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(http://agitatejournal.org)
The Perils And
Possibilities Of
Creative
Economy: A
Conversation
Dia Da Costa, Richa Nagar, and
Sarah Saddler
Abstract: This conversation, built around themes and
questions discussed in Dia Da Costa’s book Politicizing
Creative Economy: Activism and a Hunger Called
Theatre (University of Illinois Press, 2016), analyzes the terrain
of the “creative economy” and explores its ethical
implications for national belonging, epistemic justice, and
academic knowledge production through the politics of
academic journeying. Exploring the possibilities, limits, and
risks of the creative economy across multiple personal
trajectories and political realms, we offer perspectives on the
creative economy as a landscape where colonial histories of
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violence, academic privilege and positionality, and
possibilities for progressive politics become especially visible
and critical.
Sarah and Richa: Dia, we are excited to begin this
conversation with you as a series of re ections and questions
inspired by Politicizing Creative Economy: Activism and a
Hunger Called Theater. In starting this conversation, we are
drawn in two general directions of thought in relation to the
book. The rst concerns the possibilities, limits, and risks of
creative economy, its ethical implications for citizenship and
national belonging, and for projects that seek to work for
sociopolitical and epistemic justice. A second direction
concerns the place of academia within or in relation to this
terrain. We would like to think with you about some of these
themes. Given the focus of AGITATE!, however, we are
tempted to begin this exploration with a more personal
provocation: how do you place yourself and your roles and
responsibility in the academy as a diasporic thinker and actor
in the context of the stories that constitute this book? What
kinds of encounters, trajectories, and investments have
brought you to this project?
Dia: Richa and Sarah, I am very thankful for your interest in
my work and I am delighted to begin a conversation on its
themes. Let me begin by addressing your question about
how I view my roles and responsibility as a diasporic thinker
directly as a way to talk about the convoluted trajectory of
thinking that brings me here. But rst, I must say I don’t (yet)
think of myself as a diasporic thinker, not least because I
spent the past fteen years trying to come to terms with the
possibility that I might not return to India. And, in part also
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because I had more of a cosmopolitan, upper caste, middle
class experience of choosing to come here for education,
than I associate with the term diaspora, which to my mind
has to do with histories of enforced displacement. Of course, I
am part of the South Asian diaspora, and perhaps I was
always bound to this destination and label, considering the
subjective displacement generated by colonial development
discourses that teach you that your life should be otherwise,
elsewhere, other than what it is, here and now. But, studying
abroad was well beyond what my family background
socialized me to believe would be part of my life trajectory,
even though my schooling was such that I was surrounded
by people who took that aspiration and trajectory for
granted. And despite that, when the chance encouragement
came, I had the caste privilege, cultural capital and schooling
to pursue studying abroad, which turned into living and
working abroad. Thus, it is important for me to not erase the
speci city of hierarchies and privileges that constitute my
‘displacement,’ compared to that of others.
So to go back to your question keeping this in mind, I am not
sure that my journey tells a coherent story, and I don’t know if
less than coherent stories have their place. But in some ways,
my role and responsibility as I see it is primarily to challenge
the structures of savior feeling and mentality that inhere in
development and progressive politics, at the global, national,
local and individual levels. I see this as my responsibility
precisely because I embarked on my education abroad
driven by the colonial idea that it would allow me to bring
‘home’ better ideas for development. What I actually learned
was that this quest was a colonial one that feeds the
structures of savior feeling at the national and individual
levels. Practicing intersectional and transnational thinking
has taught me the most in this regard. In my research, I have
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tried to intervene methodologically to deepen ways of
thinking about development, colonial capitalism, and
globalization intersectionally—wherein the ‘materiality’ of
these discourses and politics is understood to be grounded in
interlocking structures of oppression. Practicing
intersectional and transnational thinking has also taught me
the importance of directly probing one’s own history of
privilege and complicity within a world of multiple
colonialisms. It allows me to consider how those of us with
privilege might move from the resilient savior mentality
deeply structured into our person towards betraying the
structures that assure our privilege within and beyond
academia.
I want to try to concretize these thoughts over the course of
this interview, and I will share some of the journey that
brought me to Politicizing Creative Economy. To do this, I
need to share some of what prompted my dissertation
research from which my rst book, Development Dramas,
developed. There are two stories that I recounted in my
application for doctoral studies which I believe have been
pivotal to the questions and issues that I continue to struggle
to understand. The rst story goes back to when I was in high
school (Class 12) and leaving Bombay by train in December
1992. Bombay was burning in the aftermath of the demolition
of the Babri Masjid which was led by the Hindu Right-wing
Bharatiya Janta Party that had mobilized thousands of Hindu
activists to raze the mosque to the ground. Leaders of the
Hindu Right alleged that the legendary King Ram was born
on the exact spot of the Babri Masjid and demolition would
enable the construction of a Hindu temple on that site. This
claim based on archaeological priority justifying true identity
and memory, including violently destroying what was
considered an inauthentic history, was antithetical to my
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socialization in the idea of a secular India, quite apart from
the contested veracity of such claims.
