an em p irical case stu d y o f F ilip in a m aid s an d th eir
em p lo y ers, w ives o f co rp o rate ex ecu tiv es em p lo y ed by m u ltinatio n al firm s
in Istanb u l, sh e arg u es th at global sp ace is ‘ g en d ered ’ space. G lob al sp ace
in th e m etro po lis is in tern ally d iv id ed in to fem ale ‘ p riv atized ’ sp ace w h ich is b asically id en tical to th e co rp o rate ex ecu tiv es ’ d o m estic sp ace
- an d in to m ale sp ace w h ich is eq u ated w ith ‘ p u b lic ’ m u ltin atio n al
b u sin ess space. T h is co n stru ctio n o f a fem ale ‘ p riv atized ’ global sp ace
h as an id eo lo g ical as w ell as a p ractical d im en sio n , W eyland p o in ts o u t,
in secu rin g the rep ro d u ctio n o f th e global m an ag erial lab o u r force by th e
fem ale o ccu p an ts o f th e h o u seh o ld . S h e th u s q u estio n s th e m ale-b iased
INTRODUCTION
15
assu m p tio n th at th e co n structio n s o f m ap s in th e g lo b alizin g m etro po lis
is a sexually n eu tral u n d ertak in g ; a p o in t th at is also u n d ersco red by
F arh a G h an n am ’ s an d A y?e S ak tan ber ’ s co n trib u tio n s in th e p resen t
volum e.
T h e sy m b o lism o f sp ace as a sign ifican t co m po n en t o f co llectiv e
id en tities is also em p h asized b y U lrich M ai, A y§e O n cii an d F arh a
G h an nam , b u t fro m th e p ersp ectiv e o f d iv erg en t social g ro u p s in very
d ifferen t cities. M ai o ffers an n u an ced acco u n t o f how in h abitan ts o f
E ast G erm an cities have b eco m e stran g ers in th eir ow n cities, as th e
m o st co n v en tio n al, ro u tin e, tak en -fo r-g ran ted asp ects o f d aily ex isten ce
w ere d ram atically tran sfo rm ed : street sig n s, th e o d o u r o f d isin fectan ts
u sed in p u b lic sp aces, n am es o f avenues an d plazas, as w ell as th e looks,
sh ap es an d tastes o f d aily co n su m er item s. T h eir ex p erien ce o f h o m e
lessness, M ai su g g ests, takes a m o re sy m b olic th an ex isten tial fo rm , a
p ro fo u n d sen se o f loss as h elp less v ictim s o f a su p erio r stran g e pow er. In
th e co n tex t o f Istan b u l, O n cii is sim ilarly co n cern ed w ith th e sy m bo lism
o f sp ace an d social id en tities, b u t w ith sp ecific referen ce to th e u p w ard ly
m o b ile seg m en ts o f th e m id d le strata. S h e su g g ests th at th e d o m estic
id eal o f th e p riv ate h o m e, th e sy m b o lic co n stru ct fro m w h ich th e
ex p erien ces an d co n su m p tio n p ractices o f a m idd le-class w ay o f life an d
id en tity d erive th eir m ean in g , h as trav elled acro ss cu ltu ral b o rd ers to
ad o rn th e d ream s an d d esires o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata. T h ey have
in v ested th eir savings in h o u sin g d ev elop m en ts o n th e p erip hery o f th e
city to d istan ce th em selv es, sy m b o lically an d spatially, fro m w h at th ey
have co m e to p erceiv e an d d efin e as th e u rb an ch ao s an d ‘ social p o llu tio n ’
o f m etro p o litan Istan b u l. O n cii n o tes th at th e m ajo rity o f Istanb u l ’ s
new ly co n stru cted resid en tial estates, co m p o sed o f u n iform h ig h -rise
ap artm en t b lo ck s, fall d ram atically sh o rt o f w h at an o u tsid e o b serv er
m ig ht p erceiv e as th e d o m estic id eal o f a p riv ate h o m e. B u t in th e lives
an d ex p erien ces o f th eir residen ts, sh e arg u es, it is th e v ery h o m o g en eity
an d u n iform ity o f su ch n eig h b o u rh o o d s, w ith th eir an tisep tic social an d
cu ltu ral sp aces, w h ich have b eco m e th e sy m b olic m arkers o f a d is
tin ctiv ely m id dle-class life-sty le in co n tem p o rary Istan b u l.
In th e co n tex t o f C airo , G h an n am ’ s an aly sis o n ce ag ain u n d erlin es
th e sig n ifican ce o f p lace in th e co n stitu tio n o f co llectiv e id en tities. H er
research fo cu ses o n th e fo rm er residen ts o f B u laq , an in n er-city n eig h
b o u rh o o d w h ich w as literally razed to th e g ro u n d , as u n fit to b e g azed
u p o n b y u p p er-class E g y p tian s an d fo reig n v isito rs; its in h ab itan ts w ere
relo cated in p u b lic h o u sin g u n its d escrib ed as ‘ m o d ern ’ . T h e p ro cess o f
relo catio n n o t o n ly d estro y ed th e g ro u p ’ s in fo rm al eco n o m y an d access
to m an y ch eap g o o d s an d serv ices b u t also th eir so cial relatio n sh ip s, an d
it reo rd ered th eir lives. F ifteen years after th e m ove, th e relo cated p eo p le
i6
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
still refer to th em selv es as ‘ p eo p le o f B u laq ’ an d are k n o w n as ‘ th o se
fro m B u laq ’ by o th er g ro u p s in th e co m m u n ity , a n eg ativ e co n stru ctio n
p erp etu ated
by
th e p h y sical seg reg atio n
o f u n ifo rm ly -b u ilt p u b lic
h o u sin g . G h an n am d escrib es how B u laq h as b eco m e an an ch o r for th e
g ro u p ’ s sen se o f b elo n g in g in th e face o f stig m atizatio n an d h o stility ,
an d h as assu m ed sig nificance as th e sh ared g eo g rap hical p lace o f o rig in
an d co m m o n h isto ry in th e co llectiv e im ag in ary o f th e g ro u p , th u s tak ing
p reced en ce o v er o th er id en tificatio n s. B u t w h at facilitates th e g ro u p ’ s
in teractio n w ith o th er g ro u p s w h ich live in th e area, G h an n am arg u es, is
th e sp ace o f th e m o sq ue, th ro u g h its p ro m ise o f an eq u al an d u n ified
co m m u nity. B elow , w e tp rn to th e q u estio n o f how relig io u s d isco u rses
are actively n eg o tiated as a v ariety o f co m m o d ities, im ag es an d w o rd s
fro m th e larg er w o rld circu late in an d th ro u g h th e ev ery d ay life o f th e
m etro p o lis.
R e d isc o v e rin g Isla m th ro u g h th e p rism o f th e g lo b a l T h e w ays in w h ich
Islam is articu lated in ev ery d ay p ractices an d fo rm s o f so ciab ility in th e
co sm o s o f th e co n tem p o rary m etro p o lis, b rin g in g p eo p le to g eth er as
co n n ected selves, is th e focal p o in t o f an aly sis in a series o f ch ap ters in
th e p resen t v o lu m e. T h eir co n cern is n o t w ith ‘ fu n d am en talism ’ , ‘ ex
trem ism ’ o r ‘ m ilitan t Islam ’ , th at is o ften co n stru ed as ‘ resp o n se ’ o r
‘ resistan ce ’ to th e global; rather, th ey fo cu s u p o n th e ev ery d ay lives o f
p eo p le at th e n eig h b o u rh oo d level, in an attem p t to u n d erstan d how
global d isco u rses an d co n su m er goods are ap p ro p riated an d n eg o tiated
in th e stru gg le o f M u slim s to live in th e p resen t. In th is co n n ectio n ,
G h an n am em p h asizes th e centrality o f th e m o squ e as a d istin ctiv e space
in th e C airo n eig h b o u rh o o d sh e has stu d ied . T h e n atu ralized relatio n sh ip
o f th e m o sq u e w ith relig io n is cu rren tly b ein g rein fo rced , sh e su g g ests,
p articu larly am o n g w om en w ho activ ely asso ciate th e u n ity o f p ray ers
w ith feelin g s o f co m m u n al b o n d in g , an d b ein g p art o f a collectivity. T h e
o p en in g o f th e m o sq u e to w o m en , n o t o n ly fo r reg u lar p ray ers b u t also
as m o th ers, sisters an d w ives resp o nsible for th e m o rals o f th e co m m u n ity ,
cap ab le o f actively sh ap in g th eir ow n p ractices as w ell as th ose o f fam ily
m em b ers, h as facilitated th eir p articip atio n in a v ariety o f m o sq ue-related
activ ities.
T h e cen trality o f w o m en in th e p o litically co n scio u s effo rt to ren d er
Islam a liv in g social p ractice is th e focal p o in t o f S ak tan ber ’ s research as
w ell. H er an aly tical em p h asis is o n th e sign ifican ce o f a m idd le-class
eth o s in th e creatio n o f an Islam ic o rd er, cap ab le o f rep lacin g ‘ n atio n al
civil relig io n ’ in th e T u rk ish co n tex t. T o th e ex ten t th at Islam ic rev ital
izatio n is a resp o n se o f civil so ciety to th e failu res o f th e state, an d takes
th e fo rm o f a reactio n to state p ractices, it is p rim arily sh ap ed w ith in th e
INTRODUCTION
J7
co n tex t o f th e n atio n -state, sh e arg u es. T h e sig n ifican ce o f g lo b alizatio n
resides, acco rd in g to S ak tan b er, in in creasing th e p o ssib ility o f in filtrating
d ifferen t o p p o rtu n ity sp aces h ith erto m o n o p o lized by th e state elite.
V iew ed fro m th is p ersp ectiv e, Islam ic circles in T u rk ey n eed to create
n o t o n ly th eir ow n in tellig en tsia, cap ab le o f rep lacin g th e ex istin g ones,
b u t also th eir ow n m id d le classes w h o can play a lead in g ro le in th e
p ro d u ctio n , d issem in atio n an d co n so lid atio n o f new m o d els o f soci
ab ilities, sh e em p h asizes. T h is is w hy w o m en, w h o w ere o n ce p erceiv ed
as an ad ju n ct to th e m o re im p o rtan t issu es o f p o lity an d social o rd er,
have now b eco m e cru cial ag en ts in th e d aily articu latio n an d rep ro d u ctio n
o f Islam ic id eo log ies. B ased u p o n h er field research in a M uslim u rb an
co m p lex in A n k ara, th e cap ital o f th e secu lar T u rk ish rep u b lic, S ak tan b er
an aly ses how th e in h ab itan ts have rallied to g eth er to ‘ live Islam ’ as
co n scio us M u slim s, o rg an izin g th eir daily lives in acco rd an ce w ith Islam ic
codes. S h e focuses u p o n th e effo rts o f w o m en to carry o u t d aily life in
acco rd an ce w ith Islam ic p recep ts, in a secu lar m o d ern sy stem . In th e
co n solid atio n o f an altern ativ e Islam ic life-sty le, sh e su g g ests th at th eir
aim is n o t to reject th e co m fo rts an d o p p o rtu n ities o f m o d ern life, b u t to
q u estio n th e p rice a M u slim sh o uld pay fo r th eir attain m en t. F o llow in g
S ak tan b er ’ s line o f th in k in g , it b eco m es ap p aren t th at th e p ro cess term ed
‘ rev italizin g Islam ’ by ‘ o u tsid ers ’ co rresp o n d s, in th e ex p erien ce o f so-
called Islam ist p eo p le, to a p o litically in form ed effo rt to ren d er Islam a
liv in g p ractice.
