SECOND-HAND CLOTHINGS' 'VALUE' IN HONG KONG

SECOND-HAND CLOTHINGS’ ‘VALUE’ IN HONG KONG KAZ LAM A dissertation on submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the ward of the degree BA (Hons) Fashion Styling and Photograph (Final Year) London College of Fashion University of the Arts London 7th March,14 1   2     Contents Contents .......................................................................................................................... 3   Abstract ............................................................................................................................ 4   Introduction...................................................................................................................... 4   Methodology.................................................................................................................... 6   Chapter 1.1 .................................................................................................................... 8   Chapter 1.2.................................................................................................................... 10   Chapter 1.3.................................................................................................................... 13   Chapter 2.1.................................................................................................................... 15   Chapter 2.2.................................................................................................................... 17   Chapter 2.3.................................................................................................................... 20   Chapter 2.4.................................................................................................................... 21   Chapter 2.5.................................................................................................................... 23   Chapter 3.1.................................................................................................................... 24   Chapter 3.2.................................................................................................................... 27   Chapter 3.3.................................................................................................................... 30   Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 32   References ................................................................................................................... 35   END ............................................................................................................................... 40       3     Abstract       The dissertation as my final year thesis is concerning in values of second-hand clothes and linked it to the place, Hong Kong, where I have been living in there for fifteen years. However, my place is birth is in Mainland China, a city called Shangtao. Considering where my native is, I admit that I am a Hongkongese rather than a Chinese. After I come to the Britain to continue my studies after graduated from High school in this five years, I see the cultural differences of these three places, no matter on the lifestyles, fashion or in the field of psychology, the contrasts of them leading me ‘think’! Think of myself as a Cheongsam, which born in its origin place, immigrated to Hong Kong, and under the influence of the Western culture, I have transformed. Compared to the Western, second-hand or vintage clothes was not yet proverbially wear in Hong Kong. Until the recent years, there is an increase from students who love hunting and gathering for their appearances. I then foresee the future. The future is about to cherish everything’s’ values. I, as a second-hand clothes shopper, love collecting vintage clothes and costumes from everywhere in the world, also have a dream; the dream is to run the first vintage charity shop in Hong Kong. In the view of above, I decided to write about the value of second-hand and the identity of Hong Kong… 4     INTRODUCTION   “We  never  look  at  one  just  one  thing;  we  are  always  looking  at  the  relation  between   things  and  ourselves.  Our  vision  is  continually  active,  continually  moving,  continually   holding  things  in  a  circle  around  itself,  constituting  what  is  present  to  us  as  we  are.”   (Berger,  2008;  p.1)     This thesis addresses the identity ambivalence of Hong Kong citizens and the social behaviours of the younger generation as consumers in the reconstructing of second hand clothes in a manner that reflects on their sense of identity and selfindividualisations as a result of nostalgia fashion becoming a contemporary mainstream trend. The development of Hong Kong’s colonial identity has been gradual following the city-state being handed back to its motherland China by Britain, in 1997. As part of this process, Hong Kong’s young generation of citizens’ sense of self and identity tends to lie on a continuum between Western (independent) self and Asian (interdependent) self. This caused the formation of national-identity ambivalence with this section of Hong Kong’s population. This thesis will be structured in form of three main chapters that will address the key concepts of value, consumption, and cultural identity: Research Questions: 1. What is the related value of second-hand goods and ‘rubbish’? 2. Regarding aspects of clothing, what do people think about its value in Hong Kong, and what makes them to cherish theirs pasts today? 3. In terms of nostalgia, how do Wong Kar Wai's movies reflect the complexity of Hong Kong people’s cultural identities, and how it this relevant to the 'future vintage’? 5     Firstly, the thesis will analyse the ‘creation of value’ as it pertains to second-hand goods in rubbish theory relevant to the values of commodity, and art. (Gregson & Crewe, 2003) Secondly vintage clothing having developed as a contemporary trend in Hong Kong will be discussed. In contrast to the frenetic Hong Kong lifestyle, vintage is a movement of slow-fashion and an anti-fashion approach. The chapters will examine the different reasons behind the vintage fashion trend by relating to concerns regarding globalisation, lifestyle, and consumption behaviours. The final chapter aims to identify key features of the post-nostalgia imagination through a range of Wong Kar Wai’s films. It will analyse the ambivalence of Hong Kong people’s national identity as it relates to it being a relatively ‘new’ culture and will consider how young generation presents their cultural and self-identity through their ways of self-expression by using second-hand or used clothing. Clothing, “as one of the most visible forms of consumption, performs a major role in the social construction of identity.” (Crane 2000: p.1). The nostalgia trend having developed a ‘new’ style of self-expression through dressing, prompts us to ask what the actual value is behind the consumption of second hand, used and vintage clothes. 