The train in Bombay in 1992 was bursting at the seams with
people desperate to join the exodus out of the city. Unlike
those around me in the train, I was not a resident and I was
not trying to escape anything. I was there to give an entrance
exam for the National Institute of Design and I was simply
returning to my boarding school near Bangalore for the rest
of term. I felt sad, confused, and somewhat fearful by the
distant res I had seen burning and the stories I had heard in
Bombay. My relative lack of fear sitting in the train out of
Bombay, however, was directly related to my privileged
distance from scenes of death and violence and the Muslim
experience of the acute violence of Indian secularism. Many
in the train that night shared stories of how they had killed
and thrown people into res. I found myself searching for
signs of whether they were Hindu or Muslim. Even at the
time, I knew how wrong it was for me to think this, and I felt
guilty for betraying my presumed secular upbringing, the
very secularism whose death I had been mourning. Beyond
this, I had no ability to understand why I was thinking or
feeling the way I did. I had not yet learned how to consider
secularism as part of the Indian state’s project of Hindu
supremacy and violence. I responded by writing about my
experience for the school bulletin board, drawing attention to
a cataclysmic event that we were not really talking about in
classes, despite being in a wonderful, alternative school.
The second story was of a time when women working in
factories in a newly industrializing region in western India
questioned me at the end of a session in which I interviewed
them (as an undergraduate student) about why they wanted
development. At the time, I was simultaneously drawn to
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development as solution to poverty, and critical of its
manifestations in people’s lives. I had not yet learned to think
about inequality rather than poverty; I had not yet learned
about the histories of colonial capitalism that shape
dominant development discourses. But after my questions,
the women in polyester saris and plastic clips asked me, ‘Why
are you wearing khadi if you have education and live in
Delhi?’ The home-spun cloth known as khadi was a part of
the anti-colonial movement led by Gandhi. Khadi may have
been a symbol of anti-colonial nationalism, but in their
minds, it hardly exempli ed the industrialized development
plans mobilized in independent India. Although khadi had
long since been commercialized in India, the women I was
talking to did not associate it with modernity and
industrialization. Nor did they see khadi as the standard,
upper-caste, middle-class intellectual’s attire that felt ideal for
the Indian climate, as I did. They were likely focused on the
greater work involved in the cleaning and upkeep of cotton, I
don’t know. I was stumped and I didn’t think to ask them
anything more. The women challenged my conceptions of
development and modernity by asking me why the caste and
class privileged were not using the promises of
industrialization (e.g. machine-made clothing) that they (i.e.
we) were selling to the rest of India? I didn’t hear their
question as challenging my caste or class privilege at the
time, nor did I realize that they were also questioning my
researcher superiority and savior mentality. I was most struck
by the fact that I was neither prepared for a question from
them nor cognizant enough to have an answer. I interpreted
their question as a challenge to better understand subaltern
constructions of modernity and development.
These encounters have long since concerned me. Such is the
privilege of Brahmin education—we spend years trying to
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understand and write about the structural violence we are
part of producing and sustaining. Indeed, in some ways, both
my books were implicit and explicit efforts to think about
what made the India that watched the destruction of Babri
Masjid and the India of uneven development, of materially
and representationally understood unevenness, possible. Not
just that these were possible, but rather what made these
phenomena ones which people with religious, caste, and
class privilege barely comprehend as a brazen, uncouth
manifestation of what is in fact an utterly ordinary violence at
the heart of our society?
Richa and Sarah: It is your insistence on systematically
entangling the violence of Hindutva and development, and
your commitment to confronting the ways in which our
religious, caste, and class privileges are deeply implicated in
this violence, that makes your work speak boldly across the
borders of narrow disciplines, issues, and even historical and
geographical locations. In this regard, can you tell us what
the journey from your previous book Development Dramas:
Reimagining Rural Political Action in Eastern India to
Politicizing Creative Economy was like for you?
Dia: The changes in the early 1990s with India’s liberalization
alongside the deepening Hindu fundamentalism intensi ed
my interest in alternatives to dominant development
discourses and resistance to state violence. My continued
belief in helping those in need was now complicated by my
belief that there were subaltern constructions of
development and critiques of state violence ‘out there’ that I
needed to make heard in scholarship. My commitment to
savior scholarship was alive and well when I was drawn to
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studying political theatre among rural Bengalis. West Bengal
was an iconic alternative to dominant capitalist constructions
of development as the longest democratically elected
Communist government. Agricultural workers in West
Bengal showed me that this Leftist government had a script
of development that was nonetheless deeply classist and
patriarchal. These agricultural workers had devised
alternative methods of constructing development,
knowledge production and democracy with the methods of
theatre of the oppressed. I saw the many ways in which
farmers and agricultural workers politicized these methods
and grounded them in broader and deeper struggles for
good education, livelihoods, gender justice, and the right to
small farmer agrarian futures within a Leftist state, which is
what I tried to represent in Development Dramas.
But there were fundamental omissions in Development
Dramas. I had not really attended to the ethnicity and caste
of development discourses and politics, even though I made
vague gestures to the same. When Tata moved its plans for
the Nano car production from West Bengal to Gujarat, I could
explain how a Communist-led government was entangled in
capital accumulation and development based on
dispossession. But I was ill-equipped to understand how
normal it was for Indian corporations to be drawn to working
with the Hindu Right. Nor did I understand the historical,
ordinary and institutional ways in which Brahmanism was at
work among the ruling Left and progressive politics in West
Bengal.
