Public Archaeology and Climate Change CH

Chapter 13 Racing against time: preparing for the impacts of climate change on California’s archaeological resources Michael Newland, Sandra Pentney, Reno Franklin, Nick Tipon, Suntayea Steinruck, Jeannine Pedersen-Guzman and Jere H. Lipps Abstract Climate change projections for California indicate that even moderate changes in temperature and sea level will have dramatic effects on archaeological resources here. Coastal erosion, inundation, increased fire hazard, and site exposure due to reservoir drawdown threaten California’s cultural heritage. Even now, changes in weather patterns and sea level rise have resulted in the destruction of once stable coastal sites. In the forests, severe drought, disease, and past land management policy has led to catastrophic fires. Looting at exposed sites in reservoirs and lakes has drawn national attention. While much of the focus of climate change is on future impacts, climate-caused damage is happening now. The Society for California Archaeology has launched archaeological surveys of the state’s coastal margin. With over 3000 linear km (1900 miles) to look at and little funding, the study has been a massive mobilisation of volunteers coordinated through a handful of dedicated professionals. Fundamental to the project is working closely with tribal communities, each of which has their own views on climate change, archaeology, and long-term land management practices. This paper summarises that effort, with the hope that the methods and goals expressed for this project can be used as a model nationwide and elsewhere around the world. Introduction The California coastline is iconic, varying from rocky shores and steep cliffs to open bays, long warm beaches backed by sand dunes, and brackish estuaries teeming with fish, shellfish and waterfowl. Not surprisingly, there are thousands of indigenous and historic-era archaeological sites, many still undiscovered, within the c. 3000 km (1900 miles) of coastal land and edges of the SacramentoSan Joaquin delta, which covers some 700 square miles of the heart of California and empties into San Francisco Bay. The Golden State is known for having been one of the most linguistically diverse areas of the world prior to contact, with at least 80 indigenous languages spoken and hundreds of autonomous tribal groups. Many of these tribes have coastal heritage sites. These sites frequently consist of shell midden, the chemical composition of which helps preserve bone and other organic materials representing a cross-section of marine, estuary and coastal upland environs. Many of these sites represent seasonal coastal villages, and contain evidence of ceremonial practices and burial traditions that extend back millennia. The state’s maritime heritage, including docks, shipwrecks, submerged cultural resources, and waters-edge historic businesses and residences, are at risk from damage caused by climate change induced sea level rise. The projected rise in mean sea level, in concert with associated storm surges and land erosion, pose a threat to the rich and as-yet sparsely documented and understood cultural heritage. All of these sites are now simultaneously threatened by climate change. Climate change impacts on the archaeological record is fast becoming a popular research area (Reeder et al. 2012; Chiniewicz 2015; Fitzpatrick et al. 2015; Van de Noort 2015; Hollesen et al. 2016; Naudinot and Kelly 2016 and others), and early adapters 116 Michael Newland et al. of climate change theory have been investigating impacts on archaeological sites since the early 2000s (Erlandson 2008; 2012 and others). Sea level rise and coastal erosion are having, and will increasingly have, devastating effects on coastal sites. Aside from the climate impacts themselves, infrastructure improvements to protect communities from the effects of climate change pose one of the most substantial threats to resources. Upgrading existing facilities to prevent flooding; building or improving sea walls to prevent higher tides and storm surges; and fire-proofing areas all have the potential for destroying historic resources. Forest fire, and the resulting slope erosion and flooding that follow, will completely erode some sites, irretrievably bury others, and destroy the organic remains of others still. No forest stand is immune to this threat. Many of these impacts can be avoided with proper forward planning with an emphasis on preservation. Multidisciplinary teams including archaeologists, historic architects, historians, engineers and climate scientists have the potential to spearhead forward planning to ‘future-proof’ communities from the worst effects of climate change without sacrificing historic or prehistoric elements. The time for recording these sites, and planning for the impacts of climate change, is now. Threats posed by climate change For the purposes of this chapter, two major impacts of climate change are considered: 1) sea level rise and resulting coastal erosion; and 2) forest fire and resulting soil