Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
Philip La G. du Toit
North-West University
Abstract
Amidst various interpretative options about the identities of the
author and addressees of the Letter of James, one’s interpretation of
the letter’s discourse on the concept of law plays a critical role in the
way in which these identities are reconstructed. Two laws or
principles form part of the discourse in the Letter of James, namely,
the Mosaic law (esp. 2:9–11) and the kingdom-principle of freedom
(esp. 1:25; 2:8, 12). It is argued that the kingdom-principle of
freedom in Christ is presented to the recipients in contrast with a
probable tendency among these Judaean Christ-believers to be torahorientated, especially involving the judging of people on the basis of
the Mosaic law. In this scenario, the author can be identified as
James, the half-brother of Christ, who is not fully torah abiding. It is
argued that James uses a rhetorical strategy of frankness in terms of
the issues in the congregation he addresses together with a strategy of
subtlety in respect of his discourse on law. In his rhetorical strategy
on law he contextualises his message in such a manner that he
identifies with the recipients’ frame of reference of law. By doing so,
he attempts to lead them to a different perception on law and present
to them a different principle by which they can become whole in
their personal and corporative life.
Key Terms
Torah; authorship; identity; Apostolic Decree; love command; royal
law; kingdom
1
Introduction
The Letter of James, its author and its recipients remain to be interpreted
in various ways. The main approaches can broadly be categorised along
the following lines: (1) While many recent interpreters of the Letter of
James understand the letter as representing “Jewish” Christianity (e.g.,
Adamson 1976, 20–21; Burdick 1981, 162; Davids 1982, 1–3; Kistemaker
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1986, 6; Barton, Veerman and Wilson 1992, xv; Perkins 1995, 85; Moo
2000; Isaacs 2002, 176; Brosend 2004, 8; Kamell and Blomberg 2008, 35;
McCartney 2009, 33; Osborne 2011, 6; Anderson 2017, 23), 1 there exists a
growing tendency to see the author as well as the audience of the letter as
representing a form of (2) Judaism (e.g., Mussner 1998, 67–78; Neusner
2001, 1–9) or (3) Messianic Judaism (e.g., Bauckham 1999, 142–151;
Hartin 2004, 96; 2009, 27; McKnight 2011, 8–13; cf. Allison 2013, 43;
2015). (4) Others come close to the latter two views in respect of the
prominence of the Mosaic law in the community that the letter addresses,
without necessarily calling the movement Judaism or Messianic Judaism
as such (e.g., Guthrie 1990, 732; Jackson-McCabe 2001, 253; Achtemeier,
Green and Thompson 2001, 480; Wachob 2004; Holladay 2005, 685–687;
Konradt 2008; Van de Sandt 2008; Hartin 2008; Johnson 2010, 455;
Strange 2010, 191–194). Admittedly, with many scholars there exists a
measure of overlap between these four broad approaches.
In approach 1, the letter and its addressees are not necessarily
understood as representing (religious) “Jewishness” but rather as
indicating the ethnic composition of these early Christians as early
recipients of the gospel. But in this approach, the community is normally
seen as early Christians, distinct from historical Israel. In approaches 2 and
3, the letter and its addressees are understood as representing an identity
that is continued to be marked off by full adherence to the Mosaic law in
distinction from gentiles (approach 2) or gentile Christ-believers (approach
3).2 In approach 4, the Mosaic law is seen as prominent in the
community’s identity and ethics, without necessarily seeing the
community as within “Judaism” or without pertinently describing it as a
form of Messianic Judaism.
A problem that obscures the reconstruction of the identity of the
author of the Letter of James and its recipients is the absence of concrete
references to setting or circumstances in the letter. The way in which the
original setting of the author and recipients is envisioned, remains a matter
of conjecture and mirror reading, which in itself is an inductive, tentative
Some argue that “Jewish” materials were adopted by Christianity, which does not necessitate a
“Jewish” Christian author (e.g., Dibelius 1976, 24; Laws 1980, 36–37). Since the distinction
between “Jewish” and Hellenistic is not so clear cut (see below), some interpreters remain
undecided on whether the author is a “Jewish” Christian or a gentile Christian (e.g., Richardson
1997, 39).
2
The Messianic Judaist view is equivalent to the so called Radical New Perspective on Paul (also
referred to as the Paul Within Judaism approach) in which separate conditions apply for Judaean
and gentile believers: Judaean believers have to adhere to the whole Mosaic law, including ritual
requirements such as circumcision and purity laws, whereas gentile believers do not have to
adhere to these requirements (see, e.g., Tomson 1990; Eisenbaum 2009; Nanos 2012).
1
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277
enterprise (cf. Barclay 1988, 37–41). In other words, the reconstruction of
the letter’s author and setting is ultimately dependent on one’s
interpretation of the content of the letter.
Since full adherence to the Mosaic law, which includes the
observance of ritual requirements such as circumcision, dietary laws,
feasts and sabbaths, is considered as marking off “Jewishness,” the above
mentioned approaches to the Letter of James largely hinge on how νόμος
(“law”) is interpreted in the letter. But a difficulty that underlies any
interpretation of νόμος in the letter is the fact that it is silent on ritual or
cultic requirements, including circumcision. Those who see the letter
within the realm of “Judaism,” tend to interpret this silence such that these
ritual requirements are presupposed (esp. approaches 2 and 3). Those who
see the letter more as an early “Christian” document, tend to see the
silence on ritual requirements as indicating that adherence to them is
unnecessary or insignificant, although there are middle positions in the
interpretative spectrum. As an example of a middle position, Allison
(2015) argues that the letter is a kind of apology that reflects a Christian
group that still battles for a place within the “Jewish” community. In other
words, they want to be Christian but also remain “Jewish” and thus want
to remain faithful members of the synagogue. For Allison, the silence on
the ritual laws would thus be a deliberate apologetic strategy to be
sensitive to both groups. A factor that has to be kept in mind in this regard
is that both Christianity and Judaism are only identifiable as full scale
religions after 70 CE (see Mason 2007; Du Toit 2019, 31–39).3
The first aim of this article is to revisit the discourse on νόμος in the
letter in order to attempt a reconstruction of the basic identities of both the
author and the letter’s recipients that best fits the content and broad
rhetorical strategy of the letter. This reconstruction will not attempt to
reconstruct all the specifics of the author and recipients, but try to draw
broad lines of demarcation in respect of their position towards the Mosaic
law. The basic question is thus: Are the letter and its author more
“Christian” or more “Jewish” orientated? The second aim is to try and
answer the question: What is the rhetorical function of the discourse on
νόμος in the letter and how does it relate to our understanding of both the
author and the addressees? These two aims will be pursued along the
following lines: Some points of connection between the discourse on law
in the Letter of James and scholars’ perception of the author’s identity will
As a result, the terms “Judaeans” will be used for the Ἰουδαῖοι and the term “Christ-believers”
or the like will be used to indicate the new faith community in this article.
3
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be highlighted. Broad lines of demarcation of the addressees and the
rhetorical situation behind the letter will be sketched in order to better
understand the discourse on νόμος. A close reading of the discourse on
νόμος will be conducted in relation to some of the main themes in the
letter, especially the themes of faith (1:3, 6; 2:1, 5, 14–26; 5:15), love
(1:12; 2:5, 8), the word (1:18–23) and mercy (2:13; 3:17; 5:11). In this
discussion about νόμος, all instances where the concept of law occurs, will
be addressed (1:25; 2:8–13; 4:11–12). In conclusion, the interpretation of
νόμος will be applied to the demarcation of the basic identity of both the
author and the recipients of the letter, as well as to the aim of the author’s
rhetorical strategy on νόμος.
2
Views of the Author of the Letter of James in Relation to Law
Since the letter continues to be interpreted in various ways, and since one’s
view of authorship is largely dependent on one’s interpretation of the
content of the letter (see above), especially the discourse on law, the main
views on authorship continue to vary from being an early letter, penned by
James the Just, the half-brother of Jesus (e.g., Richardson 1997; Moo
2000; 2015; McCartney 2009; Osborne 2011; McKnight 2011; Allison
2013), to being a later, pseudonymous letter written in tribute of James the
Just (e.g., Ropes 1916, 47; Perkins 1995; Hartin 2008). Some hold the
view that it was written by a later, unknown James (e.g., Isaacs 2002, 176).
Many interpreters who advocate for the letter’s authenticity accentuate the
underlying prominence of the Mosaic law behind the letter’s rhetoric,
which is related to a general perception of James, the half-brother of Jesus,
as being more torah-orientated, especially in comparison with Paul (e.g.,
Bauckham 2003; McKnight 2011). This perception is mainly based on the
following five factors:
(1) James was the leader of the Jerusalem church, which was seen as
generally having mostly Judaean members. Although there were
torah-orientated members of the church in Jerusalem (Acts 15:1–5),
that does not mean that all its members demanded full torah
observance or that such was James’s personal conviction. In fact,
Paul, who advocated freedom from the law and did not see himself as
being under the law any more (1 Cor 9:20), was also affiliated to the
Jerusalem church.
