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Fenollosa’s Vanishing Hand
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By Timothy Billings
Roxana Preda asked me to provide a sneak peek of the forthcoming Fordham University
Press critical edition of Cathay (which you’ll find in this issue) and to say a few things about it. She
also gave me an advance copy of Harry Gilonis’s sharp and lively review (also in this edition) of
two other recent editions of Cathay edited by Ira Nadel and Zhaoming Qian, and asked me if I
might like to add anything. Gilonis is a keen reviewer, but the one thing he cannot assess is the
accuracy of the transcripts of the Fenollosa notebooks in Qian’s edition. I’m actually one of a very
few people in a position to do that, but it puts me an awkward position. I should explain. Over a
year ago, Declan Spring, the senior editor at New Directions Publishing, asked me to delay
publication of the Fordham Cathay so that Qian’s “Centennial Edition” with its unique foreword
by Mary de Rachewiltz could have full play of the market for its appointed time. I readily consented.
I (we) owe many debts of gratitude to New Directions, to Mary de Rachewiltz, and to Qian
Zhaoming whose scholarly contributions to our understanding of Pound and China in the past
two decades have been considerable, as I hardly need to tell readers of Make It New. Spring and I
agreed that there was no direct competition between our two very different editions since the New
Directions release was meant to be “gifty,” as he put it—something to be annotated lightedly,
collected eagerly, read lovingly, gifted freely. But it still made sense for the editions to appear in
turn instead of simultaneously. I was happy to stand aside for a year, and I was secretly pleased to
have the extra time to double-check my work. Qian, however, was forced to work in haste.
The most trenchant criticism that Gilonis makes in his review is that “Qian generally overestimates the extent of Pound’s mastery of the material, perhaps because, being Chinese, it is hard
to envisage the situation of a monoglot reader.” Of course, it’s not that Qian is Chinese but rather
that he is a reader of Chinese, but the point sticks. (I know a classicist who is utterly convinced
that Shakespeare had a mastery of Latin vastly greater than anyone else has ever believed, not least
Ben Jonson, but it’s not because he’s a Republican Roman.) Gilonis’s comment is truer than he
could know because the same bias seems to inform Qian’s handling of the Fenollosa
manuscripts—selective omissions, symptomatic mistranscriptions, mismatched Chinese texts—as
if he were optimistically clearing the space between Pound and the Chinese originals Pound never
saw. Qian is hardly alone: the same could be said of a great deal of commentary on Cathay over
the last century. With the exception of the most recent work, it has tended not only to ignore the
nuances of and differences among Fenollosa’s notebooks (when not ignoring the notebooks
altogether), but also rather stubbornly to insist on Pound’s intuitive, even clairvoyant “faithfulness”
to the meaning of those Chinese originals he never saw] and it has done so even when stressing
the contrary point that Cathay must be evaluated as poetry in its own right, as Gilonis eloquently
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reminds us. Gilonis is careful to muzzy up the East-West binary between Nadel and Qian, but
then concludes “Nadel is more at home with what Pound did, and Qian more with what he did it
from.” And so Gilonis steps on the same rake since “what Pound did it from” is not Chinese, but
rather a set of cribs written almost entirely in English, as Gilonis knows better than most.
Fenollosa’s hand keeps vanishing between Pound and China. To put it bluntly, Qian is not at home
there either. Not because he is “Chinese,” mind you, but for the same reasons that nobody has
felt at home in Fenollosa’s cribs, as I will explain. I’m wondering now whether the Fordham edition
may be criticized for putting Fenollosa’s hand at its center instead of Pound’s, but I certainly hope
not (and I don’t think it does) since a proper rendering of “what Pound did it from” is what we
need to appreciate the full magnitude of his accomplishment in Cathay. And it is what we still lack.