It was Jana Natya Manch that helped me understand how
normal it was for corporate India to be in cahoots with the
Hindu Right. When I was wrapping up research for my rst
book, theatre scholar Rustom Bharucha suggested that I
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study Jana Natya Manch (known by the acronym JANAM),
the most well-known street theatre troupe in India. JANAM
was widely known as the cultural wing of the Communist
Party of India (Marxist)—which was also incidentally the
ruling party in West Bengal until 2009. Its co-founder Safdar
Hashmi was murdered by ruling party forces in the midst of a
performance in 1989 and they had continued their work
against tremendous odds. I was deeply drawn to
understanding this political work and their story of struggle
and sacri ce, of dogged determination and commitment to
Marxian ideology. Despite what I had learned in Bengal, I
remained committed to understanding the promise and
limits of the organized Left in India. And because of the
pogrom against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, Gujarat was to
my mind inseparable from Babri Masjid and the liberalization
of the country. I was convinced that I had to foreground the
study of the collaboration of the Hindu Right with corporate
dispossession-led development in the Gujarat context. Still
working with the methodology forwarded in Development
Dramas, I searched for instances of non-dominant
constructions of progressive politics in Gujarat to help me
understand state violence and development there. An
internet search introduced me to the tremendous work of
Budhan Theatre in Ahmedabad and I looked no further.
Politicizing Creative Economy continued to make a
methodological intervention that attempted to ground the
trajectories of global discourses in the national and regional
structures and histories that give them traction. For me, this
included attention to the affective dimensions at play in
activist and progressive spaces, because I believed that
aesthetic and political power needed to be understood for
their visceral power and materialism. But really, PCE is about
my fear that creative economy planning was being
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structured to coopt the creativity that I believed existed in
subaltern theories and arguments about development and
modernity. And this cooptation entailed the deepening
commodi cation, Hinduization, and casteing of creativity
itself.
Through the twelve years it took me to do the research and
writing for this book, I also realized that the Marxian
frameworks used by JANAM and those with whom they
worked on the organized Left were both not the Marx I
understood and followed (for e.g., I consider the version of
Marxian analysis that drives JANAM’s play Machine in PCE)
and nor were they as attentive to the intersectionality of
structures of oppression that I was increasingly learning to
recognize. Often, I found myself privileging my diasporic
education and experience in interdisciplinary development
sociology, post-colonial, and cultural studies, compared to
the far less intersectional Marxian frameworks that
dominated spaces of middle-class, upper-caste, progressive
Leftist politics. I deployed analytical frameworks distinct from
JANAM’s politics, which militates against my usual research
practice. However, I felt that my rethinking of their middleclass, progressive politics was necessary for me to take a
critical relation to what I had learned in West Bengal, Delhi
and Gujarat over the years.
By contrast, Budhan Theatre taught me to think about caste
violence of the Hindu neoliberal state. Their desperate claims
to mainstream belonging through their struggles for
Constitutional guarantees for DNT communities alongside
their devastating critiques of a still colonial capitalist state
brought me closer to understanding the factory women who
had questioned my privileged capacity to reject the fruits of
industrialized development. Their work made me complicate
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and question my understanding of state formation and
violence. Budhan Theatre’s work also taught me that
resisting the Hindu Right requires foregrounding caste and
religion in ways that didn’t appear to me to be the norm in
spaces that were most celebrated as progressive among
urban, upper-caste academic and political circles. They have
inculcated in me the desire to learn how to betray caste
supremacy considering its role in consolidating the Hindu
Right and neoliberal capitalism in India.
Richa and Sarah: Your rich stories and re ections give us
much to think about, Dia. In working through the
contradictions of development discourses and their complex
relationships with creative economic visions of artistic
practice and citizenship, your analysis remains committed to
centering the intersectionality of structures of oppression.
What strikes us are the ways in which they are underlined or
erased in creative praxis, signaling the deepening of
commodi cation and what you so aptly refer to as the
‘casteing of creativity itself.’ It would be helpful to hear you
elaborate further on your reference to the affective
dimensions at play in activist and progressive spaces, and
how they must be understood for their visceral power and
materialism. Also interesting is the way in which you
underscore this aspect in PCE in relation to a methodological
intervention, rather than say, a theoretical, epistemological,
or pedagogical intervention. What is at stake in claiming this
intervention as a methodological intervention? Is this also an
invitation to rethink politically aware methodology in
scholarship?
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In relation to this theme, we are curious to learn so much
more. For instance, how has the affective power of creative
economy discourses impacted your own epistemic journeys,
narrative processes, and the kinds of affective politics – made
of moments, events, processes, relationships — which shaped
the theatrical spaces you immersed yourself in? How do we
pick apart the transgressive potential of affect from its
manifestation as creative economic optimism? Also, how
does the theatrical production of affect in activist and
progressive spaces undergird a creative resistance not easily
captured or legible through creative economic frameworks?
We share these strands of thoughts here, not with the
expectation that you will answer each of these questions.
Consider these simply as some invitations to deepen our
discussion. Your last response also inspired some re ections
and questions on the theme of belonging, but we will come
to that a bit later.
Dia: The casteing of creativity is something I written about in
a piece entitled ‘Eating Heritage: Caste, Colonialism and the
Contestation of adivasi Creativity’ for a Special Issue
forthcoming (May 2019) in the journal Cultural Studies, for
those who might be interested in that part of your question. I
am most challenged to think through the question of
methodology you raise, with the caveat that a
methodological intervention seems inseparable from
theoretical, epistemological or pedagogical ones. Feminist
theorists have of course long since challenged positivist
methodologies founded in the belief in objective knowledge.
