1990. The consonants of proto-Guang.pdf

2015

Vowel length in open syllables is a rare feature in Tibeto-Burman languages. It is not reconstructed at the Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB) level, and it is not widely reported in modern languages. The languages of the Tamang group (= TGTM, Shafer's (1955) Gurung branch of Bodish) have developed it and are in the process of losing it again, as a part of a general process of reduction of the syllable canon. We touch briefly upon the development of vowel length on open syllables in Proto-Tamang (= Proto-TGTM), and concentrate on the different evolution patterns followed by diverse dialects in eliminating vowel length contrast.

Boletim do Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, 2023

This paper addresses one of the open issues in the reconstruction of Proto-Tupi-Guarani (PTG) segmental phonology: The status of the *k-*kʲ opposition. We argue that the contrast is artifactual and that the presumed evidence in favor of PTG *kʲ can be considered as secondary developments of PTG *k in Kayabí, Guarayu, Kagwahiva, Tenetehára, Kamayurá, and Ka'apor. We establish additional facts regarding the structure of PTG and the historical phonology of TG languages, also showing that this finding eliminates the need for an unmotivated split in Pre-PTG history, a problematic feature of current reconstructions of the Proto-Tupian consonant system.

Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics, 2016

It is proposed that oc pharyngealized onset consonants—that is, ‘type-A’ onset consonants—arose out of Proto-Sino-Tibetan plain consonants followed by geminate vowels separated by a pharyngeal fricative. When the first copy of the geminate vowel fell, the initial consonants formed clusters with the pharyngeal fricative, evolving into the oc pharyngealized consonants we reconstruct. In the Kuki-Chin branch of Tibeto-Burman, the pharyngeal fricative fell, and long vowels resulted. This proposal supposes a statistical correlation between Kuki-Chin long vowels and oc type-A words on the one hand, and between Kuki-Chin short vowels and oc type-B words on the other, as originally proposed by S. Starostin. A significant statistic bearing on forty-three probable Chinese-Kuki-Chin cognates supports this correlation. Thus reconstructed, a precursor language of Proto-Sino-Tibetan was aligned with Proto-Austronesian and Proto-Austroasiatic in exhibiting a surface constraint against monomoraic f...

Brenzinger/Fehn (eds.): Proceedings of the 6th World Congress of African Linguistics, Cologne, 17-21 August 2009, 2012

This paper provides evidence that the Majang Language (Northern Surmic) features a seven vowel system without ATR-based vowel harmony.

Folia Linguistica Historica, 2022

A new sound change for Guarani(an): glottal prothesis, internal classification, and the explanation of synchronic irregularities Abstract: A so far overlooked sound change in the historical phonology of the Guaranian branch of the Tupi-Guarani language family is discussed in the present paper. The sound change in question, which accounts for certain synchronic morphological irregularities, consists of the insertion of the glottal fricative h in word-initial position any time the next (right-adjacent) syllable has a glottal stop ʔ as its onset consonant. Allomorphy resulting from this change is shown to affect verbal, nominal, and postpositional prefixes, as well as monomorphemic lexemes, thus unifying the treatment of synchronic patterns which are often addressed as an exclusive trait of certain verb forms. The paper ends by discussing the issue of internal classification, pointing a few limitations in past attempts to ground the subgrouping of Tupi-Guarani languages on phonological grounds, and highlighting the status of glottal prothesis as the first known phonological isogloss exclusively shared by the Guaranian varieties.

Uralic studies, languages, and researchers. Studia uralo-altaica 54, 2021

In this paper, I give an overview of the presentations of the Nganasan vowel system and attempt to ascertain which of the competing views are more adequate for the description of the language. Moreover, I suggest some modifications which are are without precedent in the history of the research. In Section 1, I present the descriptions and define their differences. In Section 2, I examine whether the distinction of central vowels is phonologically necessary. In Section 3, I explore whether complex vowel constructions should be analyzed as diphthongs and long vowels or as vowel sequences. In Section 4, I reconsider the position of a in the vowel system. Finally, in Section 5, I argue that ua is probably not a phoneme in Nganasan.

Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia

The development of the Proto-Austronesian (PAN) vowels in Rejang is of interest for two reasons. First, it exemplifies a pattern of phonemic splits, shifts and mergers of unusual complexity for an Austronesian (AN) language. Second, it shows that this pattern and exceptions to it cannot be stated in full without reference to semantic conditions. In connection with the first point Dyen (1949) described the development of the PAN vowels in Trukese. His central concern was to state the conditions under which a reconstructed four vowel system could be mapped systematically onto an attested nine vowel system. Superficially the history of the Rejang vowels appears simpler, as Rejang has only six vowel contrasts. However, the PAN vowels have in fact undergone more splits in Rejang than in Trukese. This greater diachronic complexity is partially reflected in a wealth of diphthongs possibly unequalled in any other AN language. In connection with the second point the often-heard assertion that meaning-based exceptions to sound change do not exist appears to conflict with the exceptional character of the Rejang pronouns and perhaps the kinship terms in relation to otherwise wellestablished phonological changes.

2023

The article outlines the procedure of diachronic interpretation of phonological processes in vowel and consonant systems of Nostratic *p h aħ-(~ *p h ǝħ-) (Bomhard's version) following the developed five stages research methodology. The phonological correspondences have been attested in the genetic data material, i.e., from the Nostratic etymon to the etymon at the group level, including the language correspondences at the level of a separate language, to establish phonological processes in vowel and consonant systems. It was proved that the tendency to the diachronic divergentconvergent phonological transitions are recorded based on some regulations, such as: the provisions of the Rask-Grimm law / the first movement of consonants and the consonant root. In contrast, the tendency to the diachronic convergent-divergent phonological coincidences have been recorded based on some regulations, such as: the complete/partial coincidence of vowel phonemes according to the following characteristics: (a) tongue position, (b) mouth position, (c) labialisation/delabialisation (e.g., the provisions of the quantitative reduction of vowel phonemes), as well as consonant phonemes according to the following characteristics: (a) place and manner, (b) voice and noise. Thus, the hypothesis of the importance of phonological processes in vowel and consonant systems has been proved to be a key criterion in demonstrating the relationships among Nostratic constructs in the following Nostratic tree phylogeny: an etymon at the macrofamily level-an etymon at the family level-an etymon at the group level-the genetic data material.

Studies in Language Companion Series, 2014

This paper examines the role of retracted tongue root ([RTR]) harmony in Northeast Asian areal and genetic relationships. Recent research has suggested that at least three of the families grouped together as Altaic by Poppe (1960)-Korean, Mongolic, and Tungusic (KMT)-should be reconstructed with [RTRI vowel harmony. ln this paper we reinforce this conclusion, arguing specifically against proposals that [RTRI hannony is secondary, or that [ATR) is the dominant feature. We also argue against the proposal of Starostin et al. (2003) that specific proto-families such as proto-Tungusic should be reconstructed without vowel harmony. We then compare the status of [RTR) hannony in Northeast Asia to the status of tongue root harmony in the Centrai.Sudanic Zone, extending our discussion to the vowel harmony found in Chukchi, Yukaghir, Nivkh, and Ainu. We discuss whether KMT-style [RTR) harmony should be viewed as an innovation or a retention, and examine the particular issue of the Korean vowel inventory.