No transcription of any poem from the cribs has ever been complete or correct. As a result,
they have been misunderstood and vastly underestimated. Hsieh Wen Tung called them “defective,”
although he admitted he had never actually set eyes on them and was guessing that the “errors”
he identified in Pound came from Fenollosa. (He was wrong.) Hugh Kenner quoted Hsieh at
length, no doubt because Hsieh was Chinese, and also found the cribs in at least one place
“incomprehensible.” (Kenner understood quite a lot about the cribs, but we tend to remember
only his criticisms, some of which are faulty because they were based on mistranscriptions.) Wailim Yip famously called them “crippled.” (That has unfortunately been a favorite epithet to repeat.)
Yip never had access to them either. (He used Kenner’s and also Lawrence Chisholm’s which are
even worse.) By general consensus the cribs are thought to be disorganized, error-ridden, and
illegible. Some have even sniggered at the idea of relying on Japanese scholars to learn Chinese
poetry—in the same breath that Herbert Giles and Arthur Waley are invoked as authorities for
comparison. For the record, Fenollosa’s manuscripts—at least the two big notebooks of poetry
by Li Bo (Rihaku) comprising the bulk of the material used for Cathay (not the early notebooks)—
contain an impressive breadth and depth of accurate sinological material in a consistently
organized format. Some of it Pound used] some of it he ignored. Fenollosa’s teacher for those two
notebooks was Mori Kainan (1863-1911), a specialist in Chinese poetry who not only
edited an important edition of Tang poetry, but who was also highly celebrated in Japan for his
own compositions of poetry in Classical Chinese. (That’s more than Giles or Waley could say, who
could barely write poetry in English.) Mori was no slouch. By the time Pound had finished reading
the notebooks, he was one of the best-informed people on Chinese poetry in Europe or North
America, certainly among those who did not speak Chinese.
It must be said that Fenollosa’s swift and cramped hand is occasionally difficult to decipher,
and Pound complained about it more than once, but Fenollosa can hardly be faulted for bad
handwriting when he was taking dictation as fast as possible during lectures, making notes intended
for nobody but himself. In fact, most of the cribs are not difficult to read provided you have taken
the time to learn Fenollosa’s hand. To be sure, it also helps to know which wizards are hiding
behind which curtains. If no less a scholar than Ronald Bush transcribed “drum” as “dream”
because he didn’t know that the Chinese word being glossed was gu < (drum), or no less a scholar
than Hugh Kenner transcribed “red / (of beni)” as “red / (of berri)” because he didn’t know that
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beni # means “rouge” in Japanese, is the fault truly Fenollosa’s for not having better handwriting?
As it happens, close scrutiny of the minims in both of these words is enough to identify them
without recourse to Chinese or Japanese. My point is that you have to approach the manuscripts
like a paleographer, patient enough to learn the patterns of Fenollosa’s hand and to break down
difficult words into their constituent letter-forms instead of relying on intuition.
What most readers don’t realize is that Fenollosa’s cribs include a great deal of commentary
from Mori’s lectures written on the verso pages of the cribs, which require some patience to
transcribe. Qian silently omits all but slivers of one or two. It’s true that Pound rarely drew directly
from these commentaries, but they make up the sum of what he knew about each poem, and we
need to know what they say before we start speculating about how Pound adapted his material.
Indeed, as the Fordham edition shows for the first time, Wai-lim Yip’s famous claim about
Pound’s “clairvoyance” in correctly intuiting missing and erroneous facts in the cribs for “SouthFolk in Cold Country” turn out to be utterly irrelevant since he was looking at the wrong
manuscript: Fenollosa studied the poem twice, once with Hirai Kinza during his first trip to Japan
(in September 1986) and again with Mori during his second trip (in March of 1899), and everything
that Yip imagined Pound to have mystically divined about the poem was right there in the crib—
if only Yip had been looking at the right crib. The same is true for “Lament of the Frontier Guard.”