Feminists have asked researchers to scrutinize our place,
power, complicity, life histories and embodied knowledges
and the effects of these on our research processes,
production and consumption. And they have made explicit
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that such self-re exivity is a conduit to better (indeed, more
objective) knowledge about the world. But I found the
theoretical literature on affect (much of which is grounded in
a genealogy of feminist theories) perplexing and in many
ways debilitating in terms of methodological practice. Some
articulations of affect theory are almost anti-methodological,
if that can be a thing. If you read Brian Massumi’s articulation
of knowing affect largely in effect (as in, after it has been
mediated semiotically), then affect is not subject to research
(1995, 107). And Massumi doesn’t tell us much about how the
knower knows affect, in effect. Massumi’s theorization of
affect seems to me to be disembodied knowledge rather
than situated and embodied (a god-trick in Donna Haraway’s
terms) despite affect being precisely oriented to knowledge
held and felt in the body.
I use this rather blatant example from Massumi’s formulation
to make the point that our attention to the visceral power of
affect might instead promote a more politically grounded
analysis if our methodologies choose to underscore our
situated and embodied locations within the knowledge
production process. Methodologically speaking,
understanding the power of affect is not only about tracing
the radical performativity and serendipitous potential of life
that exceeds the reproductive structures of colonial
capitalism and expected trajectories of transformation (Da
Costa 2016, 18-19). For me, understanding the power of affect
is also simultaneously about studying the ways in which
serendipitous epiphanies can emerge from dominant and
transgressive spaces equally, viscerally affecting persons and
politics in ways that effectively dissimulate the work of affect
in accomplishing discursive and ideological regimes (Da
Costa 2016, 20-23).
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As I stated earlier, India’s liberalization and the demolition of
the Babri Masjid most acutely shaped my coming of age in
the 1990s. When in 2004, I rst met JANAM with the
intention of studying their history and practice, I was even
more demoralized given the Gujarat genocide in 2002 and
considering George Bush won re-election in 2004. Perhaps it
is not surprising then, that I was swept away by the critical
force and anger expressed through JANAM’s theatrical
production. The rage of conviction in Moloyashree’s voice and
clenched st, Sarita’s giddy enjoyment of her newly acquired
ribbon and then her quivering face marking the deep anger
of a girl denied simple pleasures, the biting tickle of satirical
poetry delivered onstage, the intense relief of being able to
laugh at Sudhanva’s utterly caricatured depictions of Hindu
Right leaders—all of this fed my soul. JANAM’s erce and
longstanding analysis of the collusion of capital and Hindu
Right gave me goose bumps and then seeped into my
middle-class socialization to challenge so many prior
assumptions, so many previously unrealized verities. JANAM’s
slapstick comedy on the Hindu Right made me laugh and I
found intense comfort in being able to laugh at the enemy.
Thus, initially, their work felt like a serendipitous gift
reminding me of transgressive potential in deeply
demoralizing times. I had not yet considered that the politics
of liberalizing India and witnessing Hindutva violence in
governance and in the public sphere had the capacity to
dissimulate a middle class longing and nostalgia for a left
politics gone by, as a sensual epiphany and powerful feeling
of hope. In other words, the depressing violence of our times
had the capacity to make nostalgia feel like hope. Rather
than prejudge the politics of either nostalgia or hope, I
wanted to make sense of where each was coming from, so to
speak, what is hope and what is nostalgia and for whom.
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Methodologically then, what being swept away by JANAM’s
and Budhan Theatre’s powerful performances have taught
me is to subject my feelings and reactions to scrutiny
through contextualization and historical analysis. I asked
myself: Why and when did I have goose bumps, which scene,
which lines, which gesture made me cringe, which ones
made me choke back tears, and which ones made me want
to throw caution to the winds? How should I square the hope
I felt with the anger and disappointment others expressed
toward the very same politics? Why nit-pick about varied and
uneven feelings among us? Why not nit-pick? Rather than
coming from a navel-gazing commitment, because I
believed that the seduction of middle-classes into the
comforting possibility of transgressive politics is a necessary
part of the structural reproduction of Hindutva and colonial
capitalist ideology, I subject my gut feelings to scrutiny and
question. For me, this meant affect needed to be traced in
semiotic and historic relations. The methodological
imperative of scrutinizing and situating one’s feelings within
the historical relations of domination and subordination of
which it is a part, the political struggles and failures within
which it is grounded, to my mind, gives the study of affect
embodied location and political purpose.
JANAM didn’t appear to subject their nostalgia about the
good old days of JANAM or working class struggles to
scrutiny onstage. They promoted working class heritage
walks, museums, and concerts—representing working class
history—without being publicly self-re exive about the
conditions of their choosing to do so, and the limits of such
politics. By contrast, Budhan Theatre’s seemingly greater
historical grounds for attachment to creative economy
discourses, opportunities, and optimism sat alongside their
deeply critical and explicitly transgressive performances that
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challenged not only state and corporate violence, but also
the potential violence within creative spaces itself. Budhan
Theatre’s public self-re exivity about the limits of
performance performed onstage (which went beyond
Brechtian aesthetics) was a crucial intervention that made
me realize the vitality of active processes of interrupting and
scrutinizing the powers that blow you away. And of course,
such public self-re exivity about seduction, domination, and
even the violence of creative economy discourses is entirely
absent in the words and writings of proponents like Rajeev
Sethi or Richard Florida or government of cials like Montek
Singh Ahluwalia who promote creativity as development
compensation and opportunity for the hungry poor. In that
sense, both these troupes, in different ways, taught me why
self-re exivity and critical scrutiny about affect and emotion,
might be so important to navigating the difference between
the potentially co-opted from the potentially transgressive.
