A sketch grammar of Sanzhi Dargwa

Sketch Grammar Sanzhi Diana Forker 1. Introduction 1.1. Area, speakers and sociolinguistic situation Sanzhi Dargwa is a Nakh-Daghestanian language from the Dargwa subbranch and belongs to the South Dargwa varieties. It is spoken by approximately 250 speakers. More than 40 years ago all Sanzhi speakers left the village of origin in the Caucasian mountains and moved to the lowlands. Today, the majority of Sanzhi speakers live in the village of Druzhba in the Daghestanian lowlands (Kajakentskij Rajon). Druzhba is an ethnically and linguistically heterogeneous settlement with speakers of other South Dargwa varieties, other Nakh-Daghestanian languages such as Tabasaran, Agul, Lezgian, and Lak and also very few Kumyk (Turkic) and Russian speakers. Sanzhi Dargwa, like many other comparatively small languages and varieties spoken on the territory of Daghestan, has no official status whatsoever. It is an unwritten language that is only used for oral communication within the Sanzhi community. In school, Sanzhi children have around two hours of mother tongue education per week, during which they learn Standard Dargwa, which is mutually unintelligible with Sanzhi Dargwa. Russian serves as the main language of interethnic communication and the only language used in education, administration and more generally in the public sphere in Daghestan. Therefore, all Sanzhi speakers know at least some Russian. Before the arrival of Russian in the remote parts of the central Daghestanian mountains where the original village of Sanzhi is located Kumyk served as the language of interethnic communication in the area. Nevertheless, among the Sanzhi speakers with whom I worked nobody claimed to have a significant command of Kumyk. Sanzhi speakers can be broadly divided into three groups. The oldest generation (60 years and older) grew up speaking Sanzhi as their first language. Many women of the oldest generation are dominant in Sanzhi and have only a limited command of Russian. Men learned Russian in school, during their military service and during work stays in Russia. Most of the speakers of the middle generation (age 30 to 60) were born in the lowlands and thus spent their entire life in linguistically mixed settlements. They have been exposed to Russian from very early age and actively use both Sanzhi and Russian on a daily basis. Most children and young people (30 years and younger) still learn Sanzhi as their first language (depending on the family constellation), but they come in contact with Russian right from the first day of their life. At latest when they attend kindergarten Russian becomes the dominant language. Therefore, they only have a limited and mostly passive command of Sanzhi and prefer to speak only Russian. They will probably not pass the language to the following generation such that Sanzhi is heavily endangered. 1.2. State of research As an unwritten language there is no long tradition of description or analysis. Since 2012 the language is documented and described in the project “Documenting Dargi languages in Daghestan: Shiri and Sanгhi”, financed bв the VА foundation and lead bв Forker. Detailed information about the project, pictures, electronic dictionaries, texts, audio recordings and other materials can be found on the project website www.kaukaz.net. The recordings and annotated texts are available to the public via the DoBeS archive (http://dobes.mpi.nl/projects/shiri_sanzhi/). A glossed and translated corpus (around 45,000 words) can be found at http://webcorpora.net/SanzhiDargwaCorpus/search/?interface_language=ru. A comprehensive grammar will be published soon (Forker Accepted[b]). Topics in the morphosyntax of Sanzhi and other aspects of Sanzhi have been treated in Forker (2014; 2016; Accepted[a], [c], [d], [e], [f]). A collection of texts with Russian translations and a Sanzhi-Russian and Russian-Sanzhi dictionary is Forker & Gadzhimuradov (2017). 1 2. Phonology 2.1. Vowels and consonants Sanzhi has four plain vowels and three pharyngealized vowels of which [iˁ] is very rare and its phonemic status needs further clarification. Table 1 shows the vowel inventory. In addition, there is one long voаel [aː], аhich is not phonemic, but occurs relativelв frequentlв. Table 1: The vowel inventory Front Central Back High [ı], [i]; [ıˁ], [iˁ] [u], [ʊ]; [ʊˁ] i u; uˁ Mid [ε] e Low [a], [aˁ] a, aˁ The voаel [a] often occurs as pharвngealiгed voаel [aˁ], but [uˁ] is also relativelв common (Section 2.5.5 pharyngealization), аhereas [iˁ] is restricted to verв feа аords. The voаel [aˁ] has phonemic status (1). (1) šaˁm ‘candle’ qːaˁp (preverb) in qːaˁp bikʼʷij (IPFV) ‘tаitch’ šam ‘one вear old ram’ qːap ‘sack’ Table 2 displays the consonant inventory. The three series of stops are voiceless nonejective, voiceless ejective, and voiced. The two series of fricatives are voiceless and voiced. Table 2: The consonant inventory Lateral Bilabial Dental Palatal Velar Alveolar [p] [b] [t] [d] [tʼ] [k] [ɡ] [kʼ] [pʼ] t d tʼ k g kʼ p b pʼ [kʷ] [gʷ] [kʼʷ] kʷ gʷ kʼʷ Stop [tː] [kː] [pː] tː kː pː [kːʷ] kːʷ [s] [z] [ʃ] [ʒ] [x] sz šž x [бʷ] xʷ Fricative [sː] [ʃː] [бː] sː šː xː Affricate Nasal [m] m [t͡s] [t͡sʼ] c cʼ [t͡sː] cː [n] n [t͡ʃ] [t͡ʃʼ] č čʼ [t͡ʃː] čː 2 Pharyngeal / epiglottal [q] [qʼ] [ʡ] q qʼ ʡ [qʷ] qʼʷ] qʷ qʼʷ [qː] qː [qːʷ] qːʷ [χ] [ʁ] [ħ] χʁ ħ [χʷ] [ʁʷ] χʷ ʁʷ [χː] χː [χːʷ] χːʷ Uvular Glottal [ʔ] ʔ [h] h [r] r Liquid Semivowel [w] w [l] l [j] j A non-phonemic glottal stop, which is not written, occurs before word-initial non-pharyngealized vowels, e.g. aba [ʔaba] ‘mother’, including vowel-initial words in compounds, e.g. ca-ibil [t͡saʔibıl] ‘first’ (one-ORD). The semivowel /w/ is realized as a voiced labiodental fricative [v] or as a labialvelar approximant [w]. In addition to the segments listen in Table 2, the voiceless labiodental fricative [f] is attested in the ideophone uf b-ik'ʷ-ij ‘blow’ (uf HPL-say.IPFV-INF) and in loan words, mostly from Russian. In older loans it had been replaced with [p]. All plain consonants occur in initial, medial, and final position. All velars and uvulars occur also in labialized form, predominantly in syllable-initial position. Minimal pairs for two labialized consonants are given in (2). (2) d-elq'-ij (PFV) ‘mill’ b-iχ-ij (PFV) ‘tie, fasten’ d-elq'ʷ-ij (PFV) ‘break’ b-iχʷ-ij (PFV) ‘be, become, be able’ All voiceless nonejective stops and fricatives (except for the pharyngeal/epiglottal and the glottal sounds) and even a number of labialized consonants also occur in tense form (geminates). The phonemic status of tense consonants can be proven by the minimal pairs and minimal oppositions (3). (3) iχ-i-j ‘DEM.DOWN-OBL-DAT’ buqij (PFV) ‘run, go’ iχː-ij ‘guard, protect, care’ buqːij ‘carrв, bring’ Tense consonants and three labialized consonants (qʼʷ, χʷ, ʁʷ) are never found in syllable-final position. Because Sanzhi is an unwritten language, there is no official orthography. In the published corpus (Forker & Gadzhimuradov 2017), a Cyrillic orthography has been used that is largely based on the orthography for Standard Dargwa. The transcription used here is given in the Tables 1 and 2. 2.3. Phonotactics The minimal syllable consists of a single vowel. Initial vowels are always preceded by a nonphonemic glottal stop not indicated in the orthography. The syllables in monomorphemic native words are V, VC, VCC, CV, CVC and CVCC (4). In other words, syllables never have complex onsets, but can have complex codas. The most frequent syllable is CV, but CVC is also relatively common. The only types of superheavy syllables are VCC and CVCC with only sonorants (/r/, /l/, /n/, /m/, /j/) and /b/ permitted in the position of the first consonant in the coda. (4) V CV VC CVC VCC CVCC u ‘2SG’ qu ‘field’ at ‘2SG.DAT’ dus ‘вear’ ims ‘moth’ laˁbz ‘mortar’ a.law ‘around’ χːʷe ‘dog’ eb.la ‘in spring’ ʁaj ‘аord, talk’ irk ‘threshing board’ daˁrqʷ ‘barn’ There are no native words with syllable-initial consonant clusters. Consonant clusters in (older loans) are broken up by insertion of epenthetic vowels between initial consonant clusters or before them, e.g. purust'in ‘bed sheet’, ispirt ‘alcohol’. 3 2.4. Prosody Stress is not a very prominent category in Sanzhi Dargwa. The stress is quite weak and the stress properties of words are very hard to determine. Stress is dynamic and has no fixed position, but it is lexicalized. Some affixes attract stress such that the position of stress in roots and in inflected word forms of one and the same lexeme may differ, e.g. plural suffixes of nouns: qːap ‘sack’ > qːup-né ‘sack’. 2.5. Morphophonemics Sanzhi Dargwa has a variety of phonological and morphophonological alternations that affect vowels and consonants. Some of the processes that target vowels result from the fact that hiatus is not allowed. A number of processes such as vowel deletion, alternation in the form of enclitics / affixes, and degemination are syllable repair mechanisms, but others do not serve this function. Processes affecting vowels are vowel deletion, glide insertion, glottal stop insertion, long vowels resulting from sequences of identical vowels, pharyngealization and formation of diphthongs, and vowel mutation. Processes affecting mainly consonants are assimilation, palatalization, gemination (in combination with devoicing) and degemination. Labialization and delabialization have an effect on vowels and consonants. 2.5.1. Vowel deletion (vowel syncope) Vowel deletion is one means of avoiding two subsequent vowels at a morpheme juncture. It is found with plural suffixes of nouns and with encliticized negative auxiliaries. (5) šuša > šuš-ne ‘bottle’ durħuˁ > durħ-ne ‘boв, son’ biχuble + akːu > b-iχ-ub-le=kːu (N-become.PFV-PRET-CVB=be.NEG) 2.5.2. Glide insertion Glide insertion is found only with the palatal glide j and only before certain suffixes or enclitics that start with the vowel a, for example with the derivational suffix -al / -jal that is used to form the numerals 2-10, 20 as well as 100, e.g. aʁʷ-al ‘four’ vs. xu-jal ‘five’ (Section 3.5) 2.5.3. Glottal stop insertion Another means of avoiding two adjacent vowels is the insertion of a glottal stop. This occurs when spatial preverbs and negation prefixes are added to vowel-initial verbs. In the following examples the glottal stops are given (although they are normally not written in this position). (6) iʔa: uʔi: aʔi: iʔi: biʔat'un < b-i-at'-un (N-stick.into.PFV-PRET) guʔičible < gu-ič-ib-le (SUB-occur.PFV.M-PRET) maʔisːit (Don’t take it!)