(2) James endorsed certain legalistic requirements to be laid on the
gentiles, known as the Apostolic Decree (Acts 15:13–21). I have
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
279
argued elsewhere that the Apostolic Decree can be understood as
accommodating certain torah-orientated Judaean believers who were
disgruntled with gentiles who did not adhere to Mosaic requirements
such as circumcision and other Mosaic (purity) laws (esp. Acts 15:1,
5), rather than being a requirement for gentiles to be members of the
believing community. Neither is there evidence that there was a fixed
code in the early Judaean church that required all Judaean believers to
circumcise and keep all the ritual requirements of the Mosaic law (Du
Toit 2016, 2–3). In fact, in Luke’s account of James’s words (Acts
13:13–21), James, in reference to Amos 9:11–12, accentuates the fact
that gentiles are part of God’s people and that the best course of
action would be “not to trouble” (μὴ παρενοχλεῖν, v. 19) them with
the whole Mosaic law, which could be indicative of the notion among
(some) Judaean believers that full adherence to the Mosaic law was
considered a burden altogether (ibid.).4
(3) James supported the proposal that Paul had to take a Nazarite vow
(Acts 21:18–26), but James’s support for such a proposal is not
necessarily on the grounds of strong personal conviction about the
Mosaic law itself, but might as well be to avoid offence among torahorientated Judaean believers (Guthrie 1990, 738). I have argued that,
even though there were many Judaean believers that were zealous for
the law in the early Jerusalem church (v. 20), this does not mean that
all Judaean believers in the whole church shared such a view of the
law (Du Toit 2016, 4–5).5
(4) In respect of the Antioch incident, Paul reports that certain men from
James influenced Peter and other Judaean believers not to eat with
gentiles (Gal 2:11–14). The fact that certain men from James came
and influenced the church in Antioch in such a manner does not
necessarily mean that James shared the same zeal for the law as these
men (Guthrie 1990, 738). Keener (2019, 146) points out that Paul
does not actually say that James “sent” these men. The fact that they
“came from” (ἐλθεῖν . . . ἀπό, Gal 2:12) James could merely be a
geographical reference without indicating commissioning (so George
1994, 175; Barnett 1999, 285–286; contra DeSilva 2018, 196–198).
They could have been “believers who belonged to the party of the
Apart from the reference to the law bringing “trouble” to the gentiles on James’s lips (Acts
15:19), see the reference to the “yoke” (ζυγός) of the law on Peter’s lips (Acts 15:10) and the
reference to the “burden” (βάρος) of the law in the apostolic letter itself (Acts 15:28).
5
I have also argued that Paul, in taking a Nazarene vow, was faithful to the principle that he lays
down in 1 Cor 9:19–23 to be everything to everyone in order to win them for the gospel.
4
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Pharisees” (Acts 15:5; Barnett 1999, 285) or they might have been
“simply itinerants, very much like the agitators in Galatia, who had
put themselves forward in such a way” (Fee 2007, 74; see Acts
15:24).6
(5) Another factor that shapes much of the perception around James
being torah-orientated, originates mainly from Hegesippus’s account
of James’s death as recorded by Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 2.23),
portraying James as a zealot for the law. Hegesippus might have
derived his information from the Ebionites, who disregarded Paul and
elevated James as the true heir of Jesus’s teaching (Moo 2015, 30–31,
35). Other early apocryphal traditions also portray James as being
zealous for the law (see Moo 2000, 16). However, these sources are
recognised as tendentious and as capturing James “for their own
radically Jewish-Christian agenda” (ibid.; see also Ward 1992).
Thus, none of these factors necessarily imply that James, the half-brother
of Jesus, was zealous for the law or that he would advocate full torah
observance for Judaean believers, including circumcision. In other words,
arguing for the authenticity of the Letter of James is not necessarily
dependent on James being fully torah-observant or being torah-orientated.
Arguments that the Letter of James is written by the apostle James is
ultimately dependent on the perceived consistency between the content of
the letter and all other evidence we have about James, which in itself
remains a tentative, interpretative enterprise. While the main intention of
this article is not to settle the issue about authorship, the idea is to see
whether a close reading of the discourse on law in the letter can shed new
light on the identity of the author and his rhetorical strategy.
3
The Addressees and the Rhetorical Situation behind the Letter
of James
Although one’s perception of the addressees and the rhetorical situation is
related to one’s interpretation of the content of the letter and remains a
Das (2014, 207) argues that “those of the circumcision” (τοὺς ἐκ περιτομῆς, Gal 2:12) is a
larger group than the group from James, but that the group from James might have represented
the interests of the Jerusalem circumcision party. Another possibility is that these men were
indeed a delegation from James, but that they came “to express certain practical concerns of
Jerusalem believers regarding the expression of the Christian faith at Antioch” (Longenecker
1990, 73), which specifically involved the organisation of table fellowship and not necessarily an
agenda to uphold the whole Mosaic law (cf. Dunn 1993, 121–122). Bruce (1982, 130) argues that
the intention of discouraging table fellowship with gentiles might be due to a perception among
Judaean believers that such a practice could hamper the evangelisation of Judaeans.
6
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281
tentative exercise (see above), some preliminary broad lines of
demarcation will be drawn in order to attempt to put the discourse on law
in the letter in context of a probable profile of its readers.7 Admittedly,
such an endeavour inevitably involves an element of circularity in that
one’s interpretation of the content of the letter and one’s view of the
addressees are interdependent. The preliminary choices that will be made
here are thus intended to be consistent with the view that the author of the
Letter of James is not necessarily torah-orientated.
The clearest indicator of the identity of the addressees is the
reference to the “twelve tribes in the dispersion” (δώδεκα φυλαῖς ταῖς ἐν
τῇ διασπορᾷ) in 1:1. Although there are some grounds that such a
designation is intended as metaphorical (Wall 1997, 12–13;8 Moo 2000,
23;9 cf. Johnson 2010, 451), most commentators agree that the members of
the congregation were biological descendants of historical Israel that were
literally dispersed (e.g., Kistemaker 1986, 6). Whether the addressees were
dispersed within Palestine (Scaer 1993, 28–30; cf. McCartney 2009, 37) or
beyond the boundaries of Palestine (Richardson 1997, 39; Kamell and
Blomberg 2008, 28, 35; Hartin 2009, 25; McCartney 2009, 33) cannot be
established beyond doubt.
The other indicator in the letter that has a bearing on the identity of
the addressees is the reference to συναγωγή in Jas 2:2. While this could
point to a Judaean synagogue building (BDAG, s.v. συναγωγή, §2a; e.g.,
Allison 2013, 43, 386) or “an assembly-place for Judeo-Christians
(Nazarenes)” (BDAG, s.v. συναγωγή, §2b), it could also point to “the
members of a synagogue” (ibid., §3) or to “a synagogal meeting” of
Judaeans or “Judeo-Christian congregations” (ibid., §4; cf. Bauckham
2003, 1487; McCartney 2009, 138). Most English translations translate the
word here with “assembly” (e.g., KJV; NKJV; NRSV; ISV; ESV) or
“meeting” (e.g., REB; HCSB; NIV), which agrees with the meaning that
BDAG (s.v. συναγωγή, §4) associate with Jas 2:2. Moo (2015, 119–120)
argues that the Judaean synagogues did not normally welcome the Christbelieving Judaeans and the fact that the addressees seemed to have control
over the conduct in the συναγωγή, suggests that the author is referring to a
See Kloppenborg (1999, 758) who argues against Dibelius’s (1976, 3, 129) notion that the
Letter of James addresses a fictional audience and cannot be used as a historical source for the
actual circumstances of the congregation.
8
Wall argues that the congregants were marginalised and alienated from the cultural order
because of their piety and now question whether the testing of their faith is worth their devotion
to God.
9
Moo shows that in the intertestamental period, the language of “the twelve tribes” was used to
denote the true people of God in the last days.
7
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meeting separate from the official Judaean synagogue. In other words, by
using traditional language, the author would have had any Christian
gathering of these Judaean believers in mind. Painter (2012, 91) points out
that συναγωγή in 2:2 is used interchangeably with ἐκκλησία in 5:14 to
denote a Christian gathering, a tendency that continued up to the third
century CE. Nevertheless, it seems reasonably clear that a Judaean Christbelieving community is addressed.