erosion. Other impacts will occur, but these are more difficult to predict and their footprint harder to delineate. Models of sea level rise and coastal erosion in California, however, exist for different climate change scenarios (IPCC 2007, 45; Heberger et al. 2009, 5–6; Kemp et al. 2009). The impacts of sea level rise and increased fire risk are discussed below. While it has been stated that the predicted sea level rise for the western coast of the US is lower than other areas, the increased sea level, in concert with winter storm events, are predicted to cause significant damage across much of the Pacific coastline (NRC 2012). Taking into account the multiple variables on which sea level rise impacts are dependent, the most current planning guidance offered by the California Coastal Commission (2015) recommends local agencies use scenario-based modelling at the local level to assess impacts. Much of the California coastline consists of sedimentary rock and is highly susceptible to erosion. The projected higher sea levels will accelerate shoreline erosion due to increased wave energy against cliff faces (PWA 2009, 2). Eroded cliff faces will collapse into the ocean, resulting in a progressing strip of coastal retreat, followed by complete wave erosion and removal. In addition, erosion of some sand spits and dunes may uncover previously buried archaeological deposits and expose them to coastal erosion (Heberger et al. 2009, 15). Site destruction accelerated by sea level rise and shifts in wind and storm surges can already be seen on the California coast. Archaeological site CA-SMA-238 (Fig. 13.1), an indigenous shell midden in Año Nuevo State Park, has been stripped down to bedrock by wave action. This erosional process has been further exacerbated by the activity of elephant seals – over the past several years their numbers along the coast have gradually increased, and they have expanded their mating grounds to the site area. Prior to these two events, this site had been stable for millennia, and has been both archaeologically tested and closely monitored over several decades (Hylkema 1991, 362; pers. comm.). However, 1.67 m does not reflect the worst case of sea level rise should global temperatures increase such that the Greenland, Antarctic, and Arctic ice masses melt (CNRA 2009, 21; Heberger et al. 2009, xi). Should abrupt climate Sea level rise and coastal erosion Sea levels along our coastline have risen 20 cm since 1897, at an average rate of 2.2 mm per year. Sea levels will likely continue to rise at an accelerated rate, to 1.0–1.4 m (4.6 ft) over the next century (NRC 2012, 103). State-wide, the loss of coastline is estimated at c. 100 km2 (41 miles2), or some 26,000 acres (Heberger et al. 2009, xi). A sea level rise of 1.4 m would also flood approximately c. 400 km2 (150 miles2) of land immediately adjacent to current wetlands (Heberger et al. 2009, 3). This is a minimum assessment, and portions of the state remain unassessed. It should be noted that sea level rise modelling south of Cape Mendocino in California is complicated due to significant variations in uplift and subsidence, groundwater withdrawal, tectonic activity, and the effects of isostatic rebound. It is expected that these areas will experience sea level rise of as much as 1.67 m (5.45 ft) over the next 100 years. Figure 13.1. Evidence of storm surge across CA-SMA-238, a previously stable archaeological site along the Central California coast, Año Nuevo State Park (Photo: M. Newland). 13. Racing against time 117 shifts occur that release the water held in these areas, sea levels could rise 7–14 m (23–40 ft) (CNRA 2009, 21). For example, Figure 13.2 depicts a 1.8 m (6 ft) sea level rise in the Huntington Beach vicinity of southern California. A rise of 1.8 m would cover or disturb 12 known archaeological sites in this area. There are likely several more undocumented sites in the area, as it was built upon before federal, state and county laws were passed protecting such sites from development. This area is within the ancestral territory of the Gabrielino and Juaneño. Should sea level rise increase beyond 1.8 m (6 ft), there are many more (30+) sites in the immediate area with an elevation between 2.1 m (7 ft) and 15.2 m (50 ft) that would also be in danger of inundation and erosion. Figure 13.2. Six foot sea level rise projections for the Huntington Beach area, covering some 2 mi2 of urban infrastructure. Within this footprint are 12 known archaeological sites (sea level rise data: NOAA 2015). Figure 13.3. Hoberg’s Resort, an early 20th century mountain recreation area once boasting many cabins and central lodge in Lake County, California, gutted by the Valley Fire in 2016 (Photo: M. Newland). Increased forest fire risk and soil erosion Sudden oak death (SOD), bark beetle, and other diseases and parasites likely to have flourished due to ongoing climate changes, have greatly weakened the general health of many mature trees throughout the state. These conditions, combined with federal and state government land management