Reviewing the whole of the cribs buries the idea that Pound was some clairvoyant shaman
conjuring true and original Chinese meanings from Japanese hackwork (as if “true” and “original”
meanings were ever his objective) and allows us to see how Pound creatively, ingeniously,
sometimes very literally adapted richly complex texts into stunning free verse. Some of us have
never imagined it any other way. It’s all there in Fenollosa’s hand.
The cribs also include a number of Japanese terms, alternative pronunciations, and parallels
with Japanese culture, which remind of us of the mediation between Pound and his Chinese poetry.
Qian silently omits almost all of them. Moxa, mokusei, moengi, oshiroi, oshidori, kasu, ippai, kan
on, go on, juban, isuka, naku, mage—these are all words in the cribs you will not find in Qian’s
transcriptions.1 The cribs also contain many false starts, strike-throughs, insertions, and
emendations, which remind us that they record the comments of a professor deciphering difficult
medieval texts on the fly with an eager student by means of an interpreter. Qian silently omits all
of these. The cribs are also not all in Fenollosa’s hand, nor all derived from Mori’s lectures, which
matters as I suggest above because the sinological competence of Fenollosa’s teachers varied
dramatically. Hirai’s classical Chinese was abominable, and he is guilty of some real howlers. Mori’s
was superb. Nobody is infallible. The notebook from which Pound created “Song of the Bowman
of the Shu,” moreover, was written entirely by Ariga Nagao, who translated for Mori. Kenner
knew this. (The writing is obviously not in Fenollosa’s hand.) Qian identifies it as Fenollosa’s. Qian
also often silently omits words, and occasionally drops phrases and whole sentences almost
certainly because he wasn’t at home enough in the cribs to understand them.2 Omitting something
silently makes a tidier and giftier text, but a dangerous one if you want to do anything else with it.
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These are the omissions. There are also almost innumerable mistranscriptions. Most are of
the small kind that anyone working intuitively might make: “foaming water” is changed to “form
of water”] “wind” to “wood”] “control” to “confide”] “expression” to “emotion”] “autumn” to
“northern.” In “To-em-mei’s ‘The Unmoving Cloud,’“ the birds in Qian’s edition come “to rest
on the love tree in my yard.” One needs neither clairvoyance nor Chinese to see that it is a “lone
tree.” In “The Exile’s Letter” the gloss on guan ! reads: “flute {pipe} / tube of the sho”] Qian
gives it as “pipe / tribe of the sho,” as if it belonged to some indigenous clan, whereas Mori’s point
is that the sheng
(pan-flute) mentioned three lines earlier is composed of multiple guan !
(pipes) which are used synecdochically for the instrument and its music. (Qian also effaces the
correction from “flute” to “pipe.”) A few lines earlier Qian turns “bent thread” into “bent towards,”
whereas Mori appears to be offering an etymological gloss for ying $ (to wind, to twist)
emphasizing the component mi " (a fine silk thread), which is depicted as a twisted thread in
oracle bone script. In “The River Merchant’s Wife,” the fifteen year-old desires to be mingled with
her beloved’s body after death, “even as dust, and even as ashes — partially together,” as Qian
transcribes it (following Kodama Sanehide, in fact). But she desires nothing less than a complete
mingling of the “particles” of their bodies together after death. That sounds a bit off, but the cribs
contain unmistakable evidence that Fenollosa was taking down dictation so quickly that he often
wrote exactly what Ariga said to him, thus reproducing some of his unidiomatic English. In half a
dozen places he clearly also misheard Ariga’s accent, such as the funny moment in “The Exile’s
Letter” where Fenollosa writes “ship / intestines” (not once but twice) as a gloss for yangchang
%& “sheep intestines” before crossing out and correcting “ship” to “sheep.” Qian omits the
correction and along with it the evidence that Fenollosa was sometimes writing so fast he didn’t
fully understand what he was recording, at least in the moment. Strikingly, in the commentary to
“The Beautiful Toilet,” Fenollosa writes “This is my idea,” then clarifies in parentheses that it is
Mori’s idea, suggesting that sometimes Ariga was translating exactly what Mori said during the
lesson. Of course, this realization muddies the eddies of authorship in the cribs: almost everything
in Fenollosa’s two big Rihaku notebooks is more literally a collaboration among Mori, Ariga, and
Fenollosa than most of us have ever imagined. What this means for readers of Fenollosa’s hand is
that we must be on guard for the “correctly incorrect.” At the end of “The Exile’s Letter,” for
example, the paraphrase reads, “So calling to one my son,” which Qian intuitively corrects to “So
calling upon my son.” That’s better English, for sure, but “upon” is simply not what Fenollosa
wrote (as is clear from the letter-forms), and the silent emendation erases what appears to be a tiny
biographical observation of Mori’s that Li Bo was calling to one of his two sons.