The contradictions of colonial capitalism and its coconstitution with Hindutva means that we can never really
say that our methodologies can hone in on identifying
transgressive creativity in some fool-proof way. This remains,
for me anyway, a politics without guarantees, grounded in a
commitment to historically analyzing and contextualizing the
imperiling seductions within one’s own politics (Nagar 2014,
13; Hall 1986).
Sarah: Thank you, Dia, for these elaborations on affect and its
complex relationship to feelings of belonging and
transgressive politics. One of the things I was most struck by
in PCE and in the writings above is the relationship between
the politics of belonging and the politics of academic
knowledge production, especially as the latter often assists in
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the discursive construction of “appropriate” forms of
subjectivity, agency, and modes of political belonging that
obfuscate the messy, troubled, and profoundly un xed array
of subject positions one assumes in response to
contemporary institutional hegemonies. As you show, activist
theatre is one site where we see the ideologies of neoliberal
capitalism, nationalism, and activism sharing time and space
in a tense and contradictory way—but sharing space
nevertheless. This interdependency, which is by no means
con ned to activist theatre, invites us to re-envision what
alternative spaces, individuals, and sociopolitical futures
might look like, as well as the languages we use to describe
those spaces.
This said, your ruminations on the importance of selfre exivity and critical scrutiny when theorizing one’s own
relationship to creative economic production make me think
much more about academia in and as creative economy.
Speaking from my own location within the eld of theatre
and performance studies (which has been crucially
in uenced by Leftist political interests and commitments),
the stubborn tendency to identify artists and artistic
practices on a continuum between reinforcing or resisting
capitalism persists, which seems to reify a particular ethical
positioning of artists as either heroically critical or
unprincipled, duplicitous, and hopelessly compromised vis-àvis their perceived disposition towards capitalism. This ethical
positioning, as I think of it at least, is coupled with an impulse
to position our own scholarly work and educational praxis as
exterior to creative economic demands. This seems ironic,
since academics are all too familiar with the systemic
maneuverings, institutional politics, and inner struggles that
accompany the labor of educational praxis in an institutional
setting, therefore making them primed to tackle the
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increasingly uid and ambiguous array of subject-positions
and modes of being (capitalist or otherwise) that characterize
the present. Affect, too, seems central to our everyday
personal and political commitments as thinkers and
teachers: inside our embodied classroom politics, in our
pedagogical values, in our dependence on the for-pro t
publishing industry, and in the everyday affective pulls and
maneuvering we experience inside academia’s normative
modes of intellectual production.
Given this, I wonder if you could say more about how you
locate yourself as an intellectual catalyst in/of the creative
economy, and how that has impacted your methodological
interventions, your pedagogical values, and your educational
praxis. I also wonder if you can re ect in this conversation on
the ways we might critically scrutinize the affective
conditions and politics of our academic labors in ways that
allow us to remain grounded and pursue transgressive
politics (if indeed that should be our goal?). Also, returning to
the question of scholarship, what implications does
confronting the “imperiling seductions” of our own locations
and politics in the creative economy have for our written
labors and pedagogical values?
Dia: At the outset, I can say that I don’t think it is at all tenable
to conceive of academia as exterior to creative economy
demands. We only have to consider the ways in which we ask
students to ‘be creative’ all the time. As I noted in another
interview(https://illuminate.ualberta.ca/content/whose-creativitycounts-creative-economy),
becoming critical and creative are at
the apex of what we strive for in education. However, within
the context of contemporary colonial capitalist institutions of
education, this often gets materialized as ‘do more with less,’
or ‘represent diversity, but don’t claim belonging or
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accountability,’ or ‘bring your critique and innovation but not
your cynicism or despair.’ Thus, it is equally clear that
although the university makes creativity among the highest
values of education, that does not make the university a
creative space by default. Like any other sector, there are
limits on what counts as creativity and sites of creativity
within the university. And indeed, the kinds of emotional
sensibilities (hope not despair) and attitudes (collegiality not
hostility) we are supposed to bring to our work is clearly
racialized, gendered, casted and shapes what counts as
creativity.
Speaking for myself, I nd the affective demands of
institutional governance and institution-building quite
different from say those that surround the challenge of
teaching. I do feel deeply cynical and regularly hostile about
what spaces of transgressive curriculum and programming it
is possible to create within universities, given funding
structures, given the interests that a university seeks to
protect rst and foremost, given its structures of legal
liability, given the land it is located on, and so forth. This
makes us all active catalysts, to use your term, of violent
forms of creative economy. In terms of transgressive
creativity, I don’t see myself as a catalyst so much as a
witness to violence, and an occasional thorn in the side of
those who would rather not have that violence pointed out or
name our own complicity in it.
In my relationship with students, I try to get to know them,
their aspirations for their journey, and their challenges. Given
the shrunken structures of support within academia, there is
very little I can offer. I try to offer my time and commitment
to conversations, training, mutual learning, and mentoring.
The bar is often so terribly low that students applaud some of
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us for doing the very basic. Here again, I don’t think I am a
catalyst of transgressive creativity so much as treading water.