strategies of prohibiting thinning or controlled burns, has led to many of the state’s forests becoming tinderboxes. Recent research has shown that, across the western US, unmanaged old forests have shown dramatic increases in tree mortality. This increase spans elevations, trees sizes, dominant species, and past fire histories. Climate change has been identified as the main cause (van Mantgem et al. 2009, 521). As one would expect, the potential for fire, and the size, frequency, and rate of spread, will be greater if the fuel load is high and drought years that dry out accumulated fuel occur in greater frequency. These fires directly threaten indigenous and post-contact archaeological and cultural resources (Fig. 13.3). A major contributor to fire threats across the western United States is the dramatic increase in bark beetle populations, which are greater than at any time over the past 125 years (Raffa et al. 2008, 521). This population boom appears to be directly tied to climate change; once critical stress and climate thresholds are reached, conditions are right for an explosive, and self-sustaining, bark beetle population expansion. While the beetle and similar eruptive species typically only cause minor disruptions in forest biomes, current conditions have negated many of the factors limiting the damage done by these insects (Raffa et al. 2008, 515). 118 Michael Newland et al. Disease is also already taking its toll on coastal forests. Sudden oak death is triggered by the fungus-like pathogen Phytophthora ramorum, and can strike mature trees of many different species, often resulting in the death of the tree. Bark and ambrosia beetles colonise the open wounds caused by the disease; fungal infections soon follow (Kelly et al. 2008 312–313). Tanoaks (Lithocarpus densiflorus), an important acorn food source to native peoples along the north coast, are especially susceptible (Nettel et al. 2009, 2224). Research by Monahan and Koenig (2006, 151, 154) on SOD and California coastal live oak (Quercus agrifolia) has led to algorithmic models predicting the potential future extent of SOD and has concluded that some 17,570 km2 of California coastline will be potentially impacted. The disease has reached epidemic proportions in coastal oak communities in California and has spread to California black oak (Quercus kelloggii), Shreve oak (Quercus parvula var. shrevei), and over two dozen other tree and shrub species, including Pacific madrone (Arbutus menziesii), redwood (Sequoia sempervirens), California bay laurel (Umbellularia californica) and Douglas fir (Psuedotsuga menziesii) (Moritz and Odion 2005, 107; Kelly et al. 2008, 312; Kliejunas 2010, 5). Sudden oak death is not as prevalent in areas that have burned in the last 60 years; forest management practices that have not actively included controlled burns may have resulted in forest stands now susceptible to SOD (Moritz and Odion 2005, 106). This potential for worsening drought conditions, warmer weather, and diseased and infected vegetation communities all increase the chance of fire. The CNRA (2009, 51) has assessed fire studies over the past three decades and now estimates that wildfire occurrence state-wide could increase from 57% to 169% by 2085. Tribal perspectives on climate change: three views Climate change is a profoundly spiritual, as well as secular, concern. Many California tribal groups have a spiritual tradition revolving around the Creator, who, in some instances, watches over the world but does not guide the actions of all its inhabitants. One of the primary questions facing tribal groups is, if climate change is indeed occurring – and tribal communities are divided on this – is it the will of the Creator or an act of man? If the former, should the destruction of heritage sites be allowed to continue as a function of the Creator’s will? If the latter, what roles should federal and state agencies, tribes, archaeologists, and the larger community play in preventing these sites from being destroyed? Each tribe has a different answer to these questions. The Society for California Archaeology realises the importance of Native American input in archaeological research. It was decided that Native American tribes across the study area should be consulted to solicit input for the project. The Native American response varied significantly across the state. The San Diego County Native American Tribes responses have ranged from not submitting comment, to full support. One of the tribes has sent volunteers to help with archaeological surveys of threatened areas as part of their training programme to help their Native American monitoring crew gain experience in archaeological survey. Several tribes have requested that we share our survey results with them to help in their preservation planning efforts. In the northern part of the state, there has been more dialogue on climate change and the impacts to local resources between tribes, archaeologists, and agencies. Three local people working closely on climate change – Reno Franklin, Tribal