As regards the kind of Judaean believers that the letter addresses, on
the basis of the fairly eloquent Greek in which the letter is written, it could
be assumed that the audience was Hellenised (Laws 1980, 36; Bauckham
2003, 1483; Painter 2012, 22) with at least some that spoke Greek only
(Winkler 1888, 14). Hengel (1989), however, warns against drawing too
absolute lines of demarcation between “Judaism” and “Hellenism,”
arguing that Palestinian Judaism was part of the Hellenistic world (cf.
Laws 1980, 36). McKnight (2011, 31–33) argues that James, the brother of
Jesus might have had the capacity to write good Greek and/or that an
amanuensis could have had an effect on the letter’s style and vocabulary
(cf. Anderson 2017, 19), as the letter shows remarkable similarities with
James’s brief speech in Acts 15:13–21 and the apostolic letter in Acts
15:23–29 (see Moo 2015, 31–32).
As for the congregation’s economic composition, on average, they
were probably middle class (Richardson 1997, 38; McCartney 2009, 38) to
poor (Davids 1989, 10; Osborne 2011, 6), seeking the attention and
goodwill from the rich (Adamson 1976, 31; Perkins 1995, 90), while
neglecting the poor in their own community (Perkins 1995, 90). But the
congregation probably contained some wealthy individuals too (Davids
1982, 46; see 2:1–3; 4:13–15). Ironically, it was also the rich landowners
that oppressed and exploited them (2:6; 5:1–6; Burdick 1981, 163;
Kistemaker 1986, 7; Kamell and Blomberg 2008, 31). The letter repudiates
the materialism of the merchants within the church (Davids 1982, 31), to
such an extent that some in the congregation have “become the persecutors
of the poor through their favoritism and thus taken the role of the rich”
(ibid., 46). This economic scenario might point to a situation before the
death of James, the Lord’s half-brother (Martin 1988, lxxxiv).10
10
On the basis of mainly 2:1–13, Kloppenborg (1999) argues that the author rejects the
fundamental mechanism of patronage by which social hierarchy was articulated and by which the
redistribution of wealth was effected. For Kloppenborg (1999, 784), the author rather appealed to
friendship, advocating a “general reciprocity” rather than “the balanced reciprocity of patronage
. . . It is to encourage the language of mutual obligation rather than that of status hierarchies.”
Batten (2004) has a similar approach in which God in the Letter of James is not understood as a
substitute patron but as an ideal benefactor.
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
283
As regards the rhetorical situation that the author addresses, the
recipients appear to be falling into various trials or tests,11 which seem to
result from an inclination to follow their own fleshly desires (1:15; 3:16;
4:1–3). The author perceives them as having a self-centred inclination that
is equivalent to being friends with the world, which the letter addresses as
a form of adultery (4:4). At heart, their fleshly, selfish inclination is
pictured as constituting double-mindedness (1:8; 4:8) or hypocrisy (3:17),
and includes things such as envy (3:14, 16; cf. 5:9), divisiveness (3:6, 8),
partiality (2:1–4) and even fighting and warring (4:1–2).
Another aspect of their self-centred attitude is sketched as involving
pride (4:2–3, 6–7, 10; cf. 4:9, 13–15), boasting or arrogance (3:14; 4:16),
which leads to oppressing and dishonouring the poor (1:27; 2:2–6, 15–16).
Their perceived pride also relates to being opinionated (1:19; 3:2–18) and
having worldly/false wisdom (3:13, 15), which involves swearing (5:12) as
well as cursing (3:9–11), speaking evil (4:11) and judging others (2:4, 12–
13; 4:10–12; cf. 5:12). In claiming to be wise (3:13, 15), they were
teaching others (3:1), while they probably did not practise what they
preached. In fact, their faith seemed to be too theoretical, not leading to
love in action (2:14–26; cf. 1:26–27). When real trials or tests came, they
seem to have doubted (1:6).
In addressing these problems, the author of the Letter of James
generally follows a very direct, confrontational approach, which is
essentially a call to repentance (esp. 4:7–10). Yet the references to the
“Lord Jesus Christ” (1:1; 2:1), the “coming of the Lord” (5:7, 8) and “the
name of the Lord” (5:10, 14) indicate that the addressees were believers
and followers of Christ. Their call to repentance is thus not an appeal to
come to the Christian faith for the first time, but rather a call to renew their
faith and confess their sins and self-centredness. Apart from the often
mentioned notion that the author bases much of his rhetoric on Jesus’s
teachings that predate the gospel formulations (e.g., Moo 2000, 32;
McCartney 2009, 31; McKnight 2011, 6), the Christian character of the
letter is arguably further indicated by the references to faith (1:3, 6; 2:1, 5,
14–26; 5:15), love (1:12; 2:5, 8), the word (1:18–23), and mercy (2:13;
3:17; 5:11; see below). The same is probably true of addressing the readers
as brothers (1:2, 9, 16, 19; 2:1, 5, 14, 15; 3:1, 10, 12; 4:11; 5:7, 9, 10, 12,
19) and sisters (2:15; e.g., Hogan 1997, 81–82; Holladay 2005, 681).
The word πειρασμός (1:2, 12) can point to both a test and a trial (see BDAG, s.v. πειρασμός,
§1).
11
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Νόμος in the Letter of James
The concept of law is a prominent feature of the Letter of James. The term
νόμος occurs in Jas 1:25; 2:8, 9, 10, 11, 12; 4:11 (four times) and the term
νομοθέτης (“Lawgiver”) in 4:12. These references can neatly be arranged
under three units, 1:25; 2:8–12 and 4:11–12, and will be discussed in that
order. Given the probable profile of the addressees as discussed above, the
question is, what is the rhetorical function of the letter’s references to
νόμος? The prevalence of this concept in itself might indicate a deliberate
rhetorical strategy that identifies with a high regard for the Mosaic law
under the addressees. Specific references or allusions to the Mosaic law
(2:9–11) would confirm such a possibility, but it might also imply that the
congregants judged others on the basis of the Mosaic law without showing
mercy (2:12–13; 3:17; 4:11–12; cf. 5:6, 11). In other words, the author
might have used law-rhetoric to mirror the addressees’ attitude and
behaviour back to them in their own terms. This possibility will be pursued
further below.
4.1
The νόμος of liberty as the implanted word (James 1:25)
The metaphor of the “the perfect law of liberty” in Jas 1:25, has to be
traced back to at least v. 18, in which the author refers to “us” (ἡμᾶς), the
author and addressees, who have been “brought forth” (ἀπεκύησεν) by the
“word of truth” (λόγῳ ἀληθείας) to be the “firstfruit(s)” (ἀπαρχή) of God’s
“creatures” (κτισμάτων). Although birth-imagery is found in the OT (e.g.,
Deut 32:18; Pss 22:9; 90:2), it is often mentioned in the NT in connection
with Christian rebirth (John 1:13; 3:3–8; Rom 12:2; 1 Cor 4:15; Eph 1:5;
Titus 3:5; 1 Pet 1:3, 23; 1 John 3:9; 4:10; cf. Gal 4:19; Phlm 10). Some
argue that an allusion to creation might be intended by the letter’s
reference to “creatures” (e.g., Davids 1982, 89; Moo 2000, 79). But the
“new creation” terminology in reference to the new, regenerated identity in
the NT (2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15; Eph 2:10; cf. Eph 4:17–24; Col 3:1–11),
references to “firstfruit(s)” in the NT as Christ-believers (2 Thess 2:13;
Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:15; cf. Rev 14:4), and especially the reference to “the
word of truth,” which probably signifies the gospel message (see 2 Cor
6:7; Eph 1:13; Col 1:5; 2 Tim 2:15)12 make it likely that the language here
in Jas 1:18 points to rebirth on the basis of the gospel (Ropes 1916, 166;
There is a reference to the “word of truth” (λόγον ἀληθείας) in Ps 118:43LXX, but the context is
that of God’s Law (see Ps 118:44–45) not to be taken out of the psalmist’s mouth. However, the
idea that God would bring forth people by his Law is an unlikely referent here.
12
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
285
Dibelius 1976, 104–105; Davids 1982, 89; Martin 1988, 39; Richardson
1997, 87; Moo 2000, 79; McCartney 2009, 110; cf. Hogan 1997, 87;
McKnight 2011, 129–130). Such a notion is supported by the way in
which 1 Pet 1:23 makes a pertinent connection between rebirth and the
word, which probably points to reliance on the same earlier tradition(s) as
the Letter of James (see Ropes 1916, 23; Allison 2013, 68). The new birth
can be considered as a gift of God (1:17).