(alternative: majsːit) biʔiʁitːe (alternative: biːʁitːe) As can be seen in the above examples, in some cases alternative processes can be applied, namely the formation of a long vowel in the case of a sequence of two identical vowels and the change from i to j if the first vowel is a and the second is i. 2.5.4. Sequences of identical vowels Long vowels can be the result of a sequence of two identical vowels or of the vowel i plus the semivowel j. The onlв long voаels are [aː] and [iː]. The emergence of long voаels from tаo identical vowels is in many cases optional (7) with the insertion of a glottal stop as an alternative (6). (7) a-ag-ur > aːgur ‘did not go’ (NEG-go.PFV-PRET) či-w-ig-ul=de > čiːgulde ‘вou see him’ (SPR-M-see.IPFV-ICVB=2SG) 4 (alternative: čiwigulde) 2.5.5. Pharyngealization Pharyngealization is a frequent process that is attested with verbal and nominal affixes containing u or a. The pharyngealization feature of verbal and nominal stems with uvular and/or pharyngeal consonants spreads to the closest prefixes or suffixes, but not to the entire word. Only those prefixes and suffixes are affected that start with the vowels a and u. The nominal affixes that have pharyngealized allomorphs are the plural suffix -upːe, oblique plural suffix -a and the suffix -a deriving actions nouns from verbs. The verbal suffixes are a variety of derivational and inflectional suffixes. (8) qːuˁnqː-uˁpːe ‘nose-PL’ ruˁrq-uˁl ‘boiling’ (boil-ICVB) b-iʡ-uˁn ‘stole’ (N-steal.PFV-PRET) baliqː-aˁ-lla ‘fish-OBL.PL-GEN’ b-iħ-aˁq-ib ‘made fight’ (HPL-fight.PFV-CAUS-PRET) b-aˁq-aˁjaˁ ‘Hit it!’ (N-hit.PFV-IMP.PL) With some affixes pharyngealization is optional and one can find the same inflected word form with and without affixes that contain pharyngealized vowels (9). (9) b-aˁħ-uˁn-ce guči b-aˁq-aˁraj vs. b-aˁħ-un-ce vs. guči b-aˁq-araj ‘аet’ ‘to gather’ (gather HPL-assemble.PFV-SUBJ) 2.5.6. Formation of diphthongs The diphthongs [aɪ̯ ] and [aʊ̯], аritten aj and aw, are found in a few roots. They also arise during certain inflectional or derivational processes. When a spatial preverb ka-, ha-, sa- or the negation prefixes (a-, ma-) are added to verbs having i as the root vowel and consisting only of one consonant the result is a + i -> aj (10). This process is optional to a certain degree. The diphthong [aʊ̯] arises аhen spatial preverbs or negation prefiбes аith the final voаel a are added to verbs with the root vowel u (b-uC-) that are inflected for masculine singular gender agreement (10). The masculine singular prefix w- is regularly dropped before verbs with the root vowel u, and then the combination of the two subsequent vowels results in a diphthong (10). (10) ma-isː-it > majsːit ‘do not shave!’ (NEG-shave.IPFV-PROH.SG) (alternative: maʔisːit) sa-(w)-uq-un > sawqun ‘he came’ (HITHER-M-go.PFV-PRET) 2.5.7. Vowel mutation (apophony) Vowel mutation is found with inflected nouns and verbs. In the first case it is triggered by suffixation, in the second case by prefixation. Vowels in the final syllable of nouns ending in a consonant are raised and/or backend when certain plural suffixes containing close-mid vowels are added (11). (11) a > u; e > u; e > i qːap > qːup-re ‘sack’ nez > nuz-be ‘louse’ χabar > χabur-te ‘storв, neаs’ ʁez > ʁiz-be ‘hair’ Vowel mutation with verbs occurs when the spatial preverbs or negation prefixes with the final vowel a are prefixed. (12) a + i > e, i + a > e, a + e > e sa-(w)-irʁ-an > serʁan ‘the one that comes’ (HITHER-M-come-PTCP) či-ag-ur > čegur ‘s/he аent’ (SPR-go.PFV-PRET) ha-erʔ-ul > herʔ-ul ‘tell’ (UP-tell.IPFV-ICVB) 5 2.5.8. Assimilation Progressive assimilation occurs with all verbal and nominal suffixes that have initial l. The liquid assimilates to a preceding sonorant n or r. Affected are the ergative case and the genitive case, e.g. li > -ni / -ri (34) the SPR-series (spatial case), the perfective converb / adverbializer: -le > -ne / -re (44a, b) and the anteriority / causality converb -la > -na / -ra. 2.5.9. Palatalization Palatalization of velar consonants occurs with verbs when suffixes starting with the front vowels i and e, or the causative suffix -aq are added (13), or optionally when the masdar suffix -ni is following. (13) x > š, xː > šː, g > ž, k > č, kː -> čː, k' -> č' b-ax-ul ‘going’ (N-go-ICVB) vs. w-aš-e! ‘Go!’ (M-go-IMP.SG) b-ug-ul ‘remaining’ (N-stay-ICVB) vs. b-už-ib ‘remained’ (N-stay-PRET) b-uk-ul ‘gathering’ (N-gather-ICVB) vs. b-uč-ib ‘gathered it’ (N-gather-PRET) 2.5.10. Labialization and delabialization Labialization of stops triggered by the round vowel u occurs only in two instances, namely with one verb: w-i-ha-(w)-ulq-an > wihalqʷan ‘the one that goes inside’ (M-IN-go.IPFV.M-PTCP), and when the two spatial preverbs gu- (SUB) and ha- ‘upwards’ are combined, e.g. gu-ha- > gʷa-. Delabialization is more widespread and predictable. It occurs when verbs that contain labialized stem consonants take suffixes beginning with the round vowel u (14). With nouns delabialization occurs in the formation of the plural (14). (14) b-elk'ʷ-ij ‘N-write.PFV-INF’ > b-elk-un ‘аrote’ (N-write.PFV-PRET) daˁrqʷ ‘barn’ > duˁrq-be q'ʷaˁl ‘coа’ > q'uˁl-e 2.5.11. Gemination and degemination Final stops and fricatives of nouns become tense (i.e. geminates) when the plural suffixes -e and upːe are attached (15). (15) juldaš > juldašːe ‘friend’ baliq > baliqːe ‘fish’ Optional gemination in combination with devoicing always involves at least one gender affix (b or d) (16). In careful speech the two consonants are pronounced individually and no gemination and devoicing takes place. (16) d + d/t > tː b/p + b > pː le-d=de > letːe ‘аe аere there’ (eбist-NPL=PST) (le-b=de) gu-b-b-iči-b > gupːičib ‘it lost’ (doаn-N-N-occur.PFV-PRET) Geminates are regularly degeminated when they end up in syllable-final position because geminates in syllable-final position are prohibited. Therefore, after suffixation that leads to resyllabification degemination takes place, i.e. tense consonants become lax, but voicing is not affected (17). (17) c'eltːa > c'elt-me ‘gravestone’ ečːa > eč-ne ‘she-goat’, ha-qː-ij (up-carry-INF) > haq-ni (masdar) 6 3. Morphology: word classes and inflection 3.1. Overview The morphology can be characterized as agglutinative with a tendency for suffixes. Prefixes are only found with verbs in in the form of gender prefixes. Lexical classes can be identified on the basis of their morphosyntactic properties. 3.2. Nouns 3.2.1. Gender Sanzhi has the typical Dargwa gender system of three genders that have a transparent semantic basis: human masculine, human feminine, and neuter. The combined gender / number agreement affixes are given in Table 10 below. All gender markers except the zero marking for masculine singular agreement can occur as prefixes, suffixes, and infixes. 3.2.2. Number Most nouns can be marked for plural by means of a suffix. Plural suffixes can be divided into three groups: - frequent and productive suffixes: -e, -te, -be, -me (17), (18) - relatively frequent suffixes: - re, -ne, -upːe, -urbe (11), (17) - very rare suffixes: -urme, -rme, -ube, -de, -une, -(u)bne (8) The first group is the only one that can be used with recent loan words from Russian. The last group is restricted to one or two lexical items. Many of the nouns undergo morphophonological processes before the plural suffix is added. When case suffixes are added to nouns overtly marked for plural, then the final vowel of the plural suffix changes from e to a (15), (8). (18) t'ult' > t'ult'e ‘bread’ rursːi > rursbe ‘girl, daughter’ bajram > bajrumte ‘holidaв’, peč > pečme ‘oven’ There is also an associate plural formed with the suffix -qal that probably originates from the noun qal ‘house’. The associate plural is only used with nominals that have a specific reference such as personal names, e.g. Pajt'ima-qal ‘Patimat and the people associated with her’, terms denoting kinship relations, and the pronoun ča ‘who’. 3.2.3. Case Sanzhi Dargwa has four grammatical cases and 19 core semantic cases as well as one minor spatial suffix. The grammatical cases and the comitative are given in Table 3. The 18 core spatial cases are provided in Table 5. The essive is shown in the neuter singular / human plural form with the gender/number suffix -b. Illustrative partial paradigms of a few nouns can be found in Table 4. Case suffixation is (almost) completely regular and predictable. As in many other NakhDaghestanian languages including other Dargwa varieties case suffixes in Sanzhi mostly do not directly attach to the nominal root, but are preceded by a so-called oblique marker. For nouns in the singular the oblique marker is identical to the ergative suffix and will be glossed with OBL. All nouns and demonstrative pronouns in the plural have -a as oblique marker (Table 4). Table 3: Grammatical cases Case Suffix absolutive Ø ergative -l(i) (allomorphs -ri, -ni) genitive -la (allomorphs –lla, -ra, -na) dative -j comitative -cːella 7 Table 4: Partial paradigms of a few nouns ABS ERG GEN DAT COMIT vowel-final stems ‘tree’ kːalkːi kːalkːi-l kːalkːi-la kːalkːi-(li)-j kːalkːi-cːella ABS ERG GEN kːalk-me kːalk-m-akːalk-m-a-(l)la singular consonant-final stems ‘donkey’ ‘friend’ ‘clothes’ amχa juldaš paltar amχa-l juldaš-li paltar-ri / -li amχa-la juldaš-la paltar-ra / -la amχa-j juldaš-li-j paltar-ri-j / -li-j amχa-cːella juldaš-lipaltar-ri-cːella / -licːella cːella plural umχ-e juldašː-e paltur-te umχ-a-l juldašː-a-l paltur-t-a-l umχ-a-(l)la juldašː-a-(l)la paltur-t-a-(l)la The absolutive marks the single argument of an intransitive verb S (44a), the patient/theme argument of a transitive verb P (33), the stimulus argument of affective verbs, the agent in the antipassive construction (38b), noun phrases in the predicate nominal function (31), and occasionally temporal duration. The ergative marks the agentive argument of transitive verbs (33), occasionally the instrument, and the patient in the antipassive constructions (38b). The genitive marks various types of relations, e.g. adnominal attributes denoting possession (46), material (44b), ingredients, properties, etc. Sanzhi does not distinguish between alienable and inalienable possessors. Furthermore, the genitive marks arguments of most postpositions (44b) and it occurs in partitive constructions. The dative marks experiencers (35), (36), causes, prices, temporal duration (for / in) and points of time. It also fulfils functions such as addressees (though for this role the IN-lative is more common), recipients (34), beneficiaries, and other goals of extended intransitive verbs with experiential semantics (39a) or occasionally spatial goals. The comitative is used with nominals having animate referents in the comitative function as well as with inanimate nouns in the instrumental function. Table 5: Spatial cases meaning on (SPR) lative essive ablative -le / -ja / -a -le-b / -ja-b / -a-b -le-r(-ka) / -ja-r(-ka) / -a-r(ka) to (AD) -šːu -šːu-b -šːu-r(ka) in, among (IN) -cːe -cːe-b -cːe-r(-ka) under (SUB) -gu -gu-b -gu-r(-ka) in front (ANTE) -sa -sa-b -sa-r(-ka) behind (POST) -hara -hara-b -hara-r(ka) Table 4 provides the core spatial cases. The spatial cases are formally and functionally rather transparent and organized along two dimensions: location and direction (movement). There are five suffixes that express different ways of locating an item with respect to a reference point: - SPR-series -le / ja: on a reference point (42a), (50) - AD-series -šːu: at, by, close to an (mostly) animate reference point - IN-series -cːe: in a reference point (52) - SUB-series -gu: under a reference point - ANTE-series -sa: in front of a reference point There is a three-way distinction in terms of direction (movement) - lative (zero marked): direction to a goal (50), (52) - essive (marked by means of the gender/number agreement suffixes): location at a reference point (36) 8 - ablative (-r or -rka): movement away from a reference point or movement through or along a reference point The direction markers can be directly suffixed to spatial postpositions/adverbs and some other nominals that have inherent locational meaning (toponyms). With all other items direction markers only occur in combination with the location markers. In addition to the core spatial cases given in Table 5 there is one minor spatial case whose use is somewhat restricted, the directional -GM-a (37a). The spatial cases are functionally and partially also formally close to spatial adverbs / postpositions (Section 3.8) and can be used alone or together with them. Furthermore, there are semantic and formal similarities with spatial preverbs (Section 3.6.8). Spatial cases are also used for non-spatial purposes, e.g. as part of valency frames for semantic roles such as addressees (43a), stimuli (36b) or recipients, in certain constructions such as comparison (45) or to express causees in causative constructions. Sanzhi has a number of derivational suffixes to form nouns. The most important are: -či: agent nouns with from nouns denoting objects or places -dex: abstract nouns open class words (verbs, adjectives, nouns, adverbs, bound stems) -ala: action and event nouns ‘аaв of V-ing’ from verbal stems (19) anq-či ‘gardener’ kːuš-dex ‘hunger’ irʁ-ala ‘understanding’ < anq ‘garden’ < kːuš ‘hungrв’ < irʁ- ‘understand’ (IPFV) Other possibilities to extend the nominal lexicon are compounding (20) and to a limited extent reduplication. (20) kːalkːa zize ‘raspberrв’ kːaˁta-la maˁmre ‘blackberrв’ sːurrat helt'an ‘camera’ χːulaba ‘mother-in-laа’ < kːalkːi ‘tree’ + zize ‘straаberrв’ < ‘cat-GEN’ + ‘female breast’ < sːurrat h-elt'-an ‘picture UP-take.out.IPFV-PTCP’ < χːula ‘big, old’ + aba ‘mother’ 3.3. Adjectives Adjectives can clearly be distinguished from nouns or verbs since they are not lexically specified for gender, and they cannot take tense suffixes or other inflectional morphology reserved for verbs. They are formally nevertheless rather heterogeneous. As characteristic for Dargwa varieties, Sanzhi has a class of underived short adjectives that occur in the form of bare roots as attributes to nominals, but cannot be used substantively or predicatively. Some of these adjectives are also used in compounding, especially in compound verbs (Section 3.6.8). All underived short adjectives can take the so-called attributive suffix -ce (plural -te) and then fulfill all three functions: attribution (21a), predication (21b) and reference (21c). This multifunctional suffix attaches not only to adjectival roots, but also to other parts of speech such as inflected nouns or verbs. (21) a. wahi-ce xːun b-irχ-i nišːa-la bad-ATTR.SG road N-be.IPFV-HAB.PST 1PL-GEN ‘Аe had a bad road.’ (or ‘There аas a bad road in our (area).’) b. c. χabacːi dik'ar wahi-ce Khabaci too bad-ATTR.SG ‘Khabaci (=personal name) аas also not bad.’ c'il wahi-te a-d-arq'-ij 9 akːʷ-i COP.NEG-HAB.PST daˁʡle … then bad-ATTR.PL NEG-NPL-do.PFV-INF ‘then like in order not to do bad (things) …’ as Another suffix with a similar functional range is -il, which is added to spatial and temporal adverbs inflected for the essive case in order to form adjectives denoting positions, and to verbs (42a-d). Derivation of adjectives is not very productive. Examples are: (22) ʡaˁq'lu-či-b ‘intelligent’ (< ʡaˁq'lu ‘intellect, mind’) qi-m-a-r ‘horned’ (< qi-me ‘horns’) kam-b-azi-b ‘feа, little’ (< kam ‘verв feа, little’) A few underived adjectives have agreement markers, e.g. b-ac' ‘emptв’, b-uqu ‘вelloа’. In addition, all adjectives derived with certain suffixes have them (22). 3.4. Pronouns Sanzhi has personal pronouns for the first and for the second person that have suppletive stems (Table 6). Table 6: Personal pronouns 1SG ‘I’ 2SG ‘you’ absolutive du u ergative du-l u-l dative dam at genitive di-la a-la comitative di-cːella a-cːella 1PL ‘we’ nušːa nušːa-l nišːi-j nišːa-lla nišːi-cːella 2PL ‘you’ ušːa ušːa-l ašːi-j ašːa-lla ašːi-cːella A rich system of demonstratives (Table 7) expresses number and case, but not gender. These pronouns express deictic reference, serve as third person pronouns, and they also occur as definite markers similar to definite articles. The pronouns are organized along several formal and semantic dimensions: - number (distinction singular vs. plural) - proximity to speech act participants (speaker, hearer, third party) - elevation (higher or lower than a reference point) (Forker, Accepted[f]) - usage as nominal modifier vs. independent nominal - visibility, aformentionedness, familiarity, etc. Table 7: The demonstrative pronouns Singular iC heC iž hež ij hej il hel it het hiC hiž hij hil hit Plural i(C)tːi ištːi # iltːi itːi ik' hek' hik' ixtːi iχ heχ hiχ iχtːi he(C)tːi heštːi # heltːi hetːi hi(C)tːi hištːi # hiltːi hitːi hextːi heχtːi hixtːi hiχtːi this / these; close to the speaker this / these; close to the speaker that / those; close to the addressee that / those; not close to speaker or hearer, undifferentiated higher than a reference point (the speaker) lower than a reference point (the speaker) The demonstratives in Table 7 serve as basis for the derivation of manner adverbials and spatial adverbials. Partial paradigms of demonstratives, reflexives and two interrogative pronouns are displayed in Table 8. 10 Sanzhi Dargwa has simple reflexive pronouns (Table 8) and two types of complex reflexive pronouns. Reflexive pronouns are marked for gender (in the absolutive only), for number and for case. The absolutive case of the reflexive pronoun is identical to the copula and might be diachronically related to it. For all other cases the pronoun has two suppletive stems, one for the singular and one for the plural. Both types of complex reflexive pronouns consist of a reduplicated form of the simple reflexive. For the first variant of the complex reflexive pronouns one part of the reflexive undergoes case-copying from the controller, and the second part takes the appropriate case-marking. In the second variant, the first part is invariably genitive. The simple reflexive pronouns occur in local and non-local reflexivization (including logophoric contexts) and can even establish reference across clausal boundaries, whereas the complex reflexive pronouns can only be bound within the clause (Forker 2014). There are three types of reciprocal pronouns. Two of these pronouns always consist of the reduplicated numeral ca ‘one’. Except for the genitive they fully inflect for case, but do not distinguish gender. One type of reciprocal pronouns is the equivalent of the genitive reflexive because its first part is always in the genitive. The second reciprocal has always one part in the absolutive. The third variant, ca<b>a, is also based on ca ‘one’ to which a plural suffix that exhibits gender/number agreement is added. It can also be reduplicated. The interrogative pronouns are given in (23). (23) ča ce čina cet'le ‘who’ ‘what’ ‘where’ ‘how’ ceʁuna kutːi cel celij ‘which’ ‘which’ ‘why’ ‘why’ ceqːel čujna kusa čum ‘when’ ‘how many times’ ‘how much’ ‘how many’ Table 8: Partial paradigms of demonstratives, reflexives and interrogatives demonstratives reflexives interrogative pronouns ‘that’ ‘those’ singular plural ‘аho’ ‘аhat’ absolutive hel heltːi ca-w /-r /-b ca-b /-d ča ce ergative hel-i-l heltː-a-l cin-ni ču-l hi-l ce-l-li genitive hel-i-la heltː-a-lla cin-na ču-la hi-la ce-lla dative hel-i-j heltː-a-j cini-j ču-j hi-j ce-lli-j comitative hel-i-cːella heltː-a-cːella cini-cːella ču-cːella hi-cːella ce-lli-cːella Sanzhi Dargwa has a rather wide range of indefinite pronouns that are formed on the basis of the interrogative pronouns. Most of these pronouns make use of enclitics that are also otherwise used in the grammar as embedded question marker, emphatic particle (=k'u) or additive enclitic. The pronominal stems are inflected like the interrogative pronouns, and then the derivational markers are attached. Examples of indefinites are: (i) specific indefinite (-jal / -el, -k'u), e.g. ča=jal ‘somebody’, čina-b=el ‘somewhere’ (ii) non-specific indefinite (-del), e.g. ča=del ‘somebody’, čina-b=del ‘somewhere’ (iii) free-choice indefinite (-k'a), the pronoun is mostly followed by the verb b-iχʷ-ar=ra (Nbe.PFV-COND.3=ADD), e.g. ceqːel-k'a b-iχʷ-ar=ra ‘аhenever’ (iv) negative indefinite (in clauses with negative polarity), specific indefinite, free-choice indefinite (-k'al), e.g. čina-b-k'al ‘anваhere, noаhere, someаhere’ (v) negative indefinite (in clauses with negative polarity), universal indefinite, free-choice indefinite (=ra), e.g. ceqːel=ra ‘alаaвs, never, anв time’ 3.5. Numerals Sanzhi has a vigesimal numeral system, and the numerals are adjective-like. They can be used attributively and nominally, and like demonstrative pronouns and nouns they distinguish a direct from an oblique stem. There are cardinal (Table 9), ordinal, collective, multiplicative, distributive, and group numerals. 11 Table 9: Cardinal numerals 1 ca 11 wec'-nu ca-ra 2 k'ʷel (k'ʷi-) 12 wec'-nu k'ʷi-ra 3 ʡaˁb-al 13 wec'-nu ʡaˁb-ra 4 aʁʷ-al 14 wec'-nu aʁʷ-ra 5 xu-jal 15 wec'-nu xu-ra 6 urekː-al 16 wec'-nu urekː-ra 7 wer-al 17 wec'-nu wer-ra 8 kːaʔ-al 18 wec'-nu kːaʔ-ra 9 urč'em-al 19 wec'-nu urč'em-ra 10 wec'-al 20 ʁa-jal 21 22 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 ʁa-nu ca-ra ʁa-nu k'ʷi-ra ʡaˁb-c'al aʁʷ-c'al xu-c'al urek-c'al wer-c'al kːaʔ-c'al urč'em-c'al daršː-al 61 71 200 300 400 500 1000 2000 1.234 urek-c'anu cara wer-c'anu cara k'ʷi-darš ʡaˁb-darš aʁʷ-darš xu-darš azir k'ʷel azir azir-lim k'ʷi-darš-lim ʡaˁb-c'anu aʁʷ-ra All numerals except for ca ‘one’ are morphologically complex containing a root and a derivational suffix. Ordinal numerals are formed by adding suffix ʔib-il (allomorph -ʔubil with the stem of the numeral ‘four’ that contains a labialized consonant) or its short variant -ʔib that originates from the root of the verb ‘say’ (-ʔ-) plus the preterite suffix -ib. Collective numerals are formed by adding the additive enclitic =ra to the cardinal numerals. Multiplicative numerals are formed by means of the suffix -(j)na. Distributive numerals are formed by reduplicating the root. Group numerals are formed by adding the suffix -GM-a to the root. 3.6. Verbs The morphosyntactic categories of verbs in Sanzhi are person, gender, number, polarity, tense, mood, aspect, evidentiality, and voice. 