6     Methodological Approach This research is based mainly on secondary data, qualitative data will be widely used for content analysis and visual analysis. For discussing consumer behaviour and psychology, interview responses of consumers published in South China Morning Post (SCMP) will be examined. Related data such as consumer behaviour, purchasing pattern, lifestyle pattern, and pattern of purchasing second-hand clothing were collected and analysed because of the “exploratory, descriptive and explanatory” nature of this study. Exploratory research is generally used when the problems observed are in the preliminary stage (Babbie and Rubin, 2010, p. 135) In general, this study was designed as an exploratory research. Appadurai (1996, p.3) stated that exploratory research is the “work of the imagination” because it involves issues like ethnography and culture and migration flow. Hence, the work “is a space of contestation in which individuals and groups seek to annex the global into their own practice of the modern” (p.4). The literature review presents the cause-and-effect relationship, along with the rubbish theory and value theory, as called as a positive correlation. Jackson (2008, p.21) explains that “an alternative explanation is the idea that it is possible some other uncontrolled, extraneous variable may be responsible for the observed relationship”. The explanatory method is “used to determine whether this is a cause-and-effect relationship between the variables of interest” to explain why a behaviour occurs. (p. 22). The experimental method is use in demonstrating the context of the values related to the connection of each chapter. For example, from the biography of second-hand clothes to the vintage clothes buyer; from chapter 2.1 Fast is More to 2.4 Less is More, which is evidencing their negative correlation. The value of second-hand clothing is changing between the two variables and chapters. 7     Descriptive research will be used in two main case studies: Redress Organization and Wong Kar Wai’s movies. Because lacking of existing data to evident the amount of vintage wearer and non-vintage wearer in Hong Kong. Data based on the other location could not be enunciate as a equal case to discuss, therefore, Wong’s case study is a substitute correlating on the issue of nostalgia. In order to demonstrate the state of public reaction to national ethnic identity, method of data collection is ground on exiting research data from online database such as public surveys from government institutions, public interview in newspaper. The data for examining the identity crisis among the consumers was obtained from the Hong Kong University Public Opinion Programme (HKU POP; Hkupop.hku.hl, 2013) – surveys on “Hong Kong Ethnic Identity” have been conducted every 6 months since 1997. The findings of this survey were used to determine how individuals in different in age groups perceive themselves and their identity and nationality – the Chinese and “Hongkongese” identity (Lau, 1997). 8     1.1 A Brief ‘Biography’ of Second-hand Clothing This chapter will first generalise the interrelated value of second-hand clothes as a commodity and ‘rubbish’, and set the context for the thesis that follows. In relation to the ‘rubbish theory’, what is the cultural value of second-hand goods? What, sociologically, are the biographical possibilities inherent in its ‘status’ and in the period and culture, and how are these possibilities realised? Where does the thing come from and who made it? What has been its career so far, and what do people consider to be an ideal career for such things? What are the recognized ‘ages’ or periods in the thing’s ‘life’ and what are the cultural markers for them? How does the thing’s use change with the age, and what happens to it when it reaches the end of its usefulness? (Kopytoff, 1986: P.67) According to Thompson’s ‘rubbish theory’, the life of an object or commodity is distinguished in three stages: ‘rubbish’, ‘transients’ and ‘durable’. According to his definition, ‘rubbish’ is something which has become a piece of waste from the firsthand owner; it must pass through the transient stage (in which it is perceived as having no value), then be transferred into the durable stage, which enables its value to be radically reassigned. During this stage, it will increase in value over time (1979: p.7). Various studies have clearly demonstrated that value can vary according to its meaning to different people in different places and at different times. Gregson and Crewe (2003) redefine economic and cultural value as a means of consumption practice, wherein space has been created for recycling and reusing commodities. In their study, the constitution of ‘disposal dispositions’ was divided into the three categories of ‘philanthropy, economic or political critique and moneymaking’ (Gregson and Crewe, 2003: p.115). During the disposal disposition, the second-hand self carries ‘an entirely different context to transaction to first cycle exchanges’, indicating that ‘power and value can be imbued in commodities long after the original production has ceased, through cycles, transformation and reuse’ (Gregson and Crewe, 2003: p.172). Another study by Ben Fine (2002, p.85) about the ‘world of consumption’ divided commodities into two primary attributes, exchange value and use value. ‘The 9     system of production responds as a servant to the needs and wishes of consumers, subject to the availability of resources’ (Fine, 2002: p.81). It is therefore evident that anything could be considered as a reusing resource in order to fulfil the desire and demand for it. Although some categories are deemed less valuable compared to others with greater value, valuation is mostly based on ‘an aestheticized manner of the look, the feel, the technology, the actual materiality and culture of time passed through its objects’ (Lewis and Potter, 2011: p.165). In the same vein, Hawkins (2006: p.58) suggests that most consumers’ goods would be in Thompson’s transient categories; antiques and art would be in the durability category. Consequently, an item could be seen as valuable by one person but not another as a result of individual ‘thinking’ and personal tastes (Fry and Willis, 1996; Kopytoff, 1986: p.64). 