On the basis of the new birth in Christ, the readers are called to be
swift to hear, slow to speak and slow to anger, which does not produce
righteousness (Jas 1:19–20). Then, in v. 21, the addressees are urged to lay
aside filthiness and wickedness and “receive/accept with meekness the
implanted word, which is able to save” (ἐν πραΰτητι δέξασθε τὸν ἔμφυτον
λόγον τὸν δυνάμενον σῶσαι) their souls. In reference to this verse, BDAG
(s.v. δέχομαι, §5) translate δέχομαι here as indicating “approval or
conviction by accepting, be receptive of, be open to, approve, accept.”
L&N (§57.125) explain the use of δέχομαι in this context as “to receive or
accept an object of benefit for which the initiative rests with the giver, but
the focus of attention in the transfer is upon the receiver.” Yet the action of
acceptance or reception of the implanted word can hardly be seen as
having any merit on the part of the receiver. In fact, the qualification to
accept the implanted word “with meekness” (ἐν πραΰτητι) can be
understood as “the quality of not being overly impressed by a sense of
one’s self-importance” (BDAG, s.v. πραΰτης), which focuses the attention
more on God as the giver of the implanted word than on the person who
receives it.
The object of that which is accepted is τὸν ἔμφυτον λόγον. BDAG
(s.v. ἔμφυτος) explain the hapax legomenon ἔμφυτος here as follows: “as
someth. implanted the word is permanently established in the individual
and like inborn assets functions in an exceptional manner.” According to
L&N (§85.31) ἔμφυτος means “to be permanently in place, with the
implication of development—‘placed in, permanently established in,
implanted.’” Ropes (1916, 172) sees ἔμφυτος as conveying the idea of
being “innate,” “intrinsic,” or “deep-rooted.” It is this idea that has led
Allison (2013, 313) to think that the implanted word corresponds to the
Stoic idea of a cosmic law that is innately inside human beings. However,
the main problem with such an idea is that something that is inborn cannot
be received or accepted (Davids 1982, 95; adopted by Martin 1988, 49 and
Whitlark 2010, 152, 163; cf. McKnight 2011, 143).13 In its relationship
13
For a comprehensive treatment on the different views of ἔμφυτος λόγος, see Whitlark (2010).
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with v. 18 (see Blomberg and Kamell 2008, 100; Hartin 2009, 98), the
implanted word rather refers to the word of the gospel (Laws 1980, 82;
Blomberg and Kamell 2008, 100; McCartney 2009, 118; Whitlark 2010,
145; Vlachos 2013, 57), which brought about rebirth or new spiritual life
in believers (cf. Kamell 2011, 24). The implanted word is thus “an entity
that has taken up residence within believers” (Moo 2000, 87). The author’s
urge in this verse is thus not a call to accept the gospel for the first time
(Ropes 1916, 172; Lenski 1966, 552; Dibelius 1976, 114; Burdick 1981,
175), but rather an urge to accept the continual influence of the implanted
word in the life and actions of a believer. As Kistemaker (1986) points out,
the “implant”-imagery might imply that
a plant needs constant care. If a plant is deprived of water and
nurture, it will die. Thus if the readers who have heard the Word
fail to pay attention, they will die a spiritual death. The Word
needs diligent care and application, so that the readers may grow
and increase spiritually. (p. 58)
Within the imagery of the implanted word, an allusion to the
writing of God’s law (or will) on people’s hearts and minds through a new
covenant, as is put forth in Jer 31:33, is within reach (so Martin 1988, 45;
Moo 2000, 87; McCartney 2009, 118; Kamell 2011, 26–27). The salvation
of the “soul” (ψυχή), which likely refers to the whole person, as is
normally the case in Hebrew (Moo 2000, 88; Blomberg and Kamell 2008,
100; Hartin 2009, 98; Painter 2012, 77; Vlachos 2013, 58),14 is thus not
referring to immediate salvation at the point of acceptance, but points to
“the believer’s ultimate deliverance from sin and death that takes place at
the time of Christ’s return in glory” (Moo 2000, 88; cf. Osborne 2011, 40).
Such an understanding would then be parallel to the notion that the readers
must be patient until the coming of the Lord (5:7). Salvation in the Letter
of James is arguably holistic (cf. Kistemaker 1986, 59) and has both a
realised (5:15; 5:20)15 and future dimension (1:21; 2:14; 4:12; cf.
Richardson 1997, 92). In other words, the idea is that rebirth through the
word of the gospel creates a resident reality that needs to be accepted and
acted upon on a continuous basis (Davids 1982, 95; Hartin 2009, 98;
McCartney 2009, 117–118). In this process, believers also have to grow
Cf. the use of ψυχή in 5:20 where the salvation of the sinner’s “soul” certainly points to the
salvation of the whole person.
15
Admittedly, these verses could also be interpreted as pointing to futuristic salvation, but in
context they seem to convey the immediate effect of prayer (5:15) or turning from sin (5:20).
14
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287
and mature in their spiritual understanding of the implanted word (Burdick
1981, 175). The imagery in this verse thus relates to the inherent tension
between the “already” and the “not yet” (McCartney 2009, 118) or the
indicative and the imperative: believers need to act upon the gifts of God
(1:17), of which the implanted word (1:21) is paramount. Even the
discourse on faith that needs to be accompanied by acts of love (2:14–26,
see below), underscores the same principle. It is no good that someone
believes the gospel-word but does not act on it. Such faith would not
eventually prove to be real, saving faith (2:14; cf. Martin 1988, 49).
The call to act upon the indicatives inherent to the gospel word, is
exactly the notion that Jas 1:22 conveys (cf. Matt 7:21–28). In describing a
person who does not act upon the implanted word, vv. 23–24 compare
(ἔοικα, v. 23) such a person with a man that “looks” (κατενόησεν, v. 24) at
his “natural face” (BDAG, s.v. γένεσις, §2a) in a mirror but “immediately
forgets16 what kind of [person] he was” (εὐθέως ἐπελάθετο ὁποῖος ἦν, v.
24). In respect of vv. 23–24, McKnight (2011, 151–153) considers the
ontological view, which relates the comparison that is drawn with being
made in God’s likeness (see 3:9; Gen 1:26–27; cf. Vlachos 2013, 60), but
ultimately opts for the moral view (cf. Deut 4:9, 23, 31; 6:12; 8:14; Prov
2:17) in which a person sees his or her own sinfulness like in a mirror and
walks away without doing something about it. But commentators generally
seem to miss the positive imagery here. Rather than seeing one’s own
sinfulness, the comparison of seeing one’s “natural face” rather resembles
one’s new identity in Christ, which has been brought forth by God’s
gospel-word (v. 18). The fact that the author refers to “us” (ἡμᾶς) who
have been brought forth (v. 18), seems to confirm a focus on a new
personhood or identity. This new identity is also identified with God’s
gospel-word that has been implanted in newly created believers’ lives (v.
21). The notion behind vv. 23 to 24 would then be that someone who
observes his or her new identity in Christ but does not act upon it, is like
someone who sees his or her natural face in a mirror but forgets its image.
Now, in 1:25, the author contrasts the above imagery with someone
who “looks into” (παρακύψας εἰς) the νόμον τέλειον τὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας,
which is normally translated with “the perfect law of liberty” (NIV; ESV;
cf. NRSV; NASB). BDAG (s.v. παρακύπτω, §2) translate the word
παρακύπτω here with “to try to find out someth. intellectually, look (in,
into).” Vlachos (2013, 61) argues that in this context, the word
The aorists κατενόησεν and ἐπελάθετο are probably both gnomic and thus translated in the
present (Vlachos 2013, 60).
16
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παρακύπτω, which is used together with εἰς, does not convey the physical
motion of looking down into something (e.g., John 20:5, 11), but “appears
to connote not a hasty peek but a penetrating look,” similar to the NIV that
translates the phrase with “looks intently into” and the GNB that translates
it with “look closely into” (cf. Martin 1988, 50; Moo 2000, 93). In its
contrast with the man that perceives his new identity but forgets it, looking
into the νόμον τέλειον τὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας certainly continues the
underlying theme of the new identity in Christ as put forth by the imagery
of being brought forth by God’s gospel-word (v. 18) and the gospel-word
being implanted in believers’ lives (v. 21). This continuation of the theme
of the gospel-word of vv. 18 and 21–23 in the νόμον τέλειον τὸν τῆς
ἐλευθερίας is acknowledged by most commentators (e.g., Moffatt 1928,
28; Lenski 1966, 557–558; Adamson 1976, 84; Martin 1988, 51; Johnson
1995, 214; Richardson 1997, 96–97; Moo 2000, 94; McCartney 2009,
122–123; Vlachos 2013, 61). In other words, in context, looking deep into
the νόμον τέλειον τὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας involves that someone continues or
perseveres (παραμείνας) in his or her new identity in Christ. Such a person
is “no hearer who forgets” (οὐκ ἀκροατὴς ἐπιλησμονῆς) the new identity,
but is “a doer who acts” (ποιητὴς ἔργου) upon it.