3.6.1. Stem formation Based on their morphological make-up verbs can be divided into the following morphological classes (i) simple verbal stems, (ii) derived verbs (using spatial preverbs, causativization), and (iii) compound verbs. Derived verbs and compounds are treated in Section 3.6.8 below. Simple underived stems come in pairs that can be treated as expressing the aspectual opposition between perfective and imperfective. This opposition is found in most TAM forms and also includes non-finite verb forms such as participles and converbs. Only some finite and non-finite verb forms are available for perfective as well as for imperfective verb stems; most TAM forms can be built only from imperfective or only from perfective stems. The formation of the aspectual pairs is largely lexicalized and cannot be predicted. However, verbs can be divided into groups that follow the same patterns. They can be distinguished on the basis of stem vowels, infix-like segments from a closed class of phonemes and the presence or absence of a gender agreement slot preceding the stem. A few examples of aspectual pairs are given in (24). In addition, there are a number of defective verbs that have only one stem that is inflected for all TAM forms. (24) it- (IPFV) / b-it- (PFV) ‘beat up’ b-irc'- (IPFV) / b-ic'- (PFV) ‘fill’ ruˁqː- (IPFV) / b-aˁrqː- (PFV) ‘educate’ b-ic'- (IPFV) / b-ac'- (PFV) b-alχː- (IPFV) / b-aχː- (PFV) lug- (IPFV) / d-elgʷ- (PFV) ‘thaа’ ‘feed’ ‘count’ The morphological structure of verbs in Sanzhi is fairly complex. There are up to five morphemes that can precede the root and up to five that can follow it. These morphemes include first parts of compound verbs and enclitics expressing person, tense, modality and illocutionary force. The root can be followed by up to three suffixes; a derivational suffix for the causative that is directly attached to the root; the other two suffixes express finite and non-finite TAM forms including person agreement for some verb forms. To certain verb forms person or tense markers can be 12 encliticized. There are restrictions on the combinability of markers in the various slots, e.g. TAM forms requiring person suffixes exclude the use of enclitic person or tense markers. 3.6.2. Agreement Sanzhi has gender and person agreement. The two systems are formally and functionally independent. Most of the vowel-initial verbal stems and the two preverbs b-i- ‘in(side)’ and b-it- ‘away from the speaker, thither’ have gender agreement affixes. Furthermore, the locational/existential copulas (Section 3.6.7) and the copula-auxiliary ca-b have a slot for a gender agreement suffixes. The agreement affixes are displayed in Table 10. The same agreement affixes, which can show up as prefixes, infixes and suffixes, occur with all other parts of speech that agree (Section 4.2.2). The agreement affix for masculine singular -w is always used when it occurs as a suffix. It is regularly omitted when it occurs as a prefix to a verbal root beginning with u, e.g. ukː-unne=da (masc.) vs. rukː-unne=da (fem.) (eat.IPFV-ICVB=1SG) ‘I will eat’. It is optionally omitted when the root starts with i, e.g. (w-)ik'-ul (masc.) vs. r-ik'-ul (say.IPFV-ICVB). Table 10: Agreement affixes in Sanzhi Singular First and second person plural Third person plural Masculine w / Ø d b Feminine r Neuter b d Person agreement is rather reduced with a clear opposition of speech act participants (first and second person) vs. third person. There are a number of different sets for suffixal person agreement that resemble each other and person enclitics (Table 11). The form of the agreement exponent varies depending on the TAM form and not all TAM forms have person agreement markers at all. The following verb forms distinguish person agreement (Table 11): - suffixal person agreement: habitual present and habitual past; conditional forms; optative, imperative and prohibitive - enclitical person agreement: compound present and compound past, perfect, preterite, future, etc. In the habitual present, the realis conditional and the past conditional the person suffix for first and second persons is preceded by a stem augment vowel (i, u or occasionally a) that indicates the valency of the verb (monovalent vs. bivalent or trivalent). Throughout this grammar the stem augment vowel is not glossed separately but together with the following TAM suffix. Table 11: Person suffixes in the habitual present and past and person enclitics Habitual present (IPFV) Habitual past (IPFV) Person enclitics Singular Plural Singular Plural Singular Plural -a-di -a-di =da =da 1 -V-d -V-d -a-tːe -a-tːa =de =da 2 -V-tːe -V-tːa -i(ri), -ini # 3 -u / -ar Among the person enclitics only second singular has a unique marker (Table 11). For the third person there are no person markers. Instead, the third person is left unmarked, or some other marker fills the gap in the paradigm (e.g. the copula ca-b, which exhibits gender/number agreement or the suffix -ne). Person agreement enclitics are widely used throughout the verbal paradigm, e.g. in the compound present and past, in the perfect, in the preterite, in the future, etc. The person enclitics belong to the predicative particles (Section 3.9). 3.6.3. Tense, aspect, and evidentiality in finite verb forms 13 3.6.3.1. Synthetic forms: Habitual present and habitual past Sanzhi Dargwa has only two indicative synthetic verb forms that head independent clauses, the habitual present and the habitual past. They are formed by adding stem augmentation vowels and person agreement markers to verbal stems with imperfective aspectual semantics (Table 11). The habitual present expresses habitual semantics, and future and potential future (35), (38a). The habitual past expresses habitually occurring actions in the past (31), used in characterizing persons (37b), when referring to occupations, etc., including the expression of future-in-the-past in the protasis of past conditionals and irrealis conditionals. 3.6.3.2. Basic periphrastic verb forms All verb forms consisting of a lexical verb bearing a participial or converbal suffix (and possible other suffixes) followed by a person enclitic, the past enclitic or the copula ca-b are treated as basic periphrastic verb forms. The copula can be replaced by the locational copulas or by other auxiliaries to form additional periphrastic forms. The basic periphrastic verb forms can be divided into two main groups: forms based on the imperfective stem (Table 12) and forms based on the preterite (Table 13). The former convey mainly present time or future time reference and an imperfective past, whereas the latter almost exclusively convey past time reference. Table 14 gives a partial paradigm of the most important basic periphrastic verb forms for the verb b-irq'- (IPFV) / b-arq'(PFV) ‘do, make’. Table 12: Basic periphrastic verb forms based on the imperfective stem non-modal forms that employ the imperfective converb compound present + imperfective converb + person enclitics/copula compound past + past enclitic =de modal forms that employ the participle -an future + person enclitics/-ne future in the past + past enclitic =de + participle -an obligative + copula obligative present + -ce + person enclitics /copula obligative past + past =de Non-modal forms: Compound present and compound past The compound present is the default tense for conveying present time reference and widely used in the corpus (36b), (39a). It covers various imperfective meanings such as progressive, habitual, and continuative. The Compound past corresponds to the aspectual semantics of the compound present (progressive, habitual, continuative), but conveys past time reference. Modal forms: Future, future in the past and the obligative forms There are five forms based on the participle -an, the future, the future in the past, and three obligative forms. They are not only formally, but also functionally closely related to each other. The future expresses future time reference, potential situations, predictions of future situations, and it has a modal meaning, namely the expression of obligation (37c, d). The future in the past expresses irrealis modality, referring to situations and actions that should have been taken place or performed in the past. It is also used in the counterfactual apodosis of irrealis conditional clauses. The obligative is formally and functionally closely related to the future, but it makes use of the copula for all third persons instead of person enclitics. The meaning of the obligative and its two derivatives (obligative present and obligative past) is usually modal referring to needs and obligations, close to deontic necessity. 