F o llo w in g G u n ter S eu fert ’ s line o f th in k in g , it b eco m es ev id en t th at
th e p ro cess term ed ‘ resu rgen ce o f eth n ic n atio n alism s ’ is o n ce ag ain a
resp on se o f civil so ciety to th e failu res o f th e cu ltu ral h eg em o n y o f the
n atio n -state, o n e th at h as receiv ed an u p lift fro m th e g lo bal d isco u rse o f
h u m an rig h ts, b u t can n o t b e red u ced to it. S eu fert o ffers a rich ly d etailed
an aly sis o f th e co m petin g claim s o f relig io u s sectarian ism an d eth n ic
n atio n alism in th e id en tity p o litics o f an A levi K u rd ish trib e in th e
u rb an co sm o s o f m etro p o litan Istan b u l. H e d escrib es how a sy m b io sis o f
tribal K u rd ish an d A levi M u slim id en tity serv ed as th e b asis o f a b in d in g
m o ral eco n o m y an d n etw o rk o f recip ro city th ro u g h w h ich th e im m ig ran t
g ro u p acq u ired a fo o th o ld in th e u rb an eco n o m y an d m an ag ed to co n
stru ct a d istin ctiv e so cio -cu ltu ral space. In th e n atio n al p o litical aren a,
th e A levi K u rd ish id en tity o f trib e w as d efin ed vis-a -vis th e h isto rical
h eg em o n y o f th e S u n n i T u rkish cen tre an d th e rep ressiv e p ractices o f
th e state elite. E x clu ded an d stig m atized b o th as A levis an d as K u rd s,
th e g ro u p en g ag ed in o p p o sitio nal p o litics u n d er th e id eo lo g ical b an n er
o f th e ‘ secu lar left ’ . T h e d eclin in g ap p eal o f leftist id eo lo g ies an d p arties,
how ever, co u p led w ith th e ascen d en ce o f S u n n i Islam as th e m ajo r
o p p o sitio nal d isco u rse in T u rk ish n atio n al p o litics, has cu rren tly left few
i8
SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
o p tio n s fo r th e y o u n g er g en eratio n o f K u rd ish A levis o th er th an d efin in g
th eir cu ltu ral d istinctiv en ess an d p o litical id en tity th ro ug h K u rd ish
n atio n alism . In co n trast to S u n n i y o u th , S eu fert su g g ests, for w h o m
p o litical Islam h as b eg u n to g ain cred ib ility as an in tern atio n ally ‘ v alid ’
id en tity , A levism fails to p ro v id e a serio u s p o litical altern ativ e to secu lar
ideologies. T h u s, fo r th e p o liticized , literate y o u n g m em b ers o f K o ^k iri
trib e, n atio n alist K u rd ish n ess b eco m es th e o n ly w ay o f m ark in g an in ter
n atio n ally valid id en tity in global tim es.
W ith Jan N ed erv een P ieterse ’ s ch ap ter, w e tu rn to th e q u estio n o f
how Islam ch an ges in th e p ro cess o f m ig ratio n to E u ro pean m etro po lises.
H e u ses ‘ trav ellin g Islam ’ ,as th e cen tral m etap h or to d iscu ss how th e
M u slim d iasp oras o f E u ro p e b ear th e im p rin t o f cu ltu ral co h ab itatio n .
H is co n trast b etw een m u lti-cu ltu ralism in B ritain an d p illarizatio n in th e
N eth erlan d s, as d istin ct leg islative an d id eo lo g ical o rien tatio n s w ithin
w h ich M u slim im m ig ran t cu ltu res are reco n stru cted , n o t o n ly p ro b -
lem atizes essen tialist an d static co n cep tu alizatio n s o f Islam , b u t also
u n d erlin es th at each ‘ n atio n al ’ co n tex t p ro d u ces its ow n o p p o rtu n ity
stru ctu res. In th e N eth erlan d s, th e co m b in ed ten d en cies o f p illarizatio n ,
eth n izatio n an d in teg ratio n m ak es fo r a d ifferen t field th an in B ritain
w ith its p red o m in an t d isco u rse o f racialized cu ltu ral d ifferen ce, w h ile in
F ran ce secu larism an d la icite m ak e for yet an o th er aren a o f d ifferen ce.
T h ese sites o f d iasp o ra each p ro v ide d ifferen t o p p o rtu n ity stru ctu res
an d g en erate n o v el co m b in atio n s. In all, m ig ran t Islam articu lates w ith
th e h o st so ciety to g en erate new , h y b rid cu ltu ral fo rm s. B u t N ed erv een
P ieterse u n d erlin es th at M u slim d iasp oras are sim u ltan eo u sly cau g h t in
th e v o rtex o f a co n trad icto ry cu rren t: as th e d y n am ics o f eco n o m ic
restru ctu rin g g en erate h ig h levels o f u n em p lo ym en t, E u ro pe ’ s im m ig ran t
w o rk fo rce is p ro g ressively en trap ped in eco n o m ic an d cu ltu ral enclaves.
H en ce th e q u estio n s o f w h eth er th e b o u n d aries co n stru cted b etw een
M u slim s an d n o n -M u slim s in E u ro pean m etro p o lises w ill so lid ify or
b eco m e in creasin g ly flu id , or w h eth er th e m ix o f cro ss-cu ltu ral in flu en ces
sp ecific to each lo cality w ill y ield h y b rid id en tities, rem ain u n certain .
In elu cid atin g h o w ex p erien ce o f b ein g a M u slim g ain s m ean in g in
tim e an d p lace, th ese ch apters m o v e b ey o n d th e rh eto ric o f u n ity ,
essen tialism an d h o m o gen izatio n w h ich cu rren tly u n d erp in s m o st d iscus
sio n s o f Islam ic rev iv alism . T h ey also fo rew arn ag ain st rep resen tatio n s
o f Islam as p assiv e resistan ce an d reactio n to g lo b alizatio n . R ath er, Islam
is actively co n stru cted as a viable p o litical an d cu ltu ral id en tity th ro u gh
th e daily stru g gles fo r leh ensra u m in th e co sm o s o f th e co n tem p o rary
m etro p o lis. F ar fro m b ein g a m an ifestatio n o f th e ero sio n o f n atio n al
b o u n d aries, it is a resp o n se to th e p ractices o f th e state elite in th eir
INTRODUCTION
ig
attem p ts to in scrib e th eir o w n v ision s u p o n th e p h y sical an d cu ltu ral
m ap o f th e city.
W h at th e ch ap ters in th e p resen t v o lu m e co llectiv ely su gg est, is th at
p ro cesses o f ‘ lo calizatio n ’ en tail p lace-b ased p o w er stru g g les am o n g
relev ant social acto rs w h o are d ifferen tially lo cated w ith in , o r seize u p o n
new , o p p o rtu n ity sp aces en g en d ered by global m o v em en ts. G lo b al circu its
and flow s can b o th rein fo rce an d u n d erm in e ex istin g p o w er relatio n s;
w hich is n o t to say th at th ey p ro d u ce th em . T o reiterate o u r earlier
p o int, it is o n ly fro m th e o p tics o f th e g lo b al, fro m a p o sitio n o f social
d istan ce, th at ‘ o th er ’ m etro po lises, in v ario u s reg io ns o f th e w o rld , ap p ear
to b e a ta b ula ra sa , th eir in h abitan ts cast ad rift fro m th eir m o o rin g s in
tim e an d p lace am idst th e co m p lex asso rtm en t o f cu ltu ral ico n s and
sy m b o ls w h ich circu late aro u nd th e globe. T h e co m p lex ity o f social
reality, fro m w ith in th e cu ltu ral fram es o f d istin ct g ro u p s lo cated in th e
m etro p o lis, is o f a d ifferen t o rd er. It is a co m p lex ity asso ciated w ith th e
d iv erse cu ltu ral p ro jects, strateg ies an d p ractices o f co n ten d in g g ro u p s,
o n e w h ich can n o t b e red u ced to th e ‘ p o w er g eo m etry ’ o f global flow s,
b u t n eed s to b e tak en in to acco u n t as a sep arate focus o f u n d erstan d in g
and research .
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SPACE, CULTURE AND POWER
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O x fo rd .
4
T h e m y th o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’
trav els acro ss cu ltu ral b o rd ers
to Istan b u l
A y § e O n cii
Istanbul ... T h e legendary city o f splendid architecture w hich has inspired
songs, poem s, book s ... T h e gate across continents and the cradle o f ancient
civilizations ... B ut unfortunately a city w hich has lost m uch of its form er
beauty to becom e a m etropolis o f ten m illion today ...
Istanbul ’ s pollution has becom e oppressive ... It contam inates not only
the air, w ater, soil o f the city, b u t its traffic, its people and its culture ...
T hose w ho have to continue w orking in this polluted environm ent are
m oving aw ay to escape its influence in their living spaces. T hey are search
ing for clean, happy, peaceful settings ...
A nd in Istanbul ’ s hinterland new tow ns are em erging to answ er this
need ...
B ut g a r d e n c i t y is very special am ong them ...
•
•
•
•
L uxury villas in gardens w ith 500m 2
O nly 20 m inutes to Istanbul
S w im m ing pool, tennis courts, sports club, children ’ s park, C ountry C lub
E ntries and exits guarded by special security system s
(from a glossy advertising brochure)
O v er th e p ast d ecad e, Istanb u l ’ s m id d le classes have red isco v ered th e
city th ey live in th ro u g h th e o p tics o f th e global. In th e p ro fu sio n o f
p h o to g en ic im ages, fro m ad v ertisem en ts to telev isu al m ed ia, th ey have
co m e to p erceiv e th e ex o tic b eau ty o f th e city ’ s o ld n eig h b o u rh o o d s, th e
ro m an ticism o f its in d ig en o u s w o o d en arch itectu re, th e sp len d o u r o f its
h isto rical m o n u m en ts. T h e m o re h isto rical a city, th e m o re it falls p rey
to th e to u rist gaze. A n d it is th ro u g h th e to u rist g aze th at Istan b u lites
have co m e to realize th e p ro fu n d ity o f th eir loss: th e d isap p earan ce o f
2000 y ears o f history.