Chairman of the Kashia Pomo of Stewarts Point Rancheria; Nick Tipon, tribal elder, Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria (FIGR); and Suntayea Steinruck, Tribal Historic Preservation Officer (THPO) for the Tolowa Dee-ni’ Nation – were asked to contribute their perspectives to our chapter. They graciously agreed and their contributions to this discussion appear below. In 2013, two of the authors of this chapter – Michael Newland (2013) and Nick Tipon – worked collaboratively on a report on Climate Change and Cultural Resources within Point Reyes National Seashore. Tipon at the time was Chairman of the Sacred Sites Protection Committee for the FIGR, a federally recognised tribe of the Coast Miwok and southern Pomo peoples. Tipon’s views are his alone, and he does not speak for his tribe in any official capacity here, but they outline well some of the considerations that tribes face with climate change and public policy. He has prepared the statement below for this current chapter: Our resources were often traditionally used during different seasons, their occasional abandonment and reoccupation did not decrease their importance. The land was blessed and sacred to our ancestors and remains so today. Native people have lived here during many periods of dramatic environmental change that altered their world significantly. As natural resources shifted over the thousands of years, we have migrated to other areas, changed our diets, developed new technologies, and learned to live with what resources nature provided. Adapting to environmental change has always been necessary for our survival. Our ancestors saw sacred areas physically altered or even destroyed by these natural forces. This did not diminish the spiritual significance of the area and the objects revealed by soil disturbance. Environmental changes were part of the natural order of the world. Today, new forces are emerging that affect our gathering of the natural resources provided by the land and our use of ceremonial or sacred sites. European contact and colonialism forced our ancestors and current Tribal people to move further from their spiritual connection to the land. Prior to 13. Racing against time this, there was a slow adaption over time to changing natural forces. Today, we face a different pace of environmental change that is detrimentally affecting our cultural resources. Modern society has contributed to a climate shift that is causing the physical landscape and weather patterns to rapidly change. Erosion, rainfall, droughts, sea level rise, rise in sea temperatures, and extreme weather patterns have or are about to destroy many of the Tribe’s sacred sites. My Tribe must decide how to advise responsible agencies to protect our cultural resources from these threats. Climate change requires consideration of some modern perspectives of this destructive process. We now can no longer allow natural forces to affect cultural resources in the ‘traditional’ way. It is no longer only nature that is the cause of climate change. Our traditional ceremonies and ways of interacting with nature cannot be continued because of our industrial society’s intervention in the climate process. We can no longer leave artifacts exposed. People are finding, removing, or collecting sacred items exposed by climate change. Our agency partners must, in collaboration with the Tribe, understand the importance of these resources to the long-term health of Tribal members and develop policies and methods for their preservation for future generations of Tribal members. The formation of new public and Tribal policies for the protection of cultural resources from climate change destruction is critical for the Tribe’s survival. How to preserve the spiritual nature as well as the physical components of cultural resources, mitigating impacts where feasible, and developing appropriate prayers or ceremonies for what we can no longer protect are some of the cultural challenges the Tribe is facing. Immediately north of the Coast Miwok are the Kashaya Pomo, whose ancestral territory includes most of coastal Sonoma County. Their reservation lands lie deep within the heart of their ancestral territory. The Kashaya are federally recognised and are represented by the Kashia Band of Pomo Indians of the Stewarts Point Rancheria. As a coastal group, climate change is of great concern to them and the effects are now being seen. Reno Franklin, Tribal Chairman and a former THPO has provided this statement concerning climate change and the cultural heritage of his tribe: While much of the country has the choice to ignore or doubt climate change, our Tribe does not share that option. We first saw the evidence of it in our sacred qhamos’ (ocean), the duwe’hsa (surf fish) were our first indicator. As the qhamos’ temperature rose, the duwe’hsa moved away from their traditional spawning grounds to the cooler water in the traditional lands of a neighboring tribe to our north. This caused a problem for our people and interrupted a Kashaya gathering process that had been going