14 Table 13: Forms based on the preterite imperfective stem preterite + preterite + person enclitic / zero resultative (only third + preterite + copula person) preterite + perfective converb -le + X perfect (unattested in corpus) past perfect (unattested in corpus) (pluperfect) preterite + attributive marker -ce + X experiential I (unattested in corpus) experiential past I (unattested in corpus) preterite + participle -il + X experiential II (unattested in corpus) experiential past II (unattested in corpus) perfective stem + preterite + person enclitic / zero + preterite + copula + preterite + perfective converb -le + person enclitics / copula + preterite + perfective converb -le + past enclitic =de + preterite + attributive -ce + person enclitics / copula + preterite + attributive -ce + past enclitic =de + preterite + attributive -il + person enclitics / copula + preterite + attributive -il + past enclitic =de The preterite (-ib, -ub, -un, and -ur) is the most important verbal suffix in Sanzhi not just because it is extremely common in terms of token frequency and used as the base for a wide range of TAM forms (Table 13) including the preterite participle, but also because it is the major indicator for verbal inflection classes. In principle, many verbs can inflect the imperfective as well as the perfective stem for the preterite, but it seems that not all verbs have this possibility. There are only very few corpus examples of imperfective verb stems bearing the preterite suffix. All other forms can be elicited, but speaker do not seem to have clear intuitions about the meanings and context of use of these forms and translations suggest that the forms are not truly part of verbal paradigms. Preterite and resultative The preterite is the default past tense with respect to form and function. It conveys past time reference and is very frequent, especially in autobiographical narratives and in daily conversations about past events. However, it can also occur in traditional narratives and in other narratives about the past that are not related to the personal experience of the speaker, (33), (34). The resultative is obtained from the third person of the preterite if the copula is added. The use of the copula conveys perfectivity/resultativity. This form is usually not used in personal narratives, but it is very frequent in other texts such as traditional narratives and other third-person perspective narrations. The focus on the resulting state can lead to an indirect evidential interpretation that becomes particularly obvious to speakers when they are asked to compare the preterite to the perfective resultative. Perfect and past perfect The perfect is not particularly frequent. Its semantic range primarily covers resulting states; it mostly occurs with verbs such as ‘sit’, ‘lay down’, ‘die’, ‘get/become hungry’, etc. that denote a change of state. The past perfect has past resultative meaning, such that with verbs that imply a change of state in the patient the past perfect denotes that state that obtains at some moment in the past. It also expresses non-firsthand evidentiality. Usually this means that the speaker concludes from an observed result that an event has taken place. 15 Experiential forms There are two variants of the experiential. They both involve verbal forms that function as participles. The experiential forms have a perfect-like and past perfect-like semantics, but are predominantly used when speakers talk about their own experiences and about situations they were personally involved, so most of the examples contain first person core arguments. Table 14: Exemplary paradigms of basic periphrastic forms for the verb ‘do, make’ Forms based on the imperfective stem imperfective stem perfective stem compound present b-irq'-ul=da / =de / ca-b # compound past b-irq'-ul=de # future b-irq'-an=da / =de / =ne # future in the past b-irq'-an=de # Forms based on the preterite preterite b-irq'-ib=da / =de / ca-b b-arq'-ib=da / =de / ca-b resultative (only third person) b-irq'-ib ca-b b-arq'-ib ca-b preterite + perfective converb -le + X perfect (b-irq'-ib-le=da / =de / ca-b) b-arq'-ib-le=da / =de / ca-b past perfect (pluperfect) (b-irq'-ib-le=de) b-arq'-ib-le=de preterite + attributive marker -ce + X experiential I (b-irq'-ib-ce=da / =de / ca-b) b-arq'-ib-ce=da / =de / ca-b experiential past I (b-irq'-ib-ce=de) b-arq'-ib-ce=de 3.6.4. Mood and modality Non-indicative verb forms are imperative (8), prohibitive (43a), optative and the modal interrogative. The imperative, optative and the modal interrogative are restricted in their use to the second person for the first two forms and the first person for the last form. The imperative and the prohibitive share the (partial) distinction between intransitive (-e / -u) and transitive verbs (-a / -i) expressed through the use of dedicated suffixes. The same distinction is found in the stem augmentation vowels of synthetic verb forms (Section 3.6.3.1) and conditionals (Section 3.6.6). Table 15: Optative, imperative and prohibitive optative (PFV) imperative (PFV) singular plural singular plural 1 -ab-a # 2 -ab-e -ab-a / -ab-aj / -ab-aja -a / -e / -en -aj(a) / -ene(ja) 3 -ab # prohibitive (IPFV) singular plural # -V-t(ːa) -V-tːaj(a) # The imperative and the optative are mostly formed from the perfective stem, whereas the prohibitive is formed from the imperfective stem. Imperative and prohibitive are only used with second person; the pronoun referring to the addressee can be expressed. As in other Dargwa varieties (e.g. Icari, Sumbatova & Mutalov 2003: 98, Belyaev, In Preparation), the imperative cannot be used when the P argument of a transitive verb is first person. The optative is used instead (25). Otherwise the functions of the optative cover wishes, blessings, curses as, for instance, used in greetings and other idiomatic phrases and it expresses indifference, when the speaker does not care about a situation or event. There is also the possibility of using the bare verbal stem in the optative function. (25) w-at-ab-aja du! 16 M-let.PFV-OPT-2PL ‘Leave me!’ 1SG Sanzhi has a suffix -ide, called ‘modal interrogative’ that is only used in content questions with first person subject-like arguments of verbs of all valency classes. These questions have a modal meaning covering possibility, deontic modality and future. 3.6.5. Negation Negation can be expressed through prefixes or through the negative copula. In contrast to other Dargwa varieties (e.g. Icari, Shiri), Sanzhi Dargwa does not express negation through reduplication of the verbal stem. There are two negative prefixes a- and ma- that occur after right before deixis/gravitation preverbs and root-initial gender markers, if there are any. The negative copula has the root (b-)akːʷ- (allomorphs (b-)akʷ-, (b-)akː-) of which the initial vowel is dropped when it is encliticized to a preceding predicate (=kːu and =kːʷi). 3.6.6. Non-finite forms Non-finite verb forms are infinitive, subjunctive (i.e. agreeing infinitive), masdar, general converbs, enclitics used for the formation of specialized converbs, conditional and concessive forms and participles. In principle, the infinitive (-ij) can be formed from imperfective and perfective stems but it is almost exclusively used with perfective stems (21c). In its plain form it is used in complement clauses and purpose clauses. In addition, the infinitive can take a number of suffixes and enclitics, namely the attributive suffix -ce for the formation of complement and purpose clauses, various subordinating enclitics for the formation of adverbial clauses (see below), and the dative case for the expression of causes. Sanzhi Dargwa has another verb form, the subjunctive, that is functionally largely equivalent to the infinitive, but shows person agreement in the second person (-itːaj / -utːaj) and third person (-araj / -anaj) (43c). The masdar (-ni) is used for the formation of deverbal nouns that can be used like other nominals, i.e. in the position of arguments or adjuncts, and for complement clauses. Converbs Sanzhi has two general (i.e. contextual) converbs, the imperfective converb and the perfective converb. The imperfective converb (-ul(e), -unne) can only be formed from imperfective stems and from stems of which the aspect is not specified. It is used for the formation of the compound present (36b) and the compound past, for adverbial clauses that express temporal simultaneity or precedence of the event in the adverbial clause with the event expressed in the main clause (47), (44b) and for one type of complement clause (49). The perfective converb is formed by adding the suffix -le to the preterite participle. It is used for the formation of the perfect and past perfect, for temporal adverbial clauses that refer to situations that taking place before the situation expressed in the main clause or simultaneously with it (44a), and for certain complement clauses. The functions of specialized converbs are more specific, and in their formation mostly enclitics with specific temporal/causal meanings are employed which can also be added to other parts of speech than verbs (Table 16). The enclitic can be a postposition or adverb or some other temporal marker; it is attached to the preterite participle, the modal participle, the subjunctive and the infinitive. Other ways of obtaining specialized adverbial clauses involve the locative participle and the noun zamana ‘time’. Table 16: Specialized converbs and subordinating enclitics enclitic / suffix / other formant meaning =qːel(la) ‘when, while, because’ (47) simultaneity, anteriority, causality =er ‘when, as’ simultaneity =sat / =satːin / =satːinna ‘until, before, as much posteriority, manner 17 as, as long as’ =sar(ka) ‘until, before’ (h)itːi ‘after, because’ -la ‘since, after’ b-el-le ‘while, as long as, as soon as, until, when’ zamana ‘time’ =xːar ‘although, even if’ the locative participle -na bahanne / bahandan ‘because of’ posteriority anteriority, causality anteriority, causality simultaneity, immediate anteriority simultaneity concession causality causality Conditional and concessive verb forms All conditional and concessive forms are non-finite verb forms that head dependent clauses, thus they are normally followed by a finite clause. Conditional and concessive clauses have person agreement expressed by suffixes that strongly resemble the suffixes used in simple verb forms of main clauses (habitual present, habitual past) (37a). These suffixes are added to the stem augment vowels that express transitivity in case of the realis conditional and past conditional forms. For the imperfective realis conditional and the imperfective past conditional, which are formed from imperfective verb stems, the suffix -aχː-a is added to the stem and to it the person suffixes are added. The conditional forms can acquire a concessive conditional meaning (‘even if’) when the additive marker =ra is encliticized to the conditional suffixes. Participles Participles and functionally related forms occur in headed and headless relative clauses and partially also in complement clauses and certain periphrastic verb forms such as the preterite, future forms and experiential forms. The preterite participle is formally identical with the preterite (Section 3.6.3.2), but when used as participle it does not convey past time reference. The modal participle (-an) can only be formed from imperfective stems. Its semantics covers modality (obligation, deontic necessity) and future time reference (37c). However, in relative clauses the modal meaning is often absent. The attributive markers -il and -ce can combine with the preterite and the modal participle in order to form headed and headless relative clauses (42a-d) or for the use in complement constructions. The formation of the locative participle (-an) is also restricted to imperfective stems. It has a locative meaning that corresponds to the semantics of the lative case. 3.6.7. Copulas and other auxiliaries The default copula and its negative counterpart are widely used for the formation of periphrastic tenses (Section 3.6.3.2) and in copula clauses (Section 4.7). For all tenses or subordinate clause types, in which the copula cannot be used, the verb b-irχʷ- / b-iχʷ- ‘be, become, occur, can’ is employed. This verb has the full inflectional paradigm. In addition, there are four existential / locational copulas that have a similar functional range as the copula (i.e. copula clauses with existential / locational semantics and to a certain degree the formation of periphrastic tenses). Table 17: Copulas ca-b default copula, present tense (b-)akː-u negative copula, present tense le-b close to the speaker k'e-b higher than a reference point te-b away from the speaker or undifferentiated χe-b lower than a reference point The verb b-už- (PFV) ‘be, stay, remain’ is used in copula clauses with evidential semantics and, more generally, as an auxiliary in evidential constructions. 