In th e p o litical ju n ctu re o f th e m id -1 9 8 0 s, th is aw aren ess o f loss an d
d isap p earan ce gave u rg en cy to a series o f m assiv e u rb an ren ew al p ro jects
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
57
d esig n ed to re-create Istan b u l ’ s p ast g lo ry in th e p resen t. T h u s, larg e
tracts o f th e liv in g city ’ s n in eteen th -c en tu ry u rb an co re w ere b u lld o zed
to resu rrect tim es an d p laces n o lo n g er in ex isten ce. A n cien t m o sq u es
an d ch u rch es w ere resto red to ‘ tim eless g lo ry ’ b y clearin g aw ay th e
u n sig h tly b u ild in g s an d activ ities w h ich h ad accu m u lated aro un d th em
o v er th e cen turies, an d rep lacin g th em w ith g reen law n s an d flow erbeds.
B ack streets w ith d ilapid ated o ld w o o d en stru ctu res w ere red esig n ed as
p ed estrian w alkw ays, lin ed w ith p ictu resq u e h o u ses in fresh ly p ain ted
co lo u rs to serv e as restau ran ts o r b o u tiq u es sellin g o rien tal k itsch . T h e
leg en d ary b eau ty o f th e G o ld en H o rn , w ith its p ro v erb ial b lu e w aters
an d g reen su rro u nd in g s, w as b ro u g h t to life b y d em o lish in g so m e 30,000
b u ild in g s alo ng its sh o res, an d rep lacin g th em w ith fresh ly -laid -o u t p ark s
an d n ew ly p lan ted trees, as w ell as a p arallel co rn ich e w id e en o u g h to
acco m m o d ate tw o -w ay traffic alo n g th e w aterw ay. In th e selectiv en ess o f
th eir p reserv atio n , th ese p ro jects, in ten d ed to p reserv e Istan b u l ’ s d is
ap p earin g p ast, b lo tted o u t fro m local m em o ry w h at w ere o n ce th riv in g
areas o f th e city, re-creatin g th em as h isto rical sites an d scen es to view .
T h is w as h isto ry as d eco ration an d display, an d as n o stalg ia fo r a d istan t
p ast free fro m th e an ach ro n ism s o f m o re recen t ev en ts.
In th e fev erish clearan ce o p eratio n s u n d ertak en b etw een 1983 an d
1990, Istan b u l ’ s h isto rical p en in su la w as re-created as an o p en -air
m u seu m , now w ith in easy reach o f d ifferen t p arts o f th e city o n th e
n ew ly co n stru cted th ro u g h w ay s, u n d erp asses an d o v erp asses. T h e in ter
n atio n alized b u sin ess cen tre to w ard s th e n o rth o f th e G o ld en H o rn ,
w ith its d elu x e h o tels, m o d ern office to w ers an d w id e avenues, w as to
h o st g lo bal fu n ction s, w elco m in g co n v en tio n s, b u sin essm en an d to u rists.
V isito rs to Istan b u l co u ld th u s u se th e n ew h ig h w ay n etw o rk fro m th e
airp o rt to b y p ass th e co n g estio n , n o ise an d traffic o f th e in n er city and
reach th eir h o tels, later to u rin g th e o p en -air m u seu m o r d riv in g alo ng
th e B o sp o ru s. A m id st fren zied co n stru ction activ ity , ru m o urs o f fo rtu n es
ch an g in g h an d s in th e aw ard in g o f lu crativ e m u n icip al co n tracts, an d o f
u n p reced en ted co rru p tio n in city h all, Istan b u l em erg ed as th e show case
o f T u rk ey ’ s n ew era o f in teg ratio n in to th e g lo bal scen e. 1
P aradoxically, how ever, th e o p tics o f th e g lo bal th ro u g h w h ich Istan
b u l ’ s m id d le classes red isco v ered th e aesth etics o f th eir city ’ s h isto rical
h eritag e, g iv in g o v erw h elm in g p o litical su p p o rt to th e d ram atic clean -up
o p eratio n s w h ich tran sfo rm ed th e p h y sio g n o m y o f th e city, also ren d ered
v isib le how d iso rd erly , co n tam in ated an d p o llu ted th e fam iliar fab ric o f
Istan b u l ’ s ev ery d ay life h ad b eco m e. T h e m id d le classes o f Istan b u l
d isco v ered , in th e accelerated cu ltu ral flow s o f th e 1980s, th e ch em ical,
social an d cu ltu ral p o llutan ts w h ich th reaten ed th eir d aily lives.
My
co n cern
in
th is
ch ap ter is
w ith
th e
w ays
in
w h ich
th e
58
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
‘ h o m o g en izin g ’ o p tics o f global co n su m erism have tran sfo rm ed th e lives
an d p ractices o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le classes by ren d erin g th em visible in
n o vel w ays, th ereb y ‘ frag m en tin g ’ th em sp atially an d cu ltu rally at th e
local level. O n th e fo llo w in g p ag es, I w ill n arrate h o w d iv erse seg m en ts
o f Istan b u l ’ s ‘ m id d le strata ’ w ere in itiated in to th e fan tasy w o rld o f th e
‘ id eal h o m e ’ , as th e q u in tessen tial d ream , sy m b o l an d em b o d im en t o f
m id d le-class id en tity , an d w h o w ere in spired to d ep art for p ro g ressiv ely
q u artered lives - ‘ q u artered ’ b o th in th e sen se o f ‘ d raw n an d q u artered ’
an d also o f resid en tial ‘ q u arters ’ — o n th e o u tsk irts o f th e city. T h is is a
sto ry w h ich b eg in s in a sty le rem in iscen t o f th e p o st-S eco n d W o rld W ar
su b u rb an ex o d u s fro m N o rth A m erican cities, w h ich p ro g resses to w ard s
an en ding w h ich evokes th e h y p er-real im ag es o f co n tem p o rary H o n g
K o n g ’ s h u g e resid en tial estates (A b b as 1994). B e th at as it m ay, it is still
a u n iq u e sto ry , o n e th at in v olv es a d istin ctive set o f h isto rical m ed iatio n s
w h ich have to b e atten d ed to, an d w h ich req u ire co n sid eratio n in term s
o f th e p o litics o f sp ace as w ell as th e p o litics o f id en tity .
Ways of thinking about a ‘global’ culture of
consumption
Istan b u l h as alw ays b een a m ajor co n su m er city, co sm o p o litan in flavour
th ro u g h o u t its h isto ry . It h as alw ays b een a d iv id ed city, d iv erse in its
cu ltu ral an d so cial g eo g raph y . H en ce th e q u estio n o f w h a t is n ew in th e
era o f g lo b alism seem s to req u ire so m e co n cep tu al clarificatio n b efo re
p ro ceedin g .
T h ere are v ario u s w ays o f ap p ro ach in g a n d /o r u n d erstan d in g co n
su m er cu lture an d its ‘ g lo b alizatio n ’ (F eath ersto n e 1991). O n e w ay o f
th in k in g w o u ld be to b eg in w ith th e u n iv ersal lan g uag e o f m oney, in ter
p en etratin g , as it w ere, in to an ev er larg er sp h ere o f m ean in g s, ad d in g a
n ew level o f sig n ificatio n to ‘ lo cal ’ h ab its, stan d ards, b eliefs o r p ractices,
b y attach in g to th em a m o n etary sig n . T o invoke S im m el (1971), th e
n o tio n o f m o n ey stan d ard izes th e o b jectiv e ex isten ce o f d isp arate th in g s
th ereb y v alu ed . O r to in v o k e M arx (1967), it estab lish es a u n iv ersally
v alid eq u ivalen ce, u n d erm in in g a p leth o ra o f local logics b y d raw in g
th em in to th e sp h ere o f ex ch an g e, th u s ‘ co m m o d ify in g ’ th em . P ro ceed in g
fro m th is lin e o f reaso n in g , g lo b alizatio n o f co n su m er cu lture w o u ld
m ean th e ex p an sio n o f th e p ro cess o f co m m od itizatio n , b rin g in g ‘ th e
lo cal ’ in to its fold.
A seco n d lin e o f th in k in g w o u ld b e to b eg in w ith th e sy m b olic sig n i
ficance o f co n su m p tio n p ractices, classified an d classifyin g , to invoke
B o u rdieu (1984). It is by claim in g d istan ce fro m v u lg ar co n sid eratio n s o f
m o n ey th at sy m b o lic h ierarch ies o f taste an d style leg itim ize th em selv es.
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
59
V ia taste an d sty le, co n su m p tio n p ractices are link ed to class-sp ecific
co d es, m ean in g s an d co m p etencies. B u t th e sy m b o lic w o rth o f taste an d
style d erive fro m ‘ d isav o w in g ’ , ‘ rep u d iatin g ’ o r ‘ n eg atin g ’ an y attem p t
to assig n m o n etary value. H en ce th e elab o rated sy stem o f d istin ctio n
an d d ifference em b o d ied in co n su m p tio n p ractices d ep en d s u p o n d efin in g
an d creatin g a realm o f ‘ cu ltu ral g o o d s ’ w h ich are o u tsid e th e realm o f
th e eco no m ic: a co n secrated , sacred realm w ith its o w n p ro d u cers,
v en d o rs an d in stitu tio n al bases.
F o llo w ing th is lin e o f th in kin g , it is p o ssib le to th in k o f ‘ g lo b alizatio n ’
as th e ero sio n o f referen tial h ierarch ies fro m w h ich cu ltu ral goods d erive
th eir m ean in g s. A s d istin ction s b etw een h ig h cu lture an d low cu lture,
th e o rig inal an d th e rep ro d u ctio n , th e ‘ sacred ’ an d th e ‘ b an al ’ o r th e
‘ v u lg ar ’ b eco m e in creasin g ly slip p ery , th e referen tial sy stem fro m w h ich
cu ltu ral g o o d s d eriv e th eir m ean in g s is b lu rred . C o n su m p tio n p ractices
lose th eir an ch o rin g in th e class sy stem , b eco m e fo o t-lo o se so to sp eak ,
ceasin g to sig n ify categ orical d ifferen ces. G lo b alizatio n , in th is sense,
im p lies a p astich e o f sty les an d tastes (B au d rillard 1981), creatin g a w o rld
o f m o v em en t an d m ix tu re, to invoke th e ‘ global ecu m en e ’ o f H an n erz
(1989), in w h ich th e g lo bal an d th e local are m o m en ts o f th e sam e
p ro cess; a b len din g o f d isju n ct an d d ifferen t cu ltu ral fo rm s w h ich y ield s
n ew d iv ersities, th at is, h y b ridizatio n .