10                                         1.2 The ‘Pickers up of Unconsidered Trifles’ ‘Waste is mystery. ‘‘It’’ is nothing. Waste is a (forgotten) memory. It is a trace awaiting discovery’ (Fry and Willis, 1996: p.17). Clothes were in short supply before mass production, meaning that it was necessary to produce clothes with better quality and durable function in consideration of sustainable value. Garments made with high quality material were produced by individual tailors as well as families or those with personal skill. When garments were worn for long periods and stepped into the ‘transient’ stage, they either passed on to lower classes or younger members of families in poorer households. This explains how the exchange market of second-hand materials has created a space for the re-entry of used clothes into the durable field in western culture, since the beginning of the manufacture of textiles and garments. In Way of Seeing (2008: p.9), Burger professed, ‘the way we see art of the past as nobody saw it before. We actually perceive it in a different way’. The mystification of art mirrors the ‘waste’, as Fry and Willis articulated it, with waste being a form of ‘art’, following the reborn process (Appadurai, 2011: p.45; Koptyoff, 1986: p.83; Benjamin and Underwood, 2008). ‘Garbage art – pieces of colorful, creative eclecticism and beauty constructed out of what would otherwise have been thrown away – is today at the forefront of the avant-garde art world’ (Rathje and Murphy, 2001). Vik Muniz, the artist and photographer of the below photographs, said that ‘the moment when one thing transforms into another is the most beautiful moment’ in an interview (Concannon, 2011) about his documentary film Wasteland (2010), which was filmed over three years and followed him back to his native country of Brazil from his home base in Brooklyn, with the intention of helping garbage scavengers to improve their lives using his art. The photographs initially look like collages, treating 11     every single piece of waste as salvage and playing with the viewer’s perception of perspective (Figure 1.1). The intimated relationship between trash and treasure is profoundly illustrated by ‘snappers up of unconsidered trifles’ (Rathje and Murphy, 2001: p.194; Winslow Homer, 1859), ‘who, in his eclecticism and resourceful adaptability to a wide range of theatrical opportunities, making enduring art out of whatever may come to hand’ (Shakespeare and Rhu, 2011: p.51).                    Figure  1.1  Picture:  Muniz,  V.  2010.  Creation  of  Adam,  after  Michelangelo  (Picture  of  Junk).   The materials they used are considered garbage and valueless from our perspective. However, it is a cherished gift to them, demonstrating how everyone has a different perception of beauty and a different ‘valuating system’ (Kopytoff, 1986: p.88). Catadores are described as ‘pickers up of unconsidered trifles’ hunting for their material, in behaviour similar to that of art collectors searching for pieces. ‘The collection itself provides the rationale for ‘the hunt’ and the scope for excavating ‘the unexpected’ (Gregson and Crewe, 2003: p.186), although each collectible has an ‘extremely variegated area of private valuation’ (Kopytoff, 1986: p.88). The most basic level is the accumulation of materials: e.g. the hoarding of old papers, stockpiling of food – midway between oral introjection and anal retention – then [comes] the serial accumulation of identical objects. Collecting tends towards the cultural...while maintaining their own interrelation, they [i.e. the collected objects] introduce social exteriority, human relations, into the process (Baudrillard, 1968: 147-148). 12     In a recent study, Pearce (1995) demonstrates a particular view of the processes of collecting, suggesting that behaviour is ‘a quest for comfort and reassurance’ (Pearce, 1995: p.18). ‘Those art collectors kept their art in many different rooms: these ‘‘galleries’’ are imaginary, ideal spaces where the taste of a particular collector can be celebrated and admired (Harris, 2008: p.192). While it is shown that there is a visual contrast between Figures 1.2 and 1.3 below, the similarities are the spaces in those images. Both are a ‘collective gallery’ of each owner, reflecting different ‘states of collective moods, tastes and choice’ (Davis, 1994: p.116). Blumer (1968: p.344) asserted that tastes themselves are ‘a product of experience. Collective taste is amorphous, inarticulate and awaiting specific direction.’ Left  :  Figure  1.2  Willem  van  Haecht.  1628.  The  Gallery  of  Cornelis  van  der  Geest.  Oil  on  canvas.  Florence.   Right:  Figure  1.3  Michael  Wolf.  2006.  100  x  100  -­‐79.  Photograph.  Hong  Kong. 13     1.3 Redress Hong Kong In their chapter entitled ‘Old Clothes, New Looks: Second Hand Fashion In Hong Kong’, Palmer and Clark (2005) explained that clothes are quickly discarded when fashion changes, because of the ‘lack of space making storage difficult for most’ (Palmer and Clark, 2005: p.158). The photographer of Figure 1.3, Michael Wolf said, ‘if you’re standing inside a room which is exactly the same size as the room you’re looking at, then you realise how small that space actually is’ (Lapinski, 2009). Each resident in his photography collection ‘100 x 100’ has his or her own private ‘flat’, which is a 10-by-10 foot space. These spaces ‘have become places – specific in place and time – which have somehow re-anchored themselves outside official sanction’ (Catterall, 1997: p.17-19). Kowloon Walled City is an example of a ‘space’, with regard to what Catterall described as ‘space of representation’ and also ‘the bridge’. He asserts that ‘the bridge’ represents an attempt to redefine the goals of modernity and to take into account questions about the ecological sustainability of cities.’ In this sense, its presence could be introduced simultaneously as a pathway and a divider in relation to modernity and city development.                                                          Figure  1.5  Michael  Wolf.  Back  Door  23.  2005.  Photograph.  Hong  Kong.                                                          Figure  1.6  Junya  Watanabe,  Comme  Des  Garcons,  Spring/Summer  1998.       14       The ‘disposal disposition’ of second-hand clothes, mentioned in Chapter 1.1, represents ‘space-making’ (or the bridge) in the second-hand market, indicating new cultural development (Gregson and Crewe, 2003: p.120). The case study below of Redress demonstrates it as a stepping stone towards ‘the bridge’ of second-hand market development. Finkelskein (1996: p.44) said that ‘fashion can be all things: experimental, playful, creative as well as oppressive. ‘Styles in clothing more often reflect than create the ambivalences they symbolize, and they can appear to bridge the gap between desires and actual circumstances’ (ibid.: p.31). Redress, the non-profit organization in Hong Kong, has been striving to promote environmental sustainability in the fashion industry since 2007. When some people were struggling to find their new season collection of clothes, the founder of Redress, Christina Dean, set herself a challenge of only wearing 100% dumped, discarded or donated clothing for 365 days in order to promote the slogan ‘Redress it, don’t bin it’ to those with the key to ending environmental pollution, consumers (Redress.com.hk, 