18 3.6.8. Verbal derivation (including preverbs) Derived verbs contain spatial preverbs or are causativized. In their original spatial meaning preverbs express location, direction and deixis/elevation preverbs and occur in the order [(location)(direction)]-(deixis/elevation)-root. They are generally optional, but there are bound verbal roots for which the prefixed preverbs are obligatory. Location preverbs just like the spatial cases express location and direction. All location preverbs are identical to spatial postpositions, spatial adverbials or spatial cases (26). The deictic and elevation preverbs are given in (27) (Forker Accepted[f]). (26) či- ‘on’ gu- ‘under’ GM-i- ‘in, inside’ hitːi- ‘behind, after’ kʷi- ‘in(to) / to, in(to) the hands’ (27) ha- ‘up, upаards’ sa- ‘to the speaker, hither’ sa- ‘in front of’ tːura- ‘outside’ ka- ‘doаn, doаnаards’ GM-it- ‘aаaв from the speaker, thither’ Causativization is the only valency-changing derivation that exists in Sanzhi because the antipassive construction does not make use of derivational affixes. It is a productive means of deriving causative verbs from base verbs. It can be applied to most if not all verbs, including intransitive, transitive and affective verbs. The causative suffix -aq is added directly to the stem prior to TAM suffixes and the aspectual meaning is preserved. Compounding is a very productive way of extending the verbal lexicon. The compounds consist of two parts: a first part that can be a noun (often a loan word), short adjective, ideophone, bound lexical stem, or, very rarely, another verbal stem. (28) er ‘life’ + b-iχʷ- (HPL-be.PFV-) sːalam ‘greeting’ + b-ikː- (N-give.PFV-) ʡaˁħ ‘good’ + b-arq'- (N-do.PFV-) ʡaˁħ ‘good’ + b-iχʷ- (N-be.PFV-) qaˁš + k-aʁ- (DOWN-do.PFV-) ‘live’ ‘greet’ ‘improve, correct’ ‘be, become good, get healthв’ ‘cut off, cut into pieces’ The bound lexical stems form a closed class that occurs only in compound verbs. The second part of compound verbs is a light verb. The most frequent ones are b-iχʷ- ‘be, become, can’, b-ik'ʷ- ‘say’ and b-arq'- ‘do’. The verb b-ik'ʷ- is widely used in compounds that denote verbs of speech and the production of other sounds, but also in many verbs of movement. 3.7. Adverbs Sanzhi has some basic spatial adverbs, but most of them are derived. Several series of deictic spatial adverbs can productively be derived from demonstrative pronouns (Table 7). All spatial postpositions given in Section 3.8 can also be used adverbially without a dependent NP. Some of them have not only spatial, but also temporal semantics. Basic temporal adverbs denote times of the day, temporal relations, etc. Deictic manner adverbs are also derived from demonstratives and other manner adverbs are formed by means of the suffix -le. The latter suffix also forms perfective converbs (Section 3.6.6). 3.8. Postpositions Sanzhi has spatial and non-spatial postpositions. Some of the spatial postpositions also have temporal readings. The majority of the spatial postpositions is widely used as adverbs and then occurs without a dependent noun phrase. (29) shows them in the essive form. Spatial postpositions govern spatial cases and/or the genitive. The non-spatial postpositions are given in (30). Depending on their semantics they govern the comitative and the absolutive. 19 (29) sala-b sa-b hitːi-b xːari-b urkːa-b ‘in front’ ‘in front, ago’ ‘after, behind’ ‘at the bottom, doаn, under’ ‘betаeen, in the middle’ (30) b-alli bahanne / bahandan q'atːin(na) qari-b b-i-b šːule-b či-b tːura-b ‘together, аith’ ‘because of’ ‘for the sake of, because of’ canille akːʷar ħaˁsible ‘at the top, above, on, about’ ‘in(side)’ ‘aside, neбt to’ ‘on’ ‘outside’ ‘together, аith’ ‘аithout, eбcept, apart’ ‘according to’ 3.9. Minor classes Sanzhi does not have native conjunctions. The main way of conjoining phrases is the use of the additive enclitic, and at the clause level converbs are employed (Section 4.6). Major discourse and modal enclitics are the additive enclitic =ra, the and the modal enclitics =q'al (Forker Accepted[d]), =q'ar and =n(u). Focus-sensitive enclitics with a more specific semantics are, for instance, =cun ‘only’, =gina ‘alone, only’. The genitive reflexive pronouns cinna (singular) and čula function as pause fillers, and =kːʷa is a politeness particle. Common address particles are ja, wa ‘ey, hey’, haj ‘hi, oh’, (informal answer to greeting and astonishment), ma ‘take’, and hara ‘come, go, here is’. In recent studies of Dargwa varieties researchers have introduced the term ‘predicative particles’ to refer to a closed class of grammatical elements that fulfill the functions of copula-like auxiliaries (e.g. Sumbatova & Mutalov 2003, Kalinina & Sumbatova 2007, Sumbatova & Lander 2014). This means that they function as heads of nominal predicate clauses and similar clauses that do not contain other verbs, and they are used in analytic verb forms together with non-finite verb forms in order to form full main clauses. In other words, they are responsible for the finiteness of certain clauses, and their use depends on the clause type and the TAM form. Table 18 presents the predicative particles of Sanzhi. They are enclitics because they cannot form their own phonological word. They always need a host to which they attach, but unlike suffixes they can be added to various parts of speech or phrase types, i.e. to verbs, but also to nominals (NPs), adjectives, or adverbs. Due to this freedom in host selection they can be used in term focus constructions (Section 4.8). However, most commonly they occur in the position in which auxiliary verbs in periphrastic verb form occur, namely following the lexical verb. In copula clauses they are normally attached to the head of the predicate (Section 4.7). They partially express verbal categories such as person or tense. But they are not verbs themselves. Table 18: Predicative particles Particle Gloss =da 1SG, 1PL, 2PL =de 2SG =de PST =q'al MOD =e / =ja Q =w / =uw / =ew / =aw Q =l / =jal / =el INDQ Function person enclitic for first person singular and plural, second person plural (Section 3.6.2) person enclitic for second person singular (Section 3.6.2) past tense marker modal particle (Section 3.9) marker for content questions (Section 4.3) marker for polar questions (Section 4.3) marker for embedded questions (Section 4.4.2) 4. Syntax 4.1. Noun phrase and postpositional phrase Noun phrases are head-final (35), (41) but quantifiers and genitives occasionally occur after the head noun (21a). Within the noun phrase there is gender and number agreement. Main targets for gender / number agreement at the phrase level are a handful of adjectives and adjectival quantifiers 20 that have agreement affixes, and participles. Number agreement without gender agreement is found with demonstrative pronouns. Sanzhi does not have a special class of articles. Instead, demonstrative pronouns (Section 3.4) and the numeral ca ‘one’ can be used in the function of definite and indefinite articles respectivelв, but often their interpretation is ambiguous between definite article and demonstrative pronoun or indefinite article and numeral. Postpositional phrases consist of a postposition that is preceded by a noun phrase and thus are always head-final (44b). 4.2. Clause structure 4.2.1. Word order The constituent order in main clauses is basically free in the sense that every logically possible order can be found in texts and can easily be elicited. The most frequent order is SOV (35), but SVO is also very common (33), and other order are found as well (33), (34). Verb-initial orders (VSO and VOS) are rare, but not ungrammatical. The pragmatically neutral order in which none of the constituents is particularly emphasized is SV in intransitive clauses and SOV/SVO in transitive clauses including elicited sentences without any context. In subordinate clauses, verb-final order is almost obligatory (44a, b) (49). 4.2.2. Case and agreement in simple clauses Valency patterns Valency patterns of predicates can be divided into one-place (monovalent), two-place (bivalent) and three-place patterns (Table 19). Cases used to encode the arguments are absolutive, ergative, dative, and to a lesser extent genitive and spatial cases such as the ANTE-ablative or the IN-lative. Table 19: Valency classes subject-like argument/valency absolutive dative ergative monovalent intransitive monovalent affective one verb only (b-us-) bivalent extended intransitive bivalent affective transitive trivalent # # ditransitive Table 20 provides an overview about the major valency classes. All verbs in the table are given in the order imperfective / perfective if they have two stems. Table 20: Major valency classes Case marking # of patterns arguments intransitive (absolutive) S-ABS one Predicates and examples b-ubk'- / b-ebk'- ‘die’; či-r-ha-b-ulq- / či-r-ha-b-uq- ‘vomit’ (31) monovalent affective verbs (dative) S-DAT one ʡaˁħ-le ca-b ‘feel good, be аell’; c'aχ-ka-b-ircː- / c'aχ-ka-bicː- ‘feel ashamed’ (36) extended intransitive (absolutive + dative / spatial case) A-ABS, P-DAT two kːač-b-irk- / kːač-b-ik- ‘touch’, gu-lik'- ‘listen to’ (39a) A-ABS, P-IN-lative/- two b-ik'ʷ- ‘talk to’; xʷit'-b-ik'ʷ- ‘аhistle at’ (32) DAT A-ABS, P-ANTEtwo uruχ-b-irχʷ- / uruχ-b-iχʷ- ‘get/be afraid of’; uruc-b-irχʷ- / ablative uruc-b-iχʷ- ‘be/get ashamed / embarrassed of’ (36b) bivalent affective verbs (dative + absolutive / other) A-DAT, P-ABS two či-b-ig- / či-b-ag- ‘see’; b-irʁ- / b-arʁ- ‘understand’ (35) 21 A-DAT, P-ANTEtwo c'aχ-le ca-b ‘to feel/be ashamed in front of’; b-irt'- / b-et'ablative ‘long for, miss’ transitive (ergative + absolutive) A-ERG, P-ABS two b-irc- / b-ic- ‘sell’; b-urχ- / b-arχ- ‘seа’ (33), (38a, b) other bivalent verbs (ergative + dative) A-ERG, P-DAT two b-aˁq- / b-uˁrq- ‘hit’; zaˁnʁ d-aˁq- / zaˁnʁ d-uˁrq- ‘phone’ ditransitive (ergative + absolutive + other) Aditr-ERG, T-ABS, G- three lukː- / b-ikː- ‘give’; či-b-iž-aq- / či-b-až-aq- ‘shoа’; haʔ- / DAT/-IN-lative herʔ- ‘saв, tell’; b-urs- ‘saв, tell’; xar-b-irʁ- / xar-b-eʁ- (34) Monovalent verbs have three possibilities for marking their single argument (Table 19). The majority of the monovalent verbs assign the absolutive case (31), though dative or ergative are also possible. (31) χalq' mic'ir b-irχʷ-i people alive HPL-be.IPFV-HAB.PST.3 ‘The people staвed alive.’ Extended intransitive verbs are two-place predicates that, in addition to an argument in the absolutive have a further argument in the dative or another case (32). (32) du at r-iχči-a-arg-ud 1SG 2SG.DAT F-believe-NEG-go.IPFV-PRS.1 ‘I (fem.) do not believe (in) вou.’ (E) Simple transitive verbs form the major class of bivalent predicates (33). (33) du-l a-b-iʡ-uˁn=da qːarqːa. ča-k'al 1SG-ERG NEG-N-steal.PFV-PRET=1 stone who-INDEF a-kax-ub=da NEG-kill.PFV-PRET=1 ‘I did not steal the stone. I did not kill anвone.’ du-l 1SG-ERG Extended transitive (i.e. ditransitive) verbs are three-place verbs that besides having two arguments in the ergative, and absolutive, have an additional argument marked with the dative or in some other way. Person agreement is controlled by the absolutive or the ergative argument, never by the third argument. (34) dam b-ičː-ib iž 1SG.DAT N-give.PFV-PRET this ‘The snake gave it to me.’ maˁlʡuˁn-ni snake-ERG Affective predicates are a clear-cut class of mostly experiential predicates that express the experiencer argument in the dative and the stimulus argument, if there is one, in the absolutive (35), (36a). They follow the same agreement rules as intransitive and transitive verbs (35) dam ʡaˁħ 1SG.DAT good ‘I knoа a good place.’ musːa place b-alχ-ad N-know.IPFV-PRS.1 22 Gender/number agreement Gender/number agreement is a pervasive feature of Nakh-Daghestanian languages including Sanzhi. Agreement targets at the clausal level are all verbs with agreement affixes (e.g. most vowelinitial simple verbs, and others) including all copulas, reflexive pronouns in the absolutive and one reciprocal pronoun, all items that can be inflected for the essive case and all items that inflect for the directional, i.e. mostly spatial adverbs. Agreement affixes are given in Table 10. At the clausal level, gender agreement is controlled in most of the cases by the absolutive argument of the clause (31), (33), (35). However, certain verb forms allow the ergative or the dative argument as controller, and other clauses lack absolutive arguments and resort to default agreement (36a). Person agreement Person agreement, which works completely independent of gender agreement, is only found with a subset of inflectional forms, mostly verb forms in finite main clauses and conditional forms (Table 11 shows a selection). With monovalent predicates and extended intransitive predicates person agreement is always controlled by the argument in the absolutive, if there is any (31), (36b). Otherwise third person agreement is used (36a). (36) a. dam wahi-l 1SG.DAT bad-ADVZ ‘I feel bad there.’ b. ca-b COP-N heχ-tːu-b DEM.DOWN-LOC-N “xːunul-li-sa-r uruχ Ø-ik'-ul=de=w”, woman-OBL-ANTE-ABL fear M-say.IPFV-ICVB=2SG=Q ca-w, “u?” COP-M 2SG ‘“Are вou afraid of вour аife?” he saвs.’ Ø-ik'-ul M-say.IPFV-ICVB In clauses with transitive, ditransitive and bivalent affective predicates, person agreement follows the rule 1, 2 > 3. This means that speech act participants control the agreement if the clause has any (37a-d). If there are only first and second person arguments, in principle, both persons can control agreement independently of their grammatical role, although there might be a small tendency for second person arguments to outrank first person arguments. (37) a. Realis conditional 2 > 3 wot tak, het hetːu-b-a sa-qː-itːel well so that there-N-DIR HITHER-carry.PFV-COND.2SG.PRS ‘like this, if (вou) put this here, in the middle’ b. c. d. Habitual past 3 > 1 šːamχal acːi-l Shamxal uncle-ERG ‘Uncle Shamkhal led me (fem.).’ r-ik-a-di F-lead.IPFV-HAB.PST-1 2 > 1, agent controls agreement u-l du kʷi 2SG-ERG 1SG in.the.hands ‘You аill keep me (masc.) in the hands.’ 2 > 1, patient controls agreement u-l du kʷi 2SG-ERG 1SG in.the.hands ‘You аill keep me (masc.) in the hands.’ 23 urc-an=da keep.M.IPFV-PTCP=1 urc-an=de keep.M.IPFV-PTCP=2SG urkːa between Most non-finite verb forms such as converbs and participles do not inflect for person. The only exceptions are conditional and concessive forms (37a) and the subjunctive (43c). 4.2.3. Changing case and agreement in simple clauses The major ways of changing the valency classes of predicates (and consequently case marking and agreement) are detransitivization in the antipassive construction and transitivization in the causative construction. The antipassive is formed by reversing the case marking of A and P in a clause with a canonical transitive predicate (38a, b). The verb remains unmarked, but the gender/number agreement on the verb changes. (38) a. it-i-l kːurtːi 3SG-OBL-ERG dress ‘S/he seаs a dress.’ b. b-urχu N-sew.IPFV it kurtːi-l r-urχu 3SG dress-ERG F-sew.IPFV ‘She is a dressmaker.’ or ‘She habituallв seаs dresses.’ Syntactically, the antipassive is a detransitivizing operation. However, the use of antipassives is semantically rather than syntactically motivated. It has habitual semantics which is typical for antipassives (Comrie et al. Accepted). Apart from being restricted to only one predicate class, canonical transitive verbs, the antipassive is additionally constrained in some other ways. Only a limited number of TAM forms such as the compound present, the habitual present and the habitual past allow for it. Transitive verbs for which it is unclear what the result of the action that they denote would be do not form the antipassive. It is not available with first or second person patients. It is impossible for A and P to be both animate or both inanimate. The last two constraints are not really syntactic in nature since the resulting clauses are grammatical. However, the meaning would not be what is intended. The outcome is simply a normal clause in which A and P have been reversed. In the majority of cases, causativization (suffix -aq) adds one argument to the valency frame of the base verb, i.e. intransitive verbs become transitive (41) and transitive verbs become ditransitive. Causativization normally applies only once to the verbal stem, but in elicitation it can also be added twice to a small number of verbs. 4.2.4. Reflexive and reciprocal constructions In reflexive constructions the reflexive pronouns refer only to third person. For first and second person reflexivization personal pronouns are used. The controller of a reflexive pronoun in a clausebound reflexive construction can be A thereby taking various case suffixes (absolutive, ergative, dative). The reflexive pronoun occurs as P (39a, b) or in another semantic role. (39) a. Rašid ca-w cin-i-j Rashid REFL-M REFL-OBL-DAT ‘Rashid is looking at himself.’ b. Rasul-li cin-ni Rasul-ERG REFL-ERG ‘Rasul is praising himself.’ er-či-w-ik'-ul look-SPR-M-look.at.IPFV-ICVB ca-w REFL-M gap.w.irq'-ul praise.M-ICVB 24 ca-w COP-M ca-w COP-M However, the controller as well as the pronoun can switch places in some positions, namely A vs. P with As of canonical transitive and experiential predicates. This means that the case marking of controller and controlee is flexible in such cases (40). There are a few restrictions on the position of the reflexive pronoun, but in general the position is quite free, i.e. it can also precede the controller (Forker 2014). The case switch is impossible with extended intransitive predicates. (40) Rasul ca-w cin-ni gap.w.irq’-ul ca-w Rasul REFL-M REFL-ERG praise.M-ICVB COP-M ‘Rasul is praising himself.’ (PABS=name; AERG=reflexive pronoun) Reciprocal pronouns are very similar to complex reflexive pronouns in form as well as in morphosyntactic behavior including the possibility of reversing the case marking. They are always locally bound. 4.3. Major Sentence Types There is no special marking for declarative clauses. Only finite verb forms can serve as heads and negation is expressed through suffixes or negative forms of the copula (Section 3.6.5). Interrogative clauses are mainly marked by interrogative enclitics. There are three sets of interrogative enclitics for the three types of interrogative clauses: polar, content and subordinate. The interrogative enclitics are usually added to the predicate (verbal or nominal), and in content questions they can also be added to the question word. They belong to the class of predicative particles and are given in Section 3.9. This means that they can co-occur with certain non-finite verb forms in analytic tenses and turn the verb plus enclitic complex into a finite verb form that heads a main clause. Thus, in many questions there is no copula, auxiliary or other predicative particle (person enclitic, past enclitic), but only a non-finite lexical verb and an interrogative enclitic. Content questions contain interrogative pronouns (Section 3.4) and the interrogative enclitic. The constituent order in questions is the same as in declarative clauses (41), (36b). In content questions the topical items mostly precede the interrogative pronoun and the verb appears in clausefinal position. It is also possible but rather uncommon to put the interrogative pronoun in clauseinitial position. (41) bek' akːʷ-ar admi celij w-i-ha-w-q-aq-un=da=ja head be.NEG-PRS person why M-IN-UP-M-go.PFV-CAUS-PRET=1=Q nušːa-li? 1PL-ERG ‘Аhв did аe send a man аithout a head there into (the cave)?’ Subordinate questions are marked with an enclitic that is also used as a complementizer with verbs of speech and cognition (43b), and for the formation of specific indefinite pronouns (Section 3.4). 4.4. Complex sentences 4.4.1. Relative clauses Sanzhi Dargwa uses participles for the formation of relative clauses. As other modifiers, relative clauses normally precede the head (Section 4.1). There are three simple participles that consist of a suffix added to the verbal stem (preterite participle, modal participle, and locative participle), and complex participles that make use of additional attributive suffixes. Relativization does not single out any syntactic position or grammatical relation, because basically almost all positions can be relativized by making use of the participial strategy, including S, A, P, stimulus, theme, goal, etc. 25 kːalkːi-le-r či-r kajč-ib-il] ABS tree-SPR-ABL on-ABL fall.M-PRET-PTCP ‘the boв аho fell from the tree’ (S) (42) a. [_ durħuˁ boy t'amsːa b-arq'-ib-il] ERG carpet N-make.PFV-PRET-PTCP ‘the girl аho made the carpet’ (A) rursːi girl b. [_ c. [rursːi-l _ b-arq'-ib-il] girl-ERG ABS N-make.PFV-PRET-PTCP ‘the carpet made bв the girl’ (P) t'amsːa carpet d. [it _ er-či-w-erč'-ib-il] 3SG DAT look-SPR-M-look.PFV-PRET-PTCP ‘the girl that he looked at’ (goal) rursːi girl Relative clauses can have a head or be headless. The head is normally a common noun, but it can also be a personal pronoun, an indefinite pronoun, a demonstrative pronoun, or a personal name. Thus, relative clauses can be restrictive or non-restrictive without any difference in their morphosyntactic form. Within the relative clause the head is usually indicated by a gap. Sanzhi does not have relative pronouns. Reflexive pronouns can, in principle, used to express co-reference between an item in the main clause and another item in the relative clause. 