But although the νόμον τέλειον τὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας points to the
newly acquired identity in Christ, it is not a mere synonym for this
identity. It is specifically called a νόμος. Some scholars identify νόμος
here with the Mosaic law (e.g., Johnson 1995, 209, 214; Holladay 2005,
685; Hartin 2004, 96–98; 2008, 292; 2009, 100; Van de Sandt 2008, 315–
316; Allison 2013, 334–337).17 That the Mosaic law might be part of the
connotation or at least figure in the background, is quite likely (cf. Moo
2000, 94),18 especially if the probable identity of the readers (Judaean
believers) are taken into account (see above). The author also refers to the
Mosaic law in 2:8–11 specifically (see below). It would thus be possible to
see νόμος in 1:25 as either “the law of Moses as interpreted and
supplemented by Christ” (Moo 2000, 94;19 cf. Hogan 1997, 91; McCartney
2009, 123; McKnight 2011, 158), “Jesus’ reinterpretation of the law as a
17
Dibelius (1976, 116–120) argues for the possibility that the law of liberty might point to the
concept in Hellenistic Judaism of a free life in accordance with “reason,” which would be a way
of describing the Mosaic law (see, e.g., 4 Macc. 14:2; Philo, That Every Good Person Is Free
45–46; see also McKnight 2011, 155–156).
18
Moo (2000, 94) shows that God’s law is described as “perfect” (Pss 19:7; 119) and even as
liberating in later rabbinic texts (m. ’Abot 3:5; 6:2). In reference to Ps 119, McCartney (2009,
123) notes, however, that the law “is not a scholastic analysis of a legal text independent of its
author; it is a listening to the redemptive story because it is the living speech of the author.”
19
Moo argues that the addition of the word “perfect” would point to the law in its eschatological,
perfected form.
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
289
new law” (Davids 1982, 100; cf. Richardson 1997, 97) or “the sum total of
God’s revealed truth—not merely the preliminary portion found in the OT,
but also the final revelation made through Christ and his apostles that was
soon to be inscripturated in the NT” (Burdick 1981, 176). But it seems to
better fit the context if νόμος is translated here as “principle . . . of life
under the lordship of Jesus Christ as ‘new law’ or ‘system’ of conduct that
constitutes an unwritten tradition” (BDAG, s.v. νόμος, §1, 1b), “a norm of
conduct” (Martin 1988, 51) or more specifically, “the gospel revelation as
a rule for life” (Moffatt 1928, 28), especially in view of the fact that νόμος
does not stand on its own, but is qualified. In this regard, W. Gutbrod
(TDNT 4:1081) writes that the
addition τέλειος τῆς ἐλευθερίας is thus designed to protect the
term against the misunderstanding that the commandment of the
OT Law is meant. In so far as the evangelical message claims a
man’s life for action, it can be called νόμος, but in contrast to the
old Law it is a perfect law of liberty.
The first qualification of νόμος is with the word τέλειος, which is
used twice in 1:4 and once in 1:17. In 1:4 it is used together with
ὁλόκληρος, which carries the notion of being “complete” (BDAG, s.v.
ὁλόκληρος; e.g., NRSV; NIV; ESV). The notion of completion forms part
of the connotation(s) to τέλειος in certain contexts.20 BDAG (s.v. τέλειος,
§4a) interpret the use of τέλειος in both 1:4b and 3:2 as being perfect in a
moral sense. In the NT, the verb τελειόω mostly carries the connotation of
completing, bringing to an end/goal, finishing or accomplishing (so
McCartney 2011, 123;21 see BDAG, s.v. τελειόω, §1–2; cf. Jas 2:22).
Since νόμος here relates to the new identity that has been brought forth by
the gospel-word, which is an act of God (esp. v. 17), the new identity
could be described as a perfect or completed work in believers, which
involves a resident, implanted principle that believers should live by. For
Martin (1988, 51), the word τέλειος “takes on a salvation-historical
character . . . as it yields the fruit of a character that has been touched and
renewed by God’s salvation.”
E.g., in Col 4:12, it is used with πεπληροφορημένοι to indicate maturity or being fully
developed (BDAG, s.v. τέλειος, §4a; cf. Matt 19:21).
21
McCartney takes this in a slightly different direction in that he sees the completion of the law
as Jesus’s completion of the Mosaic law (Matt 5:17) and as reaching “its ultimate redemptive
purpose.” This might well be part of the connotation here, but arguably figures in the
background.
20
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The second qualification of νόμος is that it is a principle τῆς
ἐλευθερίας: a principle “of freedom” or “of liberty.” BDAG (s.v.
ἐλευθερία) explain the word ἐλευθερία as “the state of being free.” If
νόμος points to a principle, the notion of the first part of Jas 1:25 is that
one looks deep into the perfect or completed principle that results from
being brought into a state of freedom through the newly created identity in
Christ. In Rom 8:2, Paul advances a very similar idea by his reference to
the “principle” (νόμος; L&N, §33.333; BDAG, s.v. νόμος, §1b) that the
Spirit of life represents in having “made” believers “free” (ἐλευθερόω)
from the “principle” or “power” (Moo 2018, 497–499; cf. Fee 1994, 522–
524; Matera 2010, 191)22 of sin and death (cf. Martin 1988, 97). Davids
(1982, 100) argues that “[a]lthough in James one is in a different area of
Christianity than in Paul, he nonetheless finds similar ideas, especially
when looking at what Paul says about James’s sphere of concern.”
But there is another dimension to the completed principle of
freedom, which pertains to the last part of Jas 1:25. The author ends off
this verse by stating that a person who looks deep into this principle and
continues to act upon it “will be blessed” (μακάριος . . . ἔσται) in such
action. The natural question here would be: what kind of action does this
refer to? As noted by Painter (2012, 80), the idea of being blessed harks
back to 1:12, in which the person who endures temptation or testing and
“has been approved” (δόκιμος γενόμενος; NKJV) or “has stood the test”
(NRSV; ESV; cf. NIV), receives the crown of life, which the Lord has
promised “to those who love him” (τοῖς ἀγαπῶσιν αὐτόν). Endurance
during trials thus constitutes an act of love towards God, which is the first
part of the double love-command that Jesus taught (e.g., Matt 22:37).
If the nature of the required action as put forth in 1:26–27 is
considered, the double love command strongly rings in the background.
The reference in v. 26 to people who think they are “religious” (θρησκὸς)
but do not bridle their tongue, means that their “heart is not right” with
God and towards their fellow believers and “their attempt to hide this lack
of love only heightens their self-deception” (Kistemaker 1986, 64). The
pure and undefiled “religion” (θρησκεία) that is described in v. 27, which
involves visiting orphans and widows in their trouble and keeping oneself
unstained from the world, can be seen as acts of love towards God
(Kistemaker 1986, 64–65) and others (Reicke 1964, 25; Lenski 1966, 560;
Burdick 1981, 176; Kistemaker 1986, 64–65; Richardson 1997, 103).
22
As Moo (2018, 497) points out, this is the majority view among commentators in respect of
both occurrences of νόμος in Rom 8:2.
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
291
Keeping oneself unstained from the world (1:27) specifically pertains to
countering double-mindedness (1:8; 4:8) and friendship with the world
(4:4), and thus constitutes wholehearted, undivided love for God. Being
attentive to your speech (1:26) and reaching out to orphans and widows
(1:27) specifically pertains to loving others. These acts of love are already
intended in the action required on the basis of the perfect principle of
freedom in 1:25 (e.g., Martin 1988, 51; Richardson 1997, 98). To this
effect, Martin (1988, 51) writes that the freedom of νόμος in 1:25
“connotes a release from self-interest and a new capacity to practice God’s
will in the interests of one’s needy neighbour” (cf. Kistemaker 1986, 62)
and Moffatt (1928, 28) pointedly states that “the gospel revelation of the
Word binds us to a service of practical love, which is at once an impulse
and an obligation.” But it is Elliott (1993) who probably captures the
nuances of the νόμος of freedom the best, when he writes that
fidelity to the complete and royal law of freedom (1:25; 2:8, 12),
inspired by the wisdom from above, entails an integrity of
hearing-completed-in-doing (1:19–27), of seeing-completed-indoing (1:23–25), of speaking-completed-in-doing (1:13, 19, 26;
2:3, 7, 12, 14–26; 3:1–12, 14; 4:3, 11–12, 13–17; 5:9, 12, 13–18),
and of faith-activated-in-love (2:1–26). (p. 78)
4.2
The royal νόμος of liberty versus the Mosaic law (James 2:8–12)
James 2 starts with a reprimand about partiality (vv. 1–4), especially the
notion to seek the attention of rich people at the expense of reaching out to
the poor. In other words, the readers are admonished for not acting in the
spirit of love (cf. 1:27) when they are assembled (v. 2). In v. 4, the author
asks whether the addressees have not become “judges” (κριταί) with evil
thoughts, which is an important concept to be revisited later in his
discourse on νόμος (vv. 12–13). In v. 5, the readers are called to “listen,”
which follows on the earlier references to the importance of acting on what
is heard (1:19, 22–25). The author asks whether it is not so that God has
chosen the poor to be rich in faith and to be “heirs of the kingdom,” and
then significantly adds: “which he promised to those who love him” (cf.