L ast, it is p o ssib le to b eg in th in k in g ab o u t co n su m er cu ltu re as th e
realm o f co n tem p o rary m y th -m ak in g, to in v o k e B arth es (1972). A cu ltu re
o f co n sum p tio n w o u ld m ean , in th is sen se, a cu ltu re w h erein goods
b eco m e th e em b o d im en t o f d esires, d ream s, em o tio n s; w h erein su b jectiv e
ex p erien ces o f love, ex citem en t, clean lin ess, p leasure o r freed o m are
o b jectified in g o o d s (fo r ex am p le, cars d en o te sp eed , co n n o te ex citem en t;
th e m o v em ent o f m ean in g s b etw een th em creates a n atu ral u n ity ). S u ch
‘ m y thical ’ p ro p erties o f goods, g en erated in th e lex ico n o f p articu lar
societies, classes an d su b -g ro u p s, are u n iv ersalized in co n tem p o rary global
cu ltu re, an d co m e to o p erate as m y th s in a d iv ersity o f ‘ lo cal ’ co n tex ts.
C o n tem p o rary ad v ertisin g an d au d io -v isu al m ed ia are th e in stitu tio n al
co n tex ts o f th is ‘ m y th -m ak in g ’ p ro cess.
T h ese d ifferen t w ays o f u n d erstan d in g co n su m er cu ltu re an d its
g lo b alizatio n n eed n o t b e th o u g h t o f as m u tu ally exclusive. In Istan b u l
o f th e 1990s - w h ere b u sin ess ty co o ns are av id ly ‘ b u y in g ’ O tto m an
h isto ry in in tern atio n al an tiq u e au ctio n h o u ses, w h ere y o u n g ex ecu tiv es
are p u rsu in g th e d istin ction s o f in tern atio n alized y u p p ied o m in aero b ics
cen tres, an d w h ere stalls in o p en -air m ark ets o f lo w -in co m e n eig h
b o u rh o od s are featu rin g electro n ic g o o d s fro m T aiw an an d tab lew are
fro m G erm an y - th e ‘ m o n ey sig n ’ an d ‘ cu ltu ral p astich e ’ are ev ery w h ere.
B u t fo r Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata, I w o u ld su g g est, it w as in itiatio n in to
6o
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
th e fan tasy w o rld ‘ id eal h o m e ’ th ro u g h th e acceleratin g cu ltu ral flow s o f
th e p ast d ecad e w h ich h as p ro v ed critical.
The myth of the ‘ideal home’
A s a h isto rical co n stru ct, th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ , w ith its im ag in ary asso ciatio n s
o f co m fo rt, w ell-b ein g an d statu s, as th e lo cu s o f a m idd le-class id en tity
an d cu lture, can b e traced b ack to th e late n in eteen th an d early tw entieth
cen tu ries, an era w h en v alu es an d id eals b eg an to fu se w ith th e actu al
p u rch ase o f co m m o d ities. It w as asso ciated w ith th e stead ily g ro w in g
cities at th e tu rn o f th e cen tu ry , 'w h en in W estern E u ro p e as w ell as in
th e U n ited S tates, th e p ro cesses o f p ro fessio n alizatio n an d b u reau cratiza
tio n o f p u b lic as w ell as p riv ate ad m in istratio n s gave b irth to a n ew
stratu m o f ‘ salariat ’ (w h ite-co llar g ro u p s) w h o w an ted to d istin g u ish
th em selv es fro m th e lo w er social strata, esp ecially th e w o rk in g classes.
W ith in th is stratu m th e d esire fo r so cial statu s w as translated in to
co n su m erism , sh ap in g a d istin ctiv e cu ltu re w h erein id eals an d d esires
an d statu s sy m b o ls cen tred u p o n p u rch asin g . T h is fu sio n o f m id d le
class id en tity an d cu ltu re w ith co n su m erism follow ed so m ew h at d ifferen t
p ath s in W estern E u ro p e an d th e U S . In E u ro p e, th e fo rm erly d o m in an t
aristo cratic cu ltu re w as em u lated b y th e n ew ly risin g b o u rg eo isie an d th e
u rb an p etty b o u rg eo isie, w h ereas in th e U S th e ab sence o f su ch m o d els
m ean t th at th e co n stitu tio n o f th e m id d le-class fam ily an d th e h o u sew ife
as th e h o m e-m ak er co in cid ed w ith th e rise o f th e ad v ertisin g in d u stry
an d sh ap ed its d istin ctiv e eth o s. In th e p o st-w ar era, cu ltu ral sp aces
em b lem atic o f th e m id d le class - fam ily an d n eig h b o u rh o o d - w ere
tran slated in to th e p h y sical sp ace o f m ass-p ro d u ced su b urb s an d tran s
p o sed o n to telev isio n . 2
A s a ‘ global m y th ’ , how ever, th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ b elies th e h isto rical
m ech an ism s o f its co n stru ctio n to acq u ire th e statu s o f a tim eless an d
p laceless tru th . C o n tem p o rary m y th s are n o t ex p ressed in lo n g , fixed
n arrativ es o f th e p rim itiv e ep ic, b u t in visual im ag es, p h rases an d fo rm s
o f sp eech w h o se m ean in g s ap p ear self-ev id en t an d h en ce n atu ral. In th e
global co n su m er cu ltu re o f th e p resen t, d o m in an t-h eg em o n ic m ean in g s
w h ich are h isto rically sp ecific to p articu lar class- o r in terest-lin k ed d is
co u rses trav el acro ss n atio n al b o u n d aries to acq u ire th e p rivileg e an d
m o ral au th o rity o f u n iversal tru th s, th at is, th ey assu m e th e statu s o f
global m y th s. T h e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ is th u s a global m y th in th e sen se o f
d iscu rsiv e co n stru ct w h ich claim s fo r itself th e m o ral su p erio rity an d
leg itim acy o f a tim eless an d p laceless tru th . 3
B u t w h ile g lo bal m y th s are tim eless an d p laceless, th e o p tics o f th e
local th ro u g h w h ich th ey are m ed iated is alw ays h isto rically g ro u n d ed .
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
6l
H en ce co m p lex ities o f h isto rical ju n ctu re have to b e tak en in to acco u n t
at th e level o f th e local. F o r Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata, th e in tro d u ctio n to
th e d ream lan d o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ as a m y th ical co n stru ct cam e th ro u g h
co lo ur telev isio n , b eg in n in g in th e early 1980s. It w as in th is d ecad e,
co nco m itantly w ith T u rk ey ’ s eco n o m ic o p en in g to g lo bal flow s o f cap ital
an d finance, th at th e T u rkish ad v ertisin g in d u stry b ecam e in tern atio n al
ized , g ain in g access to tech n iq ues an d tech n o lo g ies o f m u ltin atio n al
ad v ertising th ro u g h jo in t v en tu res. P u b lic in v estm en t in n ew in fo rm atio n
techn o lo g ies, co u p led w ith th e in creasin g d o m estic p ro d u ctio n o f tele
v isio n sets, m ean t th at w ith in less th an a d ecad e ro u g h ly 6 m illio n
h o useh old s in T u rk ey (o u t o f a to tal o f 11 m illio n h o u seh o ld s) h ad
acqu ired co lo u r telev isio n sets. In Istan b u l, 90 p er cen t o f h o u seh o ld s
o w n ed co lo u r telev isio n sets b y 1990. 4
T h u s Istan b u lites w ere in itiated in to th e global m y th o f th e ideal
h om e as th e em b o d im en t o f a m id d le-class w ay o f life th ro u g h th e
land scap e o f th e telev isio n screen , in th e ab u n d an ce o f rep resen tatio n s
o ffered b y ch eap film s fro m th e H o lly w o o d arch iv es o f th e 1950s, in th e
w eekly in stalm en ts o f series an d serials fro m th e g lo b al b estseller m ark et,
as w ell as in slick ad v ertisem en ts featu rin g g leam in g k itch en s, an tisep tic
b ath roo m s an d h ealth y foods. B u t th e ab u n d an ce o f co n su m er goods
em blem atic o f th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ o n th e telev isio n screen h eld little n o v elty
fo r Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata. F o r in th e ex p an sio n ist w ave o f th e 1980s,
ridin g o n cap ital inflow s fro m ab ro ad an d fu elled b y d o u b le-d ig it in flatio n
figu res, Istan b u l w as flo od ed w ith good s fro m d ifferen t p arts o f th e w o rld ,
to b e b o u g h t o n cash o r in stalm en t basis, fro m o p u len t sh o p p in g arcad es
o r fro m street v en d o rs. In th is b o o m -to w n clim ate, telev ised im ag es o f
co nv ention al co n su m er g o o d s h eld little fascinatio n .
W h at cap tu red th e im ag in atio n o f Istanb u l ’ s m id d le classes an d
b ecam e th e fo cu s o f th eir d esires w as th e h o m o g en eity o f a life-sty le
clean sed o f u rb an clu tter - o f p o v erty , o f im m igran ts, o f elb o w in g
crow d s, d irt an d traffic - a w o rld o f safe an d an tisep tic so cial sp aces
w h ere th e ‘ id eal h o m e ’ signifies clean air, clean w ater, h ealth y lives; a
h om og eneo us settin g an d a cu ltu ral m ilieu w h ere ad u lts an d ch ild ren
lead activ e lives, en g ag e in sp o rts, so cialize w ith each o th er aro u n d th eir
b arbecu e sets in th e g ard en s. T h e w ays in w h ich th is ‘ d ream lan d ’ is
d iscursiv ely co n stru cted in co n tem p orary ad v ertisem en ts in Istan b u l ’ s
lu crativ e h o m e m ark et is rem ark ab ly sim ilar, d esp ite th e w id e ran g e in
q u ality an d p rices.
62
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
Marketing ‘dreamland’
In th e cu rren t resid en tial m ark et o f Istan b u l, w h at is p ro m o ted as ‘ y o u r
id eal h o m e ’ o r ‘ th e h o m e o f y o u r d ream s ’ can ran g e fro m io o -sq u are-
m etre flats in h ig h -rise, h ig h -d en sity b lo ck s ad v ertised in th e d aily
n ew sp ap ers, to th e m o re sp acio u s flats in u p scale ap artm en t co m p lex es
p ictu red in full co lo u r o n the pages o f glossy m ag azin es, to th e m o st
ex clu siv e g ard en -h o m es illu strated in so p h isticated w aterco lo u r d esig ns
in b ro ch u res w h ich are m ailed to a selected few p ro spectiv e cu sto m ers. ”
Irresp ectiv e o f size, ty p e an d co st o f d w ellin g , tw o co m m o n featu res o f
th ese n ew h o m es are reiterated in alm o st id en tical p h rases in th e tex ts o f
ad v ertisem en ts. W h eth er a sm all flat o r a g ard en -h o m e, th ey are all
‘ o u tsid e Istanb u l ’ b u t ‘ v ery clo se ’ , an d can b e reach ed ‘ w ith in m in u tes ’
by car o n th e ‘ ex p ressw ay ’ . F u rth erm o re, th ey all p o ssess ‘ th e n ecessary
acco u trem en ts o f m o d ern w ay o f life ’ , d escrib ed in term s o f n ew o p
p o rtu n ities for ‘ p ark in g ’ , ‘ ch ild ren ’ an d ‘ sp o rts ’ . H o w ev er d ifferen t the
actu al list o f p o ssibilities m ay be, ran g in g fro m car p ark s to h elico p ter
p ad s, o r fro m vollevball to g o lf an d can o ein g , th e n ecessities o f a m o d ern
w ay o f life are articu lated in term s o f p ark in g facilities, p lay g ro u n d s for
ch ild ren an d o p p o rtu n ities fo r sp o rts.