on for more than 12,500 years. Now we are alarmed that our chanama (kelp) beds are in danger of dying. For us, that would be catastrophic. What many others see as potential warning signs of global warming, we see as a sign that global warming is indeed real, and it is already having a dangerous effect on our Kashia way of life. 119 The north-west corner of California is home to the Tolowa people, whose ancestral territory extends north into Oregon. In California, the Tolowa are represented along the coastline by the Tolowa Dee-ni’ and Elk Valley Rancheria, both federally recognised tribes that are interviewing elders and collaborating with agencies to determine what the impacts of climate change are and what they might become. The north-west coast, which sees more severe storms and is characterised by an unstable and highly erosive coastline morphology, will be hit particularly hard by climate change. Two of the authors – Newland and Suntayea Steinruck – are working together with the National Park Service (NPS) to study projected climate change impacts and tribal heritage resources. As the THPO for the Tolowa Dee ni’, Steinruck expresses her concerns regarding climate change thus: I was raised that it is my responsibility to be a caretaker of the Earth. If we do not treat her right or behave in a way that shows we are grateful she will take things away. In our Tolowa Dee-ni’ World Renewal Ceremony we pray for all things and give thanks to show we appreciate all we have been given so that we will then be provided for again. This concept is ingrained in our belief system. The concept and reality of climate change is very frustrating for my community as well as other tribal communities around the World. In our view of cultural heritage, there is a balance. You never take more than you need and you never take too little or that balance is broken. Every choice has a reaction and it is our Tribal Heritage Preservation Office’s duty to look at choices and weigh-out the action that, in-good-faith, makes sure the balance is not disturbed. Climate change has done this. Our World is unhinged and the balance is broken. The poor choices of man and outcome to Mother Earth have resulted in unmeasurable costs and long-term disastrous effects. At the forefront of climate change’s wrath are our non-renewable tribal cultural resources. Our heritage has lasted since the beginning of time. Now it is at the mercy of climate change. Our THPO office is looking at making difficult choices on what actions are necessary to be stewards of our cultural places and tribal resources. It is our duty to know climate change’s effects, and what are the best choices to maintain the balance of our ancestral ties to the land, the environment, and traditional ways of life. In the future, our THPO will be working with those that will assist us through these decisions. We plan to move forward in restoring balance to our Earth while always recognizing our ancestors’ vital role in being part of the natural environment. It is our responsibility to care for these things. The archaeological community in California is beginning to understand the breadth of impacts that the tribal community has been tracking for several years. The next sections illustrate two separate efforts conducted by teams working towards addressing climate change and its effects on archaeology. 120 Michael Newland et al. Preparing for the worst: ongoing research by the Cooper Center The Dr John D. Cooper Archaeological and Paleontological Center, a partnership of the County of Orange, California and California State University Fullerton has undertaken a research project to identify and document the Native American cultural sites in danger from the impacts of sea level rise along the coast of Southern California. The project area to date includes the coastal areas of Ventura, Los Angeles, Orange and San Diego counties. Hundreds of sites that border the shoreline are threatened or will be threatened in the foreseeable future by rising sea levels. A survey of the elevations of prehistoric and historic human sites in Southern California reveals the 1.4 m rise in sea level expected by 2100 will impact 194 known archaeological sites. If the ice covering either Greenland or West Antarctica were to collapse or melt into the ocean, sea level would rise some 8 m and impact an additional 295 sites; if both collapsed, it would result in a 17 m rise, with 434 sites inundated. While each of these scenarios has a different time estimate, the collapse of parts of the Greenland and West Antarctica ice sheets could happen quickly, adding their sea level components to the estimates for thermal expansion. Protection of archaeological and historic sites in coastal Southern California should be coordinated and included within efforts to reduce damage to modern infrastructure and buildings from sea level rise. Mobilising the California archaeological community: ongoing research by the Society for California Archaeology The Society for California Archaeology (SCA) is a 1000-member strong group