1:12). But the addressees seem to have done the opposite; they have
dishonoured the poor, even while the rich people oppress them and drag
them to the courts (v. 6). In other words, they did not seem to show love
for the poor, which ultimately reflects on their love for God. While it is
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possible that the “noble name” by which the believers were called (v. 7) is
the Antiochene name “Christians” (e.g., Adamson 1976, 112; see Acts
11:26), it is more probable in light of the reference to “our Lord Jesus
Christ” in v. 1 that it points to the name “Christ” (Ropes 1916, 196;
Burdick 1981, 179; Moo 2000, 109; Vlachos 2013, 74), “Jesus” (Laws
1980, 105; Dibelius 1976, 141; Davids 1982, 113; Kistemaker 1986, 80;
Hartin 2009, 121; Painter 2012, 95)23 or “Jesus Christ” (McKnight 2011,
201; cf. McCartney 2009, 143), and prepares for what follows in v. 8,
which is again about the love command. The double love command was
one of Jesus’s most profound teachings (Matt 22:37–40; Mark 12:30–31;
Luke 10:27) and the main reason why the author reverts to the love
command here in v. 8, is that it conveys the opposite attitude of partiality,
which violates the principle of love (see vv. 1–4, 9; cf. Davids 1982, 114;
Richardson 1997, 120; Moo 2000, 110, 113).
In v. 8, νόμος is qualified with the word βασιλικός. Moo (2000,
111) notes that βασιλικός can be translated with “supreme” or
“governing,” which would mean that the command of love governs and
takes precedence over all others (e.g., Hort 1909, 53; 24 Moffatt 1928, 35;
Lenski 1966, 570; Adamson 1976, 114; Burdick 1981, 179; Martin 1988,
67; McCartney 2009, 147; cf. Dibelius 1976, 142–143;25 Kistemaker 1986,
81) and can be understood as a new law (Dibelius 1976, 143; Martin 1988,
67–68). The love command that is referenced here (Lev 19:18) can in fact
be seen as the epitome of the Torah and as constituting its essence (Martin
1988, 68). The fulfilment of the love command of Lev 19:18 can thus be
understood as fulfilling the whole Mosaic law, similar to what Paul argues
for in Gal 5:14 (McCartney 2009, 148). The principle set forth in Lev
19:18 can thus be described as the law of love, in which “law” hardly
carries the connotation of a system of commandments. Yet Moo (2000,
111) rather opts for the meaning “royal” (βασιλικός) as denoting
belonging to a king. By implication, the law would belong to God. Many
interpreters thus see the “royal law” as denoting God’s Mosaic law (e.g.,
Ropes 1916, 198; Bauckham 1999, 142; Holladay 2005, 685; Hartin 2008,
292; 2009, 121; Konradt 2008, 278; Van de Sandt 2008, 315–316; Allison
2013, 401–402). But even in seeing νόμον βασιλικόν as the “royal law,” it
can be identified with the love command that follows (e.g., Laws 1980,
Some understand the aorist ἐπικληθὲν as pointing to the addressees’ baptism, when Jesus’s
name was called upon (Dibelius 1976, 141; Davids 1982, 113; Hartin 2009, 121; McKnight
2011, 202; Painter 2012, 95).
24
Hort references Matt 23:23, which implies that there are less weighty parts of the law.
25
Dibelius argues that βασιλικός indicates that the law has royal authority.
23
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
293
108–109; NIV; cf. Davids 1982, 115). Yet Moo (2000, 111) ultimately
chooses against this view “in that the NT usually refers to an entire body
of commandments rather than to a single commandment” and points to the
connection between βασιλικός in v. 8 and βασιλεία in v. 5. In combination
with the love command that is quoted in v. 8 (Lev 19:18), Moo (2000,
112) and others (Johnson 1995, 230; Osborne 2011, 53; Painter 2012, 95;
BDAG, s.v. βασιλικός) argue that βασιλικός pertains to the kingdom of
God. Moo (2000, 112) further states that the “‘royal law’ might be James’s
way of referring to the sum total of demands that God, through Jesus,
imposes on believers,” implying that the royal law extends “beyond the
Mosaic law as fulfilled and reinterpreted by Jesus to include the teaching
of Jesus” (cf. Johnson 1995, 231; Blomberg and Kamell 2008, 139;
McKnight 2011, 207).
The νόμον βασιλικόν can indeed be understood as pertaining to
God’s kingdom, but Moo’s (2000, 111) complaint against the idea that the
νόμον βασιλικόν cannot point to a supreme principle on the basis that the
NT usually refers to an entire body of commandments, can be taken into
question if νόμος in v. 8 denotes a “principle,” such as in Rom 8:2 (see
also Rom 3:27; 7:21, 23, 25; Gal 6:2; BDAG, s.v. νόμος, §1a–b), rather
than a system of laws as such. As argued above, that is most probably the
meaning of νόμος in Jas 1:25. BDAG (s.v. νόμος, §1b) indeed group the
occurrence of νόμος here in 2:8 together with 1:25 and 2:12, denoting a
“rule,” “principle” or “norm . . . under the lordship of Jesus Christ as a
‘new law’ or ‘system’ of conduct that constitutes an unwritten tradition”
(cf. Moffatt 1928, 36; Via 1969, 260; Kistemaker 1986, 80; McCartney
2009, 47). It is quite evident that judgment through νόμου ἐλευθερίας (“the
principle of freedom”) in 2:12 harks back to νόμον τέλειον τὸν τῆς
ἐλευθερίας (“the perfect/completed principle of freedom”) in 1:25 and thus
points to the same thing. Yet the royal or supreme νόμος that needs to be
“kept” (τελέω; e.g., McKnight 2011, 206) or “fulfilled” (e.g., Laws 1980,
107) according to 2:8, reminds of the use of τέλειος in 1:25, which can
there be interpreted as a perfected or completed principle that results from
the new identity, which forms part of the gospel-word that was implanted
within believers at rebirth (see above). In other words, the completed
(1:25), implanted principle of freedom also needs to be kept or fulfilled
(2:8). One’s interpretation of the meaning of the phrase νόμον βασιλικόν
thus does not necessitate a choice between denoting either God’s kingdom
or a supreme principle. The phrase arguably refers to both and can be
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described as a “supreme kingdom-principle” of love (cf. McCartney 2009,
147).
The “completed principle of freedom” in 1:25, the “supreme
kingdom-principle” in 2:8 and the “principle of freedom” in 2:12 can thus
all be understood as pointing to the same thing, but to different aspects of
it:
(1) The “completed principle of freedom” in 1:25 mainly involves the
indicative work of God by which he gives birth to believers through
the gospel-word (1:18) and implants the gospel-word within them
(1:25), constituting a new identity in Christ that sets believers free
and empowers them (see esp. Whitlark 2010, 146, 151, 162) to act in
love (1:12, 25–27). Believers must receive the implanted word with
meekness (1:21) and continuously have to “look deep into” (1:25) this
principle so that they can keep understanding where they come from
and who they are (their new identity in Christ) in order to be
empowered by it to continuously act upon it.
(2) The “supreme kingdom-principle” (2:8) or the “principle of freedom”
(2:12) mainly constitutes the imperative of love that springs forth
from the indicative of the new identity and the implanted word, which
believers must fulfil (2:8) and by which their acts must be judged
(2:12) in order to show the authenticity and richness (2:5) of their
faith (see 1:3, 6; 2:1, 5, 14–26; 5:15). However, the indicative and
imperative aspects of the supreme principle of freedom are intricately
and inseparably related.