2013). During the process, Dean became a professional clothes scavenger, hunting and gathering in clothes landfill as daily work to pick up clothes able to be reused for her daily outfits. Figure 1.5 Finkelshein and Coco Chanel have taught that ‘fashion can be all things: experimental, playful, creative as well as oppressive’; it ‘is not something that exists in dresses only. Fashion is in the sky, in the street, fashion has to do with ideas, the way we live, what is happening’. Another fashion designer, Jean-Paul Gaultier, once remarked that, ‘in things that are considered “in bad taste” you can always find a certain beauty’. The ‘aesthetics of poverty’, as English (2007: p.118) suggests, are shown in the figures of street sweepers who recreated their uniforms by deconstructing and reconstructing plastic bags. The ideas of deconstruction and reconstruction are commonly used in the fashion industry in Japan, as seen in the work of, for example, Rei Kawakubo, Issey Miyake and Junya Watanable (Figure 1.6) who have striking skills in the ‘recontextualization of style, material and ideas’ (English, 2011: p.71). Being fashionable is therefore not only about the external material we have and wear; it is about internal personalities and skills as well. 15     2.1 Fast is ‘More’ Hong Kong doesn't have a thriving second-hand industry and people often find themselves wanting to dispose of things in a humanitarian way, but finding the mechanism to do so lacking, according to Mr Begbie (Sheridan and Chiu et al., 1994). According to the Environment Protection Department, 253 tonnes of textile waste are sent to landfill in Hong Kong daily (Redress.com.hk, 2007; Textile Exchange Fastfacts, 2012: p.1). Amongst the majority of the Chinese population, the appropriation of used items is not commonplace, meaning that second-hand clothes are still widely treated as ‘waste’ in China nowadays. Several members of the public have been interviewed by the South China Morning Post, questioned about local views on conspicuous waste and the nature of the second-hand market in the 90s: Environmental affairs manager Hahn Chu HonKeung has stated that in Hong Kong so-called old clothes are often quite new and lots of new children's clothes are dumped every year.’ Further, Tracy Lai, public affairs manager for the KCRC, noted that, ‘many of the toys were nearly new. We don't consider this waste in the traditional sense. Many Hong Kong families are wealthy. If a child has three toys and gives one away, this isn't waste.’ Here, attitudes of abandoning the old for the new regardless of condition are evident. Lack of storage space is the main concern leading to abandonment. Waste takes place to create ‘space’ in places of limited size. Space has two definitions: one is actual storage space. The other involves creating spaces to fulfil desire for continuous consumption. (Chen, 2012) As an international world-trade city, Hong Kong residents live in a rich material world known as a ‘shopping paradise’ or ‘one big shopping mall’. ‘Materialism is a key consequence of living in the Chinese urban cities, such as Macao, as wealth is highly visible, shopping malls are abundant, and materialistic values are prevalent in the mass media’ (Chan and Prendergast, 2008; p.799-826). Fast fashion trends in Hong Kong have a huge impact on consumption behaviour. According to a survey conducted by Tse (1996), around 86 percent of Hong Kong students admit that their consumption patterns are influenced by their reference groups, particularly on 16     clothing. Tse then clarifies that they are more receptive to consumption as a tool for building social relationships. In particular, ‘in a Chinese context, views of the self in a social context carry very different meanings from the West because social relationships and roles rom the core of the Chinese self-concept’ (Hsu, 1971). In his chapter entitled ‘Understanding Chinese People as Consumers: Past Findings and Future Propositions’, Tse (1996) clarifies that Chinese consumer branded products are important social instruments which can signify an in-group social identity linked to peers of similar social status.’ Hence, ‘consumption became central to this construction of identity’. (Featherston, 1978: p.55) Fast fashion systems can be of significant value, particularly when consumers exhibit strategic behaviour (Swinney and Cachon, 2011: p.1). Consumers demonstrate some certain values of fast fashion retailers in ‘three alternative systems: affordable price, enhanced design, and quick response production capabilities. Fast fashion clothes provide a function for consumers flaunting their up-to-date fashion sense. Meanwhile, affordable prices urge greater consumption, particularly to those in the middle classes and students, who have the financial ability to afford and update their clothes regularly. Hilary Tsui, a local celebrity, stated in a Timeout interview that, ‘[Hong Kong is] fast. It's so fast that this season isn't even over and people are already after what's coming in next season. Right now, the merchandise in the store has to change very quickly. This season isn't even over and I have to be thinking about next season already’. When asked about what people think of vintage clothes, many answer that, ‘there's a culture that's like, ‘‘oh, you're wearing second-hand?’’ People look down upon it. People can wear their clothes for longer and make them last, but in Hong Kong, things don't last. People don't appreciate their clothes. They don't cherish their accessories or clothes.’ The term cherish, as the previous chapter mentioned, indicates that value is decided by different people. The explanation for treasure in the traditional Chinese dictionary is 珍昔: 珍. Zhēn is defined as precious and 昔 Xī is defined as the past or former times. Nevertheless, the traditional meaning barely resonates with Hong Kong residents because 99 years passed before 1997 when Hong Kong was a colony. 