We cannot congratulate ourselves for the creative maneuvers
we sometimes make to do the very basic. Surely, such action
is more about supporting a structural creativity that
reinforces the fallacy that we are doing a good job with
teaching and learning than it is about dismantling that
system.
And yet, I believe in the possibility of moments of a deeper
practice of creativity in education, even when no institutional
structures are being dismantled because I also try to
approach everyday life in pragmatic terms. In a context that
relies on individual merit, empire-building, and accolades for
celebrity scholars and teachers, it becomes an act of
creativity to resist those incitements. Being told we are good
and caring teachers and mentors can be one of those
imperiling seductions. I try to remind students that their
mentors always gain something in each act of kindness and
support they show to students. I selectively nurture those
friendships that keep me accountable to the power relations
I inhabit so that my students might believe in the possibility
of accountability within some elements of academia. (I would
not ask anyone to believe in the accountability of our
institutions in general.) I regularly pull out of and protect
myself from relationships marked by toxic speech and silence
to af rm the broader importance of drawing boundaries and
reclaiming dignity in the varied sites of violence of the
academy. I believe that behaviours like hoarding and
competing for students model the hoarding and competing
practices so necessary for colonial capitalism. I believe that
our academic labours—teaching, writing and speaking—can
and must be done in modes and spaces that exceed the
inaccessible venues that our job most values. I believe in
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publicly naming when and how I have been the bene ciary
of patronage politics within academia, rather than
reproducing the ction of my merit or that of most people in
academia. In other writing(http://www.raiot.in/academicallytransmitted-caste-innocence/),
I have begun to follow the lead of
others who are naming the North American academy as a
casteist institution and my role in making it so. It is easy to
see how this is the case structurally speaking, but less
comforting to highlight the precise actions of mine that have
reproduced it as such. Ultimately, it is crucial to note that I
don’t always succeed in practicing all of this because it is not
always possible to succeed in practicing all of this—which I
think goes back to the important point you make about how
we do not get to inhabit a pure political stance or single
subject-position within the colonial capitalist present. But
nonetheless, these are some of the ways in which I attempt
to anchor my work within academia.
Ultimately, academia like any other space of politics is a
messy one. Whether it fancies itself as progressive or
transgressive or creative or otherwise, it doesn’t get to be a
site of purity in the image of what it claims to be or wants to
be. I am much more perturbed by the denial or de ection or
the cultivated ignorance of the messiness than I am by the
messiness itself. I would rather talk about the mess openly as
a practical mode of learning our complex location within
power and politics than pretend that our words, our
theoretical claims, our ideological commitments, or our
actions speak for themselves. In that sense, rather than the
continuum between heroically critical and hopelessly
compromised (which also tends to be a comforting mode of
‘us’ and ‘them’ marking), I would say that there is no
uncompromised position at all. But some of us are certainly
more compromised and complicit than others. And our
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position within that hierarchy of complicity is for us to think
about and publicly talk about in order to model our
resistance against the imperiling seductions of our
presumed-to-be individual merit, value, status, success, or
even care. I don’t believe that being compromised is hopeless
by default. Perhaps, the only kind of hope I am willing to
invest in is one that is grounded in studying and trying to be
accountable to my complicity and compromises, in relation
to the more grand ideas of politics and social change I might
believe to be necessary. Without this, I would be willfully
ignoring the limits I myself actively and passively place upon
the politics of change that I purport to believe in.
Richa: Thank you, Dia, for this honest and re exive response.
You push us to think about the ways in which, not only our
academic work, but really, everything we do in relation to the
politics of change that we purport to believe in, is deeply
messy and necessarily limited. Yet many academic writers,
thinkers, scholars, etc., are expected (indeed, we are trained!)
to become con dent of our beliefs, desires, and actions and
we are also often expected to clearly articulate how we are
moving in the directions of those same beliefs. As we wrap
up this conversation, then, I would nd it helpful if we could
connect these realities with some of the points you have
made throughout our conversation and revisit these
connections in relation to pedagogy. When I say pedagogy
here, I don’t mean only the work that “we” members of the
academy do in our classrooms in universities and colleges
located in the U.S. and Canada, but also in other sites of
engagement where our work and lives ground us.
(Incidentally, I write these words on a Sunday morning on the
campus of Savitribai Phule Pune University after many
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amazing interactions with students, faculty, and visitors here
from a vast range of journeys and backgrounds, and as I
remotely work from here with my saathis in Sangtin Kisan
Mazdoor Sangathan on drafting a document that
summarizes the Sangathan’s expectations from those who
come to study with or learn from SKMS in their capacities as
researchers, artists, writers, lmmakers, etc.).
I am thinking back to the women working in factories who
asked you when you were an undergrad, ‘Why are you
wearing khadi if you have education and live in Delhi?’ And
then years later, when the powerful work of your saathis at
Budhan Theatre brought you closer to the understanding of
the factory women who had once questioned your
“privileged capacity to reject the fruits of industrialized
development.” I am re ecting on these moments in relation
to your various entangled commitments: to directly probe
one’s own history of privilege and complicity within a world of
multiple colonialisms; to struggle against the resilient savior
mentality hardwired into one’s person so that we can betray
the structures that assure our upper caste and other
privileges; to scrutinize and situate one’s feelings within the
historical and semiotic relations of which they are a part and
in the political struggles and failures within which they are
grounded… I believe that these commitments are long-term
ongoing journeys that also require us to learn humility–a
fundamental ‘prop’ in trying to become accountable to our
complicities and compromises, but a prop that is not found
in adequate supplies in the academy. Also, those of us who
come with privileges often (un)learn painfully slowly and
serendipitously, and that learning moreover often requires
witnessing the struggles–as well as the unyielding patience–
of teachers, such as the women factory workers and the
members of Budhan Theatre who taught you.