B u t w h at co n ju res an d d efin es th e ‘ d ream lan d ’ is th e w ay in w h ich
th ese b u zzw o rd s are in terw o v en in to a p articu lar n arrative, b o th a sto ry
w ith a b eg in n in g , a m id d le an d a p ro m ised en d in g , an d also a w ay o f
tellin g it. T h e sto ry is th at o f Istan b u l, w h ich b eg in s w ith a retu rn o f
m em ory to th e p ast, a p ast-w ith ou t-p ain . M o st freq u en tly , th is is n o stalg ia
for ch ild h oo d days in Istan b u l:
1 am now forty years old. 1 rem em ber childhood days w hen w e used to
collect pine cones w ith friends. Istanbul w as green. N ow there are only a
few pine trees left. I have been w orking and toiling for so m any years. N ow
is the tim e for a hom e. B ut w here to buy a hom e in this huge city?
(new spaper ad for S E R A kent, H u rriye t, 30 D ecem ber 1995)
D ep en d in g o n th e in g en u ity o f th e ad v ertisers, n o stalg ia for th e an cien t
Istan b ul o f leg en d s, n o stalg ia for p icn ics u n d er th e sh ade o f fru it trees,
n o stalg ia fo r days o f fish in g in th e clear w aters o f th e B o sp o ru s, are all
possible. O r it co u ld be sim p le p h rases su ch as ‘I m iss m y Istanb u l ’ .
S om e o f us m iss our hom es in gardens, som e of us those selective five
o ’ clock teas, som e o f us our childhood parks ... Y es, each age is w istful for
a different Istanbul ... N ow there is A L K E N T w hich com bines all these
beauties w ith m odern com fort, brings back together w hat everyone m isses,
and protects its environm ent.
(w eekly m agazine ad, N o k ta , 5 June 1993)
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
63
R em em b ran ces o f Istan b u l ’ s p ast in term s o f its n atu ral b eau ties —
g reen trees, flow er sm ells, fishin g - serv es to u n d erlin e its cu rren t p lig h t,
d escrib ed in term s o f ‘ p o llu tio n ’ , a w o rd w h o se only sy n o n y m in th e
T u rkish lex ico n is ‘ d irty -fied ’ . In ad v ertisem en ts, ‘ d irty -fied ’ co n n o tes,
in o n e w o rd , ev ery th in g th at is w ro n g w ith co n tem p o rary Istan b u l an d
req u ires little elab o ratio n . H en ce ly rical d escrip tio n s o f th e p ast are
im m ed iately fo llow ed b y statem en ts su ch as, ‘ to b e aw ay fro m Istanb u l ’ s
traffic, its noise, th e d eg en erate b eh av io ur o f its p eo p le an d y et rem ain
in th e city ’ , co n d en sin g th e m id d le p art o f th e sto ry ab o u t cu rrent su ffer
ings, w ith th e p ro spect o f a h ap p y en d in g . T h e co n trast b etw een th e
n atu ral b eau ties o f th e p ast an d th e p o llu tion o f th e p resen t in ev itab ly
m o v es th e sto ry to w ard s a h ap p y en d in g : h ealth y lives, clean air, b eau tifu l
h o m es in n atu ral su rro u n d in g s. T h u s n early all n ew resid en tial estates
su rro u n d in g Istanb ul have n am es w h ich d en o te ‘ b ack to n atu re ’ , su ch as
S E R A ken t in th e ad v ertisem en t q u o ted above w h ich tran slates as ‘ g reen
h o u se city ’ . A t S E R A k en t, th e h ig h -rise, h ig h -d en sity ap artm en t blocks
are n am ed after flow ers; ‘ M ag n o lia, L ilac, H o n ey suck le, Jasm in e, an d
L ily B lo ck s ’ are d escrib ed as ‘ th e last flow ers o f S E R A k en t ’ available for
sale.
T h e tex ts o f th e ad v ertisem en ts w h ich acco m p an y an d fram e th e v isu al
rep resen tatio n s o f ‘ th e id eal h o m es ’ in Istan b u l ’ s residen tial m ark et all
n arrate th e sam e th ree-p art story, d iscu rsiv ely co n stru cted th ro u g h th e
m etap h o rs o f ‘ n atu re ’ an d ‘ p o llu tio n ’ . U n less w e assu m e th at T u rkish
m ark etin g ag en cies are to tally lack in g in im agin atio n (an d th e illustratio n s
above p ro v e th e co n trary ), o r th at th ey are cap ab le o f m an ipu latin g
co n sum ers (w h ich cu rren t th eo retical literatu re arg u es is n o t th e case),
th en th e rep etitiv en ess o f th is n arrative, an d its ap p eal, can b e ex p lain ed
o n ly in term s o f a ‘ g lo b al m y th ’ w h ich p ro sp ectiv e cu stom ers an d
ad v ertisers sh are alike. T o p u t it m o re sim p ly , th ese ad v ertisem en ts
ap p ro p riate m ean in g s fro m a rep erto ire o f sig n s, sy m b o ls an d im ages
w h ich Istan b u lites are already fam iliar w ith , th e g lo bal m y th o f th e id eal
h o m e.
It is also ap p aren t th at th is is a g lo b al m y th w h ich acq u ires m eanin g
th ro u g h th e o ptics o f th e local, specific in tim e an d place. In th e n ar
ratio n s o f th e id eal h o m e, in Istan b ul o f th e 1990s, it is n o lo n g er p o ssib le
to so rt o u t th e local an d th e g lo b al, th e h isto rical an d th e co n tem p o rary ,
th e trad itio n al an d th e m o d ern , th e m y th ical an d th e real. W as th ere ever
a p o in t in tim e w h en Istan b u l w as ‘ g reen ’ an d ‘ clean ’ ? D id m id d le-class
Istan b u lites have a ‘ trad itio n al ’ w ay o f life, o rig in al an d au th en tic cu ltu ral
sp aces, w h ich have n o w b eco m e co n tam in ated by traffic, cro w d s and
p o llu tio n ? T h e an sw ers to th ese q u estio n s are o b v io u sly am b ig u o u s an d
eq u iv o cal, b u t n o t p articu larly relev an t, p erh ap s, since it is th e p ast as
64
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
co n stitu ted th ro u g h th e o p tics o f th e p resen t w h ich in fo rm s th e p ractices
o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata as th ey d ep art fo r new lives o n th e o u tsk irts
o f th e city.
On changing social spaces and the cultural geography of
Istanbul’s middle strata
E m p h asizin g th e social an d cu ltu ral frag m en tatio n o f Istanb u l ’ s m id d le
classes in th e 1990 s ru n s th e risk o f read in g u n d u e h o m o g en eity and
co n tin u ity in to th e recen t p ast. O n e w ay o f av o id in g th is m ig ht be to
b eg in w ith th e sp atial d iv isio n s o f th e p resent, fo cu sin g u p o n g ro u p s
w h ich have d ep arted fo r resid en tial estates o n th e o u tsk irts o f th e city, to
try to cap tu re w h at is ‘ n ew ’ .
T h e n e w su b u rb a n v illa g e s o f Ista n b u l: ‘g a rd en c itie s ’ F o r th e co rp o rate
ex ecu tiv es an d to p p ro fessio n als in th e u p p er ran g es o f th e m id d le strata,
w h o se asp iratio n s as w ell as in co m es have risen m eteo rically d u rin g
Istan b u l ’ s in teg ratio n in to global m ark ets o v er th e p ast ten years,
acq u irin g ‘ th e h o m e o f y o u r d ream s ’ m ean s in v estin g in o n e o f th e
sin g le-h o m e su b u rb an v illages to w ard s th e B lack S ea co ast in th e n o rth
o f th e city. M o re th an tw en ty su ch ex clu siv e su b u rb an co m plex es are
cu rren tly u n d er co n stru ctio n , ag g ressiv ely m ark eted at p rices b eg in n in g
at $ 1 5 0 ,0 0 0 , all th e w ay u p to $ 5 0 0 ,0 0 0 o r m o re, d ep en d in g u p o n size
an d lu x u ry o f h o m es as w ell as th e su rro u n d in g acres. M o st o f th e m ajo r
co n stru ction co m p an ies have v en tu red in to th is h ig h ly lu crativ e an d
co m p etitiv e m ark et fo r su b u rb an h o m es, sellin g ‘ n o t o n ly a h o m e b u t a
w h o le n ew life-style ’ . 6
N o n e o f th ese d ream su b urb s, o ffering a taste o f co u n try life w ithin
easy reach o f Istan b u l, is as y et in h ab ited . A v isit to an y o n e o f th em
en tails a lo n g d riv e o f m o re th an an h o u r o n b u m p y ro ad s, o n ly to reach
a g ian t co n stru ction site. Invariably, o n e m o d el h o m e fro m each p rice
ran g e is available fo r p o ten tial cu sto m ers to see. A n d o n S u n d ay s, fam ilies
w ho have alread y m ad e d o w n pay m en ts co m e to th e site to see how th e
co n stru ction is p ro ceed in g . T h e n u m ber an d size o f su ch g ian t co n
stru ctio n sites p o rten d th e ex o d u s o f th e city ’ s ex ecu tiv e-tech n ical-
p ro fessio n al elite in th e n ear fu tu re. B u t fo r m o m en t, th e ‘ d ream lan d ’
w ith its p ro m ise o f ten n is co u rts an d g o lf co u rses, w ith en tertain m en t
an d sh o p p in g facilities, to b e reach ed w ith in m inu tes, ex ists o n ly in
ex p en siv e b ro ch u res.