Qian avoids “dream” and “berri,” but elsewhere makes similar errors which a quick crosscheck of the Chinese text would have prevented. In “The Exile’s Letter,” Qian gives the gloss for
jun + (military) as “bar” instead of “war.” Fenollosa’s initial w often has a riser, and in this case
he looped the final stroke downward resembling a b. In “South-Folk in Cold Country,” the crib
reads “Yesterday one has left the wild geese Fortress” (Yanmenguan 401) which Qian turns
into “the wild geese Tartars.” Fenollosa’s capital F does resemble a T, but even the non-Chinese
reader could cross-check the gloss here: “wild geese / gate / fort.” No Tartars. In fact, both of
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these mistakes had already been made—Bush (48) and Kenner (220)—suggesting that Qian may
sometimes have relied on previous transcriptions rather than on his own powers of observation.
In the same poem, Qian transcribes “three” as “thru” for san (three). But just the opposite also
sometimes happens when Qian seems to be led astray by his knowledge of Chinese. In “The
Exile’s Letter,” the gloss for qu reads: “corner {(or)} / melody // {two meanings}.” The added
comment emphasizes that there are “two meanings” for this character which are radically different,
the latter of which is struck out as irrelevant in this context. In such manuscript traces, one sees
the lesson unfolding: two teachers and an exceptional student working together at something they
all love. (More on Mori’s pedagogy below.) Qian, however, silently omits the correction and the
didactic aside by turning them into a simple “corner or meanderings”—which is, in fact, another
meaning of qu , but just as certainly not what Fenollosa wrote there. Likewise, when Li Bo
drunkenly pillows his head on the governor’s thigh, Qian glosses zhen as “pillow / (rest),”
whereas Fenollosa has written “pillow / (verb).” Mori’s point is that the noun functions as a verb
here—just as it can very nicely do in English. (Now there’s an irony for readers of The Chinese
Written Character as a Medium for Poetry, which I’ll leave to that edition to explain.)
Qian’s handling of the Chinese text in the transcripts also smacks of haste. Even in the four
cases mentioned by Gilonis where the Chinese characters have been written in the notebooks
either by Ariga or Fenollosa, Qian inexplicably imports an outside text instead of transcribing them
from the actual page. The results are tragi-comical. For Ariga’s crib of “Song of the Bowmen of
the Shu,” for example, this method effaces all traces of Japanese mediation from the text, once
again as though Pound were closer to the “pure” original than he ever was. Wherever Ariga uses
the typical Japanese noma or “ditto mark” () to represent duplicated characters, Qian silently
inserts the Chinese. Where there is a slight Japanese variant for a character— for yu ; (fish)—
Qian silently inserts the Chinese form. Of course, these differences don’t change the meaning of
the text, but if the point is to show us the manuscripts that Pound used, why show us something
else? Since Qian never transcribed Ariga’s kanji, he also never noticed that Ariga circled the rhyme
words. Pound might not have cared about the rhymes, but shouldn’t we? Finally, Qian took his
texts from mainland Chinese editions with “simplified characters,” but failed to convert them to
their traditional forms in a few places, as if Ariga had anticipated the Communist orthographic
reforms of the 1950s. Once again, it doesn’t change the meaning, but the mishmash is unfortunate.