of professional archaeologists, avocationalists, and tribal partners. The SCA understands the threats that climate change poses to our state’s cultural heritage and has launched efforts to prepare for these threats. While threats posed by fire are significant, the sheer acreage of our forest lands and unpredictability regarding how fire will play out in these lands makes them less suitable for study. Instead, the SCA has embarked on a study of California’s coastal public lands in 2012. The work is ongoing, with a detailed history and technical reports being issued on the SCA website (https://scahome.org/sca-climatechange-and-california-archaeology-studies/). In summary, the coastline has been divided into milelong (1.6 km) blocks, with each block extending inland roughly 200 m. Archaeologists are encouraged to adopt a mile-long stretch within public land, where they conduct archaeological survey (consisting of a surface walkover), record any findings, and prepare a brief summary of the results. The survey transects are roughly 30 m apart and the crews use GPS equipment that is borrowed from universities, partner firms, or is privately owned. California has a set of standard recording forms issued by the Department of Parks and Recreation that are used by nearly all archaeologists. To keep the workload of such a project manageable to its participants, we use an organisational structure that spreads the planning responsibilities out to a small group with defined roles. This group consists of a Regional Coordinator, an Archival Coordinator, a GIS Coordinator, a Logistics Coordinator, a Data Management Coordinator, and a Media Coordinator. The group works together to bring the project to completion, including the preparation of final reports and dissemination to agencies, tribes, and redacted versions of the findings to the public (Newland 2014). Two case studies: Marin and San Diego Counties Two counties, Marin in the north and San Diego in the south, were chosen as test cases for the project (Fig. 13.4). Both efforts are still underway, with our findings shared with our tribal and agency partners as we proceed. A third foray, into Los Padres National Park in Monterey County, has been conducted by the archaeological field school at Cabrillo College under Dustin McKenzie, with a completed survey report graciously prepared by archaeologist Annamarie Leon Guerrero (2015). Marin County Marin County was chosen for pilot studies on climate change, as earlier work there had been done at Point Reyes National Seashore (PORE), related studies were ongoing (Newland 2015; Newland and Engel 2015), and the local agencies and tribe were already aware of many of the issues and were supportive. Between 2012 and 2015, over 80 volunteers, including students, tribal members, and professional archaeologists surveyed c. 100 km (60 miles) of coastline, most of it within Point Reyes National Seashore and Tomales Bay State Park. No private property was surveyed. The student turnout was strong, with students representing 12 universities, colleges, and community colleges contributing. Instructors teaching field courses from California State University (CSU) Chico, Cabrillo College, and Foothill College brought their students as part of coursework. The Small Project Internship and Field Internships at Sonoma State University (SSU), taught through the Anthropological Studies Center, also participated. Many graduate students at SSU offered their time and expertise to function as crew chiefs, help serve in coordinator roles, and prepare site records. Paul Engel, PORE Archaeologist, donated several weekends of his own time to the cause. 13. Racing against time 121 Figure 13.4. Locations of Society for California Archaeology climate change case studies in California. RESULTS Drakes Bay and Tomales Bay were some of the earliest archaeologically surveyed areas in the region, and many substantial sites have been found bordering these two bays over the past century (Nelson 1909; Moratto 1974; Compas 1998; Newland 2015). As this area was the focus of so much early work, only a dozen or so new sites have been found, and most of these date to the historic era. The rest – 54 sites in total – had been previously recorded or noted. However, many of these sites had sparse information on them and were last recorded decades ago. Our effort focussed on updating records, establishing site boundaries, and assessing threats. The National Park Service has funded survey and site sensitivity model testing in PORE that has dovetailed with the SCA effort, including inland survey, which has helped tease out Coast Miwok trail routes from interior areas out to the coastal sites. San Diego County San Diego County has approximately 18 km (11 miles) of coastline, not nearly as extensive as that of Marin County. However, these 18 km are much more densely developed, and the coastal landscapes of the county vary widely, from high coastal bluffs to a series of ten low-lying estuaries and lagoons. Their margins greatly expanded the geographic reach of the