F o r m o st fam ilies in th e u p p er reach es o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata,
in v estin g in a su b u rb an g ard en -h o m e m ean s p o u ring a lifetim e ’ s savings
(in th e ab sen ce o f lo n g -term h o m e-m o rtg ag e sch em es) 7 in to a life-sty le o f
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
65
w h ich th ey have h ad little ex p erience. S in ce th e tu rn o f th e cen tury ,
in n er-city ap artm en t d w ellin g h as b een th e sign an d sy m b o l o f m o d ern ity
an d w estern izatio n fo r Istan b u l ’ s u p p er- an d m id d le-in co m e fam ilies. T h e
sig n ifican ce o f ap artm en t d w ellin g as th e sin e q u a n o n o f m id d le-class
statu s an d resp ectab ility w as en h an ced b y th e su ccessiv e w aves o f im m ig
ran ts fro m th e co u n try sid e b eg in n in g in th e 1950s. In th e b ro ad er social
an d cu ltural g eo g rap h y o f th e city, th e d istin ctio n b etw een resid en tial
n eig h bo u rh o od s o f ap artm en ts an d th e p erip h eral sp raw l o f sq u atter
d istricts h o u sin g recen t im m ig ran ts h as b eco m e, o v er th e p ast th irty years,
em blem atic o f th e cu ltu ral d iv id e b etw een a p easan t w ay o f life an d
‘ g en u ine ’ u rb an ism , b etw een w h ite-co llar o ccu p atio n s an d m an u al w ork.
A m o ng ap artm en t resid en ts, how ever, fin er d istin ctio n s o f fin an cial w o rth
an d sy m b o lic h ierarch y are d efin ed in term s o f p ro x im ity to th e B o spo ru s.
T h u s fo r th e m an ag erial-tech n ical-p ro fessio n al elite o f th e city, u n til very
recently , resid en ce in o n e o f th e p restig io us lu x ury ap artm en ts o v erlo o k in g
th e B o sp o ru s w as th e m ain lo cu s o f asp iratio n an d sy m b ol o f u p w ard
m obility. In Istan b u l, w h eth er a flat has ‘ a view o f th e sea ’ o r n o t, and
how b ro ad , close an d b eau tifu l a view it co m m and s, w ere, u p to a few
years ago, th e m o st im p o rtan t sy m b o lic m ark ers o f d istin ctio n b etw een
th e w id er seg m ents o f th e city ’ s salaried an d its m an ag erial, p ro fessio n al
elite. C u rren tly , th e p rices o f flats o n th e m ark et still d ep en d o n a view
o f th e sea as m u ch as o n size o r quality, if n o t m o re. B u t th e asp iratio n s
o f th e city ’ s co rp o rate elite an d to p p ro fessio n als have sh ifted elsew here.
Istan b u lites cu rren tly in v estin g in su b u rb an h o m es, th en , w ill be
leav in g b eh in d a view o f th e sea sh ared w ith n eig h b o u rs liv in g in th e
sam e ap artm en t b lo ck , o r frien d s n ex t d o o r, ab an d o nin g th e fam iliarity
o f ev ery day life m ap p ed o u t b y p ro x im ity to th e co rn er g ro cery sto re,
an d leav in g th e street life o f an accu sto m ed n eig h b o u rh o o d , to live w ith
acq u ain tan ces (n o t to tal stran g ers) o f sim ilar b ack g ro u n d an d social statu s
in th e co u n try sid e. B u t an x ieties o v er th e m o v e (rarely ad m itted an d by
w o m en o n ly ) seem to b e co m p en sated fo r b y th e p ro m ise o f ram b lin g
law ns, b ark in g d o g s an d social sp aces clean sed o f cu ltu ral p o llu tan ts. F o r
acco rd in g to th e ‘ cu stom er p ro file ’ targ eted by m ark etin g ag en cies, th ese
are b u sy ex ecu tiv es o r p ro fession al m en w ho d ream o f relax in g at th e
w eek en d s by w o rk in g in th e g ard en an d w h o p lan to b u y a d o g im
m ed iately after m o v ing in ; b u t w ho also have ‘ ed u cated w iv es ’ d esirin g
to escap e th e p o llu tio n o f th e city: air p o llu tio n , traffic p o llu tio n , n o ise
p o llu tio n an d , m o st im p o rtan t, cu ltu ra l p o llu tio n .
In its b ro ad er co n to urs, th is is a sto ry rem in iscen t o f su ccessiv e w aves
o f su bu rb anizatio n w h ich o ccurred in N o rth A m erican an d E u ro p ean
cities after th e S eco n d W o rld W ar, w h en sin g le-fam ily h o u ses, cars an d
co n su m er d u rab les b ecam e sy m bo lic o f a n ew life-sty le.
66
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
T h e n e w h ig h -rise su b u rb s o f Ista n b u l: th e site
F o r th e b ro ad er seg
m en ts o f Istanb u l ’ s m id d le strata - m an ag ers an d u p p er civ il serv an ts as
w ell as em p lo y ees fro m th e low er ru n g s o f n u m ero u s p u b lic b u reau cracies
an d q u asi-p u b lic o rg an izatio n s - th e p u rsu it o f ‘ a new h o m e an d new
w ay o f life ’ en tails m o v in g to o n e o f th e new resid en tial d ev elo p m en ts
w h ich have rap id ly sp ru ng u p alo n g th e m ajo r n ew th ro u g h w ay s in to
an d o u t o f Istan b ul.
S ite* is th e w o rd cu rren tly u sed to d esig n ate su ch u n iform clu sters o f
h igh -rise, h ig h -d en sity resid en tial blocks, m o st o f th em o rg an ized as
co op erativ es, eith er by th e d ev elo p er firm o r asso ciatio n s o f em p lo y ees,
retirees an d so o n , an d lo cated o n sites d esig n ated fo r m ass h o u sin g
d evelop m ent by th e m etro p o litan g o v ern m en t. S u b sid ized by th e M ass
H o using F u n d (M H F ), o w n ersh ip in su ch co o p erativ es en tails th e pay
m en t o f in stalm en ts fro m th e g ro u n d u p fo r a flat n o t ex ceed in g (in
th eory ) 100 sq u are m etres. 9 T h e m o rtg ag e, w ith a m atu ratio n p erio d o f
fifteen to tw en ty y ears, is o w n ed by th e M H F an d th e d ev elo p er is
d irectly reim b u rsed in fu ll b y th e M H F u p o n co m p letio n o f th e b u ild ing .
In Istan b u l m o re th an 1000 su ch co o p erativ e h o u sin g p ro jects (en tailin g
ro ug hly 100,000 d w ellin g u n its) w ere lau n ched , caterin g to m id -ran g e
p rofessio nals, civil serv an ts an d m ilitary p erso n n el as w ell as em p lo y ees
fro m th e lo w er ru n g s o f n u m ero u s p u b lic b u reau cracies an d q u asi-p ub lic
o rg an izatio n s.
O n th e city -scap e o f Istan b u l, th e sites are a n o v el p h en o m en o n , b o th
arch itectu rally an d as a w ay o f life. B u ilt acco rd in g to strin g en t state
reg u latio n s to m inim ize co st p er d w ellin g, u p o n land d esig n ated fo r m ass
h o u sin g alo n g m ajo r ex p ressw ays, th ese are clu sters o f co n crete blocks
w h ich o ften seem to b e in the m id d le o f n o w h ere, o ften w ith o u t p u b lic
tran sp o rtatio n (th at is, d ep en d en t u p o n p riv ate car o w n ersh ip , a n d /o r
em ploy ers ’ b u s serv ices), an d h o m o g en eo u s in term s o f th e social co m
p o sitio n o f th eir in h ab itan ts. T h ose w h ich are clo ser to th e city are
equally strik in g in th eir h eig h t, w h ich sep arates th em , like w alled villages,
fro m su rro u n d in g settlem en ts o f sq u atter h o u sin g and co m m ercial use.
In th e clich e o f city p lan nin g m an u als an d arch itectu re tex tb o o k s,
su ch h ig h -rise resid en tial blocks are in fam o u s for sacrificin g co m m u n al
v alues in th e n am e o f u tility an d co st-effectiv en ess. T h ey are freq u en tly
d escrib ed as co n crete slab s w h ich seg reg ate resid en ts, alien ate th em fro m
each o th er b y sterile an d co ld ly fo rb id d in g hallw ays, serv e to iso late
th em b eh in d clo sed d o o rs in th e ab sence o f co m m u n ity w alkw ays an d
residen tial m eetin g areas. H en ce th e n ew sites o f Istan b u l have b eco m e a
fav o u rite P h D research to p ic fo r T u rkish city p lan n in g an d arch itectu re
stu d ents. B ased u p o n th e ach iev ed w isd o m o f th e d iscip le, an d fash io n
ab le co n cep ts b o rro w ed fro m en v iro n m en tal p sy ch o lo g y , a v ariety o f
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
67
q u estio n n aire su rv ey s have b een co n d u cted , attem p tin g to m easure levels
o f d issatisfaction , feelin g s o f iso latio n , lack o f feelin g s o f co m m u n ity
an d so o n , am o n g th e n ew resid en ts. S o m e o f th e g en eral fin d in g s o f
th ese stu d ies are o f in terest, p rim arily b ecau se th ey reveal th e d iscrep an cy
b etw een th e m in d set o f research ers/o u tsid ers an d th e resid en ts th em
selves.
W h en ask ed ab o u t th eir ‘ id eal h o m e ’ , th e u n iv ersal resp o n se ap p ears
to be ‘ an in d ep en d en t h o u se in a g ard en ’ , w h ich seem s to b e farth est
aw ay fro m the actu al situ atio n o f site resid en ts. Y et at th e sam e tim e
m o st resid en ts ex p ress th em selv es to b e v ery satisfied w ith site life and
en v iro n m en t, ch o o sin g to d escrib e it th ro u g h ad jectiv es such as ‘ airy ’ ,
‘ lig h t ’ , ‘ refresh in g ’ , ‘ clean ’ , ‘ o rd erly ’ . T h is is tru e fo r residen ts o f th e
m ore u p scale d ev elop m en ts w h ere in d iv id u al flats are larg er th an 100
sq u are m etres (d esp ite M H F reg u latio n s, m o re th an 50 p er cen t o f
co o p erativ e h o u sin g is o f th is ty p e) as w ell as th e d o w n scale ap artm en t
d ev elo p m en ts w ith 6 5 -1 0 0 sq u are-m etre flats; an d reg ard less o f th e
ad equ acy o f p lay g ro u n d s fo r ch ild ren , g reen sp ace b etw een ap artm en t
b lock s an d so o n . ‘ A clean en v iro n m en t ’ seem s to b e th e m o st freq u en tly
u sed p h rase to d escrib e site life. O ften , how ever, th is p h rase is m o d ified
to em p h asize ‘ a clean so cia l en v iro n m en t ’ , referrin g to sim ilarities in th e
social an d o ccu p atio n al b ack g ro u n d s o f resid en ts. R esp o n ses to su rv ey
q u estio n s w h ich p ro b e w h at residen ts w o u ld w ish to ch an g e, given th e
ch oice - w ith p reco d ed an sw ers o n altern ativ e d esig n p o ssib ilities to
b reak th e m o n o to n y an d sterile u n ifo rm ity o f id en tical flats; to create
co m m o n sp aces to en h an ce n eig hb o u rlin ess an d co m m u n ity ties — seem
eq u ally u n an ticip ated . W h at th e resid en ts actu ally co m p lain ab o u t, tim e
an d ag ain , an d ex p ress as th eir m o st d esired w ish , is a sh o p p in g cen tre.
