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2019, Cultural Anthropology
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4 pages
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Topology is often used as shorthand for the geography of connections and networks that extends the political and economic reach of states beyond their physical borders (see Allen 2016). But if the metaphoric reverberations of topology are certainly worth exploring—notably to account for the operation of multinationals supplementing the state—they tend to leave space itself disembodied, abstract, and flat (Billé, forthcoming). Yet, ironically, where topology is perhaps most productive is in the very materiality inherent to the concept—this rubber sheet surface (cf. Leach 1961) on which a state’s spatial and material constraints interact dynamically with its operational plasticity.
Topological twists' is one part of John Allen's long project where he has profoundly examined the spatialities of (political) power and has considerably expanded our horizons. This commentary will reflect four themes related to his article (Allen, 2011). Since there are currently several challenging views on the changing forms of power, I will first briefly compare his ideas of power with that of others. Second, I will scrutinize the re-emergence of topological thinking in social sciences and geography -'re-emergence' because this idea has long roots. I will then comment on current ideas and related 'geometric' vocabularies, and finally discuss the issue of generalization versus context in the social sciences.
Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 1990
Our goal for this special issue is to highlight the theoretical value of the geosocial as a way of conceptualising the contemporary constitution of subjects and spaces within transnational relations. While there has already been a good amount of individual research that could be characterised as geosocial, we think there remains a need in geography for a larger statement on the explanatory power and theoretical value of foregrounding these types of relationships. Socially reorganising transnational relations take many forms and are established by various individual and collective actors. The key characteristic informing our conceptualisation here is the power of these social relations to constitute new transnational geographies through situated, relational practices. Our conceptualisation of the geosocial draws from older concepts vis-à-vis the reciprocal constitution of society and space, as well as from more recent ideas about topological spatial formations.1 The traditional usage of the term topology comes from geometry: the study of the properties of space and spatial relations in the context of stretching and bending and other ‘deformations’. Social topologies, instead, describe the spatial properties of society that have no fixed form, but rather are outlined by lived worlds organised through ongoing social relations, discourses, and networks.2 In investigating transnational topologies, we use the geosocial as a focus for examining the dynamic relations by which, on one hand, the borders and territories of the world order are maintained, challenged, and (re) defined; and on the other hand, people constitute themselves as subjects and communities capable of transformative agency across and within such borderladen realities. In short, we set out to ask how geosocial subjects are constitutive of transnational topological space and vice versa.
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Technological change has left its mark on civilisations and political and social structures. The concepts of nation and sovereignty seem to have always existed.
2010
Multi-scalar or multi-site power relations offer two contrasting ways of understanding the shifting geography of state power. In this paper, we argue for a different starting point, one that favours a topological understanding of state spatiality over more conventional topographical accounts. In contrast to a vertical or horizontal imagery of the geography of state power, what states possess, we suggest, is reach, not height. In doing so, we draw from Sassen (2006, Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages, Princeton University Press) a vocabulary capable of portraying the renegotiation of powers that has taken place between central government in the UK and one of its key city regions, the South East of England; one that highlights an assemblage of political actors, some public, some private, where negotiations take place between elements of central and local actors "lodged" within the region, not acting "above", "below" or "alongside" it. The articulation of political demands in such a context has less to do with "jumping scale" or formalizing extensive network connections and more to do with the ability to reach directly into a "centralized" politics where proximity and reach play across one another in particular ways.
The study of international relations sits at the convergence of human inquiry that crosses both time and space. The aim here is to elaborate on the spatial context of international relations, to contrast it to the temporal context, and to indicate broadly the continuing importance of the geopolitical spatial context to the study of international relations. I briefly demonstrate how this relationship is based not on an earlier approach based on geographic determinism, but rather possibilism-the possibilities presented by the spatial, geographic, and geopolitical context. In elaborating on space and place, I return to the central research focus of my career: the dynamism and importance of the spatial context for understanding international relations, along with the need to take both time and space into account, the need to appreciate both a locational view and the perceptual/symbolic/constructed view of space and place, and to do so within an increasingly globalized, interdependent, and transnational world system.
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