project to 18,000 acres of publicly held lands 122 Michael Newland et al. within our designated sea level rise impact zone. Sandra Pentney has been leading this effort. To gain access to various types of public land requires consultation and approval from over 60 local public landholding entities, including state parks, nine separate cities, the County, private land trusts, utilities and roads easements, and the Department of Defense. RESULTS These results are preliminary as more survey is underway, but over the past two years, the San Diego team has covered about 4000 acres and found or re-recorded 25 sites. They have worked with 106 volunteers – mostly local students and avocational archaeologists – to accomplish this, most of whom were organised through the San Diego County Archaeological Society. Discussion The process of launching such a study, ongoing consultations with tribal representatives, and the continuing evolution of climate change studies has led to a number of conclusions regarding these kinds of studies, and the role that they may play in future work in California and beyond. These are discussed below. Vegetation On public coastal lands, vegetation has been allowed to largely grow unchecked. Many of these areas were historically ranches or farms. When the first archaeologists surveyed here, it was predominantly open grazing land, with ranch roads criss-crossing the landscape. This is no longer the case. Many of the known sites were buried under dense vegetation. Clearly, this was not the condition of these sites when they were occupied, and modern land management practices have created a landscape that does not resemble that present at the time of contact. This complicates surveys. Ours will remain a surface effort only so that the permitting requirements – i.e. government-issued permits to archaeologists conducting study on public lands – are met easily and the amount of site disturbance minimised. However, those agencies that are serious about doing further good-faith work towards identifying sites likely to be impacted by climate change should include subsurface survey. Tribal consultation While several of the tribes welcomed the studies and have participated in them, others did not. In some cases, the tribal governments were not prepared to make decisions about the nature of climate change, did not want archaeologists looking for sites within their ancestral territory, and did not want to put the tribe’s own resources towards finding and recording sites. In these instances, no further efforts were made to pursue survey work. In other cases, an informal working relationship with a tribe’s cultural staff had to transition to a more formal relationship with the tribal government. In these instances, the work was halted until the Council could weigh in on this; once they did, they approved. In the southern part of the state, a number of the tribes have requested updates on our progress so that they can include our data in their own projects and land-use planning and community outreach efforts. Tribal consultation is a critical component to the success of these studies and we remain committed to collaborative work where it is welcome and to refrain from surveying where it is not. Climate change and regulatory planning Cultural resource studies in the United States are largely driven by federal laws and regulations that attempt to mitigate the effects of federal undertakings – those projects funded or permitted by federal government, or that occur on government land – on the nation’s cultural heritage. Such undertakings are subject to federal historic preservation laws and regulations. In California, a second set of laws and guidelines govern state-funded or permitted projects. Increasingly, preparing for climate change is becoming part of the planning process. Overall, these preparations are still in their infancy and tend to take into account low sea level rise and little or no coastal erosion. For example, although Channel Islands National Park has been researching sea level rise impacts for some time, most local planning agencies have yet to address these impacts on archaeological resources. In the future, climate change scenarios should feature more as part of the assessment of an undertaking’s effects. Some questions that lead agencies should ask when determining the appropriate treatment of effects include: What climate change impacts are likely to occur at the site over the next century? Are the long-term effects of the undertaking likely to enhance, decrease, or have a neutral impact on climate change damage, and if so, how? What will the preservation of this site be in comparison to others of its type? Do the suggested treatments of the undertaking effects further accelerate or decelerate this damage? Volunteer climate change studies By keeping the planning centralised, the SCA hopes that this project will maintain some consistency and still raise awareness within local communities through a grass roots effort. Responses to the opportunities presented have been overwhelming. Our