W h at th ey d esire m o st, it w o u ld seem , is to be able to ‘ go sh o p p in g ’ .
H en ce it is n o t p ark b en ch es, g reen ery , trees, p lay g ro u n d s (sp aces o f
n eig h b o u rlin ess o f th e so rt T u rkish u rb an d esig n ers have in m in d ) th at
residen ts articu late as lacking. In d eed , w h en available, su ch sp aces seem
to be rarely u sed . F u rth erm ore, m o st in h ab itan ts seem to su ffer fro m a
d earth o f im ag in atio n o n altern ativ e in terio r d esig n p o ssib ilities, b ey o n d
en clo sin g b alco n ies to acq u ire m o re space. In stead , co llectiv e im ag in atio n
seem s to cen tre u p o n ‘ sh o p p in g ’ , n o t sim p ly to b u y th in g s b u t eq u ally
im p o rtan t as a w ay o f seein g p eo p le, stro llin g , h av in g so m eth in g to do.
H o w ev er lim ited a n d /o r q u estion ab le th e fin d in g s o f su ch su rvey
research m ay be, th ey su g g est th at th e ex p erien ces o f site d w ellers th em
selves are far m o re co m p lex an d v aried th an th e arch itectu ral u n iform ity
o f th e h ig h-rise resid en tial b lo ck s in itially su g g ests. T o th e o u tsid e
o b serv er, w h eth er a flat is slig htly sm aller o r larg er th an 100 sq u are
m etres m ay b e triv ial, d istin ctio n s am o n g clu sters o f h ig h -rise b lo ck s
68
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
in co n seq u en tial, y et for fam ilies w ho d ecid e to in v est in su ch a flat,
b eg in n in g to pay in stalm en ts fro m th e g ro u n d u p an d w aitin g fo r a
m in im u m o f tw o years (p ro v id ed th e d ev elo p er firm d o es n o t co llap se in
th e m ean tim e o r b eco m e em b ro iled in legal d isp u tes w ith M H F w h ich
cau se in term in ab le d elay s, o r eco n o m ize by u sin g b u ild in g m aterials o f
m u ch lo w er q u ality th an o rigin ally p ro m ised — all o f w h ich are likely
scen ario s) b efo re finally m o v in g in , g rad atio n s o f size an d quality ’ are o f
en o rm o us sign ifican ce. N o t o n ly are th e co sts o f flats h ig h ly variable,
d ep en d in g u p o n size, b ath roo m an d k itch en in stallatio ns, av ailab ility o f
lifts an d so o n , b u t also th e sy m b o lic w o rth an d cu ltu ral sig nificance o f
m o v in g to a site ch an g es acco rd in g to th e b ack g ro u n d s o f th e in h ab itan ts
th em selv es.
F o r g ro u p s su ch as p o licem en , m u n icip al em p lo y ees, p rim ary school
teach ers w h o se lim ited sav in g s are su scep tib le to co n tin u o u s ero sio n
u n d er in flatio n , m an ag in g th e in itial d o w n p ay m en t an d m o n th ly in
stalm en ts to w ard s a sm all flat en tails a m ajo r effo rt. A n d th e actu al m ove
to a site o ften sig n ifies u p w ard m o b ility , aw ay fro m o n e o f th e in fo rm al
n eig h b o u rh o o d s o f th e city. F o r th is g ro u p, th e very u n ifo rm ity an d
o rd erlin ess o f h ig h -rise ap artm en ts articu lates an d sy m b o lizes th e cu ltu ral
d istin ctiv en ess o f site resid en ts, d istin g u ish in g th em fro m th e in h ab itan ts
o f ‘ in fo rm al ’ n eig h b o u rh o o d s. T h e so -called in fo rm al n eig h b ou rh o o d s o f
Istan b u l are by n o m ean s th e sh an ty to w n s o f A frica o r th e fa v e la s o f
L atin .A m erica. In d eed , Istan b u l ’ s in fo rm al h o u sin g m ark ets p ro v ide
co n sid erab le o p p o rtu n ity fo r cap italizin g o n in creasin g lan d values, an d
have b een a ch an n el o f accu m u latio n fo r w aves o f im m ig ran ts flo o din g
in to Istan b u l o v er th e p ast th ree d ecad es. 10 B u t refrig erators, w ash in g
m ach in es an d k itch en w are req u ire ‘ m o d ern ’ b ath ro om s an d k itch ens;
m atch in g liv in g -ro o m fu rn itu re an d telev isio n sets d em an d ro o m s to
d isp lay th em in. T h u s m o v in g fro m in fo rm al h o u sin g w ith its cram p ed
sp aces, to a reg u lar flat, w ith a stan d ardized p lan - tw o b ed ro o m s, o n e
liv in g ro o m , w ith a sep arate k itch en an d b ath roo m - p ro v id es sp ace for
a h o st o f co n su m er g o o d s alread y p u rch ased on in stalm en t.
F o r m an ag ers, h ig h er civil serv an ts, o r p ro fessio n al em p lo y ees w ho
are alread y ap artm en t-d w ellin g Istan b u lites, site resid en ce m ean s a h o m o
g en eo u s, safe, o rd erly en v iro n m en t, d istan t b o th sp atially an d socially
fro m th e h etero g en eo u s p o p u latio n s o f Istan b u l. T h e ap p eal o f m o v in g
in to a b ran d -n ew , sp acio u s flat w ith g leam in g k itch en s an d u p -to -d ate
b ath ro o m fix tu res, d eco rated w ith ceram ics o f asso rted co lo u rs an d
d esig n s, is co n sid erab le fo r th is g ro u p . L eav in g b eh in d o ld , ill-assorted
accu m u latio n s, to red eco rate liv in g ro o m s ( ‘ salo n s ’ ) w ith m atch in g
fu rn itu re, n ew cu rtain s an d cry stal ch an d eliers is p art o f th e ritu al o f
m o v in g . H en ce arch itectu ral stan d ard izatio n is acco m p an ied by o th er
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
69
sign s an d sy m b o ls o f cu ltu ral h o m o g en eity an d social u n ifo rm ity , in th e
acq u isitio n o f n ew fu rn itu re, new tab lew are, n ew m atch in g to w els and
b ed -sh eets co m m en su rate w ith th e d azzlin g clean lin ess o f n ew flats. B u t
eq u ally im p o rtan t, if n o t m o re so, is th e cu ltu ral an d social h o m o g en eity
o f site life, w h ich co n n o tes ‘ o rd er ’ rather th an sterile u n ifo rm ity fo r th e
in h ab itan ts th em selv es. F o r th ese fam ilies, th e em erg en t cu ltu re o f th e
1980s in Istan b u l, w ith its ‘ m ix ed ’ fo rm s o f m u sic, g ram m ar an d d ress,
rep resen ts a h alf-b red w o rld o f p seu d o -u rb an ism , o n e w h ich co n trad icts
an d p o llu tes th e ch erish ed p u rity o f th eir o w n ‘ W estern ized ’ w ay o f life.
B u reau crats, p ro fessio n als, m an ag ers co n stitu te a stratum o f p eo p le for
w h o m th e global p astich e o f sty les an d tastes in co n tem p o rary Istan b u l
th reaten s to ero d e th e san ctity o f th eir ‘ m o d ern ’ , ‘ W estern ’ w ay o f life.
S y m b olic m ark ers o f w h at w as b arely a d ecad e ago a d istinctiv ely m id d le
class life-sty le, ap p ear to have lo st th eir cu ltu ral m o o rin g s in th e Istan b ul
o f th e 1 990s, p o llu ted an d co n tam in ated b y h y b rid izatio n . S ite life, w ith
its an tisep tic social an d cu ltu ral sp aces, th u s rep resen ts an escap e fro m
p o llu tan ts, b u t it w o u ld seem to be a m ix ed b lessin g in th e ab sen ce o f a
‘ sh o p p in g cen tre ’ w ith its asso ciated p leasu res o f lo o k in g an d w an d erin g
aro u n d , tran sfo rm in g th e co n tem p latio n o f v isu al d isplay s in to leisu re
activity, fu sin g b u y in g -pleasu re-leisu re.
Concluding remarks
M y in ten tion in th is ch ap ter h as b een to d escrib e how th e ex p erien ces
an d p ercep tio ns o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le classes have b een cru cial in th e
n eg o tiatio n o f global cu ltu ral flow s, an d h av e in tu rn sh ap ed th e co u rse
o f h isto rical ev en ts. In em b racin g th e g lo bal m y th o f th e id eal h o m e, in
th e v ariety o f th eir ow n p h en o m en al ex p erien ces, th e m id d le strata o f
Istan b u l have d ep arted fo r p ro g ressively frag m en ted an d q u artered lives
o n th e o u tskirts o f th e city. T h ey have th u s b een cru cial so cial ag en ts in
sh ap in g th e co u rse o f h isto rical ev en ts w h ich have altered th e p h y si
o g n o m y o f Istan b u l, rem ap p in g its social an d cu ltu ral to p o g rap h y . It w as
th ro u g h th e ‘ g lo b alized ’ o p tics o f Istan b u l ’ s m id d le classes, I have
em p h asized , th at th e fam iliar fab ric o f Istan b u l, w ith its in term in g lin g
o f social an d cu ltu ral sp aces, cam e to b e p erceiv ed as d iso rd erly an d
p o llu ted , an d th e p o litical w ill to tran sfo rm it w as m o b ilized .
T w o an aly tical p o in ts w h ich em erg e fro m th is d escrip tiv e acco u n t
seem w o rth reiteratin g by w ay o f co n clusio n . T h e first p o in t has to do
w ith g lo b al m y th s in g en eral, an d th e m y th o f th e id eal h o m e in
p articu lar. T h e g lo bal circu latio n o f m y th s is n o t eq u iv alen t to th e
g lo b alizatio n o f m ean in g s. B u t th ey are d irectly involved in th e p ro
d u ctio n o f th e cu ltu ral fram es w ith in w h ich life strateg ies o f v ario u s
70
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
social g ro u p s are n eg o tiated . A global m y th su ch as ‘ o u r ideal h o m e ’ , for
in stan ce, w hose m ean in g ap p ears to b e self-ev id en t an d n atu ral, co n n o tes
an en sem b le o f d iv erse elem en ts, th e relatio n sh ip s am o n g w h ich h av e to
b e actively co n stru cted by social ag en ts - ad v ertisers as w ell as p ro sp ectiv e
cu sto m ers. In th is sen se, co n sum er m y th s w h ich circu late acro ss th e
g lo b e acq u ire facticity in resp o n se to d ifferen t sets o f circu m stan ces, in
d ifferen t h isto rically sp ecific sites. W h at is co n su m ed as ‘ o u r id eal h o m e ’
is co n tin gen t u p o n th e sp atial/id eo lo g ical co n tex t in w h ich it is rep ro
d u ced . B u t th is is n o t to sug gest th at th e ‘ lo cals ’ are h ap p y b rico leu rs
assem b lin g th eir ow n ‘ id eal h o m es ’ . O n th e co n trary , ‘ o u r ideal h o m e ’
has a m o n ey sig n attach ed to it. T h e sig n ifican ce o f co n tem p o rary global
m y th s resid es, I w o u ld su g g est, in co n jurin g d ream s as co m m o d ities, to
be b o u g h t an d sold. W h at h as trav elled acro ss cu ltu ral b o rd ers to Istan b u l
is the id eal h o m e as a co m m o d ity , lad en w ith m y th ical co n ten t th ro u gh
th e lan g uag e o f an in creasin g ly g lo b alized ad v ertisin g in d u stry .