4.4.2. Complementation Complementation strategies vary according to the semantics of the complement-taking predicates and the semantics of the complement clause (e.g. potential vs. activity vs. fact type) as well as coreference and control relations between the subject of the matrix predicate and the arguments in the complement clause. Major complementation strategies are:  zero strategy  quotative particles bik’ul, haʔible (43a)  attributive markers -ce and -il  masdar -ni  perfective converb -le  embedded question marker (=l / =jal / =el) (43b)  infinitive -ij (21c) / subjunctive (43c) (43) a. xːunul-li woman-ERG tiladi request b-arq'-ib N-do.PFV-PRET ca-b COP-N hel-i-cːe that-OBL-IN “ma-ax-utːa” r-ik'-ul PROH-go-PROH.SG F-say.IPFV-ICVB ‘His аife begged him "Do not go!"’ b. aχːu not.know dam 1SG.DAT [ce-lla what-GEN qari-či-w on.top-SPR-M Ø-ik'-ul=el] M-say.IPFV-ICVB=INDQ ‘I don’t knoа about аhat he is thinking.’ c. ca-b=ra [kaxʷ-araj] a-b-iχ-ub 26 pikri thought REFLHPL=ADD NEG-HPL-be.able.PFV-PRET kill.PFV-SUBJ.3 ‘Theв themselves аere not able to kill them.’ The number of verbal categories expressed depends on the complementation strategy. Zeromarked complements and those bearing the embedded question marker or containing quotative particles express the same number of categories as main clauses, i.e., person marking, TAM marking and illocutionary force marking is fully retained. For all other strategies (converbs, attributive-markers, infinitive, subjunctive, masdar, etc.) the number of categories expressed in the complement clause is smaller than in the main clause. The constituent order in complement clauses is more frequently verb final than in main clauses, but this is not a strict requirement. Sanzhi has complement control constructions with obligatory subject omission in the complement clause if the latter is headed by the infinitive or subjunctive (43c). In case of co-referent arguments, the overt argument normally occurs in the matrix clause. 4.4.3. Adverbial clauses Sanzhi has different types of adverbial clauses that can be distinguished according to the semantics and the morphological make-up of the verb forms in the subordinate clause. Semantically, we can distinguish between simple converbs with a fairly general meaning (imperfective and perfective converb) and specialized converbs with a rather specific temporal or non-temporal meaning (Table 16). To this conditional and concessive forms are added. The syntactic characteristics of constructions with general converbs have repeatedly been discussed because they exhibit a mixed behavior showing features of subordination as well as of coordination (see, e.g., Kazenin & Testelets 2004, Creissels 2010, 12; Forker 2013). Sentences in Sanzhi can be fairly complex containing a number of adverbial clauses that are combined with one main clause. Semantically, these clauses either resemble coordination as in (44a) or subordination when the meaning is more causal (44b). (44) a. [amχa donkey b-arcː-ur-re] N-get.tired.PFV-PRET-CVB [ka-b-ič-ib-le] DOWN-N-occur.PFV-PRET-CVB b-ebč'-ib N-die.PFV-PRET ca-b COP-N ‘The donkeв got tired, fell doаn and died.’ b. [bahsar first ʡaˁbal three heχ DEM.DOWN qal-la house-GEN cin-na REFL.SG-GEN xːari down či-ka-d-irxː-ul] SPR-DOWN-NPL-put.IPFV-ICVB atːa-la father-GEN jurt-la house-GEN k-ag-ur-re] DOWN-go.PFV-PRET-CVB [ha-d-iqː-ul] UP-NPL-carry.IPFV-ICVB qːarqːa stone [qːaq-li-j back-OBL-DAT qːarqːa=ra stone=ADD gu-r-h-aqː-ib=da DOWN-ABL-UP-carry-PRET=1 ‘First (because) the stones of father's house had fallen down three floors (? houses), we put them on the back and carried them, carried the stones.’ 27 4.5. Comparative constructions In comparative constructions, inequality between two items is expressed by means of the SPRablative that is added to the standard of comparison. Neither the comparee nor the parameter of comparison bears any special marking. (45) atːa-ja-r χːula-te=ra father-SPR-ABL big-ATTR.PL=ADD ‘There аere those older than father.’ b-irχ-i HPL-be.IPFV-HAB.PST.3 4.6. Co-ordination and chaining For the coordination of noun phrases the additive enclitic =ra is encliticized to the head of every member of the conjunction. Sanzhi Dargwa does not have native words or strategies for the coordination of independent clauses, except for simple juxtaposition. Instead, the main way of combining clauses such that they are semantically equivalent to coordinated clauses in European languages is the use of simple converbs, predominantly of the preterite converb, but the imperfective converb is also possible (44a), (44b). Alternatively, juxtaposition is attested or the use of the Russian coordinator i ‘and’. The particle ja(ra) is used as a bisyndetic particle in clause initial position. In affirmative clauses it means ‘either … or’ (not attested in the corpus) and in negative clauses it means ‘neither …nor’. For the disjunctive coordination of affirmative clauses, the Russian disjunction ili is used. 4.7. Non-verbal predication Items used as copulas are the default copula ca-b, four locational copulas (Section 3.6.7), all predicative particles (Section 3.9), and a number of other auxiliaries. Which copula item is chosen depends on the person of the copula subject, on the meaning of the copula construction, on the temporal reference of the clause and on further categories such as evidentiality, illocutionary force, and clause type. Copula constructions can express identity, group membership, attribution (31), (36a), (45), possession (46), benefaction, and also location and existence. The copula subject is always in the absolutive case. It may be any kind of noun phrase (common noun, proper name, pronoun, etc.) or nominalized clause. The copula complement, which bears the absolutive case or any other case, may be a noun phrase, but it may also be an adjective, an adverbial, a postpositional phrase or a nominalized clause (46). 4.8. Information structure The information structure of clauses can be manipulated through word order, clefts, other constructions such as predicate doubling, focus-sensitive particles and other particles (Section 3.9), and intonation (Forker & Belyaev 2016). Focal items frequently appear in the preverbal position, but postverbal focus is also attested. Topical items occur at clausal boundaries, mostly in clauseinitial position, though clause-final topics are also found. In cleft constructions that express term focus, the focal item in the cleft is usually followed by an item serving as copula and a participial clause expresses the presupposition (Forker 2016) (46). (46) [ala mašin] ca-b [zaja b-iχ-ub-il], ʡaˁli-la 2SG.GEN car COP-N spoil N-be.PFV-PRET-PTCP Ali-GEN ‘It is вour car that is spoiled, not Ali’s.’ (E) akːu be.NEG 5. Lexicon The Sanzhi lexicon is composed of items inherited from Proto-Dargwa and of numerous loans that mostly originate from Turkic, Arabic, Persian and nowadays form Russian. A simple RussianSanzhi and Sanzhi-Russian dictionary can be found in Forker & Gadzhimuradov (2017). An 28 electronic dictionary is currently under preparation. A preliminary version can be found at http://www.kaukaz.net/cgi-bin/blosxom.cgi/english/dargwa/dict_exp. 6. Sample text This is a famous anecdote among the Sanzhi people who has been told to me by several speakers. This version originates from my main language assistant, Gadzhimurad Gadzhimuradov. С я , ъ Ц ЦӀ Ӏ ь ь ь Ӏ ,- ъ , я . ь . я. ь Ӏ , , , я Ӏ Ӏя Ӏ ь . . - ь . , ь , я. zija horsefly The horsefly (47) [sunglan-te Sanzhi-PL b-ah HPL-owner b-ircː-an=qːel] N-bathe.IPFV-PTCP=when [zija-me horsefly-PL q'ac' bite d-ik'-ul] ʡaˁsi b-iχ-ub ca-b NPL-say.IPFV-ICVB angry HPL-be.PFV-PRET COP-HPL ‘Аhen the Sanгhi people аere bathing, theв got angrв from the bites of the horseflies.’ (48) ag-ur ca-b [k-aqː-araj go.PFV-PRET COP-HPL DOWN-carry-SUBJ.3 ‘Theв аent to take weapons.’ (49) b-aʔ ašː-ib HPL-begin begin.PFV-PRET ‘Theв began to kill them.’ ca-b COP-HPL tupang-e] weapon-PL [hel-tːi that-PL (50) ca-lla antːa-le či-ka-b-iž-ib one-GEN forehead-SPR SPR-DOWN-N-sit.PFV-PRET ‘A horseflв sat doаn on the forehead of one (man).’ (51) [il-i-l that-OBL-ERG cin-na REFL.SG-GEN antːa-le forehead-SPR t'up finger kerx-ul] kill.IPFV-ICVB ca-b COP-N zija horsefly či-b-aršː-ib-le] SPR-N-direct.PFV-PRET-CVB cara-lli-cːe ik'-ul ca-w “hara, hara, zija” other-OBL-IN say.IPFV-ICVB COP-M here here horsefly ‘He points with his finger on his forehead and says to the other man, “Here is the horseflв.”’ (52) [itilil-li other-ERG ix-ub-le throw.PFV-PRET-CVB tupang weapon 29 antːa-l-cːe] forehead-OBL-IN zija=ra horsefly=ADD kax-ub ca-b il admi=ra kill.PFV-PRET COP-N that person=ADD ‘The other shot at the forehead and killed the horseflв and the man’ “ca one (53) c'il ik'-ul ca-w then say.IPFV-ICVB COP-M ‘Then he saвs: “One of you, one of us.”’ ašːa-la, 2PL-GEN ca one nišːa-la” 1PL-GEN References Creissels, Denis. 2010. 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Amsterdam: Benjamins. Forker, Diana. Accepted[b]. Reported speech constructions in Sanzhi Dargwa and their extension to other areas of grammar. In Patrizia Noel Aziz & Barbara Sonnenhauser (eds.), The syntax of pragmatics: Addressing, adding, signaling. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Forker, Diana. Accepted[c]. A grammar of Sanzhi Dargwa. Submitted to Language Science Press. Forker, Diana. Accepted[d]. More than just a modal particle: The enclitic =q'al in Sanzhi Dargwa. To appear in Functions of Language. Forker, Diana. Accepted[e]. Sanzhi-Russian code switching and the Matrix Language Frame Model. To appear in International Journal of Bilingualism. Forker, Diana. Accepted[f]. Elevational deixis and insubordination in Sanzhi Dargwa. To appear in Linguistic Typology. Forker, Diana & Oleg Belyaev. 2016. Information structure in Nakh-Daghestanian languages. In M.M. 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