This happens throughout.
Those are the tragic bits. The comedy arises when Qian is forced to add footnotes to explain
his Chinese text. In line 17, Ariga writes 8- for kuikui 88 (strong and vigorous)—note the
ma 7 (horse) radical at left. Qian dispenses with the ditto mark (fair enough), but imports a text
containing the rarer variant character form —note the mu “eye” radical at left—then adds
the footnote “ = 88” when he could have just given 88 as in the manuscript. In other
words, he substitutes the wrong characters, then adds a footnote telling readers what the correct
ones should be. A different kind of difficulty arises in the crib for “To-em-mei’s ‘The Unmoving
Cloud’“ which lacks Chinese characters (Fenollosa studied this poem early on with a “Mr. Shida,”
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still unidentified). A gloss in line 18 reads “again,” clearly indicating that Shida’s text reads zai [sai]
(again), as it appears in one authoritative recension (the Siku quanshu Tao Yuanming ji
, 25), but the text Qian uses contains a textual variant zai [sai] , (just then] just
starting), which requires him to add a footnote explaining that the character actually means, not
“again,” but rather “Begin (to).” In other words, Qian assumes that the discrepancy between
character and gloss is an error in Fenollosa’s crib instead of in the Chinese text he incorrectly
matches with it. This instance is notable because Pound’s line “The trees in my east-looking garden
/ are bursting out with new twigs” comes closer to the character that Qian substitutes, which one
might call a rare and splendid instance of intuitive reading on Pound’s part: the point of the buds
sprouting “again” (in Shida’s text) is that they are (in Qian’s text) “just starting” to flourish, or
“new.” (Textual variants often have similar meanings, so it’s not as surprising as it may sound, and
it’s impossible to say which one is “correct,” but it is notable just the same. This is the sort of thing
we want the cribs to show us.)
It has never been observed before that the text Mori was using for their lessons on Li Bo is
the Yu xuan Tang Song shi chun .
*/ (Distillation of Tang and Song Poetry, Selected
by the Emperor, hereafter TSSC), compiled and annotated in 1750 by the Qing Emperor Qianlong
3 (1711–1799). Fenollosa notes at the start of Mori’s first formal lecture on Rihaku: “This
{selection in} collection To So Shi jun [Tang Song shi chun
*/] was made by Emperor
Kianlung [Qianlong] whose taste was good—and he made a selection from the originally [sic]
collections. This selection follows the original order [of the “Ritaihaku Bunshu,” i.e. Li Taibo wenji
5]” (100-4235:1). Indeed, the numbering of Mori’s selections corresponds to those in
TSSC, whose annotations are furthermore reflected in some of Mori’s commentaries. Qian,
however, imports his Chinese text for the lion’s share of Cathay from the Quan Tangshi *
(Complete Tang Poetry). To be honest, the differences amount to little more than variant forms
of a number of characters (plus the smattering of simplified forms), but if we are going to
reconstruct the Chinese text behind Fenollosa’s cribs, we might as well use the one that Mori had
open in front of them, not least because it allows us to glance sideways at Qianlong’s commentaries
from time to time.
Qian also mistranscribes many of the Sino-Japanese (on’yomi) romanizations, showing that
he didn’t cross-check those either, but I suspect that few readers will care about that, however
annoying it may be to those few] and yet those pronunciations do sometimes preserve Tang rhymes
that modern Mandarin does not. (Cantonese is a better dialect for that, which Pound also knew
from Fenollosa’s notes). Moreover, since a squiggled finger in an iPhone app will identify any
character for you these days, I’m not convinced that the extra layer of modern pinyin is worth the
clutter, especially when there is no interlineation of Pound’s verse to facilitate doing what I think
we all want to do with the cribs—but that’s merely an editorial preference.