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So my question is: how have you wrestled with these issues in
your pedagogy in multiple sites where you work and grow?
Are there any anecdotes or examples that you can share with
us?
Dia: Con dence and humility are of course unevenly held and
nurtured. Whilst graduate school demands con dence (as
path to and manifestation of ‘success’), it also actively
nurtures a deep lack of self-con dence in many. Those who
come with the cultural capital to further nurture the
centuries of con dence grafted onto their personhood shine
and are held up to shine some more. For other people, their
con dence in their backgrounds and journeys are made to
not count as con dence because their stories threaten the
story about con dence and merit and value that a colonial,
capitalist, casteist institution tells itself. In such contexts, I see
it as my job and pedagogical challenge to nurture
con dence, where I can, in ways that redistribute the
structural unevenness of these affects among colleagues and
students. Likewise, humility is actively not nurtured in an
academic environment that promotes individual empirebuilding and merit. Again, it is those whose histories are not
typically upheld who get asked to nurture their humility
because the canon in every discipline constantly reminds
them of what they don’t know and how much what they do
know doesn’t belong to the canon. By contrast, those whose
lives re ect the violence of dominant knowledges simply get
congratulated for already knowing and belonging, rather
than being demanded that they (we) ask deeper and better
questions about the violence of our belonging and how we
reproduce it daily. As such, I also see it as part of my
pedagogical challenge to nourish more humility in those
whose worldviews and knowledges are re ected in the selfaggrandizing mirrors of these institutions.
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I have represented this as a stark binary and our subject
positions are necessarily more complex, and yet I believe we
have to do the work of thinking about the privileges that rise
to the surface and ground our lives despite our complex
positions and experiences. In the classroom, I deliberately talk
about my complicity because in a predominantly white
classroom, I am typically not expected to talk about my
privilege as a WoC faculty. I do this in ways that foregrounds
the hierarchy of complicities rather than projecting a world
where we are all equally complicit, and at the same time, I try
to draw attention to the complexity of our subject positions
that allows no one to be absolved from tackling these
dif cult questions. I approach this in a biographical mode,
often contrasting my own ‘then’ and ‘now’ approaches to a
given problem. I want students to see that there is value in
remembering how our approaches can and do change over
time. The thing I try to nurture then is the humility to learn
new ways of not de ecting our responsibility. I think humility
is necessary in exactly the moments that we nd ourselves
going to a place of defensiveness. We have to ask ourselves in
those moments: for whom is the preciousness I am
protecting so precious anyway? Can I be honest, explicit,
public about what exactly my defensiveness directly protects
and reproduces for me? Can I refuse the duplicity of
complicity talk when it simply gestures toward generalities
and costs me nothing? Can we craft conversations on
complicity that do not incite rejection on the grounds of
methodological individualism and political separatism, and
rather nd ways of building toward solidarity instead?
The challenges raised by complicity, con dence, humility and
defensiveness have applied in varied ways across different
contexts of my work. In comparison to the deep and
miserable lack of con dence I felt in graduate school despite
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a supportive supervisor, I felt a surplus of con dence
introducing my research interests to Jana Sanskriti—the rst
theatre organization that I became involved with and did my
dissertation research on. I had hand-written a letter to them
introducing myself. When I did not hear back, I simply
showed up at their door-step. My con dence was really just
arrogance and my savior mentality would not let me
recognize it as such. No doubt I was beset with a lack of
con dence as soon as I got oriented to my surroundings, but
my initial presumptuousness became a tale that Jana
Sanskriti friends would retell over the years. It was in jest, it
was a critique, it was a lesson. I thought I was impressing
them with my commitment to take the voice of the
oppressed into scholarship on development. I realized over
time what they already knew that my commitment to take
their voice where I believed it needed to be heard was
inextricably linked to the reproduction of the unequal
relationships that produced my saviour mentality in the rst
place. It wasn’t a lesson that I could have planned to learn
because it wasn’t a lesson that I knew I needed to learn at the
time. It was a lesson about humility that my relationship with
them taught me nonetheless. It was also not a lesson that I
learned once and for all. I didn’t know how to hear the lesson
in their jokes when they were made. I didn’t know how to
apply that lesson to other similar but distinct contexts.
These things sink in slowly, because in those instances, my
con dence and savior mentality have been extremely
resilient in de ecting lasting lessons. There have been so
many signposts and a few good friends who honestly and
pointedly tell me to stop, pause, wait, listen, back up. And yet,
I have often hurled myself forward, telling myself that I chose
a new and improved road, or that the next conversation will
yield a new and improved road. I am convinced that the
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structure of saviour feeling is a deep-seated hunger in me, it
shape-shifts and takes new forms and I nd myself
manifesting its work over and over again in new ways and
sites. I believed that if I think hard enough and with enough
care I will eventually nd a conversation that feels better or
does justice to the dilemmas involved. Sometimes that is a
necessary impulse, a humbling and collective commitment
to struggle that does in fact yield deeper conversations and
insights—and I have seen how this evolves in your work with
sangtins, Richa. I have also chosen speech (not silence)
sometimes when my words (as an upper caste, tenured
professor) will be more likely heard than those in more
precarious positions, even if it amounts to ‘translating’ and
‘amplifying’ words. But I also can’t help wonder whether
sometimes, searching compulsively for a new and improved
road is neither necessary and nor does it come from humility.