M y seco n d an aly tical p o in t h as to d o w ith th e so -called ‘ crisis ’ o f th e
m id d le classes in th e co n tex t o f g lo b alizatio n an d liberalizatio n , v ario u sly
referred to as ‘ sh rin k ing ’ o r ‘ d isap p earin g ’ . A s sev eral recen t b o o k titles
(an d th eir co n ten ts) su ch as F ea r o f F a lling (E h ren reich 1989) an d F a llin g
fro m G ra ce (N ew m an 1988) su g g est, th e m id d le classes feel th reaten ed ,
in o n e co u n try after an o th er, by p o licies o f lib eralizatio n w h ich ero d e
th eir eco n o m ic as w ell as th eir social stan d in g . In teg ratio n in to th e global
eco n o m y o ften stren g th en s th e u p p er seg m en ts o f th e m id d le strata at
th e ex p en se o f w o rsen in g co nd itio ns for th e lo w er m id d le class w ho are
faced w ith th e p ro sp ect o f d o w n w ard m obility. G lob al cu ltu ral flow s
w h ich ero d e d istin ctio n s o f h ig h an d low cu ltu re p ro g ressiv ely u n d erm in e
th e sy m bo lic cap ital u p o n w h ich a d istin ctiv e m id dle-class w ay o f life is
b ased .
B u t th is g en eral ten d en cy o f g lo b alizatio n to u n d erm in e th e cap acity
o f th e m id d le classes to rep ro d u ce th em selves, d o es n o t m ean th at fu tu re
o u tcom es at th e level o f p articu lar m etrop o lises are o b v io u s. In th e
co m p etitiv e eco n o m ic an d p o litical en v iro nm en t o f th e g lo b alizin g city,
th e m id d le classes activ ely p u rsu e a v ariety o f so cial strateg ies an d
cu ltu ral p ractices to m ain tain o r reb u ild m ark ers o f d istin ctio n w h ich
d efin e a d istin ctiv e w ay o f life. T o u n d erstan d th e w ays in w h ich th ese
v ariab le strateg ies su cceed , su rv iv e an d fail, it is im p o rtan t to m o v e fro m
th e sp ace-tim e o f th e g lo b al eco n o m y to stu d y p ro cesses o f social and
cu ltu ral rep ro d u ctio n in th e sp ace-tim e o f p articu lar m etro p o lises. In th e
co n tex t o f Istan b u l, th e strateg y o f su rv iv al o f th e m id d le classes has
chiefly cen tred u p o n th e d o m ain o f co n sum p tio n sy m b o lized b y th e ideal
h o m e. F o r th e m ajo rity , th eir n ew lives in h u g e resid en tial estates o n th e
o u tsk irts o f th e city rem ain far fro m w h at an o u tsid e o b serv er, fro m a
THE MYTH OF THE ‘IDEAL HOME’
71
p o sitio n o f cu ltu ral d istan ce, m ay ju d g e to b e th e fan tasy w o rld o f th e
ideal h o m e. In th e aw aren ess an d u n d erstan d in g o f th eir o w n stan d in g as
‘ m id d le class ’ , how ever, Istan b u l ’ s m id d le strata have b een su ccessfu l in
reco n stitu tin g th e locally d istin ctive cu ltu ral m ark ers an d b o u n d aries
w h ich sep arate th em fro m o th er g ro u p s in city space, by em b racin g th e
global co n su m er m y th o f th e id eal hom e.
Notes
1.
F o r a b ro ad er acco u n t o f Istan bu l ’ s tran sfo rm atio n in th e 1980s see K ey d er an d
O n cii (1994).
2. T h ere are n u m ero u s stu d ies w h ich trace th is p ro cess, su ch as L y n n S p ieg el ’ s
(1992) b o o k o n telev isio n an d th e fam ily id eal in p o st-w ar A m erica; F ish m an ’ s (1989)
an aly sis o f su b u rb ia as a b o u rg eo is U to p ia; o r E w en ’ s (1976) stud y o n th e social ro o ts
o f ad v ertisin g .
3.
R o lan d B arth es ’ s m y th o lo gies w ere p art o f h is earlier p ro ject o f a critiq u e o f
F ren ch b o u rg eo is cu lture. In talk in g ab o u t ‘ g lo b al m y th s ’ I am o b v iou sly stretch in g his
m y th o lo gies b ey o n d th e o rig in al in ten tio ns o f th e au th o r.
4.
A cco rd in g to th e P IA R -G allu p n atio n al co nsu m p tio n p attern s su rv ey co nd u cted
in 1991, 60 p er cen t o f 11 m illio n T u rk ish h o u seh o ld s o w n ed co lo u r telev isio n sets.
T h e 1990 ‘ E u ro ’ av erag e (1 7 co u n tries) q u o ted b y G allu p In tern atio n al is 90 p er cen t.
F o r m etro p o litan Istan b u l, th e 1993 co nsu m er su rv ey o f th e Istan b u l C h am b er o f
In d u stry rep o rts 90 p er cen t co lo u r-T V o w nersh ip .
5.
T h e ad v ertisem en ts I d raw u p o n in th is section co m e fro m a larg er arch iv e
co m p iled fo r co m p arative p u rp o ses acro ss d ifferen t seg m en ts o f th e resid en tial m ark et
as w ell as to illu strate ch an g es o v er tim e in th e p ast d ecad e. In th e b rief su m m ary
p ro v ided h ere I h av e sim p ly ig n o red ch an g es o v er tim e w h ich are sig n ifican t in th eir
o w n rig h t b u t rem ain tan g en tial to th e cu rren t d iscu ssio n .
6. T h e sig n ifican ce o f a g lo balized ad v ertisin g lan g u ag e in ren d erin g th e h o m e a
co m m o d ity lad en w ith m y th ical con ten t is o b v io u s. T u rk ey ’ s ad v ertisin g secto r has
b een am on g th e m o st rap id ly g lo balized secto rs o f th e eco n o m y . S in ce th e m id -1 9 80 s,
m an y o f th e g lo b al ad v ertisin g ag en cies - su ch as S aatch i an d S aatch i, Y o u n g and
R u b icam , L o w e, M cC an n -E ricso n , L in tas - h av e estab lish ed p artn ership s w ith local
firm s. C u rren tly , th e to p fifteen ad v ertisin g firm s w h ich h o ld 80 p er cen t o f th e
ad v ertisin g m arket all h av e in tern atio n al p artn ers. H en ce b o th th e b u zzw o rd s an d th e
fo rm ats o f h o m e ad v ertisem ents in Istan b u l ’ s resid en tial m ark et are rem ark ab ly sim ilar
to w h at C aro lin e M ills (1 9 9 3 ), fo r in stance, d escrib es in th e co n tex t o f a g en trified
n eig hb o u rh oo d in V an co u v er, w h ere th e ex p erien ce o f g en trificatio n h as b een recast as
a m y th. W h at is b ein g so ld as ‘ a n ew h o m e an d a n ew w ay o f life ’ is o b v iou sly v ery
d ifferen t in th e tw o co n tex ts, th at is, sp ecific in tim e an d place.
7.
T h e T u rk ish fin ancial sy stem h as b een o v erw h elm in gly d o m in ated by co m
m ercial b an k s. T h e ro le o f p riv ate p en sio n fu n d s, sav in g s an d lo an asso ciatio n s, an d
b u ild in g so cieties is n eglig ib le. C o m m ercial b ank s are leg ally p ro h ibited fro m u sin g
th eir o w n reso u rces fo r lo n g -term h o m e m o rtg ag es. H en ce in d iv id u al h o m e-o w n ersh ip
is either d irectly fin an ced b y p riv ate savings o r b y sh o rt-term co m m ercial an d su p pliers ’
cred it.
8.
T h e T u rk ish w o rd site is ad ap ted fro m th e F ren ch w o rd cite, w h ich refers to
o u tsize h o u sin g p ro jects in F ran ce ’ s su b u rb s o r b a n lieu es. In F ran ce, h o w ev er, resid en ts
72
GLOBAL VISIONS AND CHANGING DISCOURSES
o f su ch p ro jects o r cites are o ften m u lti-eth n ic im m ig ran t p o p u latio n s T h e w o rd site
co n n o tes resid en tial estates fo r th e T u rk ish m id dle classes.
9 T h e M I1 F w as in itially estab lish ed in th e m id -1 9 8 0 s to p ro v id e p referen tial
cred it fo r lo w -inco m e g ro u p s, b u t it rap id ly ev o lv ed in to a m ech an ism fo r su b sid izin g
m id d le-class h o u sin g in larg e cities, esp ecially in Istan b u l w h ere m o re th an 50 p er cen t
o f th e d w ellin g s su b sid ized are larg er th an d ie to o -sq u are-m etre elig ib ility req u ire
m en t.
10. S u ccessiv e w aves o f im m ig ran ts to Istan b u l in th e 1950s an d 1960s, h av in g
o n ce acq u ired a fo o th o ld in Istan b ul ’ s in fo rm al land m arkets, w ere o ften ab le to leg alize
th eir o w n ersh ip rig h ts; th ey to o k ad van tag e o f h ig h in flatio n an d risin g p ro p erty v alu es
to b eco m e o w n ers o f ren tals, m u lti-sto rey b u ild in g s an d so o n . C o n co m itan tly , th e
v ast o p p o rtu n ities fo r cap italizatio n in th is m ark et attracted o u tsid e in v esto rs and
d ev elo p ers. T h u s by th e m id -19 7 0 s, it w as n o lo n g er p o ssib le to ‘ sq u at ’ in th e tim eh o n o u red fash io n . O n ce th e lan d g rab b o n an za o f th e 1950s an d 1960s w as over, fresh
w aves o f im m ig ran ts w ere fo rced to b u y sp lit-d eed s in u n serv iced , agricultural land.
S ee O n cii (1 9 88 ) an d also S eu fert in th is v o lu m e, ch ap ter 10.
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