volunteers include tribal members, retired locals, local archaeologists who feel passionately about our cause, and a large contingent of local students who are eager to gain field experience (Fig. 13.5). We have several observations here: • In California, most of our permits to conduct archaeological work require individuals with a graduate degree and a certain amount of experience to prepare the finished 13. Racing against time 123 resources. For example, the San Diego County Archaeological Society is a local avocational group of people who want to learn more about archaeology. They organise monthly speakers, publish a newsletter, and have a committee that reviews and provides comment on environmental reports. The SDCAS has worked to educate the public on archaeology and has become a respected voice on local archaeological issues. Conclusion Figure 13.5. Volunteer field crews surveying the San Diego coastline (Photo: S. Pentney 2015). survey reports. This results in the quick accumulation of field data with only a handful of people with the qualifications to prepare the report, and those people typically have full time jobs doing other work. Volunteer coordinators must be able to commit to see reporting through to completion. • Using local volunteer labour comes with risks. In the United States, cultural resources are protected by local, state and federal laws and site looting is a significant issue. Staffing these projects with volunteers can result in potential risks. We train people how to identify archaeological sites and are working to ensure that they will not use this knowledge to loot (which, to date, has not been a problem). We took a three-pronged approach to this risk: o Training. All new volunteers undergo a training class before fieldwork or must be enrolled in university anthropology/archaeology coursework. The class lasts 2–3 hours and emphasises the importance of archaeological context and association. It also covers protective laws, their penalties, and what the loss of data means to the scientific as well as the Native American community. o Confidentiality. All volunteers are required to sign ethics statements and confidentiality notices before being allowed on a field crew. o Crew composition. The field crews contain an appropriate balance of professional archaeologists to volunteers. During survey, the volunteers are spaced in between archaeologists to ensure that there are qualified people to answer questions and provide professional advice on artefact identification. • Using public volunteers not only helps spread the word about climate change, it also promotes responsible education on the value and sensitivity of archaeological Climate change affects us all. The maritime cultural heritage of the world, of all cultures, is currently threatened, as are our ancestral coastal and forest habitation sites. While some have started to address sea level rise impacts upon archaeological sites, the scope of the challenge is unprecedented, its impacts spanning legions of government agencies, private property owners, non-profit organisations, and indigenous communities. The problem is further complicated by the political and economic aspects of the phenomena. In California, the impacts of climate change are already being felt, and over the next century, they may be devastating. If any field of study is able to understand the impacts of climate shifts on human populations, it is archaeology. The SCA understands this and has committed the time and efforts of its volunteers, in collaboration with tribal communities and government agencies, to begin the process of surveying the areas of California that are likely to be the hardest hit. By bringing awareness to this issue through our ongoing efforts, the significance of the sites being lost, the social implications of climate change, and the responsibility we have as citizens to begin preparing now can be brought to the larger archaeological community and more broadly to the general public. Acknowledgements Northern. We would like to thank Jon Erlandson for his generous review of our chapter, and the ongoing support of the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria, the National Park Service, Tolowa Dee-ni’, Elk Valley Rancheria, Kashia Pomo of Stewarts Point Rancheria, the Anthropological Studies Center and student volunteers from Sonoma State University, Dustin McKenzie and student volunteers from Cabrillo College, Kevin Dalton and student volunteers from CSU Chico, Annamarie Leon Guerrero, Dan Curley and student volunteers from Foothill College, Adie Whitaker and staff from Far Western Anthropological Research Group, the Society for California Archaeology, Paul Engel and Mark Rudo of Point Reyes National Seashore, and California Department of Parks and Recreation. Southern. We would like to thank Atkins, SDCAS, Natalie Brodie, Karen Lacey, Marla Mealey, Sara Shouse, 124 Michael Newland et al. R.D. Schultz, Michael Degiovine, Maximilian Jewett, Nicole Turner, G. 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