Fenollosa’s hand played a crucial role in the most important revelation to come from my
work on the cribs about how the two big Li Bo notebooks are structured and how Pound used
them. I’ll save the finer details for the introduction to the Fordham edition, but the gist of it is that
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Mori apparently derived his pedagogical method from a traditional Japanese reading practice for
Chinese texts called kundoku (“gloss reading”) which involves a two-stage process: 1) identify the
meanings of the characters, then 2) rearrange the kanji into intelligible Japanese sentences. Mori’s
practice was likewise to supply “glosses” for all the characters in a poem all at once without
necessarily reading the lines very carefully to determine precisely which meanings were relevant]
and then only after having glossed the whole poem would Mori return to the beginning for a
second pass during which he supplied the “paraphrases” for each line, which Fenollosa wrote
underneath the glosses. The smoking gun is a conspicuous change of Fenollosa’s pencil in the
middle of one of the paraphrases in “Poem by the Bridge at Ten-Shin” which continues through
the rest of the paraphrases—but none of the glosses—indicating that all of the glosses had already
been completed.
This explanation accounts for the many otherwise puzzling contradictions—which I believe
nobody has observed before—between the glosses and the paraphrases: they were generated
through different processes for different purposes. The purpose of the glosses was simply to lay
down a rough sense of the individual characters, which would be properly “deciphered” in the
second stage, during which Mori examined each line more closely, proposed very literal
paraphrases, and sometimes suggested revisions to the glosses, as can be seen in Fenollosa’s many
strike-throughs and insertions. During that second stage, Mori also provided comments on history,
structure, and style. In short, the paraphrases are Mori’s “decipherings,” the glosses but his
preparatory notes. Pound, however, had a penchant for hewing as closely to the language of the
original as possible for what we would now call a “foreignizing” translation effect (in Lawrence
Venuti’s popular term), as we see very clearly in the “literal” homophonic renderings of “The
Seafarer.” He therefore repeatedly preferred trying to parse the provisional glosses on his own
rather than relying on the ready-made explanations in the paraphrases. This revelation explains
many of the “errors” (real and imaginary) that do stem from the cribs. They stem not from
ignorance on Mori’s part, but from Pound’s failure to understand how Mori’s kundoku-inspired
pedagogy structured Fenollosa’s manuscripts.
Ever since Kenner, a popular technique for scholars has been to extract several lines from
the paraphrases in the cribs without the glosses (the vanishing hand) and to reassemble them into
a stanza as if they were “Fenollosa’s translations” to be compared with Pound’s translations. Of
course, there’s no comparison, but they’re also not really “Fenollosa’s translations” since they’re
Mori & Ariga’s decipherings as more or less taken down in dictation by Fenollosa to be translated
properly at some later date. (Thank the gods they fell to Pound because Fenollosa was a dreadful
poet, as a couple of his unfinished drafts demonstrate.) These paraphrases are also simply not what
Pound was primarily using for his poesis, and so they give an imperfect and misleading picture of
Pound’s craft. As scholars and admirers of Pound, we need to stop doing this once and for all.
Among my editorial goals for the Fordham edition in transcribing, annotating, and
interlineating the cribs with Pound’s verse has always been the desire to illuminate Pound’s poetic
alchemy. It came as a surprise to learn that the cribs he transmuted into gold were not leaden, as
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earlier transcriptions had led me to believe, but already a kind of unrefined silver. I have also
wanted never to flinch from the blood on the sausage-making floor. Cathay too often seems to
range the Ezraphiles on one side of a great chasm and the osseous headed philologists (as Pound
put it) on the other. My position has always been to walk the planks of the rope bridge swaying
above the abyss, knowing full well I will annoy both sides at one point or another. That’s as it
should be.