In fact, in the same way in which the indicative and imperative aspects of
the supreme kingdom-principle of freedom are related, so faith and works
are intricately and inseparably related (2:14–26). Just as the hearer of the
implanted word is empowered to but also ought to continuously act upon it
in love (1:21–27), so someone who has faith is empowered to but also
ought to do the works of love in order to show its authenticity (2:14–15;
cf. Davids 1982, 199; Hartin 2009, 157). There is even correspondence
between the kingdom-principle of freedom and faith in respect of
salvation. According to 1:21, the implanted word is said to be able to
ultimately save the soul of the recipient, which implies that the recipient
must continually receive it (1:21) and continually look into it and act upon
it (1:22–25) after which salvation follows. Without going too deep into the
much debated faith-works relationship in the Letter of James, the main
point is arguably that the kind of faith that ultimately saves, is faith that is
accompanied by works of love (2:14; cf. Ropes 1916, 207; Martin 1988,
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
295
91; Moo 2000, 120; McCartney 2009, 165; McKnight 2011, 229). Within
the inseparable relationship between the indicative and imperative, it is not
that the acts of love (relating to the imperative) in themselves or on their
own save. But neither can faith (relating to the indicative) without works
of love save, for such faith is inauthentic and incomplete (see τελειόω in
2:22) and in fact dead (2:20, 26). It is not so much that faith and acts of
love need to work together to save, it is rather that authentic, saving faith
ought to be characterised by acts of love. The intricate relationship
between the indicative and imperative also relates to the social concept of
maintaining the wholeness and integrity of the personal and social body in
the congregation, which is arguably an underlying concept beneath the
whole letter. The underlying concept of wholeness can also be traced in
the juxtaposition of concepts of pollution and purity throughout the letter
(see esp. 1:27; 3:17; Elliott 1993; cf. Botha 2005, 407).
Having identified νόμος in 1:25; 2:8 and 12 with the principle of
freedom, expressed in acts of love, apart from the reference to Lev 19:18
in 2:8, there is still a definite reference to the Mosaic law in 2:9–11. The
question is, what is the function of the references to the Mosaic law here,
and how do they relate to the supreme kingdom-principle? Some
interpreters point to the probability that a contrast between the love
principle and the Mosaic law can be identified here, especially in light of
the fact that in 1:25; 2:8 and 2:12, νόμος is qualified in some way, whereas
in 2:9–11 νόμος occurs without a qualifier (Gutbrod in TDNT 4:1081; Via
1969, 260; Evans 1983, 34; cf. Adamson 1976, 117). Additionally, the δέ
in v. 9 conveys a contrast with the love principle of v. 8 in that the author
reverts back to their partiality, which in turn is linked with both vv. 10 and
11 by γάρ. Οὕτως (“thus/likewise”), which introduces v. 12, thus logically
refers back to the principle laid out in v. 8. Verses 9–11 can thus be seen
as a kind of a digression. But if a contrast between the principle of love
and the Mosaic law is intended, what would the function of such a contrast
be?
In answer to the above question, I propose that we come to one of
the fundamental aspects that help us to understand the letter’s rhetorical
style and especially its rhetoric on νόμος. One of the fundamental issues in
the congregation that the author perceived was that they judged others
(2:4, 12–13; 4:10–12; cf. 5:12). Elliott (1993, 75) sees their tendency to
judge others as forming part of a “social-economic disequilibrium among
the believers” which “had become the seed-bed for discrimination of
social classes and the currying of favor from wealthy and powerful patrons
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from outside the community” (cf. Kloppenborg 1999; Batten 2004). But
one can further ask: how did they judge others or on what basis did they
judge them? I further propose that the addressees tended to judge others on
the basis of the Mosaic law, while they did not live up to its standards
themselves, especially the standard of love set forth in Lev 19:18, being
hypocritical and not accompanying their faith with acts of love. In other
words, what the author is holding up to the congregants in 2:9–11 is what
is expected of someone if the Mosaic law is used as yardstick for
judgment.
According to the author’s logic in 2:9–11, if you break only one
command of the Mosaic law, then you are guilty of all (v. 10). Although
the author might see their partiality as a form of murder in terms of the
way in which Jesus interpreted the commandments (e.g., Moo 2000, 115;
cf. Davids 1982, 117; Martin 1988, 70; Mc Knight 2011, 2014), this is
probably not the author’s main point in the reference to the examples from
the Mosaic law in v. 11. His main point is arguably that one cannot judge
others if one breaks any one of the law’s commandments, for then you are
judged by the same law with which you judge others. In fact, their
partiality meant that they broke the love commandment, which the author
portrays as a fundamental principle that also governs the Mosaic law or all
morality for that matter. But when the author admonishes the addressees
that they should speak and act according to the “principle of freedom” in
2:12, he does not only imply that the congregants judge others on the basis
of another law (the Mosaic law), he contrasts their inclination to judge
others on the basis of the Mosaic law with judgment on the basis of the
law or principle of freedom. In using the Mosaic law as yardstick for
judgment, according to the letter’s logic, all people are guilty and all
people are judged by default, which means that anyone who judges
someone else on the basis of the Mosaic law does not only bring judgment
on him- or herself, but is also hypocritical (esp. 3:17). As pointed out
above, hypocrisy seems to be one of the main underlying problems in the
congregation, which relates to double-mindedness and ultimately to not
being whole individually or corporately.
Judgment on the basis of the principle of freedom (2:12) is of a
totally different nature. Instead of judging someone on the basis of a list of
specific requirements, judgment is on the basis of a principle of freedom,
which means that believers are judged on the basis of their love for God
(1:12; 2:5) and others (2:8). Yet the principle of love also involves the
principle of mercy (2:13; 3:17; 5:11). To have mercy in judgment lies on
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
297
the side of using the kingdom-principle of freedom as criterion for
judgment. This is made clear by the relationship between 2:12 and 13 (see
γάρ in v. 13), in which the author actually goes further and relates the
severity of judgment to the abundance of mercy. In other words, living by
the love-principle does not only enable mercy to be shown to others, it
tempers judgment relative to the measure of mercy shown. But the same
principle probably also means that if believers abide in the love principle,
God will judge them on the basis of that same principle, which means that
God’s ultimate judgment will be tempered according to the measure of
mercy they show (cf. Matt 5:7). That 2:13 also has God’s mercy in
judgment in mind is likely in view of 5:11 in which it is stated “that the
Lord is exceedingly/very compassionate and merciful” (πολύσπλαγχνός
ἐστιν ὁ κύριος καὶ οἰκτίρμων). If 2:12–13 implied that judging and being
judged on the basis of the principle of freedom actually averts judgment
completely, the whole idea of associating judgment with the principle of
love (v. 12) would constitute an oxymoron. The point is rather that
judgment according to the principle of love still involves ultimate
judgment, but the severity of such judgment is averted, being triumphed
over by mercy.
It can be noted at this point that if the way in which the Mosaic law
functions as proposed, it is comparable to the notion advanced by Paul that
if someone places him- or herself under the Mosaic law by being
circumcised for example, such a person is obligated to keep the whole law
(Gal 5:3; so, e.g., Davids 1982, 116; Kistemaker 1986, 82; Dibelius 1976,
144, 146; Moo 2000, 114; McCartney 2011, 148). In other words, the law
places one under a curse to adhere to every individual command in it (Gal
3:10). Paul contrasts strict adherence to the Mosaic law with “faith
working through love” (Gal 5:6), with “the principle of Christ,” and
elsewhere with being under the rule and the principle of the Spirit (Rom
8:2; see BDAG, s.v. νόμος, §1b), which implies that one is not under the
authority or the power of the law any more (Gal 5:18). Although the Letter
of James does not venture into language about the Spirit versus the law or
Spirit against flesh, if the author’s discourse on νόμος is understood as
proposed above, he seems to hold the same basic principles as Paul on
these matters. While the notion of literary dependence of the Letter of
James on Paul is disputed,26 the Letter of James does not have to postdate
26
See Mitchell (2007, esp. pp. 77–79) who argues for literary dependence of the Letter of James
on Paul’s writings.
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the Pauline literature for the letter to share the same theological tradition
as Paul (see esp. Dibelius 1976, 146).
But the question still remains: If the Letter of James shares the same
basic sentiments about the Mosaic law as Paul, and if the author of the
Letter of James is quite frank in the way in which he addresses the readers,
why is he not more explicit in his sentiments about the Mosaic law? The
answer to this question arguably lies within the author’s rhetorical
strategy. According to Thurén (2001, 592–593), judged by the Letter of
James’s level of Greek and wide range of stylistic devices, its author was
rhetorically competent. Thurén argues that the author’s use of “appellative
words and imperative forms” indicates that he was “very conscious of his
audience” and that in his non-theoretical style, he “emphasizes the theme
of the text, the connection between conviction and action, by keeping the
line between theory and practice as low as possible.” Yet in addressing his
readers, the author possibly “avoids clear signals” of rhetoric, “because in
order to be persuaded the addressees must not cognitively identify his
rhetorical techniques.” In other words, the author uses subtle rhetoric in
order to persuade. But the latter must not be confused by the letter’s
frankness. In fact, Thurén (ibid., 595) goes as far as to argue that the
author’s rhetorical strategy is “hazardous” in that he leaves the
“impression of speaking frankly and directly,” albeit “giving commands
without explanations and motivations.” It is this frankness in address but
subtleness in rhetoric that does not only make the Letter of James difficult
to understand (cf. ibid., 596), but arguably accounts for the author’s
subtleness about his true disposition towards the Torah.