17     2.2 Butterfly Effect of the ‘Sixties Scene’ The moral nature of consumption decisions is clear. If we enter into each transaction being conscious of the impact of the choice we make, we will be less likely to make immoral decisions. If we see everything as connected, we can no longer dismiss the potential negative impact of buying or not buying something. If we approach each buying situation knowing both our side and the others’ sides, then it is harder to ignore the insights we get from examining the consumer choice from a moral imperative. That is, we would be incapable of dispensing with the truth revealed when we bring our conscience to bear on the decisions and choices made as a consumer. We would have to engage the moral imperative as we decide what signifies quality, the common good or sustainability of a product or service (McGregor, 2006: p.165). In the contemporary market for second-hand clothes, the term vintage generally refers to clothes made between the 1920s and around 20 years before the present day; garments made prior to the 1920s are classified as antique. ‘Retro’ is a short term for retrospective and ‘vintage style’ refers to clothes that have a sense of nostalgia from the recent past. Clothes made around the 1980s are sometimes also called ‘vintage’ or ‘retro’ nowadays. These have also been defined by Jenß (2005: p.179) as terms implying ‘back to the so-called ‘‘nostalgia -wave’’ of the 1970s, which was paralleled by a growth in second hand consumption’. The butterfly effect is a theory that a single occurrence, no matter how small, can change the course of the universe forever. This chapter will examine how vintage and second-hand clothes were seen as fashionable and became popular in the 1980s and 1990s as a result of the global influence on the fashion industry in the 1960s. The chapter will then demonstrate the context of the sixties scene and manifest why it was an important decade for the New Wave in 1990s Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, the vintage trend has once been populated in the 1990s and ‘the unprecedented interest in second hand clothes can be viewed on two levels: one because of the powerful impact of the global fashion system, and the other in relation to a local search for authenticity and identity’ (Palmer and Clark, 2005: p.160). They went on to demonstrate how, historically, used clothes have played 18     key economic, social and cultural roles within different periods and revealed the reconstruction of second-hand clothes during the 1990s. Previously, second-hand clothes appeared to Hong Kong residents as valueless or as a ‘uniform’ (Campbell 2007, p.163) of poverty and necessity, carrying negative and unsettling associations with immigration and displacement in old societies. Sociologist Diana Crane (2004: p.24), in Fashion and its Social Agendas, has supported this point and assumed that used clothing is an ‘apparel of last resort for the poor and the working class, who are presumably unable to afford new, ready-towear garments’. A vintage shop owner was interviewed by the South China Morning Post about the popularity of vintage during that period. Midwest’s owner, John Hollander, explained that ‘initially the response was pretty negative because they were used items’ (Chen, 2012), until celebrity used clothes sales aroused the attention of ‘high-income shopper[s]’ (Palmer and Clark, 2005: p.165). After the Hong Kong Second Wave in the field of art and cinema in the late 1980s, ‘the emerging young quasi avant-garde, who were particular drawn to American and Japanese culture’ started actively becoming involved in reinventing their traditional thinking on culture and used clothing (ibid.: p.160). This was because ‘the relationship between fashion, modernity and the city continued to underpin the trade in second hand clothes in the 1990s’ (Palmer and Clark, 2003: p.101).                                                                                  Firgure  2.1  Traeger,  R.  1968.  Fashion  shoot  for  Vogue.  [image  online]   19     The 1960s was a period of huge change in the fashion world. Whereas fashion had previously been aimed at a wealthy, mature elite, the tastes and preferences of young people now became important’ (vam.ac.uk: n.p.) A previous exhibition, ‘Youthquake! The 1960s Fashion Revolution’ (Fitnyc.edu, 2012), demonstrated the rising influence of the ‘mods’ and ‘hippies’ whose eclectic mix of second-hand and ethnic dress styles were translated into market and high fashion. ‘The 1960s looms so large in the memories of many second-hand shoppers remain a point for speculation’ (Gregson and Crewe, 2003: p.147). Several studies (Breward and Gilbert et al., 2006; White and Griffiths, p.2000) supported the argument that the 1960s as a period ‘represented a time of progressiveness in fashion and design, of quality, innovation and excitement… when retailing and consumption practices and spaces were being transformed and when youth and pop culture inspired and energized consumer youth cultures’. As an illustration, the period between the 1960s and 1970s is described as a ‘cultural decade’ and a ‘creative anarchy’ in which arenas of art and fashion unprecedentedly performed in an evolving scene (Martello, 2011, p.2). ‘Sixties scene’ fashion has became one of the most widely popular vintage eras (Jenß, p.2005) and, significantly, this implies the childhood period of those Second Wave avant-garde. This nostalgia can be traced back to the 1990s and the present day impact on globalisation and cultural disorientation. The remainder of this study will further investigate this cycle of causation through film studies associated with 1960s fashion. 20     2.3 Fashion has a Cycle Slow fashion, as an alternative to fast fashion, ‘claim[s] personal style would allow the return of strategic wardrobe purchases cased on quality either than quantity’ (Gwilt and Rissanen, 2011: p.153) ‘There is just a simple thing that motivates people: when you don’t have money, you want the things that people with money with. When you have money, you want things that people don’t have. That’s my customer in a nutshell, from Hong Kong, from anywhere’ (Daswani, 2000). When everyone is wearing cookies-cutting-like fashion; others are looking for ‘otherizing’ apparels to represent (Koontz, p.200).                                                                                              Figure  2.2  Fashion  acceptance  cycle/Fashion  life  cycle. Fashion has a cycle; when it reaches an adequate level, it becomes a ‘surplus product’ (Marx,1992). ‘The cycle in fashion get shorter and shorter. How many times have the 60s been revived since the 60s? They’re never out long enough to be completely out. Soon all the decades will overlap dangerously. Soon everything in will simultaneously be out’ (Hochswender, 1991). Rapid urbanisation has changed local fashion industries and given them entirely different face by following the rapid global changes in the fashion cycle since the 1960s. Anti fashion occurs when fashion enters the obsolescence zone. As mentioned, fashion needs anti fashion in the process of ‘trickle-crossing’. 21     2.4 Less is More When mass production has the task of awakening the desires and needs of the wider global community, something needs to be released. According to White and Griffiths (2000), hippies believed that ‘fashion change turns us into ‘‘consumers’’ who have to buy new clothes, even if the old ones are not worn out’. ‘Fashion is a system that society imposes on all of us, restricting our freedom, fashion is a perpetual lie.’ Niessen and Leshkowish (2003: p.253) argue that fashion and anti fashion each has ambivalence as ‘fashion’ is the past of anti-fashion.’ ‘Fashion needs anti-fashion like the West needs the East’. ‘Fashion is a process of emulation by which new fashion passes from the upper class to the lower and in their descent, fashions are vulgarized and a new fashion cycle starts’ (Veblen, 1994; Simmel and Frisby et el., 1997). Anti fashion is ‘likely to propose a way for clothes to look that is not real revolutionary but evolutionary’ (Lynch and Strauss, 2007). Demonstrating the impact of globalization in fashion, ‘nowadays the practice of appropriation of foreign formats and imaginaries in producing local popular culture is a phenomenon commonly found in transnational cultural flows’ (Tomilinson, 1997). The Japanese and American cultures were very popular and heavily influenced those in Hong Kong in the late 1980s and 1990s. A new research study from the Lowa State University reported that most American consumers found imported apparel better than that ‘Made in USA’. ‘They want styles to change quickly and they want to see new merchandise in their favorite store almost every week – and at affordable price. In contrast to Americans’ apparel demands and conditions, Japanese consumers increased their purchases of higher quality, domestically produced apparel, but reduced their purchases of low quality imported apparel (Karpova and Lee, 2011). ‘Highest quality is lowest cost’ is a term used in Japan’s manufacturing industries. Following the endless import of Japanese-made goods, these products have become of so-called ‘higher quality’ in Hong Kong people’s thoughts. The concept of ‘less is more’ is commonly applied to every aspect of Japanese minimalist life and fashion design. Similarly, ‘less is more’ advocates the ‘back-to-nature’ movement of the 1960s to those longing for rural simplicity. ‘The quest for the rural is a quest to recapture the past, or the simple life’, 22     and ‘for the hippies, less is more meant paring life down to its essentials, a challenge for middle-class people raised in the complexities of the modern world’ (Manzella, 2010: p.78). 23     2.5 Vintage as a Start When ‘nostalgic’ fashion trends ‘became incorporated into global fashion looks and in parallel with the fashion for wearing second hand and vintage. Clothes that had or gave the sense of having ‘cultural biographies’ (Kopytoff, 1986) became prized for their ‘nostalgia for the present’ (Jameson, 1989), characterising fashion within the wider politics of mass consumption before the millennium (Appadurai, 1996; Palmer and Clank, 2005: p.159). The demand for durable quality items and consequent desire to update appearances and fashion presentations to measure up to self-recognition amongst peers and societies means that fast fashion no longer satisfies devoted followers of fashion. Lewis and Potter (2011: p.148) have suggested that ‘shopping for second hand clothing is viewed as an experience, a way of finding unique treasure of the past to mix with contemporary fashion. Vintage and Charity shops are not merely repositories for old clothes but rather act as an ‘alternative’ resource for the mainstream fashion industry’. They go on to demonstrate that ‘their growth augments (and yet also complicates) the story of second-hand shopping scenes as cultural resources for sustainability: vintage shops encourage reuse and recycling, but also bite into the non-profit market and shift emphasis from the ‘‘thrill of the hunt’’ for the obscure hidden treasure, towards a more predictable, reliable commodity-format mode of purchasing’. ‘Vintage becomes a sign of individuality and connoisseurship’ (Palmer and Clark, 2005; p.197), marketed as ‘a magic about wearing something that nobody else has’ (Dubin and Berman, 2000). The value of ‘trash’ is beginning to reach the attention of fashion savvy consumers because fashion ‘is no longer about one style or one designer’s signature; it’s about hundreds of styles and thousands of designers. It’s about a subtle blend of elegance and ease, a juxtaposition of the old with the new, a little tradition mixed in with the Avant-garde… it’s about vintage’ (Bardey, 2002: p.8). ‘Hebdige (1979) called this mixing of styles and eras bricolage, meaning the creation of new patterns and styles from the kaleidoscopic bits and pieces of cultural debris (Craik, 1994: x), and second-hand clothes should be viewed as an important, but undervalued, aspect of subcultural history.’ (Holland, 2004: p.66) 24     3.1 Lost in transition Figure 3.1 Michael Wolf, Transparent City 01   Hong Kong is a massive urban city, which has grown rapidly without developing ‘depth culture’ roots despite its variegated history. Yet, it is a new cultural place. The aim of this chapter is to show the association between ‘post-nostalgia’ issues and local identity ambivalence. I will begin by demonstrating the local national selfidentity through recent public surveys as a way of explaining the fashion cycle. Subsequently, case studies on the cheongsam form of dress and Wong Kar Wai’s films will be examined. How does identity contradiction explain the behaviour of people wanting to chase after the new and forget the old? In particular, with regard to the younger generation nowadays, how much do they know about their heritage? What is the Hong Kong life-style?...does life style suggest...the subjective texture of identify ?...Or is life-style like fashion, changing from moment to moment? Since no society could ‘remain’ unchanged for fifty years, how will social change be legitimized? At the heart of agreement on Hong Kong’s future lies a slippery 25     neologism which may be interpreted to mean almost anything (Turner, 2003: p.39). Berger says that ‘history always constitutes the relation between a present and its past. Consequently fear of the present leads to mystification of the past. The past is not for living in; it is a well of conclusions from which we draw in order to act…the past offers us fewer conclusions to complete an action’ (Berger, 2008: p.4). The past offers us fewer conclusions because it has already affected the way we are now; we want to go back to the past because we fear making decisions and changing today. Figure 3.2: Hong Kong University Public Opinion Programme (HKU POP) surveys about the strength of their Chinese identity. The Joint Declaration announcing the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997 was precisely the moment when Hong Kong felt most vulnerable and dependent. This was the period when more and more people discovered, invented, and rallied behind what they called “Hong Kong culture”. “It was politically ambivalent about both British and China; ambivalent about what language, English or Chinese. (Ackbar, 2000; p.271) A recent survey about the “Strength of Chinese Citizen Identity”, conducted by the Hong Kong University Public Opinion Programme (HKU POP), found that the number of people identifying themselves as Chinese citizens had dropped to the lowest level in the past twelve years. The decline