But above all perhaps it has been my aim to keep ringing the reminder that the poems from
which Pound indirectly made Cathay are themselves magnificent works. They are worth learning
to love on their own terms (as well as we can understand those terms), instead of invoking them
only as nightsticks wherewith to pummel Pound for his creative deviations from what we think
they must mean. Indeed, like all great literature, these Chinese poems contain uncertainties and
ambiguities even specialists must squabble over. And in the same spirit that we approach Pound’s
translucencies—or better yet opacities, as Gilonis perfectly puts it—without insisting that they be
something other than what they are, we must also be willing to approach the Chinese poems on
their own terms as masterworks in another poetic idiom whose brilliancies warrant closer scrutiny
than any single translation could render. The framing spirit of the Fordham edition is
unapologetically Ezracentric, but it also aims to transcend simple notions of “translation” in order
to manifest each “poem” as a complex epiphenomenon of originary texts, paratextual
commentaries, and translinguistic transformations—a puff of spores and a ripple of echoes
floating outwards and sometimes reverberating back again. Pound’s versions are but one
(extraordinary) piece of an ever expanding whole, Fenollosa’s cribs another. We would not have
the one without the other. But the one and the other go both ways. Indeed, if it weren’t for Pound,
a great many admirers of Li Bo’s poetry would never have heard of him even now, by that or any
other name.
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NOTES
1. Take the last of these. In “A Ballad of the Mulberry Road” one gloss reads “hair
arrangement (mage).” The point of the parenthetical note is that the Chinese character in the poem
ji [kei] : (topknot) is used in Japanese for the masculine topknot of a samurai, whereas mage is
the modern Japanese reading (kun’yomi) of another word qu [kei] 9 (topknot) which was
traditionally used in Japan for a woman’s hairstyle. Qian, however, reads it as “hair arrangement
(maze),” making Fenollosa and his teachers vanish in puff of misrecognition that brings the
English and Chinese closer together. That particular loosely-bound hairstyle also has nothing
maze-like about it.
2. Take, for example, the line in “The Exile’s Letter” which Pound renders as “And the
water a hundred feet deep reflecting green eyebrows.” The paraphrase under the glosses for this
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line (46) in the crib reads: “Where the hundred feet deep clear waters are reflected / their green
eyebrows (the girls) // (Their eyebrows are shaved, and green painted afterward / Jap court ladies’
were done so too.) // {Chinese girls in long form of a bow, “like a distant mt.”}” (italics added
throughout for ease of comparison). Qian gives: “Where the hundred feet deep clear water are
reflected their green eyebrows (the girls.) (Chinese girls in long form of a brow……their eyebrows
are shady, and green penciled afterword) eyes of court ladies were done so too.” Qian fails to
recognize that Mori is comparing Chinese and Japanese cosmetic traditions, and so erases
everything Japanese from the notes, closing the gap between Pound and China once again. The
dropped phrase “like a distant mountain” (at least marked with an elipsis in this case) refers to a
description of the beautiful wife of Sima Xiangru 7 (179–117 bce) in the 4th-century
Xijing zaji (6) (Miscellany of the Western Capital): “The color of her brows was like that
of a distant mountain seen from afar” (' -). Later the term yuanshanmei -
(distant-mountain eyebrows) was used for the shape, not the color, of beautiful eyebrows in the
course of ever-changing fashion trends. Mori knew what he was talking about.
______________
WORKS CITED
Chisholm, Lawrence W. Fenollosa: The Far East and American Culture. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1963.
Fenollosa, Ernest and Ezra Pound. The Chinese Written Character as a Medium for Poetry. A
Critical Edition. Eds. Haun Saussy, Jonathan Stalling, and Lucas Klein. New York: Fordham UP,
2008.
Gilonis, Harry. “The Inventor of Cathays,” Make It New. Vol. 3.3 (Dec. 2016).
Kenner, Hugh. The Pound Era. Berkeley: U of California Press, 1971.
Pound, Ezra. Cathay. Ed. Qian Zhaoming. New York: New Directions, 2016.
Yip, Wai-Lim. Ezra Pound’s Cathay. Princeton, N.J. Princeton UP, 1967.