More specifically, the ingenuity of the rhetoric of the Letter of
James in respect of νόμος, and especially in respect of the Mosaic law,
seems to lie in the author’s identification with his audience. In other
words, he addresses them in their own terms. Such a strategy is in fact a
powerful strategy in that it can be seen as a form of contextualisation. In
other words, the author would address his readers in familiar language
symbols and metaphors in order to deepen his persuasion and enhance the
effect of his rhetoric. Hence, in identifying with the symbolic world of his
addressees, what the author does is: he shows to them the consequences of
their own logic and conduct (i.e., judging people on the basis of the
Mosaic law) but arguably deconstructs their own logic at the same time.
But he also offers them an alternative (the kingdom-principle of freedom)
that would be relatable in terms of their own frame of reference.
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
4.3
299
Νόμος in James 4:11–12
In closing the Letter of James’s profound call to submission to God and
repentance (4:7–9), the author calls the congregants to humble themselves
in the Lord’s sight, which prepares the way for what he is about to say in
4:11 and 12. They are reprimanded not to “speak [evil] against”
(καταλαλέω) one another, for, as the author argues, he who speaks evil
against a brother and judges his brother speaks evil against νόμος and
judges νόμος. But if someone judges νόμος he is not a doer of νόμος but a
judge (v. 11). The author then points out that there is one “Lawgiver”
(νομοθέτης) who is able to save and destroy, and concludes with the
question: “But who are you to judge a/your neighbour?” (σὺ δὲ τίς εἶ ὁ
κρίνων τὸν πλησίον;).
Many interpreters see νόμος here as the Mosaic law with a specific
focus on the love command. This view is mainly based on the following
two factors: (1) the term πλησίον (“neighbour”) occurs in v. 12, which is
argued to correspond with the love command of Lev 19:18. (2) The
concept of slandering occurs in Lev 19:16 and the ideas of taking
vengeance and bearing a grudge occur in Lev 19:18. These texts are part
of the Mosaic law but specifically in close proximity of the love command
(Lev 19:18). In respect of these concepts that occur in Lev 19:16 and 18,
all or one of them is understood as corresponding with the concept of
καταλαλέω in Jas 4:11 (e.g., Martin 1988, 163; Moo 2000, 198; Hartin
2009, 2018; McKnight 2011, 362–363; Allison 2013, 635). Other views
include that νόμος harks back to the perfect/royal law of freedom of 1:25
and 2:8 (e.g., Lenski 1966, 637; Gutbrod in TDNT 4:1082; Blomberg and
Kamell 2008, 259; cf. Kistemaker 1986, 144) or that it specifically has the
law of love of Lev 19:18 in mind (e.g., Ropes 1916, 274; Ross 1954, 82;
Dibelius 1976, 228; Laws 1980, 187; Burdick 1981, 196; Johnson 1995,
293; cf. Martin 1988:163; Painter 2012, 150).
Yet commentators generally seem to miss that Lev 19:15
specifically speaks against doing injustice in judgment (מ ְׁשפָּ ט,
ִ MT; κρίσις,
LXX), being partial (λήμψῃ πρόσωπον) to the poor (דַּ ל, MT; πτωχός,
LXX) and honouring/favouring a great/mighty (גָּדֹול, MT; δυνάστης, LXX)
person.27 The specific commandment is then given to judge (שָּ פַּ ט, MT;
κρίνω, LXX) one’s neighbour (עָּמית,
ִ MT; πλησίον, LXX) in righteousness
(צֶ דֶ ק, MT; δικαιοσύνη, LXX). The scenario described in this verse shows
27
Yet Kloppenborg (1999, 760) notes the similarity to Lev 19:15 here, which implies that the
addressees in being judges constitute “the contrary of God.”
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an uncanny resemblance to the kind of problems that the Letter of James
addresses. In other words, the author might also have this verse in mind in
his reference to judging one’s neighbour in 4:12. In respect of these
possible interpretations, it is noteworthy that νόμος occurs with the article
in 2:9–10 in which it indicates the Mosaic law (see above), but here in
4:11 it is anarthrous, which might suggest that νόμος is thought of in a
qualitative sense as God’s will (Hiebert 1979, 268; Blomberg and Kamell
2008, 259) or as “the law in its essence” (Vlachos 2013, 148; contra Ropes
1916, 274).
As seen above, from the possible interpretations at hand, the Letter
of James’s reference to νόμος in 4:11 could either be to the kingdomprinciple of freedom as in 1:25; 2:8, 12 or to the Mosaic law as in 2:9–11.
But the anarthrous use of νόμος might in fact mean that the author
deliberately alludes to both of these laws or principles, or that he is
unspecific on purpose. The possibility that the author specifically
addresses a tendency among the congregants to judge people on the basis
of the Mosaic law (see above), would place 4:11 in perspective. Then it
means that the author could include both laws or principles, for in judging
others, especially in respect of the way in which they regard the rich and
poor (cf. Lev 19:15), they would speak against both the Mosaic law and
the kingdom-principle of freedom. Neither would they be doers of either
one of the two laws. But more importantly, by judging others, it means
that one does not only appoint oneself as judge of others but also as judge
of law (4:11). But what does the latter mean? It probably means that
human beings decide which law to judge by. In other words, human beings
“play God” and “play Lawgiver” (cf. Davids 1982, 170; Martin 1988, 164;
Richardson 1997, 194–195; Blomberg and Kamell 2008, 259; McCartney
2009, 221) in choosing their own law or principle (i.e., the Mosaic law),
which is the direct opposite of an attitude of humbleness (4:10) and
acceptance of God who is the only rightful Judge and Giver of law.
5
Conclusion
I have argued that one’s perception of the identity of the author and
readers of the Letter of James is dependent on one’s interpretation of its
content. Since the Mosaic law was central in marking off identity, the
letter’s discourse on law is central to how one describes and categorises
the author and its addressees, especially their relationship to the Mosaic
law. Since there is no conclusive evidence that James the Just, the halfbrother of Jesus, was torah-orientated or zealous for the law, it is likely
Reconsidering “Law” in the Letter of James
301
that James the Just was in fact the author of the Letter of James and shared
a similar stance towards the Mosaic law as Paul without implying direct
dependence on Paul. But if one takes into account that the addressees of
the Letter of James were predominantly Judaean Christ-believers with
whom James was familiar, it would likely shape his rhetorical style.
I have argued that one of the central problems that the author
wanted to address is the addressees’ inclination towards the Mosaic law,
and specifically that they probably judged others by using the Torah as
yardstick. If the Letter of James is authentic, in order to address the
addressees, James’s rhetoric can be seen as frank in respect of pointing out
the congregants’ blatant hypocrisy and double-mindedness in their
tendency to judge others, among other things. But the same familiarity
would have caused James to be subtle in his rhetoric around law, because
he probably did not want them to detect that he is using rhetorical
techniques in order to persuade them. To this end, James’s rhetoric around
law would have involved using familiar and relatable imagery with which
his addressees could identify. In other words, James seems to have
mirrored their own attitude towards the Mosaic law back to them, so that
their own perceptions and perceptions of law would deconstruct itself. But
at the same time, James seems to have offered them a profound alternative,
namely to identify with and to live by the kingdom-principle of freedom,
which is rooted in the implanted new identity in Christ and embodies the
essence of all morality and conduct towards others. This principle of love
would not only triumph over their inclination towards the Mosaic law, but
empower and enable the addressees to embrace the principles of freedom,
love and mercy, which would ultimately lead to the community’s
wholeness and salvation.
Lastly, it is proposed that although James probably did not adhere
to cultic or ritual requirements himself (e.g., circumcision, Sabbath
observance, purity laws), his silence on these requirements can be
interpreted as forming part of a rhetorical strategy to be subtle about his
position towards the Mosaic law. If the recipients were indeed inclined
towards the Torah, his rhetorical strategy could imply that in subtly
criticising their convictions about the law, he also wanted to be
accommodating to their point of view, similar to the strategy that Paul lays
out in 1 Cor 9:19–23 to be everything to everyone. But it might also be
that James as leader of the Jerusalem church would not want to make
ructions, especially since there were torah-orientated believers in the
Jerusalem church too (Acts 15:1–5). Although these lines of reasoning are
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P. la G. du Toit / Neotestamentica 54.2 (2020) 275–305
not new in themselves (cf., e.g., Lightfoot 1874, 292–374) the point here is
that the way in which James’s rhetorical strategy coheres with the idea
that James was not fully torah-observant or torah-orientated can be
understood in ways that deserves further exploration.
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