was most significant in the youngest age category, those aged between 18 and 29. Several studies have focused on youth, particularly Generation Y as well as Eco Boomers living in the typical consumption-base city, who have been ‘described as tending to identify with narrow family interests, as individualistic, and as having a weaker sense of 26     community’ (Chen, 2010; Tse, 1996; Hsu, 1971), Hsu has explained that their view of the self in a social context carries an entirely different meaning to those in the West because social relationships and roles form the core of the Chinese selfconcept (1971: p.44). Georgakopoulou (2002: p.75) has defined ‘core’ cultural values as those that can more or less directly trace the distinction between individualist and interdependent cultures. In Chinese society, these core values have to do with sociability (e.g. engagement, solidarity and in-group membership.) Conversely, Lam (2009) argues that ‘the younger generation is more aware of the needs of the community, more savvy, more concerned about the future. Where there’s an opportunity to merchandize goods to have a particular value’. The post-80s and post-90s witnessed the ‘handover’ of their identities, where they subconsciously discerned that the promised ‘changeless time’ eventually became a perpetual lie, because time never stops. 27        Figure 3.3: Maggie Cheung wearing a cheongsam in In the Mood for Love 3.2 Cheongsams Time is a dressmaker specializing in alterations – Faith Baldwin Time, which changes people, does not alter the image we have retained of them’ Marcel Proust     Cheongsams began to appear in the Chinese fashion history in the twenties. Palmer and Clark explain that fashion manufacturers were producing and exporting large amounts of fashionable clothes to the West in the forties while a large number of skilled tailors and textile entrepreneurs from Shanghai emigrated to Hong Kong. ‘To them, Hong Kong was a transit station’ (Cheuk, 2008: p.11). The majority were suffering financial hardship but, nevertheless, they considered it important to keep up appearances. Quality, hand-tailored cheongsams were in vogue and, in those days, they experienced a surge in demand. 28     The origins of cheongsams ‘are obscure’ (Geczy, 2013: p.188) because they first appeared in the region between Shanghai and Hong Kong. However, their slender design and simple fine lines was infused with western style. They are certainly now a modern postwar dress. From the sixties, people started wearing western-style clothes like T-shirts and jeans as a result of local fashion being affected by international trends. Since Hong Kong mainly manufactured export goods and people could sometimes afford these export commodities, locally-made garments seldom had an impact on Hong Kong and its fashion history. The cheongsam is the sole exception.   Because of the uniqueness of the cheongsam, it has become a significant stage prop in the nostalgia films, which bring the mood of retrospection into full play. “Nostalgia is generally seen as function of lost time, love and memory, that is, nostalgia as both the ‘signified’ or manifest content and a vehicle for a certain (impossible) desire.’ (Lee, 2009: p.26) Nostalgia is defined ‘as a metaphysical ‘homelessness’ that becomes increasingly prevalent in plural and fast-changing societies’ (Berger et al., 1973.) It is also seen as ‘a mood of particular importance in contemporary cultures in association with the loss of rural simplicity, traditional stability and cultural integration’ (Turner, 1987: p.152). Nowadays people describe cheongsams made in the fifties and sixties as antiques or Chinese costumes because they represent the pre-postcolonial period. For the majority of people living in a fast-speed changing society, this is an unknown period. However, based on the lack of ‘authentic’ roots or a history, the Hong Kong cinema industry has started a new page that reflects its own remarkable culture. Hong Kong’s cinematic industry boomed as a multicultural attraction when new wave artists began to develop creative works based on local experiences. ‘When they entered the film industry, they were to even more directly bring about the localization of Hong Kong cinema,’ according to Cheunk (2008; p.15). According to Fu and Desser, ‘[i]t always found itself in a precarious state of flux, of crisis, of being a cinema in search of an identity’ (2000; p.5). In another study, Lee also notes that ‘while the national and the local are being challenged by the transnational and the global, in Hong Kong cinema the problematic of the local remains central to a wide spectrum of films and filmmakers’ (2009; p.7). They both go on to argue that ‘the 29     characterization of postmodern nostalgia as ‘depthless’ and symptomatic of a weakening of loss of history does not do full justice to the kind of nostalgia and postnostalgia imagination discernible in Hong Kong cinema.’ (Lee, 2009: p.7) and (Fu and Desser, 2000: p.257). Jameson (1991; p.4-5) emphasised the origins of the ‘new depthlessness’: New depthlessness is a weakening of historicity; the warning of effect’. According to Slocum, contemporary films derive their inspiration from ‘Throughout film and media history, producing historically ‘depthless’ movies whose simulation of and nostalgia for the past are based in existing representation rather than attempt to re-create a ‘real’ past.’ (2001: p.21) From the late 1980s to 1990s, nostalgia films were a new fad in the mainstream market. Days of Being Wild (1990), Chunking Express (1994), Happy Together (1997), In the Mood for Love (2000) and 2046 (2004) are masterpieces of Wong Kar Wai’s, who is a Hong Kong second wave filmmaker, famously renowned as an auteur for his unique cinematic pictures. His films are deeply concerned with issues as varied as memory, identity, time and space, urbanity, mood, isolation and absence, and are known as ‘nostalgia films’. Happy Together (1997) provided the occasion for him to confront once more the reality of Hong Kong and, in 1997, to ‘start all over again’. Wong shows the implications of Hong Kong’s return to China and ruminates about whether there are ‘things that remain unchanged over time’. The 1997 connections ostensibly place 2046 with Happy Together, Wong’s most explicit treatment of the 1997 subject. Wong was asked in an interview with Ngai, ‘Are you a nostalgic person? Your obsession, or near obsession, with things past is remarkable.’ Wong said, ‘I guess I find this loss of innocence thing deeply intriguing. Time, to me, forever brings a loss of innocence’ (Brunette and Wong, 2005). Days of Being Wild and Chunking Express deal with the freedom of the old days before 1997. The period from Happy Together to 2046 is a transient one, and In the Mood for Love marks a turning point. The overlapping meanings of the names relating to time and space imply his ‘postmemories are constructed as new articulations, as the bearers of postmemories attempt to re-build, to re-incarnate, to replace and to repair’. (Shields and Park et el., 2011; p.45) 30        Figure  3.4:  Maggie  Cheung  wearing  a  cheongsam  in  In  the  Mood  for  Love.   "Fashion  is  the  mark  and  symbol  of  its  era"  Wong  says  (Wang,  2014). 3.3 2046   Cheongsams are widely used as prop in Wong’s visual representation of time changing, particular in In the Mood for Love, which takes place in 1962, a time influenced cross-culturally by Western and Japanese traditions, under both retro and commodity conscious. Su Li-zhen is a traditional woman who "cannot bear to throw things away" (Script-o-rama.com, 2014). During the movie, different cheongsams shown on-screen imply that time has changed. The restrained elegance of Su’s cheongsams reflects a sense of loneliness and adhesion; the beautiful dresses serve as a kind of armour. "I don't like fashion. It's transitory," Wong stated in an interview (Seno, 2006). "This uniformity and this change keep[s] us from being ourselves. Clothing is a means of communication about the self, but we are not allowed to be honest and individual" (Breward and Gilbert et al., 2006, p.11). Figure 3.5: Faye Wong in cheongsam -2046   31     “Every passenger who goes to the 2046 has the same intention. They want to recapture lost memories because nothing ever changes in 2046. Nobody knows if that’s true because nobody’s ever come back.” (2046,2004) The film 2046 is about ‘time-sickness’, in which "time is experienced in a loop: past, present and future are entwined and convoluted in their respective stasis, as history threatens to repeat itself, a repetition that ironically reminds us of the danger of ‘changeless time’ (Lee, 2009, p.41). Honoré, in his book, In Praise of Slow (2004; 52) states: "[A]nimating this is a philosophy of balance, of seeking to live tempo giusto, or at the right speed, allowing individuals to 'making meaningful connections' with people, with culture, with work, with nature, with our bodies and minds". The film is ‘‘akin to memory’, is a sense of feeling and knowing a place that is considerably “unknowable”’ (Shields and Park et al., 2011). 2046 Is also a specified time, a future code. “Cheongsam” in the future (Figure 3.4) is a uniform, made through deconstruction and reconstruction; the garment's structure has changed but its value remain unchanged in ‘durable’. Wong’s repetition of using nostalgic memory creates a unique Hong Kong cinematic culture. “His post-modernist aesthetics – the fragmentation of time, memory and narrative structure, and the emotional intensity invested in the cinematic image that frequently jettisons storytelling – is nonetheless traceable to an urban sensibility nurtured by the experience of growing up in a colonial city, which "is not so much a place as a space of transit" (Lee, 2009, p.22). "If cinematic nostalgia in the 1990s was nurtured by a commodity culture threatened by disappearance, a decade later it has become part of the collective memory of how the city has got by" (Lee, 2009, p.18). 32     Conclusion Figure 3.6: Reflection of nostalgia (Inversion of Figure 3.1). “Nostalgia raises the question of continuity and rupture, as elements that influence and define personal identity. Nostalgia is a type of autobiographical memory, crucial in the formation and maintenance of personal identity" (Ritivoi, 2002, p.30-46). The curve of the drop refers to the phenomenon of anti-fashion as being relevant to the chaos (butterfly) effect and fashion cycles, intimating that when something reaches a certain point, it rebels. The past is another kind of exceptionalism. The curve in Figure 3.5 is a reflection of nostalgia and the values of vintage clothes nowadays. Agins (2001) stated, “Vintage used to be a clever way of being unique looking on budget … but now it's more expensive than clothes that are new". The value of nowdays vintage clothes is increasing due to it eventually will be an antique. Since fashion is always about cycling, ‘the past fashion can be understood not only as a means of authenticating the present, but also as a route for future fashion.’ (Jenß, 2005: p.212) Anti-consumerism and anti-fashion in ‘retrograde’ define a broad set of ethical and political positions; they "also [operate] on the every-day level of the mundane consumer, through critical discourses about the market itself, where small decisions ever to anchor subjectivities in constructed and heavily mediated narratives of lifestyle, self-hood, community, and identity". (Binkley, 2008; 601). "Fluidity of identity and uncertainty are the trademarks of such a system, often leading to an anti-consumerism position"(Joy and Sherry et al., 2014; 277) DeLong et al. (2005, p.27) describe the search for vintage as "shopping for identities, constructing images that include presenting status and identities in public, as well as revealing 33     and concealing our private selves", which also has the power to reflect nostalgia “[cherish] shattered fragments of memory and temporalities space" (Boym, 2001, p.44). In the beginning of this essay, I defined Thompson’s theory of rubbish by referring to the value of second-hand goods; ‘rubbish’ is something that has been rendered as a piece of waste from its first hand owner; it must pass through the transient stage, then be transferred into the durable stage that enables its value to be radically reassigned: during this transition, it will increase in value over time.’ Borrowing this concept, in replacement into the identities ambivalence of Hong Kong people: ‘rubbish’ is a parable of Hong Kong, which has handed to the another country for about hundred year; and now, it is stepping into the ‘transient’ stage, looking for creating its own local culture, its own ‘depth’, whereby its value can be radically reassigned, to become ‘an antique’ in the future, in 2046. Wong’s films as an exclusive outcome of local aesthetic culture, his way of repeating ‘nostalgic-memories’ has created a unique chapter in Hong Kong-culture, 'redress' Hong Kong in the form of postmemories. "Hong Kong has always been good at its transferable abilities, far more than its non-transferable skills" (Zhu, 2013, p.163). Ackbar Abbas (1997, p.143) argues that "Hong Kong exists not as a third space that can be located somewhere; not as neither-nor space that is nowhere; not even as a mixed or in-between space, if by that we understand that the various elements that make it are separable". Matthew Turner writes that of, ‘as we are constantly told, Hong Kong ‘s history, economy and society are unique, then so too are its people" (Turner, 2003, p.48). Vintage clothing and antiques, because they are unique, because they have no reproduction, is not ‘fashion’ can be replaced. 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