Rather, it comes from territorializing turf and defending my
right to explore my feelings, to take my time walking around
my intuition, test the ground beneath my feet and call it
my/our journey. In reality, in so many instances, I think my
drive, my body, my aspirations literally spurred me to nd a
way to keep moving forward. Always forward. After all the
critiques of development, the progress narrative is alive and
well in me. I remember talking to you Richa about this when
Muddying the Waters rst came out and I saluted your
stepping away from your research in Tanzania, and what it
might mean to make that part of a pedagogy that we
embrace, rather than relate to it with regret. That is, how do
we teach and learn how to embrace stepping back as an
expression of solidarity rather than only modeling a ‘not
giving up’ kind of commitment, as solidarity?
I couldn’t agree with you more: those of us with privileges
(un)learn painfully slowly and serendipitously. If we claim to
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believe in the annihilation of caste, decolonization, and antiracism, perhaps we need to gure out how to pick up the
pace on our learning and leave less to chance. This is not to
say that we wish serendipity away, as if we could do that. Nor
am I proposing rushing to learn in an accumulative sense. I
mean understanding when painfully slow and serendipitous
learning is just a series of internally-propelled de ections of
change and when learning simply needs to be slow because
not everything is subject to the pace of our will to change (in
which case, we need to rethink what makes ‘painfully slow’
painful and for whom).
Learning to teach in North America taught me that coming
here as a South Asian, it is only possible to be this oblivious to
the anti-indigeneity and the anti-Black racism of North
America because so many of us Brahmins are raised to aspire
to educated, upper-class, English-speaking-whiteness. Early
in my career, I realized that I live in North America with others
who were taught to think that ‘colonialism is the creation of
newer and better cultures.’ I heard that statement from a
student in my class at my rst job. I was 28 and stunned. I am
also certain that I have said things that have betrayed my
casteism or Islamophobia or whiteness that has made others
feel stunned and breathless with anger. Just as others have
done for me, I try to embrace the pedagogical challenge of
learning how to witness other people’s cultivated ignorance
and intervene in their learning about violence in ways that
nurtures in people a desire for transformation. This means
learning how not to incite self-involved tears, retreat due to
public humiliation, defensive evasion, reactionary dismissal,
or compulsive actions that aim to solve the problems at hand
with grandiose and seemingly-sel ess gestures. I can address
that pedagogical challenge better if I commit to absorbing
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and acting upon life’s ongoing lessons about my own
complicities.
That does not mean I always know what it looks like to act on
my knowledge of my complicity or that I know what the
responsible thing to do is. More likely I don’t know. As I see
them, these are learning processes that are marked with
more or less conviction at various points, but they are not for
me processes driven by knowing with any certainty or
foresight what exactly ought to be done. This is less about
being immobilized and not doing anything, since we are all
always doing things in some alignment with our image of
change, and more about the commitment to honestly and
collectively question what it is that we are doing and
knowing when to stop in our tracks.
Having felt my lack of con dence as a deep aw and failing
in the past, I now remind myself of some of its virtues.
Con dence moves ahead boldly with a drive to conquer a
challenge, a problem, life itself; whereas, as scholars of critical
pedagogy have noted, perhaps we make the road by walking,
faltering and pausing along the way. But it is also more than
that because what if those roads should not be made at all.
There are many who have patiently waited for others, waited
for me to learn or realize that not every journey is ours to walk
because roads get built in the process. Colonization required
making roads, as Ryan McMahon’s powerful lm Colonization
Road, so vividly captures. As we walk on, following our
journeys and trajectories, self-doubt and humility are crucial
and give us the time to consider whether our serendipitous
and creative learning is making another colonization road.
References
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Da Costa, Dia. 2016. Politicizing Creative Economy: Activism
and a Hunger called Theatre. Champaign: University of Illinois
Press.
Da Costa, Dia. 2009. Development Dramas: Reimagining
Rural Political Action in eastern India. New Delhi: Routledge.
Hall, Stuart. 1986. The problem of ideology: Marxism without
Guarantees. Journal of Communication Inquiry 10(2): 28-44.
Massumi, Brian. 1995. “The Autonomy of Affect.” Cultural
Critique 31 (2): 17–28.
McMahon, Ryan. 2016. Colonization Road. Toronto:
Decolonization Roads Performance Inc. Available online at:
http://www.cbc.ca/ rsthand/episodes/colonizationroad(http://www.cbc.ca/ rsthand/episodes/colonization-road)
Nagar, Richa. 2014. Muddying the Waters: Coauthoring
Feminisms across scholarship and activism. Champaign:
University of Illinois Press.
—
Suggested citation:
Da Costa, D., R. Nagar and S. Saddler. 2019. “The Perils and
Possibilities of Creative Economy: A Conversation.” AGITATE! 1:
http://agitatejournal.org/article/the-perils-and-possibilities-ofcreative-economy-a-conversation/.
Article by:
Dia Da Costa(http://agitatejournal.org/authors/dia-da-costa/)
Richa Nagar(http://agitatejournal.org/authors/richa-nagar-2/)
Sarah Saddler(http://agitatejournal.org/authors/sarah-saddler/)
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